African Ethics Gikuyu Traditional Morality (1) - Kopia - Kopia

S
TUDIES IN
NTERCULTURAL
HILOSOPHY
AFRICAN ETHICS
GIKUYU TRADITIONAL MORALITY
Studies in Intercultural Philosophy
Studien zur Interkulturellen Philosophie
Etudes de philosophie interculturelle
Series Founded by
Heinz Kimmerle & Ram Adhar Mall
Edited by
Henk Oosterling & Hermann-Josef Scheidgen
Amsterdam - New York, NY 2010

AFRICAN ETHICS
GIKUYU TRADITIONAL MORALITY
Hannah Wangeci Kinoti
Edited by G. Wakuraya Wanjohi

with the assistance of Gerald J. Wanjohi
Cover design: Pier Post
The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements

of "ISO 9706: 1994, Information and documentation - Paper for
documents - Requirements for permanence”.
ISBN: 978-90-420-3088-6
E-Book ISBN: 978-90-420-3089-3
©Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam - New York, NY 2010
Printed in The Netherlands
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE 9
FOREWORD 11
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 13
INTRODUCTION 15
Rationale for the study 15
Description of the literature 16
The various groups interviewed 19
CHAPTER 1: THE CULTURAL SETTING 21

Gikuyu society in the pre-colonial period 21
Social organization 21
Religious beliefs 27
The concepts of iri and iriiri 34
Changes that have occurred in Gikuyu society since the 1880s 37
Political changes 39
Economic and social changes 43
Religious and cultural changes 53
CHAPTER 2: HONESTY (W J H OK E K U ) 57
Views of early writers 57
What is honesty? 60
Honesty as uprightness (uthingu) 61
Honesty as truthfulness (uuma) 71
Honesty as generosity (uuma-andu) 76
Honesty as fulfilment of expectation (uhingia) 77
Honesty as diligence (kiyo) 86
Honesty in modern times 91
Gikuyu attitude to Christian vows and promises 91
The effect of the money economy on people’s honesty 94
Conclusion 98
CHAPTER 3: GENEROSITY (U TA A N A ) 99
What is generosity? (utuuna) 102
Generosity as hospitality (utugi) 103
Generosity as help (uteithio) 106
Generosity as uprightness (uthingu) 110
Generosity as charity (uuma-andu) 111
5
Table of contents
The ideal practice of generosity 111

Why generosity is valued 112
Traditional ways of enforcing generosity 114
Generosity in modern times 121
Conclusion 123
CHAPTER 4: JUSTICE ( K J H O O T O ) 125

What is justice? 128
Justice described in terms of truth (ma) 133
Justice described in terms of defeat (hoota) 137
Defeat in connection with open dispute 137
Defeat in relation to a state of tension between people 141
Justice described in terms of uprightness(uthingu) 144
Contentment as an aspect of justice 145
Reward and punishment 152
Reward 152
Reward through human agency 153
Reward through superhuman agency 154
Punishment 155
Forgiveness, atonement and restoration 161
Younger generations’ understanding of justice 164
Justice in modern times 168
Conclusion 170
CHAPTER 5: COURAGE ( U C A M B A ) 171

Who is a courageous person? 175
Courage as bravery (urume) 176
Bravery in physical fighting 177
Bravery in litigation 179
Courage as diligence (kiyo) 182
Courage as endurance (ukiririria) 191
Courage as gentleness (uhooreri) 196
Incentives to courage 198
Material gain 198
Good reputation 200
Confidence 202
Justice 203
Conclusion 203
CHAPTER 6: TEMPERANCE ( W J K I N D J R I A ) 205
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Table of contents

Temperance as abstention (kwihinga) 207
Abstention from sexual intercourse 208
Abstention from beer drinking 211
Temperance as self-control (gwithima) 212
Self-control in beer drinking 212
Self-control in eating 213
Temperance as caution (wimenyereri) 214
Temperance as steadfastness (ukiririria) 217
Temperance in modern times 220
Factors influencing ideas about temperance 224
Changing attitude to authority 224
Lack of moral teaching and of good example 227
Compromising moral standards 229
Conclusion 230
GENERAL CONCLUSION 231
NOTES AND REFERENCES 235

BIBLIOGRAPHY 255
ARCHIVAL MATERIAL 261
INDEX 263
ABOUT THE AUTHOR 285
7
P RE F AC E
Hannah Kinoti’s book African ethics: Gikuyu traditional morality forms an

important contribution to the question of what African philosophy is.
The debate about African philosophy arose in connection with the struggle
of the African peoples for independence and the regained self-conscious-
ness during the first years of their independence. This debate took place on
the African continent and outside it. It was combined with the question what
the place of African philosophy is or has to be in the intercultural
philosophical discourse of world-philosophy. It was part and parcel of the
colonial way of thinking, as it was expressed by the Western philosophers of
the Enlightenment, and in a very clear and radical manner by Hegel, that in
Sub-Saharan Africa there did not exist any form of philosophy. However,
hard facts are the theories developed by the leaders in the struggle for
independence, and the ideas worked out to prove that there is and has been
through the past centuries a body of thought that had an immediate philo-
sophical impact. Nevertheless, the work in the various Departments of Phi-
losophy at African universities has been and still is strongly oriented towards
Western philosophy. In this connection the African style of thinking takes its
shape through the specific ways in which it deals with Western ideas.
For the actual philosophical work, the question of what traditional African
philosophy is as well as its meaning, has extensively been discussed by
both African and non-African scholars. Traditional African philosophy is
coherent in the chorus constituted by the many voices of African people’s
ways of thought. In other words, there is a common thread running through
the song of this choir as to what is African in African philosophies.
Fortunately, we now know more clearly about the specific philosophical
traditions of some of the many African peoples. Claude Sumner, who styles
himself as a Canadian by birth and an Ethiopian by choice, has published a
five-volume work which is the result of his compilation, translation, and
commentary on Ethiopian philosophy (mainly worked out by members of the
Amharic people), dating back to the fourth century. In addition, Sumner has
collected and published Proverbs, Songs and Folktales as sources of the
philosophy of the Oromo, another large and important ethnic group of
Ethiopia. Kwame Gyekye from Ghana has presented in detail the
philosophical thought of the Akan. His presentation is mainly based on
proverbs and on conversations with Akan sages. Using the concepts of
belief and knowledge in the Yoruba language as well as the interpretation of
the Yoruba oral tradition, B. Hallen and J.O. Sodipo have brought out the
9
Pref ace
philosophy of the people who find their home in Nigeria, Niger, and Benin.
An important contribution has also been accomplished through the
interpretation of Yoruba literature by Sophie B. Oluwole.
Innocent I. Asouzu has explained at great length the thought of what he
calls the anonymous philosophers of the Igbo of Nigeria. What is worked out
in an Igbo context has, according to Asouzu, a universal meaning.
The presentation of the teachings of Tierno Bokar, the sage of Bandiagara,
a city in the present state of Mali, by Amadou Hampate Ba contains informa-
tion about the philosophical ideas of this people. Henry Odera Oruka has
interviewed several sages of the Luo, Gikuyu, Luhyia, and other Kenyan
peoples, as the basis for his work on Sage Philosophy.
These are some well known examples of philosophies of different African
communities. As for the philosophy of the Gikuyu in Kenya, it has already
been presented by Gerald J. Wanjohi who gives a systematic interpretation
of the proverbs in the language of this people.
In addition to this, the book of Hannah Kinoti offers a more detailed and
more concrete explanation of the ethics of the Gikuyu. Thus she contributes
in an essential way to the knowledge of a crucial aspect of the philosophy of
this people. The literature on Gikuyu culture is used comprehensively.
Traditional moral opinions which have been taken mainly from interviews
with older people are contrasted with those of middle and younger gen-
erations who were also subjects of interviews. The philosophical value of
Kinoti’s book stems from the fact that she focuses on key concepts of
Gikuyu morality. These are honesty, generosity, justice, courage, and tem-
perance. These concepts are described and analyzed with both precision
and sensitivity. In this way a philosophical panorama of Gikuyu ethics is
presented. In their mutual relationships, these concepts show clearly how
morality is the binding force of the traditional African Gikuyu culture.
Zoetermeer/Netherlands, June 1,
2010 Heinz Kimmerle
F O RE WO R D
The invitation to write a foreword for this book came as a pleasant surprise.
It brought back all kinds of fond memories of those long-ago days discussing
with Hannah Kinoti her research into Gikuyu traditional morality. She was
my research student, and later on colleague, at the Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, University of Nairobi.
In the study that is now being published as a book, the author set out to
10
discover what had happened to Gikuyu moral and social thought and
practice under an oppressive colonial system and the influence of Chris-
tianity, which had been introduced by foreign missionaries. The study, by an
insider, seeks to understand the conceptual basis of traditional Gikuyu
morality and its rationality. It also seeks to discover whether or not morality
had a religious foundation. It then examines changes to key constants or
virtues (honesty, generosity, justice, courage and temperance) in the
colonial period and in the rapidly changing post-colonial context.
Kinoti’s remarkable study succeeds in integrating these aspects of morality

in a convincing way. It goes to the core of the issue by establishing the
impact of colonialism - which was a system characterized by exploitation,
oppression, and denigration of everything African - as well as of Christian
missionaries who frequently disregarded or misinterpreted the moral and
religious values of the Gikuyu and of other people. In this way, the study is
also the story of an historic process. In order to take this historic process
into account the author based her research on the interviews of three age
groups. The first was a group of old people who had had firsthand experi-
ence of the traditional life before it had been diluted by foreign influences;
the second group consisted of younger people who had experienced the
11
Foreword
transition from the traditional way of life to the new life under colonialism and
Christianity; the third group comprised young people who had little
experience of traditional life.
The outcome of Kinoti’s unique approach is a valuable book that is well

documented and illustrated with Gikuyu pithy sayings, songs and striking
proverbs. The study intrigued me from its beginning as she and I discussed
her research ideas; at the time, though, I did not fully appreciate its impor-
tance. It intrigues me even more now as I see its final outcome and conclu-
sions. I cannot but be amazed by its value and importance. Kinoti herself
stresses the importance of this work when she concludes that her study of
traditional Gikuyu society shows that “morality and religious belief are
inseparable”.
In conclusion, I do not hesitate to affirm that Hannah Kinoti’s study is a
confirmation that God was already at work in the world before Christ’s
coming. His moral law is to be found in all societies.
Professor emeritus J.G. Donders

(Washington Theological Union)
12
AC K N O W L E DG E M E N TS
On behalf of my late wife Hannah I want to say a warm thank you to all the
colleagues, friends and relatives who have contributed either to the
publication of this book or to the research on which it is based. Harold Miller
initiated and managed the process that culminated in the publication of the
book. He also obtained a grant to meet the costs and identified someone
with the editorial skills to turn a Ph.D. thesis into a readable book. G.
Wakuraya Wanjohi, with the valuable assistance of her husband Dr. Gerald
J. Wanjohi, did an excellent job of editing. Professor Heinz Kimmerle not
only introduced the work to the publisher, Editions Rodopi, but also
contributed the preface. We are grateful as well to the Series Editor, Dr.
Henk Oosterling, who prepared the draft for its pre-press version.
Professor J.G. Donders has made important contributions to this book.

When he was on the staff of the University of Nairobi he served as Hannah’s
principal advisor in her doctoral work. He and the late Professor S.G.
Kibicho gave invaluable advice and encouragement. In addition, Professor
Donders has kindly written the foreword to the book. Many other members
of the staff of the University of Nairobi made important contributions to
Hannah’s study of Gikuyu traditional morality. Among them were the late
Professor Oruka Odera, Professor Godfrey Muriuki, and Father S.N.
Clements. The late Professor Joseph Mungai gave enthusiastic support to
Hannah’s research. Mr. E.N. Gichuhi, the University Registrar, and his col-
leagues facilitated the work in various ways. John Nottingham, Professor
Kihumbu Thairu and Dr. Wanja Thairu encouraged first Hannah, and later
me, to get the thesis published in book form.
Crucial to this study was a group of thirty-one informants. It comprised men
and women, ranging in age from 20 to 90 years and drawn from the then
13
Acknowledgements
Nyeri and Kiambu districts of central Kenya. They generously gave of their
time and many of them offered Hannah hospitality when she visited their
homes.
Financial support for the research came from the University of Nairobi. A
grant by the Mennonite Central Committee made the publication of the book
possible.
I would also like to acknowledge the various contributions made to the

publication of the book by our children: Karimi (who helped to initiate the
publication process), Kathambi, Wangari, Wanjiru and Kimathi.
Hannah largely owed her education, from primary school to university, to

Mama Ruth, Ruth Wanjiru Gathii. Mama Ruth laboured hard to raise school
fees and other expenses through the sale of produce from her farm. Hannah
and I were overjoyed when in her old age she was able to witness the award
of a PhD degree to Hannah. On Hannah’s behalf and with deep gratitude I
dedicate this book to the memory of Mama Ruth.
Nairobi, January 2009

George Kinoti
A note on GTkuyu orthography

When the Gikuyu language was first put into writing, there was no
agreement on how to express certain sounds and diphthongs, nor how
to translate these into English. Because of this disagreement the word
for the Gikuyu people ‘Agikuyu’ and for the language ‘Gikuyu’ were, with
rare exceptions, both translated as ‘Kikuyu’. In this work the proper
Gikuyu spelling has been employed; it is used both for the people as
well as for the language.
Editor
14
INTRODUCTION
Rationale for the study

This study of Gikuyu traditional moral values was prompted by my concern
about what many people see as a rapid decline in moral standards in
Kenya. Kenyan society is becoming more complex and sophisticated due to
the introduction of modern education, the influence of mass media and the
easier means of travel. But at the same time outcries are being heard
against widespread social evils: corruption, robbery, prostitution, broken
homes and sexual promiscuity. The large numbers of teenage pregnancies
are a matter of great concern as well. While this is happening, African
culture is often referred to in the past tense as if it is no longer relevant.
Many Kenyan parents desire moral guidance for their children since the
misuse of leisure, sexual irresponsibility and immoral conduct among them
are on the rise. A study I did on church discipline for the Presbyterian
Church of East Africa in 1966 revealed two issues. First, that church
discipline had failed to create moral values that the people respected and
followed. Second, that loss of respect for traditional values had created a
moral vacuum that Christianity had failed to fill.
In the course of that study, I interviewed some older church members who
were pioneer converts to Christianity. They revealed that they had aban-
doned the teaching of their children and had entrusted it to schoolteachers.
This was because the only knowledge of morals they had was the traditional
one and Christian missionaries called these morals ‘pagan’ and ‘evil.’ So
their restraint of children was very much limited to ‘do’s’ and ‘don’ts’ as well
as simple explanations that ‘the Bible says so’ or that it is necessary to
behave in a certain way in order to be ‘a good Christian.’
The elders interviewed complained that they did not always understand the
Christian ethics they were supposed to teach. They were resentful that the
15
Introduction
missionaries had insisted on their absolute loyalty to missionary teaching. In

effect, they had been rendered inadequate as elders and leaders of their
people. At the time of the interviews these church and community elders
regretted that they had not taught the Gikuyu ways that were good, along
with their attempts at evangelising the people.
I was curious to find out what these elders might have included in their
teaching if their culture had not been condemned so strongly.
Therefore, the study had four objectives:

• To discover the conceptual basis of traditional Gikuyu morality;
• To discover how moral values were sanctioned, that is, how society
maintained the moral system;
• To determine whether there was any connection between religious beliefs
and morality;
• To examine the extent to which the younger generation understood and
subscribed to the traditional moral values.
A detailed study was made of five virtues, namely, honesty (wihokeku),

generosity (utaana), justice (kihooto), courage (ucamba) and temperance
(wikindiria). Between them these virtues touch on all the important areas of
the traditional life. The study was conducted primarily by means of a
questionnaire. Three groups of people were interviewed. The first group
consisted of old people who had had first-hand experience of traditional life,
the second group of middle-aged people and the third group of young
people.
Description of the literature

The literature, which formed the secondary source of information for the
study, can be divided into five categories.
• The first category consists of books and archival material written by
Gikuyu authors who had personal experience of traditional Gikuyu life.
These authors were probably all born during the last decade of the 19 th
century. Therefore, they were able to participate more or less fully in the
traditional way of life in their early youth. After their traditional upbringing
they received western education in Christian mission schools and
consequently had some missionary influence. However, there is ample
evidence that their writings were at least partly a reaction against that
influence. These authors are: Stanley Kiama Gathigira, Justin Itotia,
Mathew N. Kabetu, Jomo Kenyatta and Leonard wa Kariithi Githui.
Gathigira believed that no nation could advance without knowledge of the
ways of its forefathers. He was concerned about the divided opinion
16
Introduction
among the Gikuyu regarding the value of their traditional customs and in
his writings urges his readers to adapt a more balanced attitude to both
the traditional and the new way of life.
Kabetu published two invaluable records of Gikuyu traditions. He wrote
them to encourage his readers to adopt what is good from both their
Gikuyu heritage and the heritage of the ‘advanced races,’ as well as to
provide ready material for future researchers into Gikuyu traditions.
Kabetu believed that the Gikuyu were bound to suffer moral and social
delinquency unless the innovations - which were displacing Gikuyu
traditions and customs - had an equivalent moral and social worth. Itotia
was probably among the first fifteen teachers to qualify from Jeanes
School, Kabete in 1927. The role of a ‘Jeanes teacher’ was to supervise
village schools and to help them relate to the local community.1 The main
source of inspiration for his writings was the virtuous life of the mature
and old people in his community and he expresses his indebtedness to
them.
Kenyatta’s well-known book, Facing Mount Kenya is based on seminar
papers he delivered when he was an anthropology student at the London
School of Economics. Because of Kenyatta’s political career, spanning
ten years before the publication of the book in 1938, it was branded “a
masterly propaganda document.”2 However, Kenyatta says that he
restrained his “sense of political grievances” in order to record facts as he
knows them and to let the truth speak for itself. Kenyatta shares the
conviction that the Gikuyu had a worthy cultural heritage. Kenyatta’s
thesis was that Gikuyu economic, social, religious and political systems
had a cohesion and integrity better than anything that the colonial system
could offer.3 An unpublished manuscript written in the early 1930s by
Leonard Githui concentrates on how children were taught the ideals of
courtesy and diligence in traditional society.
• The second category of literature consists of two ethnographical studies on
the Gikuyu, one by William S. and Katherine P. Routledge, entitled With a
prehistoric people and the other by Louis S.B. Leakey, The Southern
Kikuyu before 1903. These two books were published in 1910 and 1937
respectively. They are complementary in that the first one describes
mainly the Northern Gikuyu and the second one the Southern Gikuyu.
William and Katherine Routledge tend to use superlative descriptions
about the Gikuyu (among whom they spent five and a half years) and one
is left with the impression that they may have idealized a people whose
way of life reminded them of their Saxon forefathers.
Leakey had the advantage of “being born and bred among the Gikuyu
tribe” so that he spoke their language fluently.4 In thoroughness, Leakey’s
17
Introduction
work, in three volumes, is unsurpassed. Leakey worked with several

committees of Gikuyu elders who knew traditional life before the intro-
duction of the colonial administration. He also used information he had
collected since childhood.5
• The third category is the writings of missionaries and colonial admin-
istrators who worked among the Gikuyu. These were people with a
mission: the administrator to govern and the missionary to civilize and
evangelise. Generally, the missionaries and administrators were not
interested in studying the Gikuyu customs for what they were but rather
so that they could carry out their missions more efficiently. However,
some individual administrators, like K.R. Dundas, C.W. Hobley, Harold E.
Lambert and H.R. Tate seem to have had a genuine interest in ‘native
customs’ but they had to fit their studies in between busy schedules. The
question of what values lay behind the customary ways was not imme-
diately relevant to most of these writers. In spite of the obvious limitations
of their studies, the work of these administrators enabled them to record
information that would otherwise have got lost with the passage of time.
Christian missionaries have produced much literature on the Gikuyu.
Major works and other records include those by C. Cagnolo, Edmondo
Cavicchi, E. May Crawford and A.R. Barlow. Some of this literature is
strongly biased, given the general attitude of the missionaries that Gikuyu
life was morally degraded. Given their dual mission of civilizing and
evangelising, they were more apt to decry than to appreciate what they
observed. Cagnolo’s contribution has been found to be particularly
problematic in this respect.
• The fourth category consists of Gikuyu proverbs, folk stories and folk
songs that exist in written form. In the pre-literate Gikuyu society prov-
erbs and stories were a reservoir of the people’s traditions and wisdom.
The number of proverbs available in written form is enormous: Gathi-
gira, Itotia, Barlow and Barra have all compiled lists of them.
• The fifth category comprises the writings of early European travellers.
Their views can be regarded as hasty and inaccurate. However, these
early writers describe some actual incidents, which touch on moral ideals,
and so some of these writings provide information relevant to the present
study. They include works by L. von Hohnel, Joseph Thomson, F.
Jackson, J.W. Gregory, J.R.L. MacDonald and F.D. Lugard.
The literature presents several difficulties. In addition to some of it being
strongly biased, there is the problem of contradiction between authors.
The various groups interviewed
The interviews that formed the primary data for the research on which the
thesis is based were carried out between June 1975 and December 1976.
18
Introduction
Each person in the various age groups was visited an average of five times.
The Old Age Group. The following people, three women and five men,
were part of this group: Ruth Wanjiru Gathii, Wanjiku Gicinga, Priscilla Njeri
Makumi, Samueli Gitau, Antony Kahindi Mbiiru, Meshak Murage, Gathii
Mwathi and Arthur Waciira. They were aged between approximately 70 and
90, keeping in mind that traditionally no records of births were kept.
Therefore most of them only knew their approximate age. Two of the women
were married with children, grandchildren and great grandchildren. One
woman had been a widow for many years. Of the men, four had been
traditional elders (one of whom served as a soldier in German East Africa
during the First World War) and one had been a teacher, as well as a
minister in the Presbyterian Church.
The Middle Age Group. Four women and four men were part of this group.
Their names are: Beth Gathoni Guandaru, Rahab Waiyigo, Madalina
Wambui, Lucy Wanjiku, Jackson Githaiga, Patrick Migui, Duncan Munyiri
and Simon Muteru. Their ages ranged between 33 and 60. Of the women,
three were married and one was a widow. Of the men, two were teachers,
one was the principal of a Teacher Training College and one was a chief.
The Young Age Group. The young people, three women and five men,
were aged between 20 and 24. Five were university students, one was a
college student, one a Form Six leaver and one a shop steward. Their
names are: Katherine Kaigi, Leah Maranga, Janet Wambui Muchiri,
Gathimbu Mbugua, Karanja Kagecha, Patrick Kagwanja, Joseph Maingi
Kubai and Evanson Ndirangu.
19
C H AP T E R 1
THE CULTURAL SETTING
G'Tkuyu society in the pre-colonial period

Social organization
In the traditional Gikuyu society, the kinship system was composed of the
family group (mucii), the extended family group (nyumba), the sub-clan,
(mbari) and the clan (muhiriga). The kinship system was organized in such a
way that individuals were constantly reminded that they belonged to the clan
as much as to the family.
The family group or homestead (mucii) was the smallest unit of the kinship
system. As Leakey says, the family group was “the most fundamental basis
of Kikuyu social organization,”1 and the most important social group for the
individual. It consisted of a man, his wife or wives and his children. The most
important religious and social ceremonies, especially family worship and
rites of passage, were centred in the homestead.2 Most of the ceremonies
required the presence of all the family members. Through the traditional
system of division of labour, each person had some job or other to do for the
family. Individuals learnt to value family welfare and to become aware of
their first responsibility. It was within the family circle that children obtained
most of their education.
After the immediate family, the extended or “the greater family (nyumba)
was only slightly less important”3 Nyumba comprised several homesteads
that were connected patrilineally and were close enough for the founder
males to be classified as very close relatives, being brothers and stepbroth-
21
Chapter 1
ers. Upon marriage, a man had responsibility first to his own homestead and
that of his father, and secondly to the homesteads of his brothers and
stepbrothers. Through natural increase, a nyumba eventually became a sub-
clan (mbari). Numerous social occasions brought members of a subclan
together and helped strengthen their bond as a social unit. Members of a
mbari were expected to help each other. For instance, a man who had
surplus land was obliged to put it at the disposal of a fellow member of the
sub-clan giving him cultivation rights until such a time as he needed it
himself.4
Everybody was automatically a member of one Gikuyu clan (muhiriga) or

another. Though responsibility towards clansmen was relatively less than
towards the family and the sub-clan, there were definite obligations and
these helped to keep the clan united. Social occasions such as marriage
ceremonies brought together members of the same clan. Clansmen were
obliged to help each other in matters of defence, hospitality and paying
compensation in cases of murder or manslaughter (if a member of the clan
killed a member of another clan).5
For the adult members of the society, belonging to an age group (riika) was
as important as belonging to a family. At the rite of circumcision, which was
a group rite of passage, all those who were thus initiated into adulthood
were given a special age-group name. The importance of the group rite of
passage was twofold. First, being initiated together meant that all members
of the age group thus formed belonged to each other as age mates. They
were bound together by virtue of initiation, were responsible for each other’s
welfare and were collectively responsible for upholding the good name of
their age group. Age mates met most of the social needs of an individual as
they were frequently in each other’s company, both at work and during
leisure. Each age group was keen to maintain its honour and good
reputation. Therefore it encouraged its members to conduct themselves with
integrity for the sake of their own personal reputation, that of their family
and, equally important, that of their riika. Age mates applied corrective
measures to any of their members of whose conduct they did not approve.
Secondly, for men, group initiation into adulthood marked the beginning of
the group’s public responsibilities. In addition to his family responsibilities,
each individual male was now expected to play his part in maintaining law
and order and in defending the country. As new age groups were initiated,
they joined the junior warrior regiment that was in the process of formation.
A regiment was complete when it had nine initiation age groups. At that time
22
The Cultural Setting
it took over power and public responsibility from the senior regiment. The
responsibilities of a regiment in power included national security,
punishment of theft and witchcraft, organization of social activities, such as
kibaata dances (where important notices were given) and the maintenance
of discipline. All general police duties for maintenance of order in market
places and elsewhere belonged to the regiment. These duties were carried
out through small committees known as warriors’ councils (njaama cia
aanake).6
By the time a regiment retired formally, different individuals within it would

have long retired from active warrior duties due to their marriage and the
raising of children. The younger warriors of the retiring regiment moved
down to join the regiment assuming power as senior warriors. Some of the
newly married men continued with regimental duties as occasion demanded
but eventually they too retired from military duties.
Eldership was a social status with definite responsibilities and privileges.

Eldership gave a man the important responsibility of managing his own
family or homestead (mucii). His ability to manage his family determined
how highly he was regarded by the local community. Most elders became
members of the Council of Elders (kiama) and therefore assumed judicial
duties in the community.7 Eldership was not automatic: moral integrity and
wisdom were important qualifications.
In the absence of a central government, one important unifying factor for the
entire Gikuyu people was the ruling generation. The whole of the initiated
male population was divided into two generations (mariika). In any one
period, there was a generation in power (the ‘ruling generation’) while
another generation was in the process of formation. The ruling generation
was made up of elders and it exercised authority throughout the country for
a period of between thirty and thirty-five years. This was the period it took
the next ruling generation to be completely formed. That means that not all
elders were rulers at any one period because those who attained the elder
status after a generation had formally assumed power, automatically
became members of the generation in the process of formation. These
assumed national power at the next ituika (handing over) ceremony. The
elders of the ruling generation were highly respected. They were ritual
leaders, held prayers to God and performed religious ceremonies on behalf
of the entire population.8 They were the country’s legislators; it was their
duty to preserve and interpret the tradition, make new rules where neces-
sary, administer justice and authorize military operations. In all this, they
23
Chapter 1
worked in close consultation with the warrior regiment in power.
The territorial unit, rugongo (ridge, plural ngongo), was the other important
unit of the Gikuyu society. Ridges are characteristic of Gikuyu country and
each ridge had its own territorial unit. Socially, politically and economically,
territorial integrity was a matter of great importance. Territorial integrity was
maintained by a system of units starting from the smallest unit, namely the
village. Each homestead related to other homesteads in the same locality
and together they made up a village (ituura) or a fortified village (kihingo).
People from different clans could live together as a village. All members of a
village, regardless of their clan origin, shared in the common life of the
village. Each member participated in all measures connected with the safety
or defence of the village, such as the building of fortifications and
responding to fire alarms. They were also obliged to help each other in bush
clearing, cultivation and hut building.9 The inhabitants of the various villages
in a rugongo were united for various practical purposes. As far as defence
was concerned, they acted as a single unit. Villages along the frontier with
the Maasai fortified themselves in an attempt to prevent the penetration of
Maasai into the rugongo. The rest of the villages came to their aid if the
Maasai attacked. It was at the rugongo level that the warriors of the
regiment in power exercised their executive power. They did this through
committees (njaama) drawn from the different villages of a rugongo.
Similarly, there was a rugongo Council of Elders (kiama), which performed
legislative, judicial, and religious functions for the rugongo as a whole.
Besides conducting ceremonies in times of famine and pestilence, elders
from every village in the territorial unit were required to join together from
time to time for acts of worship and sacrifice to God.10
Territorial units made up the country (bururi) and there were three such
countries: Kabete (Kiambu), Metumi (Murang’a) and Gaaki (Nyeri). The
country was united in matters of law, custom and religion. Two national
committees were responsible for this unity. One committee consisted of
elders selected from the ruling generation to represent the ngongo. The two
committees always worked in consultation but they only came together
when matters affecting the whole Gikuyu country demanded attention. Such
included the making of new laws, the repealing of old laws and the making
of peace treaties with the Maasai. Generally, the function of the warriors of
the regimental committee was to communicate the decisions of the Council
of Elders to the people, and to enforce such decisions. The warriors were
the executive arm of the government.
Besides the kinship, age groups and territorial systems, there were three
24
other aspects of the Gikuyu social system that helped the individual, what-
ever his status, to remember the conduct befitting him. The first aspect was
the division of every section of the society into senior and junior camps. The
second was the use of the idea of thoni. The third was the function of ad hoc
disciplinary committees of councils known as njaama.
Regarding the division of the various sections of the society into senior and
junior camps, no social group was exempt. Girls, boys, circumcised girls,
warriors, married women and elders were all divided into senior and junior
camps whenever each group had occasion to meet.11 The Gikuyu have a
saying, Muregi gwathuo ndangihota gwathana (He who refuses to be
commanded cannot command.)12 With that understanding, the senior or
older members of each group had authority over the junior members. The
younger members were required to obey and respect the senior members.
There were certain jobs senior people would do if they were alone but did
not do if junior members were present. For instance, when elders were
together away from their homes, it was the junior elders who collected
firewood and made the fire. The same was true of the warriors. If the junior
camp of any group disobeyed or showed disrespect to their seniors, the
latter could punish them. The juniors had to pay fees before they could be
promoted to the senior status.13 The idea of authority was vital and it was
learnt from the peer group immediately senior to one’s own. This was
extended to individuals. Similarly, in the home, the older children could give
orders to the younger children.
The second important aspect of the social system was the principle of thoni.
The word thoni has a wide meaning. According to the Kikuyu-English dic-
tionary it means: “Shyness, shame; bashfulness, modesty, deference; (of
women, children, etc.) respectful, courteous conduct, decorum and reserve
towards husband, seniors, etc., also to relatives-in-law"
Essentially, when a person was said to have thoni, this meant that he
behaved in a modest and respectful manner towards other people. The
society had an elaborate system of ‘courteous behaviour’ (mitugo ya
nganyiiti) governing all the relationships that existed between people and
groups. For instance, the in-law relationship (uthoni) required the strictest
observance of the rules of courtesy by all parties concerned. Some
courteous behaviour was simple etiquette but a great deal of it served to
emphasize the moral ideals of the society. For instance, when criticizing a
person face to face for giving false statements, it was preferable to call him
garrulous (wa cau) or
25
Chapter 1
a gossiper (wa muhuuhu) rather than to call him a liar (muheenania).14 To

give another example, when girls wished to encourage cowardly warriors to
go on a raiding or trading expedition, they did not speak to them directly.
Instead, they sang words such as: Thaka iri guoya igoocagwo nuu? (Who
ever praises handsome but cowardly men?)15
Parents schooled their children in courteous behaviour because public

opinion against people who lacked good breeding was strong. Children were
taught to cultivate behaviour that earned them people’s gratitude and
respect.16
The third aspect of the Gikuyu social system that helped people to be
morally alert was the use of ad hoc committees or councils (njaama) for
enforcing proper moral conduct. The homestead unit (mucii) did not need
the services of njaama since the responsibility of managing a homestead fell
on its owner. Beyond the homestead unit, these disciplinary councils were
appointed by the groups concerned to deal with the affairs of the particular
groups. These councils or deputations were convened from time to time in
order to kwaragania bururi (pacify the country).17 Every important group was
catered for. The extended family group had a council (njaama ya nyumba)
that scrutinized the land matters of the extended family, including
inheritance, debts and the rights of orphans in the family. For instance, this
council rebuked avaricious people (ahahami), those who tended to encroach
on the property of others, or elders who married off their daughters privately
without involving relatives.18 Beyond this was the clan council (njaama ya
muhiriga). Since clansmen might be scattered all over the country, this
njaama had the task of maintaining contact with clansmen wherever they
resided. It also looked after clan lands and resolved land disputes between
its clan and other clans. This council disciplined anybody who had killed a
fellow clansman. The clan council also made decisions about the execution
of clansmen who were habitual criminals.19 Since a habitual criminal was a
public nuisance, there was also a public council (njaama yakingore), made
up of representatives from different clans, which was responsible for the
execution of perpetrators of witchcraft, habitual thieves and traitors. 20 Then
there was the generation council (njaama ya mbere) which imposed special
fees on all the males of the incoming generation “to teach them humility and
respect” before the rule of the country was handed over to them.21 The
warriors’ council (njaama ya ita) was convened periodically; among other
things, to “ban drinking of beer for purposes of defense,” “to punish fearful
young men who did not respond to war alarms” and also to “punish stingy
elders.”22 The age-grade Council of Elders (njaama ya riika) scrutinized the
26
homes of age mates and went around demanding hospitality and punishing
lazy and stingy age mates. The women’s council (njaama ya atumia)
demanded fines (ngoima) from elders who harassed or neglected their
wives. This council also punished women who had illicit love affairs.23 A
council of initiated girls (njaama ya airiitu) was called when the girls in any
territorial area had cause to believe that some of their members were
earning them a bad name by being indecent, slanderous or marrying too
young. The ad hoc council arranged an all-girls dance, known as nduumo,
and used the occasion to forbid such conduct. Any girl who did not mend
her conduct was ostracized.24
The various Gikuyu social organizations, therefore, were utilized as a means

to put pressure on individuals to conduct themselves in a morally
responsible manner.
Religious beliefs
Leakey rightly emphasized the importance of religion in the traditional
Gikuyu society when he said,
Belief in God (Ngai) and in the ancestral and departed spirits was the
fundamental basis of life as a Kikuyu ... Law and order depended more
upon religious beliefs than upon the police activities of the njaama (warrior
council) or the judicial authority of the klama (Council of Elders). 25
Both Leakey and Kenyatta stress the unifying role of religion. In Leakey’s
words:
Religion held each family together, united the inhabitants of every village,
bound together the inhabitants of the various villages of a territorial unit
and gave the cohesion that was essential to their mutual security. 26
Regarding God, there are two main beliefs that can be identified. 27 One
stresses God’s role as creator and ruler of creation. The other is the belief
that God is a God of justice.
The traditional Gikuyu recognized God as the sole creator of all things and
as personal ruler of creation. God was conceived of as an immanent,
benevolent and awesome presence among the people. The evidence of his
presence was the permanence and the majesty of the sky, the sun, the
mountains surrounding Gikuyu country and the prominent evergreen sacred
trees, which had milk-like or blood-like sap.28
27
Chapter 1
In the Gikuyu conception, God the Creator was also Ngai, the great distrib-
utor of things.29 In his creation, the greatest gift he gave was life. He gave
other gifts by which life was sustained and safeguarded. Thus he appor-
tioned to the Gikuyu a domain and a means of livelihood based on agricul-
tural pursuits. He approved certain institutions and customs, which made it
possible for a society to function. The Gikuyu believed that the God who
gave them life also gave them their agricultural way of life that was handed
down from generation to generation. One of the Gikuyu myths of origin says
that God gave their first ancestors (an old man and his wife) sheep and
goats from which Gikuyu flocks and herds were descended. Another myth
relates how a man apportioned different articles to his four sons. One son,
who became an ancestor of the Gikuyu, was given a digging stick. This myth
explains why the Gikuyu referred to themselves as nyumba ya muro (the
house of the digging stick).30 Together with life and an agricultural way of
life, God gave the Gikuyu certain laws. Routledge made enquiries from
Gikuyu people who, he says, had not had any missionary influence.
According to those informants, God’s laws included prohibitions against
murder and stealing. God also commanded that people should respect
parents.31 Itotia’s elderly informants also told him:
God is angered by people when they behave wickedly (ririia maganiite) and
are self-loving (eyendi) and swindlers (atuunyani). He is also angered by
people who contradict his laws, which he used to communicate through
prophets and seers, through diviners and also through parents. 32
God was supposed to actually carry out an inspection of the Gikuyu society
from time to time. Kenyatta states that the Gikuyu believed God to make
visits to their domain “with a view to his carrying out a kind of ‘general
inspection’ ... and to bring blessing and punishments to the people.”33
Itotia has also stated that when people disobey God, “there must come
chastisements in the form of diseases, famine and carnage, for the
offending people must be defeated (in battle)”34 Epidemic diseases, adverse
weather conditions (which caused crop failure and famine) and battles lost
decisively to the Maasai, were considered as evidence of some moral
failure.
Another of God’s rules was that the Gikuyu must be united. According to
Leakey:
If the inhabitants of different villages lost touch with each other and
became too independent of one another, the wrath of God visited them and
28
persisted in punishing them until they became united once more by joint
acts of public worship and sacrifices. 35
It is not without significance that the Gikuyu believed God to punish them by
striking at the very life he had given them. In periods of severe drought, all
the ruling elders of a territorial unit gathered to plead with God for rain. Their
prayer was that as it was he who had created the people and given them
their land and their children, may he have mercy and give them rain,
children, cattle, sheep and goats, as well as produce from the fields.36
Traditionally, organized prayers were not a daily routine. As Kenyatta has

pointed out, when all was well and everything prospered, it was taken for
granted that God was pleased with the general behaviour of the people and
the state of the country.37 However, people were constantly aware that they
might easily violate God’s rules. Every morning an elder prayed on behalf of
his household that his home might be granted peace and well being
(whoro).38 Other adults also prayed regularly to God. 39 Individuals were
aware that they were somehow accountable to God for their conduct. In
public assemblies, prayers were directed to God that he might endow the
ruling elders with wisdom in order to maintain peace and harmony in their
deliberations. They prayed to God also that the population might enjoy
prosperity and tranquillity and that the flocks and herds might bring forth
plenty of offspring.40 Many of these were matters that required human effort.
But the fact that people asked God to participate is evidence of their belief
that it is ultimately he who maintained the creation. They also believed that
he could help people to please him by their good management of the life he
had given them.
In the traditional Gikuyu conception then, God was the creator and the lord
of creation. He had given people rules of conduct aimed at ensuring the well
being of society. He himself ensured that these rules were adhered to in the
conduct of people. Failure to do so provoked his anger. People experienced
God’s anger by way of disease, plague, failure of seasonal rains, persistent
Maasai raids and general lack of vitality in man, beast and plant. When
people repented and mended their ways, they enjoyed prosperity and well
being once more.41
Another important belief about God concerned his justice. This belief
affected the people’s moral outlook in three main ways.
First, God did not condone wickedness: he surely punished offences. God’s
punishments were corrective and deterrent; they never arose out of malice
29
Chapter 1
and were in fact chastisements (mahuura) or supernatural sanctions of

morality. As indicated earlier, the ultimate object of God’s punishments was
peace and harmony in the society. In fact, God was interested in the
equilibrium of man’s total environment, physical and non-physical. God
communicated his concern for peace and harmony by punishing the
offending community or the wicked individual (and sometimes his kin as
well). This belief acted as a restraint in private and public conduct. Lambert
refers to it as “. an ingrained belief that there is an automatic supernatural
readjustment when the laws of natural justice have been disregarded.”42
Natural justice required, for instance, that a man acquired property by lawful
means. God did not bless any property that was acquired illegally and
therefore the owner of such property did not prosper.43 A popular proverb
states, Mugathi wa kuoya uteeaga wa mwene (A stolen necklace causes the
loss of one’s own), meaning that good fortune does not accompany any
form of theft.44 Natural justice also required that one should deliberately
restrain feelings of malice or envy towards those better endowed with
property or personality than oneself. Malice can lead to calculated anti-social
activities such as theft, destruction of property or murder. Besides disrupting
peace, such activities are a criticism of God for rewarding people who have
initiative and diligence.45
God’s justice was seen in terms of uprightness, fairness and equity. God
disapproved conduct that disrupted peace and harmony and he encouraged
personal effort and initiative. Significantly, God was conceived as the “Great
Elder” (Githuuri). As such, he was the example of every genuine elder
(muthuuri). Elders were the custodians of morality by means of the various
roles they played as heads of their families, councillors, adjudicators,
arbitrators and legislators. They had to be people of integrity. The term
muthuuri denotes one able to pick and choose (thuura).46 In a moral sense,
the ability to choose refers specifically to a keen sense of justice in terms of
honesty, equity and impartiality.47 As adjudicators and arbitrators, Gikuyu
elders sought God’s help so that they might uphold justice and at the same
time maintain peace and harmony.48 Traditionally, lawsuits were conducted
with great thoroughness, including careful investigation and patient con-
sideration of the evidence. Settlement was according to the merits of the suit
in question. The elders insisted on the litigants’ honesty and any suspicion
of perjury was submitted to the judgment of God. God’s judgment was
sought through ‘trial by ordeal.’ God’s justice was also appealed to if the
elders could not come to a definite decision due to lack of conclusive evi-
dence. A litigant who was trying to establish his sincerity without success
30
also appealed to God’s judgment by requesting trial by ordeal.49
Secondly, the conception of God as a God of justice meant that God was
always on the side of right. That being the case, justice was bound to win
out, no matter what obstacles were in its way. This belief gave people the
determination to see that justice triumphed.50 This was the reason behind
the wronged party often absolutely insisting on redress.51 But perhaps the
clearest illustration of this belief is the relatively recent struggle for self-
determination during the colonial rule. Evidence from political speeches,
prayers and songs composed during the Mau Mau revolution indicates that
the Gikuyu believed that God was bound to restore freedom precisely
because he was just. In his justice, he could not fail to see that the people’s
grievances were genuine.52 In this connection, F.D. Corfield cites a Gikuyu
writer (identified only as Mathu) who says that land is the only social security
the African has and that therefore ... “the land stolen [through alienation by
Europeans] must be restored, because without land the future of the African
people is doomed. God will hear us because that is the thing he gave us.”53
In the same vein, Kenyatta says,
God said this is our land in which we are to flourish as a people ... We
want cattle to get fat on our land so that our children grow up in pros-
perity; we do not want that fat to be removed to feed others ,.. 54
The people were convinced that God had not set the Gikuyu or any other
people in their land to suffer injustices at the hand of foreigners. They there-
fore pleaded with God to put things right. A popular song had this refrain:
Hoyai ma Thaithai ma
Ni amu Ngai no uria wa tene.
Pray in earnest,
Beseech in earnest
For God is the same as of old. 55
Thirdly, people believed that God rewarded honest effort to acquire wealth.
A popular Gikuyu proverb states, Ngai ateithagia witeithiitie (God helps him
who helps himself).56 In his justice, God had given people certain blessings
in fairly equal proportions. The most common gifts people possessed were
the soil and time. If an individual was more blessed than another, this was
usually the result of how well he managed his time and his plot of land.
31
Chapter 1
Diligence in tilling the land and discipline in observing the regularity of time
in terms of daily and seasonal activities were vital. For success in
agricultural pursuits, there was no alternative to discipline and diligence.57
Another common belief was that God ratified the blessings or curses pro-
nounced by others, especially parents, the aged, the poor and the
disabled.58 People who obeyed their parents or who showed kindness to the
aged, poor and disabled were continually being blessed. People’s good will
and blessings were supposed to be vehicles for God’s blessings.59
Therefore, the Gikuyu belief in God’s justice influenced the people’s moral-
ity. In his righteousness God punished evil. God was always on the side of
justice and so the wronged or the aggrieved could have the courage to
pursue justice. God’s justice was also such that he did not fail to reward a
life devoted to diligence and integrity.
Traditional beliefs about the spirits of the deceased had a remarkable influ-
ence on people’s morality. Several things can be noted. It was believed that
the deceased continued to live as spirits and their existence could not be
ignored.60 As spirits, they had certain powers and certain limitations. Their
influence was supernatural and their approval was necessary for prosperity.
They could punish wrongdoers. To give an illustration, people believed that
clan ancestral spirits required that boundaries of clan and family land were
not to be moved. Therefore, a person who wilfully destroyed trees marking
boundaries would die more or less immediately “as a result of supernatural
intervention.”61
Being spirits, the deceased did not beget children. They were not self-suf-
ficient in their social needs. They were believed to be particularly keen to
continue association with the living; so keen in fact, as to cause the living to
suspect them of selfish motives. An individual spirit was believed to possess
the character that the individual had when he lived on earth.62 A good man
continued as a good spirit. Besides his interest in the living for his own well
being as a spirit, he was concerned that the living did not contravene the
rules of good conduct, which guaranteed their own well being. His wisdom
and counsel continued to be tapped from beyond the grave, as it had been
on this side of the grave. The way to accord the spirits of good people the
respect they deserved was to avoid behaviour that would annoy them. A
bad man continued as a bad spirit.63 A bad spirit could harass his living
relatives. Whereas the living were happy to continue associating with the
spirits of good people, they were anxious to make outcasts of the bad spirits
32
and apparently they were able to do this.64 It was therefore in the interest of
every individual to die as a good person so that at one’s death, contact was
not severed by the living. Some people were foolish enough to ruin their life
on earth and consequently their life as spirits.65
Another belief was that the spirits of the deceased continued to belong to
the various groups that they had belonged to in life; there were spirits
attached to families, clans, age groups, professional groups, etc. The sig-
nificance of this is that there was no aspect of life that did not come under
the influence and the sanction of the spirits of the departed. There does not
seem to have been any context in which an individual might misbehave
without arousing the displeasure of the spirits in some capacity or other.66
Therefore, human sanctions in the various spheres of life had the backing of
the spirits of the deceased.
As far as the individual was concerned, the family unit, consisting of the
living and the deceased, was most important from a moral point of view.
Children accorded the greatest respect to the spirits of their deceased
parents. In life, parents were honoured on account of their sacred role as
parents and because of their seniority. Further, they were the immediate
human agents that maintained the vital link between the family and the
supernatural realities, that is, God and the ancestors. It was believed that
behaviour that angered parents when they were still alive was bound to
bring serious harm (king’uki) to the person responsible for that anger.67 The
concerns of the spirits were the concern of the living. The collective exis-
tence of the departed, representing different generations and age groups,
was concerned that the ideals that promoted the peace, harmony and pros-
perity of the living body politic should be upheld.68 The family ancestral
spirits were concerned about the proper care of widows and orphans.69
Spirits of departed professional diviners were concerned about the con-
tinued integrity and wisdom of the living members of the profession, and
these often sought their aid.70 Whereas spirits supported the ideals that
were held dear by the living, they could also be expected to punish any
tendencies that hindered the promotion of these ideals.
Belief in the active participation of the spirits of the departed in life on earth
influenced the conduct of the Gikuyu, not only towards each other
but also towards foreigners. Leakey says that the Gikuyu bought land from
the Ndorobo instead of acquiring it by ‘right of conquest’ because they
believed that the spirits of any Ndorobo killed while defending their land
would make such land useless to the invaders. The invaders’ herds and
33
Chapter 1
flocks would die, their crops would fail and the land would be destroyed by
drought. Therefore, the Gikuyu bought the land and adopted the Ndorobo
into their families.71 Another example is that when a Gikuyu man took a
Maasai wife he changed his manner of performing certain ceremonies
(magongoona) to the Maasai way in order to ensure harmony with the
Maasai spirits.72
The concepts of irt and irTTri

The traditional Gikuyu concepts of iri and iriiri can roughly be translated to
mean “wealth” and “honour” respectively, although the terms mean more
than this. The main goals in Gikuyu society were iri and iriiri. These goals
formed a strong motive for cultivating the moral ideals that the society
recommended.
In terms of moral ideals, the traditional Gikuyu recognized two types of

people. There was a type which was able to attract wealth and reputation. A
person who had the qualities which the Gikuyu believed were necessary for
attracting these two blessings was referred to as Mwendo ni iri na iriiri (One
favoured by wealth and honour). In normal circumstances each individual
had the potential to attract iri and iriiri. However, some people failed to
cultivate the qualities that attracted these blessings. The person who had
proved a failure in this respect was referred to as Muimwo ni iri na iriiri (One
rejected by wealth and honour).
The Kikuyu-English dictionary defines iri as “Sustenance, substance,

fortune; the good things of life; property, including wives, children, livestock,
gardens; progeny”. When the terms sustenance, substance and fortune are
analysed it is found that ‘substance’ includes all that can be said to support
an individual life, both materially and non-materially. Thus, for instance, food
is iri because it maintains a person’s body physically. A wife is a man’s iri
because she gives him companionship and she helps him to be respected.
Iri means all things and all relationships that provide the individual with
physical and moral support. ‘Substance’ means matter and also strength
(hinya). ‘Strength’ means physical strength, stamina, the power to procreate,
and also wealth (utonga). ‘Fortune’ means both wealth and prosperity
(ugaaciru). It is possible to amass wealth and yet not lead a satisfied or
settled life.73
From these explanations, it is apparent that what the Gikuyu meant by iri
carried the idea of the total welfare of an individual. Itotia explains that iri
means: “Children, estates and all things which benefit people’s lives, giving
them strength to work day by day"74
34
Iriiri is derived from the word gariira, which means, “to flourish, do well,
prosper" Gariira also means “to come to a satisfactory conclusion.” Uriiri is
an associated word, which means “prosperity through inheritance of
possessions.” The Kikuyu-English dictionary defines iriiri as “those who
participate in a man’s estate, beneficiaries, heirs" In other words, iriiri are the
people who are entitled to benefit from the possessions, material, as well as
non-material of a person. According to Itotia, iriiri is the reputation given to a
person by the people who have seen his works, which he does for himself
and for the country.75
In connection with iriiri, it is apparent that for the traditional Gikuyu to think of
a beneficiary, heir, or progeny is automatically to think of the honour of the
benefactor, who usually was a parent.
Iri and iriiri were two greatly desired blessings in traditional Gikuyu society.
They were really a double blessing, for iriiri usually followed on iri. One of
the blessings pronounced by an old person on a young person by way of
gratitude for some service was: “May iri and iriiri love you, may you beget
obedient children.”76
But the blessing of iri and iriiri was not something that came to the individual
automatically. It was something the individual had to earn by leading a
virtuous life. For instance, a man who was not diligent found it difficult to
acquire a wife and, therefore children who could honour him by naming their
children after him. Such a man might have inherited land from his father but
if he lacked the moral qualities necessary for prosperity, his inheritance was
not of much use to him.
Some of the expressions, which the Gikuyu used to describe the person
who was denied the blessings of iri and iriiri illustrate how much this twin
blessing was valued.77 One of the expressions was a muura huuhu (gone-
with- the-wind). He was like a huuhu (light breeze) whose direction or
destination could not be determined. Worse still, he was likened to uthuri
(fart), which offended the air momentarily but soon disappeared. A person
whose character did him no good existed in society for a short time, making
his name foul as long as he lived. When he died, foulness disappeared with
him and people were glad to be rid of him. Another expression used was
mukuu mutugu (one fallen down prostrate and dead). The expression was
used ordinarily to refer to somebody who dropped dead from hunger or
exhaustion. A man without iri and iriiri was called mukuu mutugu although
he was still alive because, like a dead body, he could not point to his
35
Chapter 1
possessions and say, “These belong to me" If a sudden need arose it found
him destitute and desperate.78 There was also the expression mwendia
ruhiu (seller of sword) referring to a man who contracted a matrilocal and
matri- lineal marriage. That is, although he lived and had children with a
woman, she was not properly his wife because he lacked the means to
marry her.79 In such circumstances, his name would not survive him
because none of the children he had fathered would name their children
after him. In other words, he had no descendants of his own, however many
children he might have fathered.80 All such people were said to be already
destitute, because they lived like the destitute, unable to benefit themselves
or other people. It was said of them:
They will die prostrate like the destitute because they will not find anyone
to wait on them and nurse them at their deathbed. Neither will they leave
anyone anything to inherit. Their death being hardly noticed beyond their
village, they are truly gone-with-the-wind. 81
These were the people whose spirits were given a ‘terminal burial’ so that
they might never return to their families to trouble the living.82 In contrast, a
man who had lived a good life and had estates, wives, children, flocks,
herds and a good record of service to his community and clan died a
contented person. He left a legacy of iri and iriiri. After death, he was
referred to as mutiga iri na iriiri (one who has left behind wealth and
honour).”83 The living continued to bless him, saying:
Aromaama kuuraga ni gututigira ngamba cia marimuuthio. (May he sleep where

the rain continues to fall for leaving an inheritance of fallow lands for us to
graze our animals.) 84
This was a figurative way of saying that those people whom the living held in
fond memory had left behind estates, gardens, crafts, skills and good works,
as a result of which the living continued to prosper.85
In summary, it can be said that the concept of iri and iriiri was a major
incentive for people to lead morally upright lives and to work diligently for
themselves and for society.
Changes that have occurred in G'Tkuyu society
since the 1880s
Over the last hundred years or so, the Gikuyu have experienced tremen-
dous changes in their political, social and cultural life. The majority of the
Gikuyu still live in the traditional homeland, which comprises the Nyeri,
36
Murang’a and Kiambu administrative districts. However, since the coming of

the Europeans at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th
century, large numbers of people have made their homes in other parts of
Kenya. At the beginning of the colonial period, the Gikuyu were in great
demand as porters for the construction and maintenance of railway lines and
roads, as cheap labour on European farms and as unskilled labourers in the
burgeoning urban centres. Soon, numbers of Gikuyu people were to
become squatters on the settlers’ farms in the so-called ‘white highlands.’
Following the outbreak of the Mau Mau conflict in 1952, many Gikuyu who
had made the white highlands their only or second home were repatriated to
the ‘reserve.’ Again, since Kenya’s independence, quite a few Gikuyu
people have found permanent homes outside their homeland in Central
Province. Some Gikuyu people are also to be found beyond the national
boundaries in search of a livelihood. Leakey remarks that mobility is
probably one of the most obvious characteristics of the Gikuyu. Mobility
implies change and the need to adjust to a new environment and new
conditions.
In their pre-colonial history of migration and settlement into what finally

became Gikuyu land, the Gikuyu experienced important changes.86 The
period between the beginning of the 17th century and the end of the 19th
century saw them consolidate themselves as an ethnic group, distinct from
the Ndia and the Gichugu. The ecology of the area made it necessary for
those who were hitherto hunters and pastoralists to become mainly agri-
culturalists. This was also a period of upheavals in which the Gikuyu expe-
rienced opposition from the Gumba, the Athi and the Maasai. The Gikuyu
assimilated the Gumba and the Athi who had preceded them into the area
and absorbed elements of their languages and ceremonial dances into their
culture.87
With their pastoral Maasai neighbours they established a curiously balanced
relationship of war and peace. The Maasai were evidently instrumental in
the development of the defensive tactics, which the northern Gikuyu
adopted during this period. The tactics included special huts (gaaru) where
warriors lived in readiness for war and a special kind of alarm (mbu) given
as warning against the approach of an enemy.88 By the time the Gikuyu
were settling into present-day southern Kiambu they had adopted elaborate
diplomatic methods of acquiring land from the Athi (Ndorobo) that were very
similar to their marriage process.89 There is also evidence that the traditional
Gikuyu government made provision for the making of new laws and the
repealing of old laws as need arose. However, in all these innovations the
Gikuyu seem to have remained a fairly strong ethnic group whose culture
37
Chapter 1
and morality was not unduly upset. On the whole, they seem to have been
masters of their situation.
The Gikuyu encounter with the British colonial power was a different matter.
Change then became rapid, drastic and, in some respects, disruptive. After
the initial encounter in the mid-1890s change seems to have been so swift
that by 1909 Katherine Routledge was calling for an urgent “full record of
native habit and custom” because the Gikuyu way of life was changing
fast.90 By the mid 1930s some literature was being written in the vernacular
by indigenous authors who had received some western education. The main
reason for writing was to inform the youth about the traditions of the Gikuyu
“because many things have changed.”91 By 1938 Kenyatta was expressing
the Gikuyu people’s outcry that they were “no more where they used to be”
and that “all is confusion.”92
Such an outcry may sound surprising, especially since the Gikuyu were
known to have been near rebellion in their demand for more western edu-
cation since the early 1920s. However, it is clear from what Kenyatta goes
on to say, that whatever aspects of change the Gikuyu were experiencing, it
was in the area of morals where there were regrettable effects:
Religious rites and hallowed traditions are no longer observed by the whole
community. Moral rules are broken with impunity, for in place of unified
tribal morality there is now ... a welter of disturbing influences, rules and
sanctions, whose net result is only that a Gikuyu does not know what he
may or may not, ought or ought not, to do or believe, but which leaves him
in no doubt at all about having broken the original morality of his people. 93
In these sentiments, Kenyatta has support from a number of authors who

themselves were active instruments of change among the Gikuyu. Writing in
1923, A. R. Barlow concluded an account on the Gikuyu by saying:
Civilization has come upon them with a rush since the first white men came
amongst them. Many influences are now extended upon them, which are
changing their ideas and their manner of life for good and for evil ... 94
Cagnolo also looks at the Gikuyu after some thirty years of ‘civilizing’ and he
too recognizes some ‘good’ and some ‘evil’ in their new state. He writes: “In
three short decades the Kikuyu tribe has progressed so far ahead that an
observer today could not imagine their primitive condition of thirty years
ago.”95
38
Cagnolo is somehow taken aback by this headlong progress, for he goes on

to say that it is “with startling suddenness” that the Gikuyu “... finds himself
confronted by the precious patrimony of civilization, which Europe has only
collected after 2,000 years of slow, laborious progress.”96
One of the consequences of this sudden change was that the Gikuyu was
stripped of the beliefs that ruled his actions, and he lacked a new firm moral
foundation.97 As a District Commissioner based in Kiambu, H. E. Lambert
stated in his 1942 Annual report:
Individualism is the most obvious political trend of the modern Kikuyu, and
it has developed ... with such rapidity that it constitutes the most serious
threat to the structure of a society based not long ago on its very anti-
thesis ,.. 98
Lambert went on to suggest that the European had a duty to help the
Gikuyu to return to “some sort of social stability” since ... “it was our own
infringement of his social system, which removed him from the position of
equilibrium he had achieved for himself before our advent.”99
The early writers quoted above demonstrate that the very rapid change the
Gikuyu experienced was felt in every sphere of life and had serious reper-
cussions on the people’s moral standards.
Here we describe briefly the main areas of change. These include the politi-
cal, economic and social spheres of life. They also include religion, educa-
tion, culture and morals.
Political changes
Political changes were among the first sudden changes the Gikuyu expe-
rienced during the colonial period. Suddenly, and for the first time in their
history they had a master, with the result that they began to suffer insecurity
due to the greatly diminished power of the indigenous political machinery.
In 1890, the Imperial British East Africa (IBEA) Company set up a perma-
nent station at Dagoretti. During the following decade or so of ‘pacification’
the Gikuyu were to experience much loss of life and property in a series of
campaigns (called ‘punitive expeditions’ by the British) which were designed
not only to punish dissident African groups but also to elevate friendly,
collaborating African leaders to power.100 These punitive expeditions were
characterized by killings, burning of villages and confiscation of livestock
and other property. By 1895, when the British government took over the Mt.
39
Chapter 1
Kenya region from the IBEA Company, the southern Gikuyu had been
virtually subdued. A series of natural calamities between 1894 and 1899
(locusts, drought, rinderpest, severe famine and smallpox) helped to reduce
them numerically, physically, and in morale. As a result, they were not only
resigned to the presence of the white man but the one-time warriors became
porters and servants of the white man. Soon after, white settlers began to
arrive and to alienate land. Thus the Gikuyu landowners “were quickly and
dramatically turned into an agricultural proletariat for European farmers.” 101
Meanwhile, all over Gikuyu country dubious characters were roaming,
raiding, trading, and corrupting the Gikuyu. They included European, Goan
and Arab traders and raiders who were setting the Gikuyu up against each
other and corrupting them with guns, loose sex life, robbery and murder.
One such character was John Boyes, who gave himself the title ‘King of the
Wakikuyu.’ He elevated an opportunist, Karuri, to great chief in Murang’a,
conducted six punitive raids in Nyeri and Murang’a, ‘married’ three Gikuyu
wives, and impersonated the government, besides other mischief.102 In order
to control the activities of traders and adventurers who were giving the
government a bad name, the administration decided to establish effective
jurisdiction, but not before Murang’a and Nyeri had been subdued. Using
Gikuyu collaborators, Maasai levies and the gun, any resistance was met
decisively. The loss of livestock, homes and human life was so great that the
correct figures were withheld from the Colonial Office. By 1902, the Gikuyu
had been completely subdued, desiring nothing but peace and co-operation
with their masters.103
The transformation of the Gikuyu into a subject people brought with it

numerous problems, the total effect of which was to rob the people of their
self-determination and render them emasculated. At the outset there was
need to establish effective administration as the British were short of
personnel and “there was no visible traditional authority with which to work.”
Therefore “...the administrative officers turned to the motley crowd of
mercenaries who had served them as porters, guides or askari [soldiers,
guards] and created them chiefs.”104
Any other people who seemed prominent such as the traditional athamaki
(spokesmen) and the ‘bold spirits’ “who exaggerated their importance” were
also made chiefs.105
Traditionally, the Gikuyu were egalitarian. The creation of chiefs caused a

major political and social disruption to Gikuyu society. Observing that their
government found no pattern in the western world, Cagnolo suggested that
the Gikuyu traditional government “is best described as government by
40
agreement.”106 Leakey also emphasized this:
The Kikuyu did not believe in vesting power and authority in any one man;
the policy was always to have a number of men vested jointly with the same
authority, none of whom was junior or senior to his colleagues The
Kikuyu organization was a true example of the com
mittee principle. 107
As agents of the colonial government, chiefs became a new and striking

feature in Gikuyu society. Partly to maintain the favour bestowed on them by
the colonial masters and partly due to the unprecedented and unchecked
power they enjoyed, they over-reached themselves in many ways in their
unconventional behaviour. They violated custom and tradition. They
undermined pre-colonial political institutions, engaged in widespread cor-
ruption and produced intense factional struggles for control of office.108
With the help of their unsalaried retainers (njaama) they exploited their
positions in the maintenance of law and order, tax-collection, coercive
recruitment of labour forces and as influential members of the native tri-
bunals. They used their positions to acquire land, livestock, money and
wives through unlawful means. Some became men of great wealth and high
social status, much feared because of the foreign power behind them. But
they were not respected.109
Perhaps the section of the Gikuyu society to have suffered the sense of
redundancy and impotence more that any other during the colonial period
were the former guardians of Gikuyu tradition and customary law: the elders.
Besides the chiefs, two other organs of local administration set up by the
colonial administration were the Native Tribunals and the Local Native
Councils. These were established “in an effort to retain traditional African
councils through which African peoples had been governed before the
British advent.”110 A Court’s Ordinance of 1897 acknowledges tribal judicial
authorities as courts of law with powers, inter alia, to punish breaches of
native custom.111 However, the government was to supervise their judicial
activities and to ensure particularly that punishments were not inhumane
and convictions were not obtained through witchcraft, torture, or “barbarous
practices”.112 In effect, this meant that criminals did not need to fear for their
lives since punishment became light. Dishonest litigants also did not need to
fear that the tribunals might appeal to supernatural judgment through the
ordeal of the oath, as used to be the case. The native tribunals were not
allowed to deal with cases of murder. These cases went direct to the District
41
Chapter 1
Commissioner and he, in turn, might refer them to the High Court. The High
Court might impose capital punishment. Capital punishment was contrary to
Gikuyu traditional justice for traditionally a murder was compensated and the
killer allowed to live. Under the new system, the elders constantly witnessed
the miscarriage of justice and they were helpless in the face of it. The
administration would have liked to believe that the native tribunals were “the
greatest bulwark of native social life”.113 In actual fact, they were not. In spite
of their considerable authority over civil disputes and their jurisdiction over
land cases, they were unable to safeguard social integrity as Lambert
observes:
The tribunal system, unlike the clan system, is impersonal enough to put
expedition before equilibrium and is apt to frame its judgments on what it
deems the law rather than a consideration of the social implications its
judgments may entail.114
Moreover, the tribunals were serving the interests of the colonial adminis-
tration, not tribal integrity. The elders therefore enjoyed little morale and
were driven into an attitude of apathy, of sulky acquiescence, or even
hostility.115
Gikuyu elders did not fare any better as members of the local native coun-
cils. The Local Native Council was supposedly developed from the tradi-
tional kiama (Council of Elders). Initially, councils of elders were convened
from time to time to advise chiefs and local British officials on matters of
administration. In 1925, they were formally adopted as instruments of local
government. The District Commissioner was chairman of the council
because “guidance from outside [was] essential.”116 Membership was con-
fined to elders. Besides the dominating presence of chiefs, “tribesmen of
character and who have benefited by literary education” were included “to
lead native opinion.”117 The councils were empowered to collect revenue
locally and to initiate development in teaching natives ‘civic sense’ and
‘cooperative action’ in a bid to improve “the weakness of the tribal machine
in former times for collective action other than war.”118
One very important effect of the changes that occurred during the colonial
period is that the leadership and influence of elders were curtailed. In
traditional society, the elders were the guardians of custom and tradition.
They ensured that proper morality was respected and they had ways of
sanctioning it through the traditional legal and political system. But suddenly
their power was reduced and in many instances they were made
superfluous. Their sense of inadequacy has continued to this day since
42
public and community affairs tend to be placed in the hands of younger and
more ‘educated’ people.
In traditional society, the warriors shouldered the responsibilities of the

country’s defence and the maintenance of law and order. Warriors, in their
work as agents of law and order, played an essential role in maintaining the
moral fabric of the society. With the coming of colonial rule they lost this
role. When they began to be recruited as porters and servants they
suddenly found that their scope for initiative and responsibility in the
community was reduced. Since the establishment of colonial rule, Gikuyu
young men have had little to do with their traditional role of police duties.
Economic and social changes

During the early colonial period, the British Government implemented land
and labour policies that caused far reaching economic and social changes
among the people of Kenya. These policies concerned the alienation of
African land for European settlement and African labour to work on the
European farms. The Gikuyu were affected to a very large degree because
both their land and labour were in high demand. The moral consequences of
what happened in those early days may be difficult to assess, but they are
part of the reason behind the outcries of several authors mentioned above.
These moral consequences are still a reality today.
The policy of land alienation was adopted in 1900. In 1901 it was legalized
by an Order in Council. The Order defined ‘crown lands’ as all public lands
“which are subject to the control of His Majesty.” The Order authorized the
Commission “to sell, grant, lease or otherwise dispose of” crown lands.
Apparently, land under ‘native occupation’ was not to be included in the
scheme. However, under the provisions of the Crown Lands Ordinance of
1902 “nearly 6,000 square miles were alienated during the succeeding
thirteen years.”119 Much of this land alienated was actually occupied by the
Gikuyu. Certain contingencies in the course of land alienation had inevitably
broadened the meaning of ‘crown lands.’ The Crown Lands Ordinance of
1915 took into account what had happened and redefined crown lands to
include “all lands occupied by the native tribes of the Protectorate and lands
reserved for the use of the members of any tribe"120
The practical meaning of that Ordinance was that “no native tribe in the
country was given any legal and definite right to any land"121 This law was
relaxed in 1926 after considerable damage had already been done to the
local inhabitants.
43
Chapter 1
As a result of an attractive advertisement by the railway authorities inviting

Europeans to the Protectorate, from the year 1902 there was an influx of
intending farmers and land prospectors, in addition to other visitors. Most of
them preferred to acquire farms on the land to the north and west of Nairobi.
This was the Gikuyu land of which F.D. Lugard had written not so long
before: “The cultivation in Kikuyu is prodigiously extensive, indeed the whole
country may be said to be under tillage.”122
And W.D.A. Ross quotes an early writer who observed: “With the exception
of small patches of excellent grass ... and a few small swamps, every avail-
able piece of ground is under cultivation, and the district may be described
as one vast garden.”123
Due to the persistent pressure from “clamorous applicants”124 the process of

land alienation in Gikuyu land was carried out with great speed between
1903 and 1906. This exercise left the Gikuyu population dispirited. Some
landowners were compensated while others received nothing. According to
Rosberg and Nottingham, some 8,000 people received 8,000 shillings in
compensation for land and 3,000 remained uncompensated.125 (An
informant related that one Gikuyu landowner was presented with a blanket
and a bottle of whiskey. When he was told that the land belonged to the
European, he realized at that point that the presents were payments for the
land.) Some regulation existed which stipulated that land under native
occupation should not be alienated. The Commissioner, Sir Charles Eliot,
disregarded this. Officially, he defended his action by reporting in his annual
report: “In the last famine (of 1898 and 1899) large plantations were
abandoned, and subsequently the owners, instead of attempting to repair
the damage done to their land, went to other districts.”126
Unofficially, however, Eliot was known to be giving land away without

qualms because he was “openly contemptuous of the local Africans” who
“shocked him by their barbarity and their nudity.”127 When he resigned his
post, he wrote: “No one can doubt that the rich and exceptionally fertile
district of Kikuyu is destined to be one of the chief centres of European
cultivation.”128
In order to ensure that Gikuyu labour was readily available, Eliot’s policy
was to interpenetrate European farms into Gikuyu country so that the
Gikuyu and the Europeans would occupy alternate ridges. The Gikuyu who
already occupied the areas granted to Europeans were simply included
within the land given away. Pressure was then put on them either to stay
44
and become wage-earning labourers or to depart. In other areas, the Gikuyu

residents were evicted. This process continued until well after the First
World War; so it became possible for existing settlers to expand their
estates by encroaching on any land along their boundaries that they could
interpret as being occupied.129 As a result, “a broad wedge of European
occupation was driven across the lands of the Kikuyu.”130
The sudden poverty of those who had lost land can be appreciated. Other
Gikuyu people who still held land suffered from insecurity as their land might
be taken any time. But it is also quite likely that some of the landholders in
the ‘reserve’ were not aware that they had ceased to have legal right to
land. In 1920, the British government annexed the country and named it
Kenya Colony. It was then impressed on the Gikuyu that the question of
land rights even under their recognized githaka (land) system was no longer
relevant. A case of disputed land ownership came before the High Court in
1921 and was discussed. In dismissing the case, the Chief Justice said:
In my view the effect of the Crown Lands Ordinance 1815 and the Kenya
(Annexation) Order in Council 1920 by which no native rights are reserved,
and the Kenya Colony Order in Council 1921 ... is clearly inter alia to vest
land reserved for the use of the native tribe in the Crown. If that be so, then
all native rights in such reserved land, whatever they be under the githaka
system, disappeared, and the natives in occupation of such Crown Lands
became tenants at will of the Crown on the land actually occupied.131
In 1926, African legal rights to land were recognized. Gikuyu grievances

over land could also not continue to be entirely ignored by the colonial
government. A Kenya Land Commission of 1934
... concluded that all grievances of the Kikuyu with regard to land could be
removed, and the past wiped out, by the addition of 21,042 acres to
the existing reserves, while provision for the expansion of the population
required a further 383 square miles.132
Members of the Commission regarded this provision for land as generous,

because they observed:
In the early days of European immigration, at any rate, the theory appears
to have been followed that, provided adequate arrangements were made for
any natives who happened to be on the land ... Government was fully
entitled to regard the land concerned as available for alienation.133
45
Chapter 1
Apart from the fact that no ‘adequate arrangements’ had been made to
compensate those who had lost land, in view of the cultural and ethical
value attached to land by the Gikuyu, no adequate arrangement could ever
have been made for the displaced persons.
By 1934, the Gikuyu had become quite restless and vocal regarding their
lost land. Some colonial administrators were beginning to understand that
loss of land meant much more to the Gikuyu than material poverty. The
issue of the alienated land could never be settled so long as it was treated in
terms of European legal conceptions. In his comments on the report of the
Kenya Land Commission (1934) the Chief Native Commissioner said:
The whole fallacy of such a theory appears to be contained in the word

‘adequate.’ There can be no adequate arrangement for a man evicted from
the only spot on earth where he had the right to live.134
The chief Native Commissioner observed further that, under Gikuyu custom
and customary law, land tenure meant much more than ‘occupational rights.’
“Under their own customary law, Kikuyu had rights to live on and to cultivate
their family estates, but had no rights to live or cultivate anywhere else
(except as duly accepted tenants).”135
Therefore, the Chief Native Commissioner concluded that in the European

misunderstanding of Gikuyu customary law:
A number of families and sub-clans have been evicted from land on which
under their own law they had an inalienable right to live, and those same
clans and families now have no right to live anywhere else under their own
law, and under English law can only live on farms if the
farmers are willing to accept them as squatters and they themselves are
willing to sign agreements to work for the farmer.136
Therefore, in the alienation of much of their land, the Gikuyu were hit at the
very core of their cultural life. European settlement disrupted traditional life,
necessarily including the moral system.
Perhaps equally serious was the example set by the Europeans that ‘might
makes right.’ The policy whereby a “foreign Government acquired the abso-
lute ownership of the whole of the land by merely behaving as its owner”137
was implemented at the level where Gikuyu individuals actually lost land to
European individuals. This was a terrible moral shock to the Gikuyu. There
46
seems to have been a belief that some philanthropic goal was being
achieved, namely the civilizing effect of the European presence among the
Gikuyu. However, European conduct over land had a negative influence on
the people. The first Gikuyu agents of colonial administration, the chiefs,
were acknowledged opportunists who seized the opportunity of the pre-
vailing land policy to deprive people of their plots by telling them it had
become government property. They then sold it and retained the proceeds
from it or simply appropriated it to themselves.138 This conduct contrary to
tradition has found parallels in the subsequent history of the Gikuyu.
In contrast to this arbitrary appropriation of land, the Gikuyu custom and

customary law had definite guidelines on land tenure. These guidelines
were determined by the sacredness with which land was regarded and the
high value attached to human relationships. In this connection, Kenyatta
says that: “Land tenure was carefully and ceremonially laid down so as to
ensure to an individual or a family group a peaceful settlement on the land
they possessed."139
The Gikuyu recognized several types of land holding rights, which ensured
the security of every family, including those who were not landowners.
Hence, the customary institutions of ‘cultivation rights through inheritance or
purchase.’ A landowner did not dispose of his land without the approval of
his family and of enough notice to other people to whom he had given
cultivation and building rights. As has been mentioned, the selling and
buying of land was a solemn process very similar to the marriage process.
Rites of transfer of land to the new owner and mutual agreements were
always performed in the presence of witnesses. Supernatural powers were
supposed to ratify what people agreed on so long as the transactions were
done conscientiously according to customary law. The transactions were
concluded with a sacrificial communal meal, which sealed the good will
between the seller and the buyer, the meal being shared with witnesses. In
all this it was understood that land sold was redeemable at a future date
should a pressing need to do so arise.140 Kenyatta quotes an early Report
on Gikuyu Land Tenure as saying:
There are several places in the Nyeri and Fort Hall districts where one may
stand and see more than a thousand acres at a stretch with scarcely an
acre uncultivated, and the disputes, which occur, though complicated and
troublesome, are surprisingly few.141
There are three main explanations for the remarkably few land disputes in
47
Chapter 1
Gikuyu traditional society. First, every piece of land had acknowledged

owners according to the customary law of land holding. People respected
the rights of ownership and boundaries were properly fixed. It was a futile
effort for anybody to try and move a boundary mark or to claim a piece of
land that was acknowledged to belong to someone else. Public opinion
against that kind of greed and the painstaking courts of clan elders did not
allow such a person to get very far. Secondly, people had a high regard for
each other so that few would deliberately contravene their neighbour’s
rights. Thirdly, the religious element in the various aspects of traditional
Gikuyu land tenure and land utility was a strong controlling factor. The
various religious rituals connected with land transactions between people
and agricultural activities such as planting, crop protection and harvesting,
all suggest that the Gikuyu did not lose sight of the supernatural sanction of
morality. Thus, for instance, Kenyatta and Leakey say that the Gikuyu had
bought land from the Ndorobo. Leakey points out that by the sheer might of
numbers the Gikuyu could have conquered the Ndorobo and taken the land.
However, they did not use force because they believed that the angered
spirits of any Ndorobo killed in the course of defending the land would make
it impossible for the Gikuyu to prosper on the alienated land. Quite often, it
was a Ndorobo individual who took the initiative and sought a buyer for his
estate among the Gikuyu. When such an estate was bought, the Ndorobo’s
security and that of his family, was ensured through mutual adoption. In that
way, the Ndorobo continued to hunt on the land he no longer owned and for
which he had received payment. The present and former owners did not
molest each other because they had become blood brothers. The Gikuyu
had formally acquired the right to cultivate. As more and more land was
brought under cultivation and hunting ground diminished the Ndorobo were
assimilated into the Gikuyu society through inter-marriage.142
Therefore, this was the kind of conduct the Gikuyu had been used to prior to
European occupation. The Europeans were evidently free from such
restraints for theirs was a different civilization.143 The Gikuyu were bound to
learn from such conduct since part of the European mission was to ‘uplift’
the Africans. Apparently, one of the lessons they learned through their
experience of European land alienation was that one’s conscience need not
be unduly troubled by injustices done to others. The subsequent years, in
which the settlers prospered, rapidly proved to the Gikuyu that misfortune
does not necessarily follow misconduct or miscarriage of justice. It was not
very long before Lambert, a European colonial administrator based in
Kiambu, was complaining that the Gikuyu who had purchased land in
Kiambu were no longer respecting the Gikuyu tradition of regarding pur-
chased land as redeemable by its previous owners.
48
The idea of permanent rights obtained by ‘purchase’ came into existence

and was subsequently strengthened and formalized into ‘custom’- the
Kikuyu ‘custom’ of irredeemable sale - by observation of the European
system of freehold in the settled area next door.144
Lambert observed also that the Native Tribunals, a colonial creation, did not
come close to the old clan court in dealing with land disputes.
The Tribunals system, unlike the clan system, is impersonal enough to put
expedition before equilibrium and is apt to frame its judgments on what it
deems the law rather than on a consideration of the social implications its
judgments may entail. A tribunal stops a squabble once and for all- with
luck- by dividing up the land between the litigants; the old clan court would
have divided only the cultivation rights and would have regarded finality as
anti-social ,..145
The colonial labour policy caused even more drastic economic and social
changes, with severe moral repercussions among the Gikuyu. It affected the
whole population, whereas the land policy affected mostly the families in the
Kiambu area. In the words of Norman Leys, the colonial labour policy ....
“allotted to Africans the duty of working on land alienated to Europeans and
to Europeans the right to own the land and to reap the profits of its
exploitation.”146
The sole aim of the early colonial labour policy was industrial and financial
prosperity in the quickest possible time. The newly constructed Uganda
Railway from Mombasa to Kisumu had cost the British over £5 million and
was running at a loss. The Protectorate badly needed revenue to maintain
the government departments. The settlers had come to make money. The
Africans were “the greatest asset.”147 Voluntary labour, by a good number of
young men who availed themselves for short periods and then disappeared
into the reserves was not sufficient. The European estates needed labour
throughout the year. The quickest way to develop the estates and the
country was to direct and retain as many able-bodied Africans into the
labour market as possible. The country’s prosperity was to be achieved
within ten years. Within twenty years the Kenya peasantry in central Kenya
had, to a very large extent, been turned into an “industrial proletariat”148
There was one major problem to be solved in this whole exercise. In their
traditional situation, the Africans were on the whole self-sufficient so that
they had no need for money. They also had work to do in the reserves since
49
Chapter 1
they were agriculturalists. It was therefore necessary to introduce conditions

that would force them to work for wages. This policy is well documented as
the following quotations by Leys and Ross show. According to Leys,
One of the most striking features of the official attitude as shown in public
reports is the evident resentment at tribal self-sufficiency. For a tribe to be
content with its own produce is referred to almost as if it was wicked. To
increase the wants of Africans was the universally approved object to be
pursued. It is hard to see why a self-sufficient empire should be admirable
and a self-sufficient tribe reprehensible; but one has to admit that Africans
cannot reach the best things in our civilization until they learn to spend
money on things many of which are valueless, and some even injurious.
But the real reason the authorities tried to persuade Africans to want
money and what money can buy was not that these trade goods would do
them any appreciable good. The object aimed at was to induce Africans to
become wage earners.149
Ross had this to say,
For at least a generation there was a steady demand, often outspoken but
always operative, that the native should be impoverished under heavy
taxation by Government coupled with depressed wages for workers. This at
times took ingenious forms, as when the Colonists’ Association ... urged
that the government should only buy European-grown maize, and not
native-grown ... Whether the native could or could not earn more money
than a low standard rate of wages, it was regarded as an antisocial act for
any employer to pay him more.150
For this reason, constant pressure was brought to bear upon African young
men to leave their homes and become farm labourers. Others became
unskilled labour in the burgeoning urban areas. Pressure was put upon
them by way of forced recruitment, taxation, registration of labourers under
particular employers and vagrancy regulations.
The Gikuyu were particularly affected by the labour policy. An initial labour
survey had established that the ‘prolific’ agricultural tribes were to be pre-
ferred and the Gikuyu met that preference. A number of them were already
living in or near some of the alienated land and they just had to adjust
themselves to the new conditions of life. Large numbers made regular
migrations to the Rift Valley, where there were large European estates, for a
compulsory period of eight months a year. In due course, a good number
settled more or less permanently in the estates. Others did the same in the
50
urban centres. In other words, more and more wage earners failed to return
home. But it was not long before young women and children began to be
required to work in the estates also, and they too sometimes failed to return
home.151
The adverse results of these male and youth absences on the Gikuyu home-
life cannot be exaggerated. The absence of men in particular had a serious
effect on the economic, social, and moral life of the people. The majority of
the able bodied men were recruited into the labour market and some were
married men. Married or not married, the men’s share of work in their homes
and local community was abandoned. Loss of their share of agricultural
activities meant that less food was grown and the situation worsened as
time went on. If they were husbands and fathers, their place in the homes
and their traditional authority was a missing factor in home life. Numbers of
these men took temporary wives during their long absences. Others
returned home sick and weakened by poor working conditions and diseases
associated with European civilization.152 By way of evidence, A. R. Barlow’s
criticism of the colonial labour policy as it affected the Gikuyu can be quoted.
Writing in 1913 in the Church of Scotland Mission publication Kikuyu news,
Barlow said:
As regards the Kenya district,153 one doubts whether the number of

natives leaving it to go to work could very well be increased. The
maximum supply of labour has been obtained for some time back by
means of press-gang system ... The usual argument one meets when
urging that the native needs time to attend to his own affairs is that
the male native while at home does no work, but lolls about watching
his woman slave for him. This is an erroneous idea. We believe that the
home life of the native should be preserved and allowed to develop its best
characteristics which is impossible when the father and sons of the family
are at home only at odd times, separated by months of absence.
We believe, again, that the moral and spiritual development of the children
of the soil is of as much importance as the financial prosperity of their
conquerors.154
There were serious moral effects resulting from compulsory labour recruit-
ment and heavy taxation. Some of the attitudes that the Gikuyu acquired at
that time have continued with them to this day. Thus, many wage earners do
not work hard because they believe their labour benefits somebody else.
Regarding recruitment of labour in the Gikuyu reserves, this task fell to
chiefs or headmen who were the agents of the government at the local level.
51
Chapter 1
Their own position or favour with the government depended on how well
they succeeded in this assignment, as well as in collecting the hut tax.
Inevitably, the chiefs were oppressive. The people grew to resent them and
to associate them with the injustices of the colonial regime. People were
compelled to obey them out of fear and not out of respect. The government
itself came to be regarded as something remote and impersonal, to be
obeyed mostly out of fear as well. This was a great change of attitude for a
people who had for centuries known a system of ‘government by agreement’
in which every elder and warrior had been an active participant. Since
people were rendered helpless to run their own affairs and make their own
decisions, they became suspicious of authority.155
In traditional society, the Gikuyu were used to practices of mutual help and
communal labour. In mutual help, a man or woman called upon friends and
neighbours to help him or her to do a job. Customarily, such a person
initiated the job before calling upon other people; this was to demonstrate to
them that he or she was not calling upon them out of laziness but that he or
she required their help in order to complete the work faster. In other words,
people sought aid from others, not labour. With such an arrangement,
people worked diligently even when work belonged to somebody else
because they knew they all stood to gain. They were all free to call upon
each other as need arose. In communal labour people carried out tasks that
were deemed necessary for the convenience and welfare of the community.
For that reason nobody was paid and nobody supervised, the workers did
not need prompting.
But when the Gikuyu were rounded up and taken to the European estates
as labourers, they neither worked hard nor willingly. Their obvious resent-
ment and unwillingness to work only served to confirm the European
prejudiced belief that the African was apathetic and indolent. This belief was
held to justify forced labour on the moral ground that the African would gain
by learning to work.156 But slackness was simply their means of protest
against forced labour and low wages. Unfortunately, this attitude has
continued and today it remains true that wage earners do not work to the
best of their ability. Nor are people willing to work without the inducement of
money.
Reliqious and cultural changes

The preceding sections have shown that the influences of colonial admin-
istration and European settlement in Kenya had far-reaching moral conse-
quences for the Gikuyu. The Christian missions, on their part, undermined
the whole cultural basis of Gikuyu morality, first through direct teaching
52
against certain aspects of Gikuyu culture, and secondly because their teach-
ing and influence changed the people’s attitude to some of their traditional
beliefs and behaviour patterns. For instance, this is true of the Gikuyu
beliefs regarding taboos (migiro) which had an important role in morality.
The Christian missions which worked among the Gikuyu held the general
outlook of the 19th century missionaries to Africa. This outlook “denied any
culture of value in Africa.”157 It held that “everything in non-Christian religions
and cultures was evil”158 It also believed in the utter superiority of western
culture. In their double mission of evangelising and civilizing the Gikuyu, the
missionaries believed that part of their function was to overhaul the existing
Gikuyu culture. Individual missions and missionaries may have differed in
the degree to which they condemned Gikuyu culture, but this general
attitude dominated their activities.159 A few examples from reports of
missionaries can be cited by way of illustration. Writing in 1917, Filippo
Perlo, a pioneer missionary with the Consolata Mission, described Gikuyu
life as he judged it in 1902 as “essentially deplorable, barbarous,
inhuman”160 According to Perlo, “Every moral principle in which our civili-
zation glories and which our religion commands is ... simply reversed .. ,161
Perlo explains that the “crude reality” of the conditions, which the mission-
aries found, became “the basis and impulse of all the extensive civilizing
missionary work, which has been carried out in subsequent years.”162
Virginia Blakeslee, was a missionary with the African Inland Mission (AIM)
from 1911 to 1954. In her description of Gikuyu country she says:
Kikuyu land ... has been dominated by the prince of darkness for past ages.
The flooding of the district with the light of the gospel has revealed the
hidden things of darkness, the character and source of every evil tribal
custom.163
To Blakeslee, conversion to Christianity was simply a decision to “leave the

paths of the Agikuyu to take the path of God.”164 Writing in 1923, Barlow
concludes a description of Gikuyu life by saying, “Such are the character-
istics of the people whom the Church of Scotland Mission, with missions
from other churches, is working to win for the Kingdom of Christ and to
assist to advance in the scale of humanity”165
To give one more example, Knapp, another AIM missionary among the
Gikuyu reported to the United Missionary Conference held in Nairobi in 1901
that “... only the enemy of righteousness could have been responsible for
the customs and superstitions of these natives”166 Knapp cited a few Gikuyu
53
Chapter 1
customs to be actively “deprecated” by the missionaries. His opinion was

that “there are many social and domestic customs, which could never be
associated with decent living, to say nothing of Christian living”167
With this attitude to Gikuyu culture and the belief that their mission was to
evangelise and civilize, the missionaries set to work, commending the
gospel and western civilization. They also taught actively against such
Gikuyu customs as polygamy, nguiko,168 drinking of native beer and
dancing. By 1933, Cagnolo wrote: “A good number of families, Christian or
merely emancipated from barbarous customs, have adopted a standard of
living with lodgings, diet, and manner which border on the civilized”169
As a result of Christian missionary effort, significant changes occurred in the

area of religion and education.
First, in traditional society, religion was centred in the home. Religion was a
family affair and every member of the family participated in important
religious ceremonies. Religious activities in the home ensured family unity
and the authority of the parents. Family religious activities were concerned
with the welfare of family members. Persistent maladies in the family, for
instance, drove the whole family to sacrifice to God and to undergo a thor-
ough ‘cleansing’ of conduct, including the minute details of courtesy. Family
religious activities helped to maintain a morality based on the belief that
conduct had direct results on family welfare. For the individual member of
the family, the most important critical moments of his life, including initiation
into adulthood and marriage, occurred in the home. When under missionary
influence, religious activities were moved away from the home to the
mission centre or to the church building, religion became a matter of
individual, personal choice. Even when a whole family was converted to
Christianity, family worship did not become a significant element of the
‘civilized’ families. In some cases, members of the same family belonged to
different Christian denominations, which emphasized different beliefs and
modes of conduct. The traditional connection between religion and morality
thus tended to disappear.
Secondly, in the traditional setting religion was the concern of the whole
society. The Gikuyu interpreted national calamities, such as drought, as
Ngais punishment for moral misconduct. Under missionary teaching and
other modernizing influences, religion ceased to be a national concern. Also,
as individuals and as a people the Gikuyu’s attitude to God changed. God
has come to be seen as one who defers punishment for misconduct to some
54
distant future. The missionary teaching about a ‘Day of judgment’ seems to

have had the effect of making people feel that they need not concern
themselves continually with moral uprightness. God’s judgment is so
remote, if not uncertain, that it is difficult for people to remember it in the
pressing business of daily living.
55
C H AP T E R 2
HONESTY (WIHOKEKU)
View s of earl y w riters

The literature is sharply divided regarding honesty or reliability. Routledge
seems to have understood the factors that explain the divided opinion. He
himself assesses the Gikuyu individual as “by nature extraordinarily
honest.”1 Routledge also observes that the Gikuyu were apt to retaliate by
attitude and action the treatment they received from Europeans when their
country was being occupied. “... bright and intelligent, trustful and truthful in
contact with one European, he becomes stupid and unreliable, tricky, and
treacherous to a degree, in the hands of another.”2
Routledge’s view is echoed by Hobley who at first described the Gikuyu as a

“turbulent and treacherous tribe.”3 Hobley said that the Gikuyu character
was “complex”, “secretive”, “conservative” and “difficult to understand.” He
recounted his experience of their “treachery.” In the early days of European
occupation the Gikuyu would come into the camp one afternoon but the next
morning “ they would fire arrows at us ... for no apparent reason.” 4 Some
years later the Gikuyu had apparently become adjusted to the new order
and Hobley was “on close terms with the elders,” being himself “instrumental
in reviving and obtaining official recognition of the Kiama.” It is then he
noticed that “the Kikuyu character had apparently changed.”5
Routledge says that the Gikuyu had “a very definitive code of morals incul-
cated by authority.”6 Routledge arrived at this conclusion after interviews
with some Gikuyu who denied learning it from the missionaries. The Gikuyu
claimed that the ultimate authority behind their code was God. God gave the
code through the mouthpiece of generations of parents. This code included
57
Chapter 2
prohibitions against stealing, murder, disrespect for and disobedience of

parents. Apparently, one of Routledge’s informants qualified the injunction
against murder as not binding where a stranger was concerned, unless
shelter had already been offered. Regarding stealing, Rout- ledge observes
that the injunction not “to steal is obeyed, and the Akikuyu are as a nation
particularly honest" Regarding telling the truth, Routledge says that it is “not
necessarily looked upon as an obligation.”7
Cagnolo has a different view on these matters. He believes that Gikuyu

children did not receive any education from their parents, so they grew up to
be good or bad according to their disposition and the family’s examples.
According to him, a child was neither instructed nor restrained unless it was
clear that his behaviour would bring trouble on the parents. Only then would
the child hear a “few rules of ordinary honesty" Obedience was something
insisted on but a persistently naughty child was left to itself; the parents
would simply say: Uhoro ni waku (It’s your own concern).8
Regarding stealing, Cagnolo says the action was “not held to be very blame-
worthy.” A child might only get into trouble if his thieving caused parents the
inconvenience of being held responsible. However, Von Hohnel who
observed some warriors flogging two thieves at a marketplace, “compelling
them to restore the property stolen” contradicts this view.9
Cagnolo seemed to believe that the Gikuyu regarded dishonesty as a

positive value. Children were not only allowed to indulge in it, they were
expected to cultivate it: “Telling lies is a matter of course and it is a mark of
superior intelligence and smartness if you can deceive your supposedly
clever neighbours.”10
Crawford goes further and suggests that, in fact, dishonesty was part of the
community’s inherent nature: “Falsehood, treachery and sensuality seem to
be bred in their very bones ....”u He regards the medicine man as the
epitome of deception and greed: “He is a most shocking old fraud, but that
does not prevent persons of all sorts and conditions flocking to him for
advice. Indeed he thrives on their credulity, and in his worldly-wise way he
finds his occupation most profitable.”12 For his services, the medicine man
insisted on ‘cash down’, and he was distinctively averse to the credit
system.13
Other writers posit that honesty was a Gikuyu ideal. Leakey, as well as the
Gikuyu authors allude to honesty within the context of what Kenyatta
58
Honesty (w~hokeku)
calls “the fundamental nature of personal relationships” and “social obli-

gations.”14 Every status in the traditional society had certain responsibilities
and obligations attached to it. Children were taught to be obedient, to be
honest members of their family and to play their part in the tasks, together
with other members of the family. If, for instance, a girl brought her mother
some garden produce, such as green vegetables or young beans, the
mother usually demanded to know where she got them from, to make sure
that the girl had not stolen them from other people’s gardens.15 Adults were
all required to show a sense of duty. They were expected to be people of
integrity who fulfilled the expectations of their families and the society in
general. As will be shown in chapter four, there were social and religious
sanctions against those who did not live up to society’s expectations.
In connection with honesty, particular value was attached to friendships. 16

The strength of kinship relationships lay in the element of friendship and the
individual was wise to nurture it. Kinship was a relationship of mutual
respect and honour that could not be maintained without regard to the
principles of honesty. There were many mutually beneficial arrangements
made between people that could not have succeeded without a high degree
of honesty. For instance, there was the practice of placing domestic animals
under the custody of other people. This practice ensured that the individual
had some property elsewhere if he should by any chance lose what he had
in his home. The success of this custom depended on the bonds of friend-
ship.17
It was also a recognised custom among the less well-to-do to purchase an

animal jointly with a friend, give it to him to look after and eventually to divide
up the offspring.18 Itotia says that some poor people became rich through
this practice. Another arrangement between friends involved putting animals
together and taking turns at herding them (gutuuanira ruuru.) This allowed
every person concerned a sufficient period in which to attend to other duties.
According to Leakey, if anyone discovered that his animal was missing he
would not suspect that his companion had stolen it.19 This sense of honesty
was also evident in joint ventures involving tillage of land (ngwatio), house
building and other jobs that required cooperative effort. In this connection
Itotia says that “those loved by in” value “joint possession, partnership, joint
effort” (ngwataniro). This is because, in the final analysis, nobody can be
completely self-sufficient: no lone effort can produce sufficient resources.20
It is clear from the literature that some people were honest, while others
were not. Those who were known to be honest were entrusted with impor-
tant roles in society. Such were the women who became midwives and
59
Chapter 2
others who became keepers of the war insignia.21 Whereas not everybody
was known for integrity, those who were enjoyed high regard. For instance,
Kenyatta points out that a sacrificial lamb, slaughtered in connection with
prayers for rain, was given only by somebody who was beyond reproach.
The owner must have acquired it through lawful means and must himself be
known to be honest and trustworthy.22 From what Leakey and Kenyatta say
it would seem that the medicine man depended on his sincerity rather than
his wits for success. These two authors contradict everything Crawford says
about the medicine man. Stressing that the medicine man was in close
contact with God, they emphasize that people’s confidence in medicine men
depended on the accuracy of their diagnosis of ailments, the effectiveness
of their prescriptions, their ability to keep confidences, and their willingness
to accept payment only after they had seen the results of their cures.23
Significantly, Routledge attributes the relatively few cases of suicide to the
presence and services of the medicine man.24
In conclusion, we can point to Itotia. He emphasizes that the real motive for
honesty was personal welfare. Consideration of personal welfare restrained
the individual from stealing, lying, covetousness, malice, extortion, slander
and anger.25
What is honesty?
The word wihokeku normally describes the quality of being reliable or trust-
worthy. From a moral point of view, however, this word has a wider meaning
and includes other qualities, such as modesty, generosity and diligence. The
informants associated other words with the Gikuyu idea of honesty: they
used various key words. One such word was uthingu (uprightness). This is
described most clearly by the Old Age Group. The other informants include
uuma (truthfulness), utaana (generosity), uhingia (fulfilment of expectations)
and kiyo (diligence).
Traditionally, uprightness (uthingu) was the most essential quality pos-

sessed by an honest person. An upright person could be trusted to be
modest, responsible, generous and diligent. Another word used frequently
by informants in connection with wihokeku is ugima (maturity). Honesty and
the qualities treated in subsequent chapters describe a person whom the
Gikuyu would call mature (mugima). The Gikuyu valued maturity and
traditional education was designed to help the individual become mature.
The methods used to help the growing child to develop moral maturity are
described by the Old and Middle Age groups by the key word uthingu.
60
Honesty (w~hokeku)
The wide range of qualities traditionally included in the virtue of honesty well
illustrates the Gikuyu conception of morality as an integrated whole, as well
as the fact that among them there was no distinction between public and
private morality. This can be shown by looking at how a young man was
expected to advance to the highest position of honour, that of a council
elder. As an initiated young man he was supposed to be sociable, amiable
and courteous to the elders, the women and especially the girls, with whom
he danced and practised nguiko. In conformity with traditional law, military
requirement and public opinion, he abstained from beer. At this stage, his
conduct, both public and private, affected his prospects for marriage. The
young man’s main ambition was to establish a homestead of his own in
order that he might be judged capable of holding a responsible position in
society since, to qualify for this, he had first to prove responsibility in his own
home. But a man had to acquire property before he could establish a
homestead. For this he had to be brave and industrious. Even after marriage
and raising a family, a man had to prove that he was mature enough for
public responsibility by the manner he conducted the affairs of his own
home. Only the man who had demonstrated complete moral integrity and a
high degree of wisdom could rise to the highest grade of a council elder.
Honesty as uprightness (uthingu)

Results of interviews with the Old and Middle Age groups indicate that the
basic quality of the honest person is uprightness (uthingu).26 The word
uthingu was mentioned more frequently by the informants in the Old Age
Group; they gave it a wide application. The Middle Age Group mentioned
the word mostly in reference to sexual fidelity within the marriage bond. The
informants in the Young Age Group did not mention the word although there
was reason to believe that they were familiar with its meaning to some
extent. In spite of this discrepancy between the three age groups it is clear
that the qualities and conduct which are summarised by the Old Age Group
as uthingu are in fact described by other words by the other two groups.
Therefore, it seems correct to say that uprightness is the basic quality of the
honest person.
To the Old Age Group uprightness was the quality that distinguishes the
‘true and honourable’ person from the ‘good for nothing’ rascal. From a
moral point of view, the Gikuyu have two expressions that can be said to
distinguish the upright from the deceitful. The former, ni mundu (is a person)
while the latter, ti mundu (is a non-person).27 The informants in the Middle
Age Group distinguish between people who possess ugima wa ngoro
(maturity of heart) and those who lack it. To both age groups maturity
61
Chapter 2
(ugima) is quite distinct from an individual’s stage of physical development.

There are adults who lack it and young people who possess it. Both age
groups agree that the essential quality present in honest people is maturity.
It would seem therefore that uthingu and ugima mean the same thing and
are often used interchangeably.
Informants in the Old and Middle Age groups regard the process of bringing
up children as the process of inculcating maturity. An informant in the Old
Age Group explains that traditionally a child was brought up in such a way
that the emergent adult would be mundu mugima wa kwthokwo (a mature,
reliable person). Similarly, an informant in the Middle Age Group says that
when a child was born, it was hoped that he would develop physically, in
intelligence and in maturity (anenehe, oohtge na agimare).28
In an endeavour to instil maturity in the growing child, traditional society

employed two complementary methods. The more formal method involved
subjecting the child to ‘stages of cutting’ (marua or matttna ma ndemo). In a
sense this was a way of punctuating the natural spontaneous physical
development of the individual with some experience of pain. The first
experience of pain involved extraction of the two lower front permanent teeth
(kwehwo). They were extracted with a knife soon after the child had a
number of permanent teeth at the age of six or seven. The second
experience was the piercing of the upper ears (gutoonywo nduugtra). An awl
was used for this and thin sticks or reeds were inserted into the holes. Boys
would be roughly between ten and fifteen years when the upper ears were
pierced. The third experience involved the piercing of the ear lobes
(gutoonywo matuu). This was done with a barberry thorn and a thin stick
was inserted into the hole. The hole was progressively enlarged by inserting
bigger cylindrical pieces of wood. Eventually the big ear loop was fitted into
the groove of a flat circular piece of wood, known as ndebe. A short ear loop
was an indication of lack of endurance of the pain and discomfort attendant
upon this rite. Soon after the piercing of the ear lobes boys and girls could
anticipate the fourth and the most important experience of pain. This was
the rite of circumcision (irua) through which the young people were finally
initiated into adulthood. By the time boys were initiated they had stopped
“growing upwards,” that is, they were approximately 18 years of age. Girls
were much younger as they were initiated before experiencing the first
menses, approximately at the age of 12.29
In preparation for their circumcision, boys entered a nine-year period of
muhingo (ban). Shortly before circumcision they passed through a period of
general lawlessness and mischief. Dressed roughly, they roamed about the
62
Honesty (w~hokeku)
countryside, dancing to the amusement of onlookers (gutathaiya), begging,

grabbing and stealing food from people.30 During this short period, when the
boys were known as nguru, they were supposed to be nostalgic about the
immature, childish behaviour (wana) that they were about to forsake. On
undergoing circumcision and during convalescence, the initiates were
regarded as passing from childhood to adulthood. When their wounds were
healed their heads were ritually shaved. Upon the shaving of heads the
initiates became ciumiri (emerging adults). The ritual shaving was the
definite point at which the initiate was formally regarded as an adult. Prior to
the shaving he was referred to as mwana (a child); after the shaving he
became mundu mugima (adult). In one sense mundu mugima meant that he
had become fully developed. More importantly, it meant that he had become
a morally responsible person. Henceforth he was to conduct himself as
befitted his new status of mature adulthood.
At each of the painful stages the individual realized that he was steadily
progressing towards maturity. As it were, he was “stepping out of one state
into another.”31 By the time he had stepped into the state of adulthood it was
hoped that he had also become a “mature, reliable person.” This is clearly
borne out in the ritual known as gutiritha. Girls would undergo this ritual on
the day after circumcision while they were still in pain from the operation. All
the girls who had shared the same initiation facilities underwent the ritual
together. As each girl was anointed with oil the matron anointing her intoned
the following words:
Mwana uria mwega Muthingu

Weheragira athuuri na atumia njira
Uria muthingu
Utaraagia ndeto cia maheeni.
The good child Who is upright Who

makes way for elders.
The upright one Who does not tell
lies.32
According to an informant in the Old Age Group, this ritual sought to impress
upon the initiates a sense of ‘modesty and respect’ (thoni) as well as
truthfulness (uuma).33 These ideals are aspects of what the Old Age Group
describes as uprightness (uthingu).
It was hoped and expected that an initiated young man or woman would be
morally mature and therefore upright. However, experiences of pain in
63
Chapter 2
themselves did not impart maturity. The rites of passage had their value in
impressing on the growing child the qualities that should accompany natural
growth. Traditionally, however, people believed that constant teaching was
the only really effective way of instilling maturity in the child. To stress this,
informants in the Old Age Group repeated the proverb, Njuguma njega
yumaga ikuuriro (A good club is obtained from its source). Accordingly, it
was the primary duty of parents to nurture their children to maturity. Through
example and admonition, responsible parents helped their children to
acquire attitudes and habits of maturity. This kind of teaching was informal,
spontaneous and constant. As children took their places in the family and
local community, they were supposed to imitate adult ways in as much as it
was reasonable to expect children to do so. Mature adult ways made the
growing child to be regarded as mature long before he or she was formally
declared mature after undergoing circumcision. To say that a child was
mature was meant to say that he or she had qualities of reliability or
trustworthiness (wihokeku). These qualities included respect (gitiio),
modesty (thoni), obedience (wathiki) (especially to parents) generosity
(utaana) and diligence (kio).
In spite of parental efforts, some did not attain maturity. For some reason or
other, they did not acquire a sense of responsibility and such behaviour as
would earn them the respect of others. Instead they were immoral (imara-
mari) and untrustworthy. Such was the boy who stole other people’s sugar-
cane, or who allowed animals to feed on other people’s crops, and who was
generally disobedient to his parents. Such also was the disobedient girl, one
who was overly playful, at variance with her brothers, spoke disrespectfully
to her mother (kwaria ngara) and showed no respect to other people. A child
of whom people were apt to say uyu ndakaagira (this one will never grow
aright) grew to be an immature adult.34 They became adults who were
unreasonable, stingy, spiteful, disrespectful or aggressive. In short, they
generally suffered from a sense of self-importance. They had no uprightness
(uthingu) and were therefore unreliable and untrustworthy.
To demonstrate that mature conduct was highly valued, several informants

in the Old Age Group refer to the oaths that newly initiated warriors and
maidens used to take. Warriors used to take a he-goat to a secluded place
where no elder, woman or child was likely to intrude. There they performed
the ceremony of kuringa thenge (striking the he-goat). As they beat the he-
goat to death they pledged to observe a code of behaviour that would earn
them respect and trust. Simultaneously, they invoked a curse on any of their
members who might depart from the approved conduct. Hence the following
form of the curse:
64
Honesty (w~hokeku)
Mundu ukaanywa njoohi, thenge ino iromuria.

Mundu utagaconokera athuuri na atumia, thenge ino iromuria.
Mundu ugatunga mutumia na githuri, thenge ino iromuria.
Mundu ukaringira muiritu, thenge ino iromuria.35
Anyone who will drink beer, may this curse fall on him.
Anyone who will not show respect to married women and elders (causing
us to be despised) may this curse fall on him.
Anyone who will not get out of the way for a married woman, may this curse
fall on him.
Anyone who will dissuade a girl from marrying her suitor, may this curse
fall on him.
Initiated maidens held a corresponding ceremony, also in seclusion.

However, instead of beating a he-goat, they tugged a leather strap until it
snapped. They invoked a curse on any who might disregard their code of
behaviour “that they might snap like this leather strap"36
Since the three age groups have different understanding of uprightness, the
ideas of each group are described separately.
Information obtained from the Old Age Group provides several practical
illustrations of conduct that made a person to be regarded as honest
(mwihokeku). Respectful behaviour rated high. In connection with respect,
modesty (thoni) was an essential quality. From what the informants say,
modesty seems to be a blend of humility and refinement. It is the ingredient
in people’s behaviour that promotes mutual respect. For instance, on
meeting married women along a path, a young man would step aside to let
them pass. If he met a woman of his mother’s age they would both leave the
path and each would walk in the bush. Girls were usually full of fun and
laughter. If a young man intended to enter a hut where girls were chatting,
he did not surprise them. Rather he cleared his throat loudly (guthamara) as
a way of announcing his presence. The girls would stop chattering imme-
diately and leave their seats, thus showing him respect.37
When eventually a respectful young man needed a wife, he hardly needed

to court his chosen girl. The women recommended him to her as “good,
modest, respectful” and therefore honest. Such a man found a wife easily.
To the Old Age Group marriage was traditionally a relationship of respect.

For instance, a man who intended to marry a girl gave her an ornament
65
Chapter 2
(ithaga) as a token of love. On account of that token she stopped dancing

with him. By the same token, other men with whom she continued to dance
would not court her. If a suitor took a friend with him on a visit to his pro-
spective in-laws and the friend used bad language (kiugo kiuru) or insults
(irumi), that was regarded as great disrespect. The young man would have
to give a “ram of propitiation” (ngoima) for his friend’s behaviour. From then
on the suitor would no longer trust his friend (ndangimwihoka ringi).38
Honesty in a married woman is evidenced by her respect for the sanctity of

marriage. She does not commit adultery. Her fidelity (gukindiria) ensures
that her home is established and will be remembered by future generations.
In Gikuyu idiom she will leave a legacy of iganjo (a home that was).39
Similarly, a married man safeguarded his honesty by resisting the desire for
other women and in not neglecting or chasing away his wife from the home.
People who lacked honesty in these matters were regarded as disreputable.
A girl demonstrated her honesty by her chastity as she waited for marriage.
In the meantime, her work at home would be commendable. Similarly, a
young man would spend his time as mwanake kuna (a true young man)
without degrading himself but waiting to take a wife at the right time.
To be trustworthy was to guthondeka riitwa (to make a name). A trustworthy

man therefore need not spend a night in the bush if darkness overtook him
because people would readily open their homes to him. On the other hand, if
a man wished to be known as muhuuni or muroba (carefree) because of the
way he talked and acted, the name stuck. If in later life he should try to
repent, his efforts would be futile because such a stain did not erase. No
man can rectify a bad name such as maraya (prostitute) or mwaganu
(rogue). Therefore, to be honest is to guard one’s name throughout life. It is
to avoid roguishness because a rogue cannot hope to be offered respect
and hospitality in people’s homes.40
It takes a long time for people to stop trusting a person who has a reputation
for honesty. However, it is possible for such a person to lose his reputation
because of some dishonest action, even if he tries to conceal it: nothing
remains hidden forever. Any deed, which is not right and proper, somehow
emits a flash of warning that the person is departing from integrity. People
may even rationalize that these are small misdeeds of a man who is
otherwise good. However, it remains true that one’s trustworthiness has
departed.
In this connection, the Gikuyu have a saying: Kuganwo ni kuura (To be
66
Honesty (w~hokeku)
praised is to become lost). When a person is given much praise he tends to

overdo things. In overdoing he stumbles and spoils his trustworthiness. This
is especially true in the realm of speech, when a person is giving testimony
of what he knows. A trustworthy person tries very hard therefore not to
destroy his honesty through too much self-confidence (kwigerera).41
There is another aspect of uprightness that is considered of vital importance

to honesty. This is respect for other people’s right to property. Therefore,
someone demonstrates his honesty by avoiding kuhuutia (to touch) another
person’s property. The traditional Gikuyu believe that something stolen will
somehow cause misfortune to the thief. For this reason, traditionally, most
Gikuyu people would not steal a straying domestic animal. If such an animal
was found, it was restored to the owner. If the owner was not known, the
person who found it announced it in the market place. If a lost animal died it
was hung on a tree along a public path (rutumo) so that the owner might
take possession of it.42
Yet another quality interpreted as uprightness by the Old Age Group is

generosity (utaana). In the context of honesty, generosity means good
actions and gracious words. Informants in this group would therefore say,
Wihokeku ni gwika wega na kwaria wega. (Honesty is to do good and to
speak graciously). The generous or affable person tends to attract the
respect and goodwill of other people. People reciprocate his generosity in
friendship and in various deeds of kindness.
The Gikuyu say, Utaana ni kanua (Generosity is in the mouth). However, a

‘good mouth’ is not necessarily a reliable indication of uprightness.
Informants in the Old Age Group recognize that there are many people who
feign grace and geniality in their talk but they are really motivated by greed.
They talk nicely to other people with the intention of extorting things and
obtaining favours from their victims. Such people are described as ndiira
kanua, meaning those who earn their living through deceitful talk, or andu a
nda (people of the stomach). Some of them are so driven by envy (ruitho)
and spite (rumena) that they have no scruples about stealing from their
benefactors. The Old Age Group believes that greed (ukoroku) and
covetousness (gucuumikira) are the traits in the human character that
undermine honesty the most. The greedy and the covetous have a burning
desire to grab and possess (guthara).43
As stated above, the Middle Age Group makes reference to the word
uthingu mostly in connection with sexual fidelity. The informants are quick to
67
Chapter 2
add, however, that fidelity in matters of sex is only part of a person’s total
integrity. They argue that a man or woman of integrity will avoid adultery or
fornication as a consequence of the same moral maturity that will restrain
him or her from stealing or committing murder. To informants in this group
then, the not-yet-married men and women demonstrate uthingu (upright-
ness) by abstaining from sexual intercourse. A girl, who is able to conduct
herself with maturity and to abstain from sex earns a good reputation and is
regarded as unspoiled (gathirange). Some of the informants explain that in
former days sexual fidelity did not necessarily mean that unmarried men and
women avoided bodily contact altogether. They used to practise nguiko,
alternately referred to as kurerana (to nurture each other). Nguiko was a
practice that was supposed to help circumcised young men and girls to learn
about each other in an intimate way. The rules governing nguiko ensured
that young men and girls provided each other with the ‘nurture’ of bodily
contact without engaging in sexual intercourse. A mature man or girl could
be trusted to exercise self-control and prove his or her reliability. A girl
demonstrated her maturity by securing her garments between her legs and
round her waist in such a way as to render sexual intercourse impossible.
On his part, a man demonstrated his maturity by complying fully with the
rules of nguiko that confined the practice to fondling and ‘rubbing breasts’
(thigana). A mature man proved his reliability by avoiding to ‘touch’ a girl’s
garments,’ that is, he neither attempted to loosen the garments she had
secured to herself, nor did he persuade her to do so.44
Among married people, fidelity was expected of both partners. They were
expected to be faithful to each other and not to commit adultery. A wife was
to avoid careless talk with men or jokes which alluded to sex (itheru
ihuunyuku). If her husband should die, she was able to live alone.
To the Middle Age Group informants, the basis of sexual fidelity is the
respect and the fear that exist between people. Sexual fidelity results in
mutual trust between husbands and wives, men and women.
The Middle Age Group recognize other areas of human conduct that illus-
trate maturity, and therefore honesty. For instance, a grown-up girl dem-
onstrates her maturity by behaving responsibly to her brothers and sisters.
She relieves her mother of much of the work in the home. When she visits
friends she returns home before nightfall. The mature girl is considered good
because her conduct and her work commend her. An immature girl,
however, takes on few responsibilities at home and is in the habit of insulting
those who attempt to correct her.
68
Honesty (w~hokeku)
On his part, a mature young man demonstrates his maturity by living sen-
sibly. He is disciplined and does not let nightfall overtake him sitting in a bar.
During the day he does not join ndundu (private sessions) of other young
men who form ad hoc groups to gossip. If he is employed, he helps his
parents financially.
An immature man does not remember the needs of his parents. A man like
that will spend years away from home earning a salary before visiting his
parents or if he does visit them he takes them no provisions or money.
Instead, he comes with friends and expects his mother to offer them hospi-
tality without ascertaining whether she has the means to do so. Yet another
is a loiterer who is often to be found leaning against posts in the market
place.
When a mature girl marries into a home she gives sincere service and co-
operation to her husband’s parents. Her father-in-law can call on her to do
small jobs for him, such as feeding the calves. Her mother-in-law can leave
her in charge of things if she has to go away. She in turn can leave her baby
with her mother-in-law when she goes to do something like fetching
firewood. She adapts so well to her new home that her husband is rendered
muremwo ni kumwatha (unable to command her). That is, he will not be able
to complain about her because his parents will defend her. Other people will
also commend her goodness, saying that she has brought harmony into the
home.
Maturity in a married couple is seen in the quality of the life in their home.
The aim is that their family should prosper (gukuria mucii). To this end they
go about their concerns with mutual respect and a high degree of mutual
confidence. People do not hear of quarrels between them. They do not
make their problems and needs public. In fact, they work in such unity that
people do not know how they go about their affairs. When people make
reference to them they commend them on account of maundu moogima na
mahaririku (their mature and orderly affairs).
The immature couple, on the other hand, does not seem to have a clear
plan of what they want for their home. The wife is to be heard complaining
that her husband does not help her, that he roams about and returns home
late in the evenings. The husband is apt to complain that his wife is a ‘bully’
(munyamarania), meaning that she tends to command him rather than to
obey him. Such a couple cannot develop their home because they lack the
necessary respect and harmony.
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Chapter 2
In other words, the Middle Age Group describes honesty as a sense of

responsibility. This is not so much an ideal in the mind as a practical dem-
onstration that one is able to manage one’s own affairs successfully, as well
as to meet the expectations of those who have a right to expect services.
The informants in this group make repeated references to wihokeku as
gwithondekera maundu (the ability to manage one’s own affairs), mundu
kumenyerera wira wake (the duty of the individual to ensure that his par-
ticular work is properly done) and kuramata mucii (the ability to manage
one’s home). A person who has this sense of responsibility and duty is
himself further described as being disciplined (kugaacira, gukindirika).
This group maintains further that it is other people who judge whether a
person possesses the qualities that make him trustworthy. Thus, when
people are electing leaders they investigate whether a prospective leader
has maturity in terms of being a good manager of his own affairs and also
whether he is temperate (gukindirika) and self-respecting. Such a person is
ndari ucuuke (is not open to scandal), ndangiunwo muti (has no demerit and
mucii uri ririi (his home has some ‘glory’ about it). For instance, such a
person will not give cheques to harambee (self-help) projects that will
‘bounce’ when presented to the bank.45
Lack of maturity, and therefore of honesty, is seen in people whose speech

lacks grace; they are people who talk carelessly and do not keep confi-
dences. When the informants in the Young Age Group associate respect
with honesty, they regard respect as both the result and the essence of
honesty.
Essentially, a person who carries out a responsibility entrusted to him by

another does so because he has respect for him or her. This group believes
it is easier to conduct oneself with honesty towards those one respects. But
respect is also a consequence of honesty; a trustworthy person is generally
respected. Children will trust and respect their parents mostly because
parents have proved to be worthy of respect.
A person who is trustworthy or reliable is acceptable to other people. He is

readily listened to if he has suggestions to make. This shows that people
respect his words. An untrustworthy person finds it hard to get an audience
because people tend to suspect his motives. Reliable people are not only
respected, they are also elevated to positions of leadership.
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
Honesty as truthfulness (uuma)

All the informants in the three age groups describe honesty as truthfulness,
an honest person is essentially mundu wa ma (a truthful person). To all the
informants, truthfulness is discerned in the person who does not tell lies and
whose actions are right and sincere.
To the Old and Middle Age groups, truthfulness in word normally means that
a person speaks what he knows to be ‘simply so’ (niguo). This is normally
the plain truth of a matter (ma biu). In many cases, facts of a matter can be
proved through investigation so that the person who gives them is
vindicated. However, it is possible to distort facts, even unintentionally. For
this reason a truthful person normally gives considerable thought to what he
says in order to minimize error as much as possible. The Young Age Group
agrees that there are people who become reputable on account of their
truthfulness. People can be heard to say of such, “if you hear so and so
saying that, it is indeed so.” Informants in the Young Age Group further
agree that every individual is expected to be truthful in this way.
The Old and Middle Age groups emphasize that personal reputation is a
strong incentive to verbal accuracy. A person always guards his words so
that occasion does not arise when he is accused of telling lies since that
would cause him embarrassment. To the Old Age Group, even if a person
does not utter deliberate lies he is still regarded as untruthful if he gives
uhoro utari wa ho (inaccurate information). Gikuyu society traditionally
marked such untrustworthy people. In traditional society, people were wary
of a person who behaved as if he was the only knowledgeable one
(mumenyi) or the only wise one (muugi). If an occasion arose when such a
person said something that was found to be untrue he was publicly
denounced as untrustworthy. Since public ridicule was harmful to a person’s
self-esteem, it was advisable to avoid putting oneself into a position of
embarrassment. For this reason the traditional Gikuyu advised moderation in
speech: hence the proverb, Uugi munene ukirithagio ihiga (Too much
sharpness is rubbed against a stone). In other words, a person who handles
a very sharp knife will blunt it a little so that it does not cut him while he is
using it. Similarly, a person must control his talking in order to avoid the
danger of being embarrassed. Truthful people are considered beneficial to
the community. Such people are believed when they give testimony in a
dispute or lawsuit.
When honest elders sat in a tribunal that tried a suspect, it did not matter
whether the suspect was tried in his own home area or away from home.
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Chapter 2
They employed justice so that if they found him guilty it meant that any other
tribunal would have come to the same conclusion. An honest tribunal was
not expected to practice favouritism. In most cases the judgement of a case
satisfied the litigating parties, regardless of whether they won or lost the
case. However, in some cases one litigating party might have hoped to win
the case although he had no reasonable ground for winning. If he lost, he
went away grumbling that the adjudicators had been bribed or that they had
favoured his opponent. He might even rationalize his defeat by quoting the
proverb, Muruira kwene ndoomaga (One circumcised in an alien land does
not show courage).
As already stated, all the informants believe that honesty must be demon-
strated both in word and deed. An individual who does not tell lies should
also be expected to act honestly. According to the Middle Age Group, a
person avoids telling lies when he endeavours to fulfil what he has prom-
ised. If, for instance, he promises to give iron sheets to a harambee (self-
help) project, he will honour his promise. Likewise, if a man tells his father-
in-law that he will deliver some goats to him on a certain day, he will duly
deliver them on that day. Informants in the Young Age Group also say that
when honest children are sent to the shops to buy things, they do not cheat
their parents about the change: they return the correct change. According to
this group, there are school children who cannot be trusted to take fees to
school. These are the children who are apt to quote a higher figure with the
idea of retaining the balance. Most of the informants in the Young Age
Group say that people expect elders in responsible positions to be honest in
word and deed. They especially refer to the committees that look after cattle
dips and other co-operative ventures.
Regarding honest action, the Young Age Group makes several other obser-
vations. Financial matters take up most of its attention. A few examples will
suffice. They observe, for instance, that people who handle money that does
not belong to them and avoid stealing gain a reputation for honesty and
people trust them. Individuals may then request such people to handle
financial matters on their behalf.
An honest shopkeeper will deal honestly with all customers regardless of

whether they are able to check the weights and measures of the commodi-
ties he sells them. He is also careful not to short change customers who
have difficulty in counting money due to age or illiteracy. It is possible for a
shopkeeper to short change a customer by mistake. If he denies the fact,
the customer will regard him as a cheat. Shopkeepers who agree to count
72
Honesty (w~hokeku)
the change again are regarded as honest.
An honest person who comes across money will not keep it but will do his
best to discover its owner. Some informants say that the finder would be
unwise to take the money to the headman as he might pocket it himself.
Sometimes it happens that when people take their coffee berries to the
factory, someone weighs another person’s coffee by mistake. An honest
person will disclose the mistake he has made and will rectify the records.
However, some people, do not disclose their mistake and take the attitude
that “coffee is coffee anyway; it does not matter who owns it.”46 Some
women demonstrate their honesty by refraining from spending ‘coffee
money’ when they receive it on behalf of their husbands. Informants in the
Young Age Group believe that such women respect their husbands.
Children show their honesty at school by carrying on working even in the

teacher’s absence. Honest children will also avoid copying each other’s
work when doing assignments. Those people who learn and do
examinations by correspondence act dishonestly if they look up answers or
ask other people do to the examinations for them. At home, children show
their honesty if they perform their duties well, even in the absence of their
parents. The honest children will also not ‘touch’ money unless they are
given it, even if they know where to find it in the house.
According to the informants in this group, people tend to act honestly toward
those they fear or respect (gwitigira). For instance, a matatu (small public
transport vehicle) driver will return all the money he earns to the owner of
the matatu. The driver may be a man who drinks yet he will not touch the
money that belongs to his employer. Another matatu driver keeps lying to
the matatu owner that ‘there is no work’ (gutiri wira) while in fact he is
diverting the earnings to himself. Such people set up their own matatu
business as soon as they are dismissed. This is because they will have
dishonestly accumulated enough capital to enable them to start matatu
operations.
The informants in the Young Age Group are of the opinion that people who
avoid stealing will have been brought up from childhood to regard stealing
as bad. The informants believe that honesty must start at home with
parents, then relatives and then other people. In other words, if a child does
not learn to act honestly from an early age while under the care of his
parents, he might be expected to deal dishonestly with other people without
a prick of conscience when he grows up. A child learns to act honestly at
73
Chapter 2
home by being taught to help himself to things openly or to get parental

permission. Through constant counsel a child will grow up knowing what is
expected of him.
Although the informants in the Young Age Group agree that in principle
people should speak the truth, they are of the opinion that people should be
free to use their discretion. For instance, if a person is confronted by thugs it
would be unwise to tell them the truth regarding the place where he has kept
his money. To give another example, people could chase someone who, in
desperation, rushes into someone’s house for refuge. If the pursuers should
ask the owner of the house if he has seen the fleeing person, he should
answer “yes” or “no” depending on the circumstances. The pursuers could
be intending to assault the fugitive. On the other hand, they could be trying
to arrest him for some crime he has committed. If that is so, then he should
reveal where the culprit is hiding. Some of the informants also feel that when
a person fails someone he respects it may be better to exonerate himself
with a lie than to tell the simple truth. Thus, for instance, if someone fails to
keep an appointment because he forgot about it, he should find a better
reason to give for his failure to keep the appointment.
All the informants in the three age groups agree that although truthfulness is
valued highly, deceit is common. They give various reasons why people tell
lies and act dishonestly. Some people tell lies in order to avoid
embarrassment or ridicule. They commit offences but deny responsibility.
These are the people who like to save face or those who are anxious to
continue enjoying people’s respect in spite of their untrustworthiness. They
will therefore deny, swear and even take an oath in the hope of convincing
their accusers that they are honest. Other people tell lies because they are
afraid of facing the consequences of their actions.
According to some informants in the Middle Age Group, fear of punishment
makes some people lie to the authorities that they have paid taxes when
they have not. Some men will lie that they are not responsible for pregnan-
cies because they are afraid of paying compensation. Greed or desire for
gain drives other people to act dishonestly and tell lies. Some civil servants
will lie to the government that they intend to occupy the house they have
applied for whereas they intend to let it out. Others embezzle funds, while
still others practise other forms of corruption. There are also people who, out
of jealousy or malice, will steal the property of others, especially from the
rich or from foreigners.
The Old and Middle Age Groups believe that greedy people, that is, those
74
Honesty (w~hokeku)
who obtain property by unlawful means, sooner or later will meet with
misfortune. In this connection, several informants in both groups quote the
proverb, Mugathi wa kuoya uteeaga wa mwene (A stolen string of beads
causes the loss of one’s own). Agreeing with this view, the informants in the
Young Age Group are of the opinion that the honest person is a contented
person: he has peace and joy and God blesses what he has acquired hon-
estly. God also helps him to manage properly what he has. In his industrious
life he has no desire for other people’s property. On the other hand, the
person who thinks it is not necessary to practice honesty in every area of life
finds that in the long run, he does not enjoy peace of mind. Besides being
troubled by his conscience, he might get into serious trouble because some
dishonest acts are also criminal. Even a respectable person who gets into
the habit of embezzling funds may eventually be found out and punished.
All the informants further agree that dishonest people are the cause of
disputes. In the course of a dispute they force honest people to resort to
swearing because their statements are doubted or contradicted. The Old
and Middle Age groups maintain that since society has always had dis-
honest people, false accusations, litigations and various levels of swearing
are part of life. Traditionally, an oath (muuma) was the final resort in a bid to
resolve disputes or to establish the innocence of people accused of various
offences; it was an appeal to the judgement of supernatural powers. Its
effect was believed to be baneful to the liar and his family. Although the oath
was generally feared and was only occasionally resorted to, some dishonest
people still requested the use of the oath in the hope of exoneration. Some
of them sought out a medicine man soon after taking the oath to cleanse
them of the effect of the oath. Others were hardened criminals who had
escaped being apprehended many times. Hardened criminals grew sceptical
about the fatal effect of swearing falsely under oath. Such was a habitual
thief who had stolen numerous times and, in spite of the curses (kurumwo),
death had not caught up with him. Being undeterred by the bewitching
charms placed on property to ward off thieves, his motto was: Kaba ngore
urogi, ndikoone mwene (Better to find bewitching charms than to find the
owner). 47
Honesty as generosity (uuma-andu)

The three age groups also describe honesty in terms of generosity.48
However, the word generosity (utaana) is actually only mentioned by the
informants in the Old Age Group. Sometimes this group substitutes the word
wega (goodness) for generosity. The Middle Age Group talks of uuma-andu
(benevolence) and the Young Age Group uses the word wendani (charity).
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Chapter 2
All the three groups are evidently talking about the same quality, best
defined as generosity.
As noted in a preceding section, the Old Age Group regards generosity as

one of the essential components of the quality of uprightness (uthingu). The
generous person is affable, benevolent, and gracious in word and deed.
For the Middle Age Group, benevolence (uuma andu) is closely associated
with honesty because the benevolent person (muuma andu) has several
qualities that make him trustworthy (mwihokeku).
Intrinsically, the muuma andu possesses the ‘quality of being good’

(kwagira). This is goodness without selfishness so that it is benevolent. He
also possesses wisdom (uugi) and the ability to counsel (utaarani). To his
community he is ‘the bringer of harmony and good will between people’
(muiguithania). The way he talks and handles people is such that he is gen-
erally a source of joy (gikeno). Muuma andu is also seen to employ justice
(kihooto) in all he does. In other words, he possesses maturity, reasonable-
ness and a sense of fair play.
For these reasons, muuma andu is loved, respected and trusted. His ser-
vices are sought in various ways. For instance, since he is known to counsel
people without self-interest people will go to him for advice. He does not talk
publicly or indiscriminately about matters that have come to his knowledge
confidentially. In Gikuyu idiom, he does not engage in ndeto cia bara ndari
(roadside gossip). For this reason, married couples who need counsel will
go to a muuma andu. In the community, people might have a concern about
the conduct of a particular individual. Rather than counsel the person as a
group, they might send him to a muuma andu. For example, a woman
whose conduct is not in keeping with her status might be sent to a female
muuma andu for counsel.
A muuma andu is often asked to oversee (kurugamirira) a project or a matter

on behalf of a family or the public. He may be given leadership because
people know he will not mislead them. People will entrust their money to him
or their domestic animals for his safe custody. He may be asked to divide
(kugaya) meat for a big gathering. He will also be asked to share out
property on certain occasions. His selflessness is an asset to the
community. Above all, a muuma andu is a genuine friend. People seek out
the affable person for the deep heart-to-heart bond that is not dependent on
the ability to exchange material gifts. Several informants observed that
76
Honesty (w~hokeku)
muuma andu is an ideal personality. But not many people combine all the
qualities of generosity to a high degree.
The Young Age Group closely associate wendani (love or charity) with
honesty. By wendani the informants mean good will towards other people.
They describe such a person as mwenda andu (one who loves people, a
charitable person). Somehow his demeanour makes him stand out above
others; he is humane and reliable. If such a person is in a position of influ-
ence, he will find a job for someone who is unemployed without asking for a
bribe. Humane or benevolent people bring harmony and peace (uiguuano)
to their community; they are often involved in establishing peace and
understanding between contending parties.
Honesty as fulfilment of expectation (uhingia)

Honesty is also described as fulfilment (uhingia). Fulfilment is specifically
explained by all the informants in the Old Age Group and the majority of
informants in the Young Age Group. In answer to the question “What is
honesty?” these informants actually mentioned the word kuhingia (to fulfil)
among other key words. Informants in the Middle Age Group do not mention
the word specifically. However, they allude to the characteristics associated
with it, using such words as ‘maturity’ and ‘truthfulness.’ Some of the
examples provided by the Young Age Group to explain fulfilment of
expectation are similar to those provided by the Middle Age Group to explain
maturity. On the other hand, informants in the Young Age Group do not
mention the word maturity. But the quality they describe would be regarded
as maturity by the Middle Age Group and as uprightness by the Old Age
Group. It can be said, therefore, that the Middle Age Group is not ignorant of
the moral quality involved in the key word uhingia. Of the two groups that
describe fulfilment, the Old Age Group has much to say on things the Young
Age Group is ignorant of. Therefore, it seems best to record their
descriptions separately.
In their description, the informants in the Old Age Group mentioned the verb
kuhingia (to fulfil) together with that which is fulfilled. ‘That which is fulfilled’
includes an agreement, a promise (kiriko), an appointment (giathi) and an
expectation (wihoko).
The essential moral quality in fulfilling a promise, keeping an appointment or

meeting the just expectation of another is a sense of right or justice
(kihooto). A just person has no ill will or malice (kiunuhu) and will readily fulfil
the just expectation of another. In the context of fulfilment, therefore,
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Chapter 2
honesty is defined as doing that which is just (kihooto). That is, to be trust-
worthy or reliable is to habitually fulfil the just or reasonable expectations of
other people.
A person who habitually fulfils his promises is regarded as honest. Some of

the promises he makes involve things he intends to give to friends or things
he intends to do for them. He is therefore also regarded as generous. But a
generous person may also be called a liar because he is not able to fulfil all
he promises. Nevertheless, people do not doubt his generosity or honesty
because he is known to endeavour to fulfil what he promises. What he fails
to honour in practice he ‘makes good with his mouth.’ That is, he is always
able to give acceptable reasons for his failure to fulfil some promises.
Similarly, a person who keeps appointments is regarded as honest. If he

promises to be at a place at some appointed time, he will endeavour to fulfil
his promise. Dishonest people, on the contrary, do not keep their promises
or appointments. Such is the stingy woman who is offered hospitality by
another woman. She promises to reciprocate at a future date. When her visit
is returned, however, she hides what food there is, pretends to be happy at
seeing her friend and apologises for having been visited at a time of
scarcity. She makes another appointment but on the material day she
absents herself from home so that her friend does not find her.
In traditional society, some friendships grew stronger than others, depending

on the degree to which people fulfilled each other’s expectations. When a
person placed his animals under the custody of another (kuhithia), he
expected the custodian to accord them good care. An honest custodian
ensured that indeed he looked well after his friend’s property. He did not
steal any of the animals placed under his custody nor the offspring born
while the animals were under his care. Some of the animals under his
custody might be better specimens than his own. Nevertheless, he did not
exchange them with his own animals when eventually he handed the flock to
its owner. In due time, the custodian invited the owner to inspect his animals
and take them home. Accordingly, the owner performed the ceremony of
kuhithuria (fetching animals from custody). When he took his animals away
he presented the custodian with some of the offspring. The two friends thus
not only obeyed the customary law governing kuhithia, but they became
even greater friends as a result of the custodian’s honesty. 49
Fulfilling the just expectation of another is also illustrated by the way the
poor and the rich placed themselves under each other’s obligation. If a rela-
78
Honesty (w~hokeku)
tively poor man had a good crop of sweet potato vines, a rich man might ask
him to fatten two or three rams for him on the sweet potato vines. When the
poor man had fattened the rams to the owner’s satisfaction, the rich man
customarily gave the poor man a goat in return for his services. According to
an informant, the results of such mutual trust were threefold. First, there was
blessing (kiraathimo); God blessed the poor man because of his sweat. The
goat given him might produce a herd that eventually might fetch him a wife.
Secondly, the two parted in a good way, each experiencing the warmth of
gratitude. Thirdly, the rich man earned a name for justice because he did not
exploit his poor neighbour.50
Conversely, a dishonest person had no sense of justice. In spite of the good

done to him he would disdain the doer. For instance, if in the above
example, the rich man was not trustworthy, he would take his fattened rams
and would not give anything in recognition of the poor man’s work and
fatigue (minoga). People would regard him as wicked (mwaganu), bad
(muuru), a swindler (mutuunyani) and extortioner (muria nguuru). Further,
his conduct resulted in disputes (maciira). The poor man would normally call
upon adjudicators and elders to demand his due from the rich man on his
behalf. If the rich man had in fact promised to give something in return, he
would be seen to have refused to fulfil a promise. Promise or no promise,
however, his would be a case of failure to reciprocate a good deed. The
poor man’s case against him is summarized in the proverb, Ngukuhaka
maguta, ukahaka muhu! (I anoint you with oil and you cover me with
ashes!).51
Within the context of fulfilment, three aspects of honesty are illustrated in the
case of a woman who might beg for a baby sitter (mureri wa mwana) from
another woman. She would beg for one because she had no ‘little girl’ of her
own to mind her baby. Usually such a request would be granted. One aspect
of honesty (wihokeku) would be the generosity shown by the little girl’s
mother in loaning her to the other woman. The other would be the faithful
service given by the girl in minding another woman’s baby. The third would
be the gratitude shown by the woman at the end of the girl’s temporary
service. She would show it by taking her back to her mother with much joy
and many gifts. She would of course have cared for the little girl as if she
were her own daughter. At the end of her service the woman would give her
a token of thanks in the form of a bracelet known as gicomoyo. She might
also provide the girl with a garment, in anticipation of her initiation soon after
she would return home. The woman would then escort her home, carrying a
large quantity of millet and other food gifts (itega) that women friends helped
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Chapter 2
to carry.52
Honesty is proved by repaying a good deed regardless of time lapse. The

opportune time to return good is when someone learns that the person who
once helped him is experiencing some trouble, such as illness or famine. On
hearing such news he will determine to reciprocate in some way the help he
was once given. In this context, honesty is described by the Old Age Group
as an attitude of good will that does not depend on yesterday’s good deed.
Rather it is sustained for a long time since the person does not forget the
good done to him.
To the Old Age Group, every status carries with it some obligations. Indi-
viduals who are true to their status and role in the family and in the com-
munity can be said to fulfil people’s expectations of them; that is, they are
reliable and honest. It is in this sense that an informant in this group said,
Wihokeku manifests itself from an early age by such traits as diligence (kiyo)
and generosity (utaana). By the time a boy or girl is initiated he or she is
seen to have fulfilled expectations and to have become trustworthy
(akoonwo niahingiitie na agatuika mwihokeku).53
Ordinary men and women, young people and children would demonstrate
their honesty in faithfully carrying out their duties and responsibilities to
family and society. In traditional society, individuals who had special
responsibilities were particularly careful to fulfil people’s expectations of
them. For instance, after childbirth a woman was expected to observe a
‘period of seclusion’ for four or five days during which period another woman
(muhiuhiria) nursed her. During this period the muhiuhiria was expected to
abstain from sexual intercourse.54 Only a malicious woman would break this
rule. To give another example, the diviner (muraguri) was recognised both
for his honesty and wisdom. His wisdom lay in his ability to discern malice
and to avoid it. Since he did not use his intelligence for evil he was able to
fulfil people’s need for counsel. He was described as muheeani kirira (the
giver of counsel). He advised people when to plant food crops, when to
impose the ban (muhingo) on boys in preparation for their initiation and
when to hold certain ceremonies.55
Traditionally, initiated young men or warriors served society in military and

police duties. As is to be expected, not every warrior was honest in terms of
being disciplined and courageous. But warriors who had won the respect of
parents for their fidelity and bravery were often entrusted with the care of the
80
Honesty (w~hokeku)
neighbourhood girls. They escorted the girls to dances and ensured none
were molested. During trade expeditions to distant places such trusted men
accompanied the women. Under no circumstances would they abandon
those entrusted to them.56
When raiding or fighting the Maasai, the warriors expected not only bravery
but also moral encouragement and sympathy from each other. A warrior’s
first concern was his own security as well as victory. He was careful to go
with brave and willing warriors, as this warriors’ song indicates:
Ngathii na kenda wirutiire utakoiga gathuki ni miundu.

I will go with nine committed companions who will not take a stump for
a man.57
Cowards were easily frightened by shapes and shadows. At twilight, a tree

stump may seem to imitate the movements of a person and would seem to
cower or raise itself as the person makes the same movements. A brave
warrior who undertook exploits with cowards would never bring anything
home. Therefore, if he was to bring back booty, a warrior must go on raiding
expeditions with warriors (njamba) who were not afraid of stumps at twilight.
These were individuals who were reliable (eehokeku) by their very mettle.
To go about it alone would be futile because one would be overpowered by
the enemy. The select, faithful warriors were not only good at fighting but
also at defending each other. Each warrior expected and implored his fellow
warriors to defend him during the encounter with the enemy:
Riika mungitire na moota ndikaae guitiriruo thi ta nyumba.

Age mates, defend me with bows so that I am not brought down like a hut. 58
Similarly, close relatives and friends had special obligations to ensure each
other’s survival. In circumstances when food and water were scarce people
were apt to be selfish over the little available. Nevertheless, the individual
sought to obtain them for himself and for his special friend or kin. This was
true, for instance, when a trading expedition had to go for days without
water. When a little was found people scrambled for it and passed the con-
tainer of water to their favourites:
Maai ma njango
Mwendaniririo
Utari wao akaraara atakunda
Search after water
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Chapter 2
is a matter of favouritism.
He who has no relative will sleep thirsty.59
In a battle with the Maasai, a high degree of honesty is seen in the Gikuyu
warrior whose compassion for an injured fellow warrior overrides all con-
siderations of personal safety and convenience. He sees a fellow warrior
with a spear lodged in his thigh and tells him, “Pull it out!” Then he finds
some leaves and closes the spear wound. After that first aid the two proceed
towards home slowly, sleeping under trees at night. Eventually, they reach
the home of the injured man and the compassionate warrior hands his fellow
warrior over to his own people. Subsequently, the rescued man will find
occasion to express publicly his gratitude to the man who “did not allow the
Maasai to come after me and kill me.”60
The idea of respect was discussed in an earlier section in the context of

uprightness. Within the context of fulfilment (uhingia), respect is shown in
the form of gratitude by one person to another. The person shown gratitude
will most probably have met the other person’s need in one way or another.
However, respect does not always follow a fulfilled need: it is sometimes
anticipatory. When it is anticipatory it includes esteem and hope (mwihoko).
The expression kwihoka ngania can be interpreted to mean “to trust so and
so.” It can also be interpreted to mean “to hope that so and so will oblige.”
The element of respect may be concealed but it is nevertheless present.
Kwihoka is to have a high regard for another and to be at the same time
solicitous of his special favour or service. These might be the sentiments
behind a boy’s efforts to win the special favour of a particular initiated young
man (in view of the boy’s own imminent initiation). The
boy may favour the young man with gifts. These gifts are an indication that
he wishes the young man to be his sponsor (mutiiri) during his circumcision.
Eventually he will explicitly ask the young man to sponsor him. By so doing,
he is in fact seeking to establish a relationship of respect and mutual
obligation between him and the young man. If the young man sponsors him
he will, for all practical purposes, from then on regard the young man as his
father. In most cases the young man will agree to sponsor the boy.
However, if the boy is known to have immoral habits (umaramari), such as
stealing sugarcane from people’s gardens, letting animals eat people’s
crops when he is grazing them or being disobedient to his parents, the
young man will not oblige him. He will be apprehensive about establishing a
deep relationship with a mumaramari (one who wantonly disregards law and
custom). Yet, since the boy had shown him respect, his problem becomes
how to refuse without snubbing him. He may therefore give excuses, such
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
as that he had planned a journey and will be absent at the time of circumci-
sion. In giving excuses he will be trying to reciprocate respect by avoiding to
put the boy to shame (kumumenithia).61
The above example alludes to an important principle of conduct among

adults in traditional society. A man or woman did his best to safeguard his
self-esteem. He or she tried to avoid embarrassment as much as possible.
Not everyone was accorded the same degree of respect. For this reason, an
elder who wanted young men in his neighbourhood to do a job for him
(gutuma wira) did not approach just any young man. He singled out one
young man whom he knew to be respectful and asked him for assistance as
an individual. It was then the responsibility of the young man to approach as
many of his age mates as he chose to help him. In the same way, a woman
who needed the help of initiated girls approached one of them; this one, in
turn, asked for assistance.
If a respected elder had only daughters he would build a man’s hut (thin-
gira) in his homestead and invite young men to be sleeping there, in this
way protecting his cattle against thieves and wild animals. Since they
respected him they did not fail to come. If the homestead should be raided
and one of the young men was killed in the process, the elder did not pay
compensation since the deceased young man was like a son to him. Also,
the young men did not expect to be fed when they came to spend the night
in the elder’s homestead. However, whenever the elder slaughtered a bull
he would give them the portion prescribed by custom.62
In connection with the idea of fulfilment, emphasis was laid on the impor-
tance of doing a job well, or looking after other people’s things without
appropriating or spoiling them. In Gikuyu idiom this was expressed as
kwaga kuhuutia (to avoid touching). When a person undertook a task for
another ‘without touching’ he was deemed honest. Such was the wife who
did not touch the honey which her husband hid (hitha) beside her bed in her
hut. A dishonest wife served the honey to her friends when they called on
her. The children might then discover that there was honey in the hut and
take it secretly. When the husband found out that the honey had been used
he lost trust in his wife.
From time to time people were put to the test in order to determine their
degree of honesty in regard to ‘touching.’ This was because stealing ‘a little
thing’ or ‘a small amount’ was an indication that the person had tendencies
to greed (ukoroku). Elders might ask a few men to slaughter and roast
animals for them. Each person was given an animal to manage on his own.
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Chapter 2
When the meat was ready and the elders sat down to eat, they might ask to
be served the little pieces of meat first, that is, the kidneys, lungs, etc. The
individuals who did not produce them because they had eaten them were
rebuked and might be ordered to pay a ram as compensation for what they
had taken. Moreover, they lost the trust of the public. Normally, people
avoided ‘touching’ any meat while doing such an assignment.
An informant summarizes this aspect of honesty by saying that honesty is

like a process. First, a person determines that another person is worth
trusting, he then exercises that trust by placing his property under his
custody. Finally, if no harm comes to his property, he establishes that the
person is indeed trustworthy. Respect (gitiio) follows naturally. Moreover, the
trust and respect accorded him is based on justice (kihooto): he has earned
it because of his conduct. On the other hand, greed in all its forms shows
one as dishonest: a greedy person cannot command people’s respect and
trust.63
Turning to the Young Age Group, the informants in this group explain that to
fulfil (kuhingia) is ‘to carry out a duty or a responsibility’ (gwika). This could
be a particular task a person has been given by another or a task that a
person assumes automatically by virtue of his status.
Honesty in terms of fulfilling duties and performing tasks basically requires

two things: that someone knows what his job is supposed to be and that he
has a sense of responsibility. It is expected that every individual realises
what is expected of him in performing his duties. Thus teachers should
demonstrate their honesty or reliability to their pupils by performing the
teaching job with zeal. Pupils on their part should do their work properly
without needing to be constantly urged to work. At home, children should
perform their assigned tasks to the best of their ability whether the parents
are present or absent. A husband expects his wife to look after the children.
A woman who is married to a widower is expected to take good care of her
stepchildren.
Clear knowledge of what is expected helps a person to be honest. It is

especially helpful if there are conditions attached. Thus an employee in a
commercial firm knows that he can lose his job if he fails the firm in certain
ways. Therefore, he works responsibly in order to keep his job. In a way his
honesty is made easy for him because he is in no doubt about what is
expected.
84
Honesty (w~hokeku)
People who look after the affairs of the public need to have a high degree of
integrity to ensure the success of those affairs. For instance, a person who
is given the responsibility to oversee a harambee (self-help) project is
expected to discharge his duties conscientiously and not to steal the money
people have contributed for the project. Essentially, honesty is to do for
others what one would do for oneself. A person who is entrusted with a
responsibility by another does his best to fulfil the matter entrusted to him.
He will try not to wrong or cheat the one who has trusted him in that way.
Thus, for instance, a person who looks after another’s domestic animals
feeds them well and ensures they come to no harm.
The Young Age Group believes that the aspect of honesty is of great benefit
to the community. An individual who fulfils the expectations of others will
normally find that people have conferred on him a high status and given him
great responsibilities so as to benefit the community. However, a person’s
life is normally scrutinized carefully before he is elevated. For instance,
during local elections people scrutinize an aspiring leader’s conduct at
home. If he is found not to manage his family affairs well, they will conclude
he cannot manage public affairs.
The informants in the Young Age Group recognize that there are conflicts
within an individual that can prevent him from fulfilling what is expected of
him. When a boy has been entrusted with the job of grazing his father’s
cattle he wants to please his father by ensuring that the cattle are under
constant watch. While grazing the cattle he will be in the company of other
boys with whom he will be inclined to play. While he is busy playing, the
cattle under his care might eat a neighbour’s crop. It is also not usual for the
children of Christian parents to sneak out of the house when they are
expected to have retired to bed. Since their parents do not allow them to
attend dances and initiation ceremonies, when there are such functions in
the neighbourhood they attend stealthily. When the parents discover such
behaviour they regard the children as dishonest. Some of the informants
also cite the conflict people suffered during the State of Emergency in the
1950s. Some people felt duty bound to be loyal to the colonial government
and at the same time they felt obliged to support the Mau Mau cause. Such
people could not be regarded as honest either by the Government or the
Mau Mau.
This group also believes that there are people who just have no integrity for
particular responsibilities. Certain people will not be asked to look after beer
because their desire to drink will overcome them. A young man might not
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Chapter 2
entrust his sister to some of his friends.64 In a family there may be a child
who is trustworthy in many respects but if he is short tempered, aggressive
and quarrelsome he cannot be entrusted with the care of younger children.
Honesty as diligence (kTyo)

Only the Old Age Group specifically described honesty in terms of diligence
or industry.
Diligence is closely associated with honesty by the Old Age Group because
it is the diligent who can be relied upon to maintain themselves and their
families. Since personal and family welfare requires a high degree of self-
sufficiency, the industrious man or woman can be trusted to fulfil the need
for self-sufficiency. The lazy, on the other hand, are destined to poverty. In
that sense they disappoint those who depend on them for sustenance. Lazy
young men disappoint their parents. Lazy parents disappoint their children.
Some of the lazy live by their wits instead of working with their hands. They
will readily tell lies and they will easily steal other people’s property.
In traditional society, the diligent proved their reliability in various ways. In a

polygamous family, for instance, there might be one wife who becomes a
favourite (ngatha) with the husband. She may have earned that position by a
combination of diligence in her work and an ability to anticipate the needs of
her husband. For instance, after a busy day in the fields she might return
home in good time to make a fire in her hut. Then when the husband returns
from grazing animals or attending a lawsuit she will be able to welcome him
into a warm and comfortable hut. The other wives might pride themselves in
their ability to work long hours, saying, Nit ndingtonwo nyaartrt ngtinuka (I
can’t show my heels when returning home) but the favourite wife takes the
attitude that the care of her husband is as much her duty as tilling her
garden. In the words of an informant, “She attracts him with fire" That is, he
can rely on her to provide him with warmth and food and to engage him in
pleasant conversation when he returns home in the evening.65
The preference given to the favourite wife does not necessarily mean that
the other wives are not reliable. Another wife may demonstrate her trust-
worthiness by diligently tilling the land. By trading with the produce of her
garden, her husband may be able to buy a goat or even a cow.
Earlier, it was mentioned that an elder or a woman could request a young

man or girl to do a specific job. Only the diligent were chosen in this way. So
the trusted and respected young men and girls were also those who were
diligent.
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
Trustworthiness in terms of diligence and generosity is seen in some chil-

dren at an early age. Such children are encouraged to become more diligent
and generous so that by the time they are adults they will have proved to be
reliable (eehokeku). Hence the proverb, Njuguma njega yumaga ikuurtro (A
good club is got from its source).
Sometimes a person who was homeless or poor because of circumstances

beyond his control would attach himself to an established home. If he
proved to be diligent and good-natured, the family accepted him as one of
their own. In other words, the person who is capable of ‘maintaining himself’
(kwthota) because he has initiative and diligence is appreciated and
rewarded by other people. Hence another proverb, Mwana urt ktyo
ndaagaga muthambia (A diligent child does not fail to find someone to wash
him).
Traditionally, the individual was expected to show initiative and to be

diligent. This is emphasized repeatedly in songs that groups of people sang
while working together. For instance, when a young man asked his age
mates to help him cultivate a field, he expected them to work hard in order to
complete the job. It was quite possible for people to pretend to work and
achieve little. In the following song a young man encourages his friends to
till as much ground as possible:
We uri ruteere rua ithuiro,
Ni we ndumiite wira, arume aya-i Ndukandutire wira
na mauugi
You at the far end on the west,

You men, you are the ones I have invited to work.
Do not work for me deceitfully.66
A young man thus challenged would be keen to show that he was working
earnestly:
Niukuona uria ndiretungumania?

Na nyukwa ari mucii Akuuga utumiite kiguuta!
Do you see how enthusiastically I work?

And your mother at home probably supposes you
have invited a lazy man!
The young man for whom his age mates are working would be planning to
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Chapter 2
reciprocate. But while working for different people, the young men would
also be discovering how compassionate different mothers were:
Tukurima guuku na tukarime kwanyu Tukarore kana

nyukwa Arigitha ta maitu.
We shall cultivate here,

Then we shall go and cultivate your place So we
can find out whether your mother Is as
compassionate as my mother.67
One way of expressing compassion was through hospitality. For this reason
every son would expect his mother to provide plenty of food for the labour-
ers. The diligent mother could be relied upon not to let her son down.
The lazy young man was out of place in the midst of such a working party.
He therefore excused himself and went visiting and loitering with others of
his type. Since he did not cooperate with the industrious his share of work at
home was not accomplished. The result was that his mother was driven to
exchange her bangles for food when she might have harvested like other
women:
Nyina wa kiguuta, tambararia njara Waruruo
muringa Tondu ti nii ndeerire muruguo Atindage
mburuuru.
The mother of the indolent, stretch your arm

So your bangle can be removed Since I was
not the one who told your son To spend his
days wandering.68
In fact, indolence caused a person to indulge in other more serious forms of

dishonesty. Since the lazy had to subsist, they did so by their wits. They
employed lies, pleasant talk or even feigned wisdom so that they might be
provided for by those they managed to deceive. For instance, when men of
enterprise went away for days on end into Maasailand to trade, their
mothers and wives were naturally anxious about them. In anticipation of
their return the women folk kept some food ready. When the return of such
an expedition was imminent, loiterers hung around the homes of those who
had gone. Under the pretext of welcoming the weary travellers they would
share the food, which the mothers had kept ready:
I ui wai, gacuru karia Nguigiiruo ni iya
88
Honesty (w~hokeku)
ngunyuira ku?
Ni matinda thoome Metereire rugendo no
rugooka.
The porridge
Mother has prepared, where shall I drink it?
There are those loiterers outside the gate
Who await the return of the expedition.69
The unscrupulous loiterers might even manage to convince the anxious

mothers that their sons were not likely to return soon or even that they were
dead. They pretended to sympathize with the mothers in the hope of being
fed. The song below gives an indication of the contempt in which such lazy
men were held by those who returned from the expedition safe and sound:
I ui wai, gitaria thi Kironja na maguru!

Kierire iya, “Ni turie matirooka.”
The loafer
May he be crippled from the feet up!
He told the mother, “Let us eat, they will never come.”70
Indolence was regarded as a sure way to invite famine. Whereas the diligent
did their best to fight famine, their efforts were futile if their neighbours were
lazy and could not be relied upon to do their part for the common good.
Also, the more poor people there were in the community, the quicker the
resources were drained because those who had were obliged to share with
those who did not have. As a result, the level of material welfare in such a
community remained low. Therefore, the more diligent people in the
community took it upon themselves to rebuke the lazy.
Such people could not expect to enjoy the goodwill of their neighbours. So
they would sing:
Aria mart murimo uuria,

No tugaikania ngongo, arume aya-i Ni inyui mwatemeire
ng’aragu ruteere!
You on the other side of the river,

We shall surely manhandle you,.
For you have cut a path for famine!71
The diligent men and women demonstrated their reliability by taking ini-
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tiative. They were able to satisfy those who had a right to expect service or
duty from them. They did not wait to be urged to serve because they were
honest and dependable. For instance, a diligent girl watched her mother’s
supplies of firewood and took the initiative to fetch some more when it was
required.
Wakariru, ndiuma muthii ngu, hi ai hu Ni itara ria iya rindorire

na tha, hi ai hu.
Wakariru, I was not planning to fetch firewood,

But mother’s firewood rack looked at me pleadingly.72
These then are some of the ways the diligent demonstrate the moral value
of honesty. To the Old Age Group, Kiyo ni kio wihokeku (Diligence is
honesty). That is, a diligent person is trustworthy and dependable.
Honesty in modern times
Among the changes experienced by the Gikuyu since the coming of western
civilization are the introduction of Christianity and of the cash economy.
Most Gikuyu people have been influenced by Christianity, particularly
through the education system pioneered by Christian missionaries. Christian
influence continues through the continuing work of the churches. The
majority of the informants were influenced to some extent or other and some
were practising Christians. It was therefore found useful to find out how
seriously Christians take the vows and promises they make in church. With
respect to money, the informants in the Old Age Group and some in the
Middle Age Group knew the Gikuyu tradition before money was accepted
and handled to the extent it is today. It was found appropriate also to
enquire whether working with money has affected people’s ideas and
practices in regard to honesty. The informants in the Young Age Group were
also believed to have some opinion on the matter in view of their own
experience and observations of Gikuyu society.
GTkuyu attitude to Christian vows and promises

To the Old Age Group there is basically no difference between the traditional
and the Christian demands for honesty. The prohibitions (mtgiro), which
need to be observed in both cases, serve similar purposes. Any person who
disregards either the traditional or the Christian prohibitions is deemed to be
untrustworthy. On the other hand, the person who makes a genuine effort to
observe them proves his trustworthiness.
However, the informants in the Old Age Group believe that vows, pledges,
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
promises (mtthttwa) affect people differently, depending on whether they

make them in the Christian or the traditional context. In this connection, the
informants distinguish between Gikuyu vows (mtthttwa ya Gikuyu ) and
church vows (mtthttwa ya kanitha). Gikuyu vows belong to a morality, which
is sanctioned in definite ways within a person’s lifetime. Traditionally, people
were believed to meet misfortune for violating rules of conduct that they had
vowed to observe. There are also many instances when people punished
others for violating rules of conduct. On the other hand, church vows are not
believed to affect people in definite ways during their present life. People
generally believe that the effects of violating church vows will not be felt until
the second coming of Jesus Christ when judgement will be delivered on
individuals. In spite of this general belief, however, some people do attribute
the misfortunes of others to their failure to honour one or another church
vow.73
According to the Old Age Group, Christians take their church vows less
seriously than the traditional Gikuyu took theirs. The informants give several
reasons for this. First, the people who make vows in church do not have any
traumatic experience involving actual pain to help impress the vows on
them. To merely sit down and have some words read from a book,
whereupon candidates declare their promises verbally is hardly impressive.
Such promises do not penetrate the heart and are soon forgotten. Serious
Gikuyu vows on the other hand were accompanied by pain, shedding of
blood and threats of death. An example is the experience of initiation under
which important pledges to observe certain moral principles were made.
Secondly, Christian and other kinds of solemn vows are made within the
modern context (kiiriu). To the Old Age Group ‘modernity’ is a very
bewildering phenomenon, which has arrived subtly and yet forcefully.
However, the important thing about modernity is that it renders things
lukewarm (kuraria). It makes people insensitive to the morality which tra-
ditional Gikuyu society considered proper. Consequently, people do not
honour promises, they do not frown at casual sex, and they do not respect
their parents. Indeed, they do not seem to realize that to do evil is wrong.
Thirdly, Christian vows are ineffective because the goal for which they are
made is far away and remote. Somehow, the idea of a judgement at a
remote time in future when people will be punished or rewarded, postpones
the urgency of strict adherence today. What is not urgent loses its
seriousness and importance.74
In addition to these reasons, the informants in the Old Age Group agree that
people today make little effort to restrain themselves from greed and
covetousness. Unrestrained desire has been a major cause of failure to
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keep vows. An informant illustrates graphically how such desire hinders

people from honouring their vows.
Christians do not keep vows because of the eye, the tongue, the hand and
the leg. The eye sees money; you vowed not to steal; you take it. Thus a
government servant who draws a big salary will put his money aside and
stretch his hand to steal from the government. The eye sees someone’s
admirable wife, you vowed not to commit adultery; the tongue speaks to
her ,..75
This informant notes that most people who hold offices are ‘Pauls, Peters
and Johns,’ people who have received Christian baptism and who have sol-
emnized their marriage in church. In their association with Christianity they
have at one time or other made a promise to observe Christian morality. Yet
a job seeker will go to a Paul and will be given repeated appointments until
he or she yields and offers a bribe. A man may offer food and beer, but a
woman is normally required to offer her body.
The informants in the Middle Age Group are generally of the opinion that the
vows that people make in church are difficult to keep. They suggest three
main reasons. One reason is that the vows are too demanding. For
instance, at baptism a person vows, “I denounce the devil" That means that
he vows to adopt a whole way of life because to denounce the devil is to
denounce sin. Again at marriage a man vows to love his wife as his own
body. Such pledges are very difficult to keep. The informants observe that
Gikuyu vows, on the other hand, were initiated by the people themselves
and demanded nothing beyond what a person could fulfil.
Another reason why Christian vows are not kept is that the church does not
provide enough teaching on Christian living. Where teaching and guidance
is lacking the relevance of the vows becomes lost. Consequently people do
not feel the obligation to observe them strictly. The vows are regarded rather
as a matter of formality and people neither respect nor value them.
According to the Middle Age Group, the reason that Christians do not keep
their vows is due to the lack of role models or examples to emulate. This
group suggests that church leaders are not the models they should be, pos-
sibly because they are themselves not persuaded about the vows they
make. Thus a man may swear that he will take only one wife but in his heart
he is not convinced about the rationale for monogamy. A good number of
converts to Christianity who made solemn promises to fight female circumci-
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
sion are known to have made secret arrangements for their own daughters
to be circumcised. Some informants attribute this anomalous situation to
tension between the Gikuyu culture and the apparently legalistic demands of
the church.
The informants in the Young Age Group all agree that the majority of Chris-
tians do not honour their Christian vows. They suggest several reasons for
this. One reason is that some people do not consider the implications of the
vows at the time of making them. Such people will honour their vows when
life is easy but fail to do so when difficulties arise, such as lack of peace and
unity at home or in the church community. Other people simply forget the
vows they made and behave as if they had never made them. There are
also those who are merely interested in a ‘Christian’ name or in a church
wedding because such practices are fashionable. The vows such people
make are a mere formality and are of no consequence to them.
According to the Young Age Group, people will also exploit the idea of for-
giveness taught in Christianity. Doing wrong, repenting and assuming God
has forgiven is an attractive order of things. People will therefore not only
break their vows, but they will also commit sins such as adultery because
they can always be forgiven. And some people are in the habit of searching
for parts of the Bible that seem to justify their actions.
However, the three age groups agree that there is a minority of Christians
who are genuine and who seek to live by the injunction: “work out your own
salvation.”76
The effect of the money economy on people's honesty

The common opinion of all the informants is that money has affected
people’s idea of honesty for the worse and that, in this respect, matters are
in fact deteriorating. The views of the Old Age Group are summarized by a
proverb quoted by one of the informants, which says, Gicinga ni kihiu
ngwatiro (The handle of the wooden torch is burning). When the holding end
of a torch burns, the torch is thrown back into the fire and people are left
without light. This simply means that the state of affairs is bad.77
The informants in all three age groups agree that, generally, the Gikuyu
attach too much value to money. Many people are preoccupied with money
to the extent that human relationships are being destroyed. All the
informants in the Old Age Group agree that the Gikuyu as a people have
become ‘unsteady’ (kwagaga) because of money. According to this group,
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Chapter 2
people have been known to commit crimes in order to obtain money. The
informants in the Middle Age Group regard money as a curse because it is
destroying society. Several informants in this group say that a person may
be trustworthy in other areas of life but where money is concerned he
cannot be relied upon. Many people yield easily to the temptation to acquire
money dishonestly. With respect to money people behave in ways that are
contrary to recognised rules of maturity and decorum. Several informants
recalled a song that was popular in the early 1950s.
Mbeeca ntciokire kwthia

Kureehe uthu na rumena,
Mundu arandurage nyina,
Kurt ukarandura muka Rirta
me toro!
Money came to bring harm To bring
enmity and rancour,
A man claiming a debt from his mother,
Another will claim a debt from his wife
While they sleep!78
According to the informants in the Young Age Group, money has been given
a value way above all other things and people want to keep much more
money than they really need. The problem is that money does not satisfy, so
that the more one has the more one wants. People therefore always plot
ways to obtain more money. Some people who cannot get money legally will
most certainly find illegal ways of obtaining it. The problem is made worse by
the fact that money is much easier to handle than other commodities and
that, therefore, it is easy to cheat about it.
The informants in the Old Age Group state that it took some time for the
Gikuyu to be adversely affected by money. When it was first introduced, the
Gikuyu did not value it to the extent of wanting to acquire it dishonestly. If a
person found a rupee coin, he took it to the market place and tried to trace
its owner by announcing he had found the coin. If nobody claimed it he
repeated the announcement on the following market day. Nobody would
claim the coin unless he was sure it belonged to him. The person who found
it would only keep the coin if nobody claimed it. Today, even the old people,
who knew life before the rupee was introduced, have come to value money
highly. According to informants in this group, the present young generation
is going to be destroyed by money. This is because people are murdering
others because of money; even husbands and wives kill each other on
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
account of money. The most abominable thing is that a son will kill his own
mother because of a disagreement over money.
Formerly, when people began to work in salaried employment, a man would

be able to take his money to a friend for safe custody. When he needed the
money it was all there. It also used to be possible for two people to buy a
cow jointly. One of them would take the responsibility of looking after it.
When the cow had offspring the two would call elders to divide the herd
between them. However, today people have become so dishonest that
projects involving pooling money belonging to several people often fail. One
or more of those involved will steal some of the money. When that happens
the other partners will withdraw from the project. Thus, not only will the
project fail, but also the trust which was initially there will be lost. Several
informants in the Middle Age Group say that it is a fact that some people will
already have planned how to steal the money even before a joint project has
been embarked upon. Both groups of informants maintain that church elders
or people who claim to be Christians have also been known to steal public
money.
The informants in the Middle Age Group observe that some years back,
when there was not much money around, people were more reliable in their
jobs. For instance, a person could spend the whole day cultivating for
another and earn only two shillings. Today, while casual labourers are paid
relatively more, they work less. People have become more interested in
money than in good human relationships. The casual employee does not
work hard because he does not wish to complete the work and then find that
the following day he has nowhere to earn his bread. Some public buildings,
such as churches, have stood for years uncompleted partly because people
cheat about their giving. When contributions are asked for a person will
clasp ‘something’ in his hand and put it in the bag. However, the ‘something’
he places in the bag is a very meagre sum.
The informants in the Young Age Group have also observed that people are
not ready to trust each other in the matter of money. Although people will
readily believe a man who says he has lost a bunch of keys or even a goat,
they will not believe him if he says he has lost public money entrusted to
him. People are more ready to assume that ‘he has eaten it’ (ni kuria ariite).
The informants in this group argue that this assumption is justified by the
fact that people have been known to steal public money.
The informants agree that many people do not have a rational attitude to
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Chapter 2
money. People seem to be little concerned about impoverishing others in

their bid to acquire money and some have exploited the ignorance and good
will of others. For instance, some young men have been known to beg land
title deeds from old men promising to return soon with money. Instead of the
promised money, the old men have witnessed their plots being auctioned.
Other people have pushed their way into co-operative societies, claiming
high qualifications, practical experience overseas and commitment to high
ethical standards. Before long they are found to have misappropriated public
funds.
Several reasons have been given to explain the lack of honesty where
money is concerned. Some informants in the Old and Middle Age Groups
mention greed. According to an informant in the Old Age Group, many
people are led by their stomachs and yet stomachs have no shame and will
keep on asking for more.79 An informant in the Middle Age Group says that
people are apt to forget the proverb, Miti ya githanka ndiigananaga (Trees of
a field do not all grow to the same height). In their desire to rise to the level
of government ministers some people will even rob banks. Another proverb
says, Mutongi ndatheethukaga (He who wishes to become wealthy must not
become impatient), meaning that a person accumulates wealth patiently. But
those who are greedy have no patience.80
According to some informants in the Young Age Group, money is power and
the way to good social standing. It is also a means of satisfying the new
needs associated with technological advances, such as cars and modern
clothes. Since people like to have the high standards of living and the power
money gives, they will do anything to get money. Some people will engage
in illegal practices such as smuggling of goods for high financial gain.
Most of the informants in the Middle Age Group say that money gives a
sense of independence, but that this has caused many married people to
become alienated from each other. In former times a couple that was having
marital problems had to be reconciled sooner or later out of necessity. An
offended wife could retaliate by denying her husband food and sexual
relations but this could not go on for long. Today, however, if a husband
offends his wife she may have to swallow her anger since denying him these
things does not necessarily make him be deprived of them. A man with
money and who does not particularly wish to be reconciled with his wife can
live comfortably for years. There are women to whom he can go, eating
places where food can be bought and laundry services are available as well.
Similarly, a woman who wants to leave her husband and has money of her
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Honesty (w~hokeku)
own has nothing to stop her. The Middle Age Group generally feels that
money has destroyed and continues to destroy “the good and proper living
which has beauty (mutuurire mwega uri riiri).”81
Some of the informants in the Middle Age Group maintain that the State of
Emergency, which the Gikuyu experienced in the mid 1950s, brought their
customs and traditions to a rather sudden end. Since then people have
largely lived like town people. What seems to have suffered most is the
family bond. Therefore, the prevalent attitude towards money must be seen
within the context of many other things that have gone wrong. The fact that
a son will beat his father over money, a wife will steal her husband’s money
and a child will defraud his parents of money is explained, at least partly, by
the loss of a meaningful home life and close family ties. However, one
informant believes that the older generations, that is, people initiated in 1914
or earlier, still firmly hold on to honesty.82
Conclusion
From the foregoing it can be concluded that the three age groups under-
stand honesty in basically similar terms. It was reasonable to be honest.
That is, it paid to be reliable, to fulfil one’s duties and to keep appointments
and promises. When a person was scrupulous in this way people trusted
and liked him, and assisted him in his efforts to get wealth and to gain the
esteem of the community. He thus had much to gain for being honest. At the
community level, moral values such as honesty, uprightness, diligence and
generosity were reasonable because they promoted the trust, peace,
harmony and good will that were necessary for the well being of society.
However, the Old Age Group has the most comprehensive idea about
honesty. The idea of diligence (kiyo) discussed by the Old Age Group is
hardly referred to by the other two groups. Also, the Old Age Group’s broad
understanding of uprightness (uthingu) is narrowed down by the Middle Age
Group to mean little more beyond sexual fidelity. However, the three age
groups demonstrate that their understanding of the conduct referred to as
wihokeku is broad.
From the contributions of the Old and Middle Age Groups it is clear that
maturity is regarded as being a most important quality. In this connection, it
would seem that the rites of passage had a vital function in inculcating the
idea of mature, responsible adulthood. The section on maturity dem-
onstrates also how society taught its members. Parents were the primary
teachers. Peers, who had been similarly taught, helped each other to main-
tain the moral standards that the community required.
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Chapter 2
The three age groups have further shown that in Gikuyu traditional society
there is no individual who is exempt from duties and responsibilities to other
people. Children and adults alike have a status in society. A person is
regarded as reliable or trustworthy when he or she is true to his or her status
with respect to the circles of relatives and associates.
The three age groups seem to be equally concerned about the growing
failure on the part of many people to see money in the right perspective. The
groups are generally agreed that many people have valued money so highly
that they will use any means, honest or dishonest, to acquire it, including
cheating close relatives or friends. They would like to see the traditional
attitude to property and to human relationships restored.
98
C H AP T E R 3
GENEROSITY ( U TA A N A )

Routledge observes that hospitality was practised as a duty and that, where
relatives and clansmen were concerned, it had the force of custom. 1 He
comments on the great pains taken by the wealthy to entertain other wealthy
people and the relatively little regard shown to the poor and the stranger.
“The Agikuyu, however, acknowledge no moral or customary obligation to
befriend the poor or the stranger.”2
Fisher explains the considerations that determined the kind of hospitality to

be given. According to him, customary rules required that visitors and
travellers, male and female alike, should be provided with food and, if
necessary, sleeping quarters. However, the status of the guest determined
the kind of hospitality he received. Relatives were treated with great respect
and given the choicest food. Friends were entertained informally although
they were given something to eat.3 Regarding strangers, Fisher observes
that, in theory, any traveller could request food and shelter from anyone. In
practice, however, the request was made to relatives and friends.
Even people of other tribes who are travelling through Kikuyu country on
legitimate business are given hospitality. Very often they have Kikuyu
friends with whom they stay. 4
It seems probable that the indifferent treatment accorded to the poor was
due to a general disapproval of poverty. Many poor were poor because they
were lazy or because of some other moral weakness. Therefore, at least
some of the poor were regarded as despicable.5 In addition, the poor might
also be ill and people were afraid of them dying in their homes and becom-
ing defiled by them. The host might also fear being accused of poisoning his
guest.6
Cagnolo observes that hospitality was so common and warm-hearted that

nobody was anxious about what he would eat while on a journey.7 Nev-
ertheless, Cagnolo was of the opinion that Gikuyu generosity was not a
virtue because, according to him, it was taken to ridiculous lengths. The
Gikuyu “make a fetish of hospitality” because they will give visitors food
before being asked.8 Moreover, personal ownership of various articles was
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Chapter 3
interpreted so broadly that a relatively poor person did not need to bother
providing himself with household effects. A neighbour never refused to lend.
While this might be excusable in the old order, Cagnolo says:
Even nowadays that a certain degree of civilization has spread, one may
often meet a man wearing the trousers of one, skirt of another, hat of a
third one, and having of his own nothing but his body preening itself in
its borrowed feathers.9
However, evidence from other sources indicates that traditional Gikuyu

society discouraged both parasitic tendencies and prodigality. Generally,
cooked food was given liberally. Ornaments and household effects might be
borrowed and loaned. Foodstuffs were also at times given to relatives,
friends or neighbours. But in spite of this apparent liberality the average
individual longed for self-sufficiency. In rather subtle ways society discour-
aged its members from leaning too heavily on others. The individual who
begged too often was despised. A borrowed article could be demanded
back any time. Hence such proverbs as (Uhooi iraaragiria mwana (Begging
causes one’s child to sleep hungry); Ithaga riene rinogagia ngingo
(Another’s ornament tires the neck) and Muhooi ndagaathimaga (A beggar
(of meat) does not fry fat).10
Cagnolo comments on what he considers another lavish practice: “In civi-

lized countries one cannot imagine anyone building his house on another
man’s land: among the Akikuyu it is an ordinary occurrence.”11
Cagnolo is referring to the well-established custom whereby relatively poor

men or families attached themselves to wealthy landowners as tenants-at-
will (ahooi) or immigrants (athaami). Also some poor men became voluntary
servants (ndungata) of wealthy men in order to earn property.12 These
customs were dependent on the generosity of the wealthy landowners.
From what Kenyatta, Leakey and Muriuki say it would seem that these
customs were beneficial to all the parties concerned. It is evident also that
the initiative for such relationships came from the poor or needy party, who
depended on the philanthropy of the wealthy to uplift them. According to
Leakey:
Men who were poor and who went off to become tenants on the estates of
wealthy men did so in the hope that they would be able, gradually, to
acquire sufficient wealth to buy land and become the founders of a sub-
clan themselves. To become a tenant on one of the big estates was
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Generosity (u taan a)
regarded as one of the best stepping stones to ultimate wealth, and the
chance of founding a sub-clan of one’s own.13
It was customary for a man who wished to sell his land to give the first option
to his tenants. If none of them wished to buy it, he offered it to his richer
friends.14
Several authors observe that the Gikuyu attached great importance to

mutual help and to the reciprocation of generous deeds.15 Leakey stresses
that the village community was a “definite social unit” and that the common
ties that bound the villages together included mutual help and mutual
defence. Individuals and families alike turned to other members of the
village “on innumerable occasions in their daily life”16 Moreover, helping
others and reciprocating a good deed was regarded as a duty for every
individual. Defaulters were in danger of having their needs ignored or of
being punished.17 However, although it was reasonable to expect help from
others, people were unwilling to be exploited. The individual requiring help
with manual work had to show that he was requesting others to assist him,
not wishing to exploit them. For that reason he had to initiate the work
before calling for help. Leakey explains: “By starting the work himself, a man
demonstrated both his willingness and his ability to do the necessary work
on his own, and gave proof that he was not incompetent and lazy”18
From the evidence of the literature, it can be concluded that the idea and
practice of generosity gave no encouragement to laziness or lack of ini-
tiative. This was in keeping with the Gikuyu philosophy of life discussed
throughout this study. Generosity presupposes diligence, for the individual
must have the wherewithal to be generous. Generosity also presupposes a
benevolent disposition. The Gikuyu say, Tha nyumu itiri kiguni (Dry sym-
pathy has no benefit). By this they mean that a person who offers sympathy
to another following a misfortune must be ready to offer him material help,
as well as advice on how he can improve his lot. According to Daniel Mugia,
a more recent Gikuyu writer, this should be advice appropriate to his level of
understanding and competence. Only when advice is given sensitively can it
benefit the one who seeks it.19 There is evidence to show that, in traditional
society, men of initiative did not lack good counsel from the prosperous.
Itotia says that the Gikuyu distinguished two kinds of envy (uiru). One type
of envy was uncharitable and the person who was envious in this way was
constantly looking for ways to harm prosperous people. The other, who had
the more acceptable type of envy, saw the success of another and went to
him to seek advice on how he too could succeed. Such a person was readily
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Chapter 3
instructed and eventually climbed the ladder from small beginnings.20
What is ge nerosity? (Utaana)

Utaana is the quality of being generous or liberal. As far as this quality is
concerned, the oral sources distinguish two main types of people in Gikuyu
society. There is the generous or liberal person (mutaana) and the mean or
stingy person (mukari). In the study of generosity these two types of people
are constantly compared.
The informants in the three age groups distinguish three characteristic

qualities of a generous person. The first quality is compassion (tha).21
Compassion for people encourages the generous to be the kind of people
they are. In this connection, the Gikuyu say, Utaana ni tha (Generosity is
compassion). The generous person is basically sympathetic towards other
people: it is in his nature to be kind. The stingy person lacks sympathy for
others and his behaviour causes them to regard him as mean. The second
quality is joy (gikeno). The informants maintain that a generous person is
basically a cheerful person. His joy is prompted by a genuine feeling of
goodwill towards other people. He rejoices when he sees another person.
His joy and goodwill often express themselves in liberality. A generous
person is often referred to as a person who has a good heart (ngoro njega).
The stingy person is regarded as having no genuine joy. He does not genu-
inely rejoice at seeing another person. Such a person is said to have a bad
heart (ngoro njuru), that is, to be ill-natured.
Generosity will be described through the key words hospitality (utugi), help
(uteithio) uprightness (uthingu) and charity (uuma-andu).
Generosity as hospitality (Utugi)
All the informants in the three age groups readily describe generosity as
hospitality. The word utugi means both kindness and willingness to give.
The generous person is hospitable basically because he has compassion for
other people and rejoices in being kind to them.
Gikuyu traditional custom required that both the casual caller and the invited
guest were accorded hospitality to one extent or another. Evidently, this is
still commonly practised for the informants in the Young Age Group are apt
to think that hospitality is taken so much for granted that a person has to be
exceptionally hospitable to qualify as generous. To the informants in the Old
and Middle Age Groups, what qualifies a person as generous is the manner
in which he offers hospitality. For instance, a generous woman will show joy
at seeing a visitor. She will offer the visitor a seat and offer food to him or
102
her fairly quickly. All the time she will be talking cordially to the visitor. A
stingy woman, on the other hand, may offer hospitality but she makes it
clear to the visitor that she is upset by the visit. She wears an expression of
displeasure. Another stands by the entrance of the house and talks to the
visitor from that position so that the visitor does not enter the house.
In its description of hospitality, the Old Age Group emphasizes that there are
three main aspects involved in the practice of hospitality. These include
spontaneous giving (kuheeana), offering of a meal to a visitor (kugagura)
and speed (mituki).
Spontaneous giving means giving away willingly what belongs to one.

Giving is a gesture expected of anyone who receives visitors at home. The
informants say that the visitor ought to be given food without his having to
intimate that he is hungry. A generous person will always find something to
give, no matter how small. Moreover, a generous person does not wait to be
visited: he will sometimes persuade a passer-by to stop and have something
to eat.
Traditionally, it was a common practice for a person to send for someone

else in order to offer him hospitality. In former days, when an elder slaugh-
tered a bull, he sent for the young men of the neighbourhood to come and
stretch out the hide to dry. In return, the elder gave the young men their
portions of the slaughtered bull, as prescribed by custom. These portions
included the right rib, raw fat and blood. The elder sent for the young men
because he was obliged by customary law to give local warriors the three
portions of the bull. But even with respect to such a compulsory custom, it
was possible to distinguish between generous and mean elders. The latter
slaughtered their animals secretly with the help of family members only.
Strictly, kugagura (giving breakfast to another) refers to the first meal given
to a person on waking up in the morning. The practice, however, is stretched
to include any first meal that a person gives to another at any time of the
day.22 The same applies to the term murooki which means ‘one who visits a
home early in the morning.’ Murooki is extended to mean anyone who visits
a home at any time which can reasonably be regarded as morning. In the
traditional practice of hospitality, every morning caller (murooki) was given
breakfast (ngaguro). As a rule, visitors at other times of the day were also
fed. The traditional Gikuyu woman did not allow a person who entered her
homestead to leave without eating something. If the caller said he was in a
hurry she would reply, “In my home nobody goes away without having
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breakfast" An elder might have brewed beer for an invited guest. If someone
else called before the invited guest had arrived, he too was given some to
drink.
According to the informants in the Old Age Group, the practice of giving any
caller to a home something to eat developed for two reasons. On the one
hand, it was improper for a visitor to beg for food in people’s homes. On the
other hand, he could well be very hungry and there was food in the home
where he visited. In the days when people travelled on foot, some of the
callers to a home could be assumed to be in need of refreshment. By
customary rule, anybody had a right to cooked food. Therefore, allowing a
visitor to go away unfed was wrong. The Gikuyu believed that if a person
who was starving was denied hospitality, he went away angry. If by any
chance he should die soon after and should pronounce a ‘dying curse’
(kiigau) on those who had been unkind to him, the curse would affect them.
It was therefore wise to have a guest leave refreshed and pleased.23
The third thing mentioned by the Old Age Group is speed (mituki). In a
sense, quick service was the essence of hospitality. The Gikuyu have a
saying, Utaana ni mituki (Generosity is speed). What distinguishes the
generous person from the stingy person is the sense of urgency he puts into
the matter of giving hospitality. Stingy people delay their offer of food in the
hope that the visitor will give up waiting and go on his way. Quite often, the
stingy betray themselves by the way they respond to callers. Compare two
women who are told that some company has arrived. The generous one will
most likely say, “Let them sit down, I am bringing food" The stingy one will
say, “So we have visitors, I will cook then (Ningukiruga).”24 Also when a
generous man brings a visitor home he ensures that the visitor is given
something to eat as soon as possible. But a stingy man will sit talking with
his companion for a long time before he orders food. Usually, by the time he
comes round to ordering the food the visitor is ready to go away. According
to the Old Age Group, a host or hostess should assume that a visitor is in
urgent need of refreshments. To delay hospitality is to act ungenerously.
The Middle Age Group has basically the same ideas as the Old Age Group.
Informants in this group emphasize the ideas of welcoming (kunyiita ugeni),
speed (mituki) and giving (kuheeana).
Kunyiita ugeni refers to all that goes with welcoming a guest, feeding him
and generally making him comfortable. The informants in this group stress
the value of engaging a visitor in cordial talk (miario miega) as this makes
even an unexpected visitor feel welcome and loved. If the unexpected visitor
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is somebody who has entered a home seeking accommodation because

darkness has overtaken him, giving him hospitality involves giving him
enough food to eat and finding him a place to sleep. In some cases,
accommodation might be a matter of spreading dry banana leaves on the
floor since there may not be a better accommodation available. On his
departure, the guest is advised on the best way to get to his destination.
Some informants in this group observe that, in a polygamous home, not all
wives are good at making guests feel welcome. But there is usually one wife
who is excellent at hospitality and the husband tends to take his visitors to
her.25
In connection with speed, the Middle Age Group feels it is a good policy to
offer food to a visitor before relaxing to talk. This is because the visitor could
well be longing for food. In this connection, an informant has quoted the
proverb, Ngaragu ndihooyagwo uhoro (Hunger is never asked to relate its
story).26 According to the informants in this group, giving within the context
of hospitality involves providing small amounts of foodstuffs for the visitor to
take away. This is a common practice among women.
Regarding hospitality, the Young Age Group informants observe that, unlike
former days when it was usual for people to offer visitors a serving of food
(ruiga rua irio), today the usual thing to give is tea. Nevertheless, what
matters in hospitality is whether the visitor feels welcome or not. The attitude
shown to the visitor is more important than the actual treatment. For that
reason, one visitor might sleep on the floor and go away feeling he has
received proper hospitality while another may sleep in a comfortable bed
and yet not feel welcome.
The informants in the Young Age Group observe that where women visitors
are concerned, part of the practice of hospitality involves giving them some
foodstuffs, such as sweet potatoes, to take away.
Generosity as help (uteithio)

Generosity has also been described as help (uteithio). Following are the
ideas of the three age groups regarding help.
The word guteithia means “to help, to assist, to aid”, or “to put oneself at the
disposal of and assist with” The informants make three general comments in
connection with help. First, in order for a person to help another he must
have some sympathy for him. The generous person is essentially compas-
sionate. Secondly, what counts as help is sometimes in the form of material
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things and sometimes in the form of counsel. Thirdly, the generous person
does not reserve his help only to his relatives and friends. He considers that
anybody in need deserves whatever help he can give. Therefore, some of
the recipients of his help may be strangers. As the word uteithio suggests,
most of the help the generous person is required to give is merely
supportive but help given in time of dire need is vital as it may aid in
rescuing someone from imminent death.
The informants in the Old Age Group describe help in such terms as hatura
(extricate), gitira muoyo (safeguard life) and hubura (uncover).
When the informants describe generosity as help that extricates, they are
thinking of someone who helps another to achieve an end that the latter
could not achieve without that help. Acts of that kind of help continually take
place in society. For instance, in traditional society it was an accepted
practice that an elder would give a young man a cow to help him to marry.
This kind of aid was more or less obligatory among clansmen. When a non-
clansman gave this type of help it was given out of sheer generosity.
Someone could lend or give a garment to someone who was visiting a place
and wished to look presentable. Sometimes a woman would give some of
her firewood to another who had finished her own.
In traditional society it was considered a gesture of generosity when a young

man courted a girl on behalf of someone else (kuhira) thus enabling him to
marry her.27 Also, sometimes a man went to an elder and told him
he wished to be initiated into divination (gukunuruo), but he did not have all
the things he needed such as skins and honey. The elder gave him what he
required, telling him, “Do the necessary.”
According to the informants in the Old Age Group, acts of generosity

regarded as ways of ‘safe-guarding life’ are basically those that rescue
people from starvation and from imminent death. For instance, in former
days when famine struck one area, people went to seek foodstuffs in distant
parts of the country and brought it back so that those in dearth were saved
from complete starvation. This practice was known as guthogora (procure
food from a distant place). People who had food generally shared it with
those who were experiencing famine, especially as famine did not hit the
whole country at the same time.
Similarly, a poor family could obtain vital help from the local rich men within
the locality who had flocks, herds and granaries of grain. If a poor family was
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much afflicted by famine, an elder could approach a rich man in the

neighbourhood and enter into an arrangement known as kugwatia mwana
(to attach a child). The poor man would promise to attach one of his growing
daughters to the home of the rich man in exchange for provisions every time
the family suffered hunger. The child who had been promised grew up in her
own home until she was of marriageable age. At the appropriate time the
rich man gave a token of marriage payment (ruraacio) to the poor man to
complete marriage negotiations for her. This served to show clansmen that
the girl was married. According to an informant in this group, this
arrangement was a better alternative for the poor than resorting to stealing.
There was also always a fair chance that the girl might have chosen to
marry into that home anyway.28
However, appeals by the poor to the wealthy to rescue them in time of great
dearth did not always involve marriage contracts. A widely known song,
sung during the clearing of land for cultivation, suggests that some promises
were commonplace:
Itonga cia mburi na cia ng’ombe

Tuguneei nitwathira Na ithui
nitukaamuguna Na macungu
wathima.
Rich men with goats and cattle

Succour us, we perish
We in turn will succour you With
vegetables during the rains.29
It was also common for a woman who had harvested her crops to give some
to another woman simply because she knew the latter had not harvested
anything.
According to the Old Age Group, another practice that shows how a gener-
ous person helped another was itega (presents of foodstuffs and other com-
modities). Itega was taken to a relative or a friend during a special occasion.
The occasion might be the birth of a baby, an initiation ceremony or a visit
by in-laws. Traditionally, itega served to make it possible for its recipient to
entertain his guests and casual callers generously. The person who gave
itega was therefore releasing facilities (kuhubura) so that his friend or rela-
tive had plenty of food with which to practice hospitality. Itega was also a
gesture by the giver that he respected the recipient. Itega carried some
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measure of obligation, the degree of obligation depending on the degree of

mutual respect in the case of friends, and the closeness of blood relation-
ship in the case of relatives. Generally, a bigger itega was given to a relative
than to a friend.
To give an example of how itega was conducted: when an elder planned an

initiation ceremony, he informed his friends and relatives. The friend or
relative informed his wife who, in turn, gathered her women friends and
asked them to bring a small load (mburungo) of foodstuff to her home on
some appointed day and time. Meantime the elder, being the one giving the
itega, rallied his friends and relatives to help him accumulate a good-sized
itega. On the appointed day the women would bring the various loads of
food to his home. They were counted and the convoy set out to the home
where the itega was to be taken. The elder took the lead with a bull and with
one woman who carried the honey he had been collecting. He would have
sent word that he was taking itega on a certain day. Later, when he himself
had a need, he would inform those to whom he had given itega so that they
could reciprocate the help. That way people kept each other under
obligation.30
In their description of generosity as help, the informants in the Middle Age

Group distinguish between material and non-material help. The former
involves things given by one person to another. The latter involves giving
counsel or advice. Help is meant to benefit the recipient in one way or
another. Material help could, for instance, get somebody out of a mere
inconvenience or out of dire need. What matters is not the amount of help
but rather the fact that one person feels the obligation to help another.
Some of the informants observed that when a person dies what people
remember most about him is his generosity. Another observation is that
during times of famine the poor people remember the generous because
these are the people who sustain them.
The generous person is essentially a person who is sensitive to the needs of

others and is in sympathy with them. In this connection, some people have
been known to give building sites to the destitute. Others have used their
vehicles to transport people whom they do not know but who are sick, to
hospital without asking for payment. A generous person may also decide to
help a boy who wants to be circumcised but has nobody to provide facilities
for him. During communal work, such as building a hut for somebody, a
generous person will not only take part in the work but will also provide
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some food to the work party. This is because he reckons that the person
being helped to build might find it difficult to provide enough food for all the
people involved.
The Young Age Group has also described generosity as help. The infor-
mants in this group believe that sympathy for or appreciation of another’s
need is what motivates people to give help. People who have sympathy for
others do not wait to be appealed to but will help spontaneously.
According to the Young Age Group, the generous person does not give
because he has an abundance of things. Rather, he shares what he has
because other people are more needy or less fortunate than him. Thus, a
woman could have planned to prepare some foodstuff for her family when
another woman who has nothing to cook for her family calls on her. The
generous woman will share the foodstuff and may consequently have less to
cook for her own family. This shows that the generous person is prepared to
sacrifice something for the sake of another. Another person might come to
learn about a boy who wants to go to school but lacks finances. When the
person helps the boy, it is because he fully sympathizes with the boy’s
plight.
According to the Young Age Group, generous people are the ones mainly
responsible for the success of self-help projects because they give gener-
ously. They are keen to see a project that is meant to help people succeed
to completion. In their deep sympathy with other people the generous
people are concerned about the most appropriate kind of help to give in time
of need. Thus a woman who is mourning her husband’s death is shown
sympathy and support by other women when they do certain jobs for her,
such as harvesting her potatoes.
According to the three age groups then, the various ways in which people
help each other are expressions of generosity.
Generosity as uprightness (Uthingu)

Here only the ideas of the Old Age and Middle Age groups are described
since the Young Age Group says nothing about uprightness. The word
uthingu is mentioned in all the themes being treated in this study, and under
each theme an aspect of uprightness relevant to that theme is described. 31
Under generosity, the word means both gentleness and inoffensiveness.
According to the Old Age Group, uthingu means uprightness or righteous-
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ness. The quality of uthingu is found in people whose first concern in the
community is to promote peace and goodwill. Their neighbours regard such
people as generous because their very lives are exemplary. What they give
to other people is a good example and this by itself is looked on as help.
They are described as being gentle (ahooreri) and as having a ‘good mouth’
(kanua keega).32 A person who is said to have a ‘good mouth’ does not
offend people by the words he speaks. For instance, he does not insult other
people. What is even more appreciated, however, is that the upright man or
woman, the one who is said to have kanua kega is essentially a generous
person. His words can be taken at their face value because he is a person
who does not flatter people in order to obtain things or favours from them. If
anything, he is noble and his words are usually wise.
The upright person is so regarded because in society there are people who
earn their living through deceitful talk. They are described as having ndiira
kanua (a deceitful mouth) by some of the informants in the Old Age Group.
When such people speak they strike the listener as cordial, considerate,
wise and interesting and as people who always have something good to say
about their listeners. But in fact, what the person is doing is to flatter his
victims so that he can extract something material or a favour from them.
People who have come to know ndiira kanua well, know them as crafty
people who are always getting and never giving; they are mean and of no
benefit to anyone but themselves.
To the Old Age Group then, uprightness, which is the quality of gentleness
or inoffensiveness, is one aspect of generosity.
Generosity as charity (uuma-andu)
The quality described as uuma-andu is essential in all forms of generosity.
Uuma-andu means charity, philanthropy or kindness. It is also another word
for generosity. A generous person is also described as a muuma-andu,
meaning that he is a charitable or a particularly kind person. Much of what is
said in the other key words, namely hospitality, help and uprightness, could
therefore be repeated under charity. However, there are certain qualities of
the generous person that are better described under uuma-andu than under
a quality like hospitality. They are not prominent but they do mark out some
people as particularly generous.
According to some informants in the Old Age Group, there are people who
enchant a neighbourhood through their acts of consideration. These acts
show them up as being more than usually preoccupied with the welfare of
their neighbours. In traditional society, these were the people who disre-
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garded the strict requirements of traditional law in favour of the people with
whom they dealt. For instance, traditional law required that if an animal died
while under the care of a custodian, the custodian should give the carcass to
the owner of the dead animal. A muuma-andu, however, might tell the
custodian that if any of his animals should die he could deal with the carcass
as he saw fit. He also told the custodian he could slaughter a goat of his
from time to time if he so desired.33 A muuma-andu also kept a calabash of
beer ready for uninvited guests who might call in his home. The warriors
also knew that there was one elder who always allowed them to enter his
home any time and drink milk. If they needed blood, he gave them arrows
(migui) and told them to go into the herd and draw blood to their satisfaction.
Not every elder was generous to this extent.
The ideal practice of generosity

Although the Gikuyu value generosity, the informants in the Old and Middle
Age groups do not consider generosity as a moral value unless it is
practised in moderation and unless it is controlled by a sense of justice.
Some of the informants in both groups make reference to ‘bad generosity’
(utaana muuru), prodigality (uitangi) and ‘generosity without a sense of
justice’ (utaana utari kihooto).
From the responses of the informants in both groups it is evident that what
the Gikuyu regard as generosity is the practice that is midway between
prodigality and stinginess (ukari). It is also evident from the responses of the
informants that the reason for this is that there are many people who take
advantage of people who are too liberal in giving away their material
possessions. Ideally, a generous person is not prodigal. On the other hand,
there are people who are so careful with their possessions as to be
regarded stingy. Whereas the majority of people do not expect to subsist on
the generosity of other people, those who are too mean could deny
generosity to really deserving cases and, for that reason, earn the ill will of
others. People are normally reluctant to rush to the aid of those who have a
reputation for meanness. The wise person therefore strikes a balance
between too much and too little liberality.
Regarding prodigality (uitangi), there are people who do not know the limits
of giving. Their hospitality is extravagant and they cannot deny anyone
anything asked of them. Such are the hosts or hostesses who entertain
guests lavishly, quite beyond what they can comfortably afford. Such people
are regarded as unwise. In traditional society they were likened to a Muroki
character in a Gikuyu folk story whose cattle got finished because he gave
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them away to his visitors liberally.34 A prodigal woman does not realize that
she should store some of her garden produce (kuiga kigiina) in order to
sustain her until the next harvest. For instance, when she harvests millet she
is so obliging that every woman who visits her and begs for a little is given
some. In the end, she finds that the main purpose for which she had grown
the millet is not accomplished. Such a woman ends up begging seed to
plant in spite of the fact that she had harvested like other women.
Since some people give to their own detriment, an informant in the Old Age
Group observes that a sense of justice is vital where generosity is
concerned.35 A person who gives his material possessions in order to help
other people must not give them the impression that they can continue to
obtain things from him easily. They must not think that they have merely
‘come across things’ (gukora). A generous person gives out of a sense of
the justice (kihooto) that teaches that in a community people are obliged to
aid each other, but it should not encourage laziness. The lazy must not be
allowed to think that they can continue to subsist on the liberality of their
neighbours.36 For this reason, another informant in the Old Age Group says
that the generous person should practise stinginess towards certain people
because in so doing he helps such people to value self-sufficiency.37
Why generosity is valued

The sections that have described generosity as hospitality and as help have
shown that much of generosity involves giving away one’s possessions to
other people. In practising hospitality, the generous person goes out of his
way in order to feed his guests and make them feel welcome. Since
generosity involves a certain amount of inconvenience on the part of the
generous, why then it is valued? The informants give a number of reasons
why the Gikuyu value generosity.
First, it is important that anybody in need should receive the help he

requires. Especially the informants in the Old Age Group emphasize that
people have a right to expect help from others. A hungry person should
obtain food at once. That is why one of the features of traditional practice of
hospitality is speed (mituki). The informants in this group point out that
traditional society enjoined every individual to regard himself as having
some responsibility for sustaining other people’s lives. This obligation was
symbolically emphasized every time a baby was born. As soon as a woman
gave birth, her husband went to fetch foodstuffs for her from other people’s
gardens. According to some of the informants, a new mother is in sudden
need of food and her community must make this available.38 Also, a traveller
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who calls on a home might well be in urgent need of refreshments and these
must be available.
Secondly, generosity promotes goodwill between people. When people have

experienced the generosity of others, they respond by showing gratitude to
them. Quite often, gratitude is expressed in terms of other generous deeds
so that generosity is reciprocated. Informants in all three age groups main-
tain that when people keep seeing each other in the course of reciprocating
generosity, they maintain their mutual sympathy. The Old Age Group
informants also point out that where there is goodwill, life is safeguarded. As
mentioned in the section describing hospitality, the traditional Gikuyu
believed that the curse of a dying person could cause misfortune and even
death to those affected by it. Since a person dying of hunger could easily
curse those who had denied him food, hospitality was a check against the ill
will that might cause misfortune and death.39
Thirdly, to a large extent, generosity guarantees the welfare of the generous.

God is supposed to guarantee good fortune to the generous person. Luck
(munyaka) attends him, and when his affairs prosper, people attribute his
welfare to his generosity.40 One of the descriptive terms for a generous
person is ‘one who is favoured by wealth (mwendwo ni in).’ The generous
person’s welfare is also due to the goodwill extended to him by those who
have benefited from his giving, his counsel, his demeanour or his charitable
ways. People do not subject generous people to the mischief that they play
on stingy ones. According to the informants in the Old Age Group a
generous man hardly ever lost his livestock from theft. The community
around him protected his animals even from thieves who might come from
some distance away. On the other hand, a stingy man’s sheep and goats
were continually being stolen as a form of punishment, often by his very
neighbours.
Generosity is also regarded as an insurance against scarcity. Several infor-

mants in the Middle Age Group quote the proverb, Muoni umuuthi ti we
muoni ruuciu (He who has today is not the one who has tomorrow).
According to them, the possibility that some day one could lack while others
have is a good reason for sharing whatever one happens to have. In this
connection, another informant in the Middle Age Group quotes the proverb,
Kuheeana ni kuiga (To give is to deposit). Explaining this proverb, the
informant says that a generous person does not only cater for his own future
welfare but also for that of his children since people extend their generosity
to the descendents of a generous person.41 Other informants say that
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generosity is valued because nobody can possibly be completely self-

sufficient. In a community where generosity is an accepted way of life,
people feel free to beg and borrow things from each other and to share with
each other whatever they have. Some informants in the Young Age Group
observe that in fact people are often forced by their social environment to be
generous because the stingy lose goodwill.
The fourth reason why generosity is valued is that generosity helps to

promote the spirit of co-operation in the community. The informants in the
Middle and Young Age groups observe that many of the self-help projects
that have succeeded have been supported by generous people. As a
consequence, people who might not naturally be generous are encouraged
to support the projects more generously than they would otherwise have
done.
Finally, generosity is valued because it induces people to be diligent.

Several informants in the Old and Middle Age groups quote the proverb,
Mutaana ni uri gia kuheeana (The generous is he who has something to
give). Such a person ensures that he has sufficient, not just to cater for his
own needs but in order to be generous to others. To make this possible, he
needs to be a diligent worker. This was especially true in traditional society
where everything depended on land tillage.
Traditional w ays of enforcing generosity

Since generosity was highly valued, Gikuyu society had various ways of
encouraging people to be generous. Although one would expect people to
be generous in a society where the benefits of possessing this virtue were
so evident, Gikuyu society was not content to leave things to chance. The
society made certain that the obligation to be generous was impressed on
its members. In the words of a Middle Age Group informant: “Generosity is
valued because people want to have others they can trust around them"42
Gikuyu society employed several measures to enforce generosity. Both pos-

itive and negative measures generally aimed at encouraging generosity and
discouraging lack of generosity. Some of the measures are still employed
today.
The first of the positive measures was the praise that was openly and liber-
ally given to generous people. All the informants in the Old Age Group state
that a generous person enjoyed a good reputation (ngumo njega). His
reputation would spread to distant places through travellers to whom he had
114
given hospitality. Also, people whom he had helped in various ways spoke in
his praise when they went back home. Many people thus came to know a
generous person by reputation (na ngumo) and those who did extended
their goodwill to him. People whom he did not know but who knew of him by
reputation, took every opportunity to show him kindness. On account of him,
his relatives and friends were given warm hospitality when they visited
places where his reputation had spread. Within his own neighbourhood a
generous person was liked. According to an informant in the Old Age Group,
“People found no fault with a generous person"43 That is, since he had a
benevolent nature, nobody accused him of malice, theft or witchcraft. When
somebody tried to defame a generous person, other people defended him
and so attempts to spoil his reputation were fruitless. Many times the
generous person was not aware of the ‘victories won’ on his behalf.
However, if it should happen that somebody planned to harm him, someone
was bound to warn him so that he could take precautions.
According to the Old Age Group, one of the terms of praise used for a gen-
erous person was njamba (courageous person or person of prowess). This
term was used mostly to praise people whose bravery or diligence in tilling
the land was combined with generosity. A mean person, however rich or
brave, was not praised simply because he did not benefit people. According
to an informant in this group, a person who had possessions but was mean
was perpetually being cursed. Whenever his name was mentioned someone
was bound to say, “Aroaga! Kwi mundu kuu? Aroaga! Ni ciaki?” Roughly
translated, this means: “What kind of a person is that? May he lack
possessions for there is no point of him having things he will not share."
In connection with praise, the Middle and the Young Age groups do not have
much to say. Several informants in the Middle Age Group, however, say that
in former days people found occasion to extol (kuraha) those who had done
commendable acts such as rescuing stolen animals and restoring them to
the owners. Some of the informants believe that normally when people are
introduced to a generous person, it is partly so that they can extend their
love to him. An informant in this group also says that in traditional society
people showed openly that they trusted a generous person. For instance, a
generous elder was often asked to take custody of people’s animals
because he was known to be considerate and to treat other people’s
animals well. People would tell him that they trusted him. Several informants
in the Young Age Group simply said that a generous person was respected.
A second measure for enforcing generosity was the way gratitude (ngaatho)
was expressed in traditional society. In a sense the first measure described
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above, ngumo njega (good reputation) and gratitude are related. People
praised those individuals to whom they felt gratitude.
According to the Old Age Group, ngaatho is the remembrance of a good

deed done. A person who had received some generosity from another
expressed gratitude verbally more or less immediately. But he also felt
indebted to his benefactor and therefore felt obliged to give him a token of
the respect in which he held him. He expressed his gratitude to the gener-
ous person in more than words.
The informants in the Old Age Group give some examples to illustrate what
they mean by gratitude (ngaatho). The practice of itega, described under the
key word help, was usually an expression of gratitude. A person would give
itega to reciprocate an itega given to him at a time when he was in need. An
elder might be invited for a drink and, while he is holding his horn of beer, he
sees a man passing by who once helped him out of some difficulty. He
would immediately call him to come and drink from the horn.
Ideally, ngaatho is shown at a time when the generous person has all but
forgotten a good deed done to someone. The informants in all three age
groups stress that gratitude is not payment. Sometimes the circumstances
might compel a person to show ngaatho immediately. However, this is not
considered a good thing because gratitude might then be interpreted as
payment. In fact, many generous people refuse to take what may look like
payment. Ideally, ngaatho is supposed to indicate that the action of the
generous person is not taken for granted. The person who has cause to be
grateful to another usually waits until his benefactor has some need, and
then expresses his gratitude. For instance, a woman could help another and
nothing special passes between them for two or three years. But when, for
example, the one to whom she was generous learns that she has fallen ill,
or that she is experiencing a shortage of food, she will visit her at once,
taking some foodstuffs with her.
The custom of expressing gratitude in this way produced two desirable

results. First, in the course of reciprocating relatively small acts of gener-
osity, good friendships developed between people. The informants in the
three age groups maintain that strong bonds of friendship are established on
account of the remembrance of a generous deed. Some of the friendships
started as the result of mere acquaintance can become lasting. In this
connection, several informants in the Old Age Group quote the proverb,
Ndugu yumaga njiraini (Friendship sprouts through meetings on the road).
116
Second, the friendships thus established were sustained through the

perpetual indebtedness people felt towards each other. This was because
anybody who received some ngaatho felt obliged also to return ngaatho.
The Gikuyu therefore say, Ngaatho ithingatagio ingi (Gratitude should follow
close upon another (gratitude).44
Third, protection was given to the property of the generous person. Accord-
ing to the Old Age Group, a generous man hardly ever lost his cattle. If
raiders struck his home and drove away the cattle, a great number of people
responded to the alarm raised and the cattle were rescued. The property of
a generous man was safeguarded because people argued, “If we let the
property of a generous man go, how will he continue to give?” On the other
hand, if the raid involved a stingy man, hardly anybody responded to the
alarm.45
According to an informant in the Old Age Group, one reason why people
were generous to anybody in need rather than only to their friends and
relatives was the consideration, “If I am not generous, who will respond to
my alarm?”46
Fourth, people showed willingness to labour in the fields of a generous

person. According to the Old Age Group, a generous person did not lack
people to work for him. Since his fields were well cultivated, he usually had
plenty of foodstuffs with which to practise hospitality.
Gikuyu society also had several ways of discouraging meanness. The infor-
mants in the Old Age Group explain that in traditional society all forms of
meanness were regarded as offences against the reasonable order of things
(kihooto). Several informants stated that “generosity is justice (utaana ni guo
kihooto)"47 To be mean was to conduct oneself unjustly. For this reason
meanness was discouraged in rather strong and definite ways. The following
are some of the measures employed by society to discourage meanness.
First, public opinion was strong against the mean man or woman. The infor-
mants in the Old Age Group provide several expressions that society used
to ridicule stingy people. A stingy person was referred to as one whose arm
was contracted so that it could not perform the act of giving. He was also
referred to as njara mboko (crooked arm) because it was as if his arm was
deformed and could not stretch out to give. Another expression used to
describe the miser was, “ngundi njiru mugiruo ni ka (the dark fist to whom it
is taboo to say, take)"48 In other words, the stingy person was viewed as
clenching his fists to hold on tightly to whatever he had in his hand, under
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the mistaken idea that giving would bring him harm.
Second, the term that aptly described the lot of the ungenerous was muuri
(one bound to be lost). It refers to a fugitive, an ill-fated person and a
solitary, unsociable person. The necessary isolation and bad fortune of the
miserly is implied in the word. According to the informants in the Old Age
Group, people stole things belonging to a stingy person simply because he
was a muuri. Their argument was: “What does muuri own property for?” In
this connection, another term used to refer to the ungenerous was muimwo-
ni-iri (one destitute of wealth). Since people talked freely, the ungenerous
knew that they were regarded with contempt. The degree of contempt varied
from person to person as not all of them were pronounced misers, but all
mean people felt isolated.
To illustrate this, an informant in the Middle Age Group quotes the proverb,
Mukari ni muria gake (The stingy person eats his own little thing). Another
informant in this group quotes the proverb, Mukari ni muria wiki (The stingy
person eats alone). The Old Age Group has shown, under the description of
positive measures, that whereas people readily responded to the alarms of a
generous person, they were not enthusiastic about rushing to the rescue of
property belonging to a miser. Nor were neighbours keen to work for a
stingy person.
Third, mean people were subjected to some light-hearted mischief. The
mischief was meant to vex them enough to realize that it paid to be gener-
ous. According to informants in the Old Age Group, young people were
particularly good at playing mischief on stingy women. It was the habit of
young people to visit homes of neighbours and spend the evenings together.
Sometimes they visited several homes in one evening. Wherever they
visited they were usually given something to eat. At times they purposely
visited women whom they knew to be stingy in order to spoil their food.
Sometimes they timed the visit to coincide with the time when food cooking
on the hearth would be almost ready to serve. The woman might delay
removing the pot from the hearth in the hope they would tire of waiting and
go. If they lingered too long she would eventually serve the food. By this
time the food would be overcooked and the young people would refuse to
eat it. Other times they simply said they had already eaten and were not
hungry. Then they would go, leaving the woman annoyed. On other
occasions, according to the informants in the Old and Middle Age groups,
the young people found opportunity to throw soot, snuff, or the droppings of
goats into the cooking pot of a stingy woman. When she served the food it
was found to be unfit to eat. These experiences were not only annoying but
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also embarrassing. Yet the woman could not complain because she knew
she had become an object of mischief due to her stinginess.49
Several informants in the Old and Middle Age groups quote the Gikuyu
saying, Cia muka mukari iriiagwo na mambura (The stingy woman’s food is
only eaten during a ritual). According to the informants, a time comes when
even the stingy woman has to open her home and provide food. Such
occasions included the circumcision of her children. During the pre-
circumcision celebrations, when people went to her home in numbers, her
food was eaten extravagantly. Her granaries were raided and people
ensured they exhausted her stocks of foodstuff.
Fourth, the ungenerous were sometimes subjected to more serious mischief

such as theft and destruction of property. As mentioned above, people stole
from a muuri. They took his things, not because they were destitute, nor
because they approved of stealing, but simply because they believed a
muuri had no need for owning property since he did not practise generosity.
Neighbours were also not ready to protect the crops of a stingy woman. An
informant in the Young Age Group remembers a song he used to sing with
other children while herding animals:
Mburi mugunda Wa
muka mukart Maruaga
na u?
I, Na murume.
Goat in the pot Of a

stingy woman Who
eats with her?
Surely her husband.50
Children were punished if they allowed animals to enter people’s gardens.

However, ungenerous women or men could expect the destruction of their
crops by animals.
Due to the seriousness of some of the mischief the people might play on the
ungenerous person, rich men were particularly careful not to annoy the poor
through meanness. Since murder was punished by compensation with
goats, a poor man had really nothing to lose if he should kill. According to an
informant in the Old Age Group, a rich man feared that stinginess on his part
might provoke a poor man to anger. The turn of events might lead to the rich
man being killed by a man who “has nothing of his that can be confiscated
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Chapter 3
(utari kindu angioywo)” and thus his killing would not be compensated.51
Fifth, direct punishment of the offender discouraged lack of generosity.

Punishment was meted out by the ungenerous person’s own family, by his
peer group or by warriors. According to the Old Age Group, the warriors,
whose responsibilities included keeping law and order, could beat up big
boys for their stinginess and other antisocial tendencies. The warriors also
beat up stingy initiated girls when they went dancing, ‘for giving us a bad
reputation.’ If a bride was discovered to be stingy and rude to her husband,
she was upbraided and beaten up by warriors who were her own relatives
because she caused them embarrassment. If an elder persistently failed to
invite warriors to obtain their portions of meat when he slaughtered bulls,
they punished him by imposing a fine of a ram or a bull (ngoima) as they
thought fit. They also fined an elder who put a spell on his plot of sugarcane,
thus forbidding people to use it. A stingy elder might also be ordered by his
age mates to slaughter an animal (ngoima) for them because he had ‘denied
age mates something.’ According to an informant in this group, people
watched and disciplined each other over lack of generosity and other
antisocial tendencies.
These were the common measures taken to enforce generosity. An infor-
mant in the Old Age Group observed that for a small generous deed a
person was rewarded with much gratitude. For stinginess over such a
common thing like cooked food a person was subjected to much harm. 52
Generosity was therefore regarded as reasonable conduct.
Generosity in modern times

Generosity was highly valued in Gikuyu society and for that reason severe
sanctions were employed to enforce it. What about the modern period? How
has it affected the Gikuyu attitude to generosity and to its practice? The
views of each of the three age groups were sounded on this question.
According to the Old Age Group, the two basic types of people, the gener-
ous and the stingy are still to be found in modern Gikuyu society. The
people who were formerly generous with food are today generous with
money to one extent or other. Today, the generous person is the person
who meets someone he has not seen for some time and tells him to enter
an eating place and have some tea. Another meets someone, and on
realizing that his acquaintance has not got much money, gives him some
bus fare, or a little money ‘to buy sugar.’ However, the Old Age Group is of
the opinion that there are more stingy people in the modern period than
there were traditionally. According to an informant in this group, when
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people talk of generosity today, they should not use the traditional yardstick.
Because, if the traditional yardstick is used, then “none is good"53
The fact that people have money and that there are public eating places
means that people can now show hospitality anywhere they meet. In former
times hospitality was centred in the home because that was where food and
goats, the means of showing generosity, were found.
The informants in the Old Age Group, although they admit money to be a
great convenience, believe that it has caused problems with respect to the
practice of generosity. Many people think that dishing out money generously
is extravagant. Therefore, people do not give money to those they do not
know. Formerly, a person’s possessions came from the land he tilled. He
used the food for nourishment and as gifts. Today, a person’s food as well
as what he gives away has to come from wages earned. Often, wages
hardly cover needs. For this reason people cannot afford to be liberal with
money. This state of affairs affects people’s generosity. Modern generosity
now depends to a large extent on one’s degree of acquaintance
(kimenyano). Someone gives to someone else because they were in school
together, because they were circumcised together, or because they are
related to each other. The traditional idea of giving to anyone (o mundu)
does not apply today.
Some of the informants in the Old Age Group believe that some people have
become stingy because of contemptuousness (kuira). People may look at a
poor, unkempt person and decide that he is not worth his gift. According to
one informant in this group, this attitude of contempt for the poor is a new
development. Formerly, the rich were careful not to give the poor any cause
to retaliate by showing unreasonable contempt.54
The informants in the Old Age Group also believe that today people exercise
undue economy of food which, in effect, makes them stingy. In former days,
the attitude people held in connection with food was that cooked food does
not cost goats (irio hiu itiumaga mburi). Cooked food was not sold or
bartered: it was cooked to be eaten. Today, people would rather throw away
cooked food which they cannot use than call a passer-by to come and eat it.
The result is that some people suffer hunger while their neighbours have
food to spare.
According to an informant in the Old Age Group, modern Gikuyu people are
characterized by individualism or ‘the care of my own thing.’ People are
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Chapter 3
therefore not concerned about maintaining the bonds that made the idea of
giving meaningful. For instance, since clansmen are not involved in the
marriage ceremonies of children, the practice of itega becomes redundant.
Individualism has also rendered the idea of gratitude (ngaatho) meaning-
less. To the Old Age Group, many people seem to be self-sufficient in a way
not understood by traditional society. People do not seem to think that they
will ever need their neighbours. So they are steadily killing the idea of
mutual indebtedness in society.
The Middle Age Group also has several things to say about the modern
period and generosity. First, this group agrees with the Old Age Group that
the introduction of the cash economy has made the expression of generosity
more instantaneous than was possible in the past. In former days one had to
visit someone at home to be offered hospitality but today food can be
offered to someone in any number of eating places. Second, this group
believes that although there are still generous people today, money has on
the whole affected people’s generosity negatively. People tend to ‘count
money too much’ so that they are hesitant to give it away. For instance,
people are no longer willing to work for others unless they are paid. A
woman would prefer to sell her maize and buy herself some sugar, rather
than to give the maize to a new mother. According to the informants, the
idea of itega is dying because people regard it more and more as debt (thiiri)
and people want to be free of debts.
According to the Young Age Group, even today there are people who seem
to be born generous. These are individuals who give from a genuine desire
to help others. However, there are few such people. Today, many people
feel obliged to support only their wives, children and close relatives. Others
who would be willing to give money find that they do not have enough of it.
The more people sell their assets for money, the less they are able to give.
Among the causes this group cites as decreasing generosity are inflation,
overcrowding in the rural areas, growing individualism and the fact that life is
becoming too rushed, especially for the younger generations. Some of the
informants in the Young Age Group observed that education has had an
effect on people’s generosity. Many people assume that they will not be
welcome in the home of educated people. According to this group, rich
people also tend to keep the company of other rich people and in that way
forego the opportunity to show generosity to the less fortunate.
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Conclusion
With respect to generosity as a moral value in traditional society, it can be
concluded that it was valued mainly because it promoted the well being of
the community and the welfare of the individuals in that community. The
individual and the community needed each other. The individual might
indeed have an impulse to help others in need. But he also had to consider
his personal security since society could be either a threat to or a guarantee
of that security. Therefore, those who were generous catered for their own
good as well as for the good of others. The stingy were as much their own
enemies as they were the enemies of the community. In due course, the
generous person was rewarded for his generosity for the process of recip-
rocating kindness really had no end.
Society had no patience with fools, whether they were rich or poor. Wisdom
was more important than liberality for the fool will give and still be scorned in
spite of his giving. To give indiscriminately was tantamount to prodigality.
Although people did not decline gifts from the prodigal, they did not approve
of him for he ended up impoverished. Ideally, generosity was supposed to
be practised in such a way that it did not encourage people to depend on the
charity of their neighbours. People were encouraged to be self-sufficient. To
be stingy in giving was to lack a sense of justice. Not to give at all was
foolish; what society advocated was moderation in giving. Wisdom in this
sense was the ability to maintain a cordial relationship with other people,
whether one parted with one’s substance or not.
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C H AP T E R 4
JUSTICE (KIHOOTO)

In its description of Gikuyu justice, the literature by early European writers
generally focuses on lawsuits. However, the literature does show that there
was more to Gikuyu ideas of justice than judicial procedure. It becomes
clear from a survey of the literature that justice was primarily concerned with
the maintenance of peace and goodwill in society.
Lambert discusses the traditional Gikuyu principles of justice involved in

judicial procedure and suggests that the maintenance of peace depended
on the recognition of three principles.1 The first principle was that the
settlement of disputes should be by deliberation rather than by the use of
force. The second principle was that the correction of imbalance should be
by compensation rather than by retaliation. The third principle was that
adjudication should be done impartially. Therefore, this was done by elders
because they were deemed to be “beyond the practicalities and impetu-
osities of self-interested youth"2 These principles are well illustrated by the
other authors who have described Gikuyu judicial procedure.
Regarding settlement by deliberation, several writers observe that the

Gikuyu loved debate, though to casual observers they seemed unnecessar-
ily long and tedious.3 Lawsuits and other discussions of public importance
were usually held in an open space (kihaaro) where, according to Cavic- chi,
“one’s voice may be heard," for “freedom of speech" is to the Kikuyu
perhaps the most essential of liberties.4 When a case was taken to the
Council of Elders (kiama), they were prepared to hear both sides of the suit
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Justice (k~ h o o to)
in detail. The function of the klama was to arbitrate between the litigating
parties and for this to be possible, clear evidence was required. 5 Cagnolo
and Routledge have noted the remarkable order and calm that prevailed in
these deliberations. During the usually lengthy litigations only one person
was allowed to speak at any one time and according to Cagnolo, “one man
after another ... may be emphatic but not angry.”6 Anger and hot temper
were considered hindrances to justice.
Although the parties to litigation were allowed plenty of time to state their
case, there were safeguards against a delay in reaching a settlement. First,
in a case involving a plaintiff and a defendant, the defendant was assumed
to be guilty and it was his task to prove his innocence. Each party would
have brought along his counsellor, relatives and friends. If the defendant
was guilty, his friends and relatives did not defend him. Their role was in fact
to urge him to confess his guilt, bearing in mind that if he was innocent he
was at liberty to deny all the accusations. According to Lambert, the
muthamaki (counsel) chosen by a plaintiff or a defendant warned his client
as follows: “He will not twist the argument to suit his client’s case if he
believed him in the wrong, but he will give him some assistance in meeting
the judgement debt if the judgement goes against him”7
Routledge observes that there was “a curious childlike impulse to confess

on the part of the guilty person.”8 Secondly, the facts of a case were
common knowledge in a community where people knew each other well and
where little went on undetected.9 Thirdly, both plaintiff and defendant went
into a lot of expense as they both paid equal court fees and continued to
provide meat feasts for the Council of Elders who heard the case so long as
it lasted. Only a fool would therefore want his case to take longer than was
absolutely necessary. Fourthly, if there was not enough evidence by which
to judge a case, the Council of Elders submitted the litigants to supernatural
judgement, that is, to trial by ordeal. Trial by ordeal was dreaded and if a
person was guilty he usually confessed before this trial would be resorted to.
The second principle of justice, that correction of imbalance was by com-

pensation rather than retaliation, is also well illustrated by early European
writers. The traditional Gikuyu did not believe in retaliation, for as the
proverb says, Mwlrlhlria nl we muuru (He who revenges himself is the bad
one)10 In other words, the idea of justice was not to revenge wrongs but
rather to restore the equilibrium that a wrong or a crime had upset. In fact,
the Gikuyu believed that retaliation only served to upset the equilibrium
further. Therefore, in a case where a man killed another and a member of
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Chapter 4
the dead man’s family killed the murderer, no compensation was payable.
Death should not be paid by another death but by compensation. The
Gikuyu say, Hiti ndiheeagwo keeri (A hyena should not be given (a meal)
twice).11
When a wrong had been done, the customary procedure was for the
wronged party to seek compensation, not directly from the offender but
through the Council of Elders.12 In case of theft of property, compensation
was heavy; this served to deter people from stealing. For instance, the
compensation for one stolen goat ranged between two and ten goats.13
Compensation for murder was 100 goats if the deceased was a man and 30
goats in the case of a woman.14
In order to avoid the expense of council dues, petty thefts were often settled
by mutual agreement in the presence of witnesses.15 However, if mutual
agreement was not forthcoming the plaintiff did not hesitate to take the case
to the Council of Elders in spite of the cost involved. Beecher comments:
“There was a curious part in the Kikuyu makeup which makes a man seek to
get the smallest wrong redressed, no matter what the costs are”.16
Regarding correction of imbalance, and the efficacy of compensation, the

literature highlights two things. First, as Lambert stresses, the administration
of justice was based on equity rather than on a codified law. There were
recognized principles to which every judgement must conform. But every
case was judged on its own merits.17 Secondly, the offender was helped to
pay compensation for his offence by his own relatives or clansmen. He did
not feel the burden of payment as much as he felt the disapproval of his
kinsmen. Lambert observes that the acceptance of responsibility by the
kindred of the offender did not reduce the effect of the fines they paid. The
reason behind this was that “.. .in general the wider the group which suffers
as a result of an offence, the stronger the public opinion against a repetition
of it”18
Leakey says that in traditional Gikuyu society, thieving “was to all intents
and purposes unknown” He explains that the absence of thieving was due
not so much to fear of punishment as to it being “contrary to native law and
custom.” The person who went against this prohibition became an outcast
(njangiri). Such a person was ostracized by his age mates, being “banned
from all social affairs” and so he was made to feel that life for him was not
worth living. Moreover, his family disinherited and disowned him. If an
ostracized, disinherited person was caught red-handed and killed, his death
126
did not count as death.19 According to Routledge, a thief paid the first time
he stole, was banished the second time he stole, and was killed if he
repeated the crime a third time.20 He adds that the lynch law applied to
persistent thieves and murderers and was an expression of “an aggrieved
populace"21
The third principle of justice given by Lambert was that adjudication was
done by the elders because they were able to be impartial enough to bring
about the desired peace and equilibrium. This principle was based on the
belief that the elder (muthuuri) had left “the hot-bloodedness of youth
behind” and was able to discern, deliberate, and come to carefully con-
sidered conclusions.22 This virtue (wisdom) qualified elders to be leaders
and men of authority who were obeyed willingly.23 Every individual was
supposed to cultivate a keen sense of justice. Not everybody excelled in it
but those who did became recognized as leaders (athamaki) from an early
age.24 Lambert says, “The Kikuyu say a true muthamaki is ruled by his head
and not his heart; he looks before he leaps and he never loses his temper"25
According to Lambert, “An elder could be impartial if his immortality on earth

has been...arranged satisfactorily, that is, he has several healthy,
prosperous descendants in the patrilineal line"26
Besides the freedom of speech within the judicial system, already noted,
some of the early writers made references to the Gikuyu respect for freedom
of choice. Both Routledge and Leakey refer to this, particularly in connection
with marriage. According to Routledge, “A girl’s betrothal is entirely her own
affair,” and even when occasionally a girl child was bespoken by an older
man, “she would not be obliged to marry him on coming to years of
discretion unless she so desired"27
What is justice?
The word kihooto is derived from the root hoota which means “to defeat” or
“to convince” morally. It is used in everyday language, in a variety of con-
texts. However, in all contexts the word is used to appeal to people’s sense
of right and wrong, reasonableness or fairness. Kihooto can be defined as
that which has the irresistible force of right. It means the reasonable order of
things.28 The best English equivalent of kihooto is justice.
Informants described kihooto in terms of three key words, namely ma (truth),

hoota (defeat) and uthingu (uprightness). These three words express the
principal ideas of Gikuyu justice. There are other ideas related to justice that
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Chapter 4
are not covered by the key words and these are also discussed in this
chapter. These issues concern the traditional Gikuyu ideas and practice on
reward and punishment, as well as the place of forgiveness and restoration
in the scheme of the Gikuyu concept of justice. But first it will be useful to
make some general statements on how the Gikuyu have understood justice
traditionally.
Informants defined the word kihooto as that which has such force of right
that nothing can upset it. Kihooto is self-vindicating and indisputable.
In order to explain the morally convincing power of kihooto, practically every

informant quoted the proverb: Kihooto kiunaga uta mugeete (A convincing
answer breaks a bow set ready to shoot). Basically this proverb means that
justice prevails over the force of might. It also means that justice overcomes
all that is not just and right.
Another proverb, quoted by some informants says, Muingatwo na njuguma

niacookaga no muingatwo na kihooto ndacookaga (He who is driven away
by a club returns, but he who is driven away by justice does not return). If
there is a dispute between two men, about property, for instance, it can only
end when the claimant is convinced that the matter has been settled justly.
Until he is thus convinced, he and if necessary his children after him, will
continue to press the claim. Yet another proverb says, Kihooto gitingatikaga
(Justice resists all efforts to chase it away.) That is, justice is not only
unyielding, it also resists all efforts to conceal it. Thus justice is conceived of
as a living thing, able to heave out of any place and vindicate itself against
falsehood. The idea that justice ultimately triumphs is echoed by still another
proverb, Ma ndikuuaga (Truth does not die). People may employ various
ways like falsehood or malice to cover up truth and frustrate justice. So long
as truth is concealed and justice is denied, the matter drags on and on. But
justice stands triumphant in every matter that is eventually straightened out.
The ‘force of right’ as conceived of by the informants is affirmed by the

proverb Kihooto gitingiagararika (Justice cannot be disregarded). In Gikuyu
idiom kihooto is the weapon with which a person defeats a critic. Justice is
applicable to all aspects of life: there is no area of life, private or public,
which is not subject to the scrutiny of justice. Moreover, justice has numer-
ous ways of vindicating itself. For these reasons, justice must be respected
if the affairs of the individual and of the community are to prosper. Justice is
present, for instance, in every peaceful home. It is the guiding principle of
every peacemaker who separates two disputing parties. It ensures goodwill,
peace and harmony in the community.29
128
Several informants repeated that kihooto does not have many words to
describe it. Kihooto corresponds to truth, and truth is basically simple. A
person who has a sense of justice is a person who is trustworthy; he is an
upright person.
These general statements, as well as other information obtained from the

informants, indicate that the idea of kihooto is best understood within the
context of some basic ideas held by traditional Gikuyu society. These ideas
concern community life and the rights, privileges and responsibilities of the
individuals who constitute that community. The ideas have also to do with
the forces believed to be at work in community life. However, besides
serving that purpose, they are themselves part of the context of kihooto.
The first basic idea concerns the ideal community life. This is community life
that enjoys prosperity, harmony, goodwill and peace. This ideal is ensured
when members of a community have a sense of justice. People demonstrate
their sense of justice by subscribing to those attitudes and modes of conduct
that are supposed to be reasonable ways of achieving prosperity, social
harmony, goodwill and peace. One aspect of this is that every man should
endeavour to be as self-sufficient as possible. An informant in this group has
expressed this as, “Kihooto is that a man should have his own cow, plot of
land and wife"30 That this idea of personal ownership and self-sufficiency
was very strong in traditional society is evidenced by the elaborate system
of identification for individuals, as well as for property.
The second idea held traditionally by the Gikuyu was that every individual
has a right to enjoy the fruits of his labour. He has a right to own what he
has acquired for himself. Therefore he is obliged to recognise not only what
belongs to him but also what belongs to other people. This means that he
must safeguard what belongs to him and must not interfere with that which
is not his. A man safeguarded his property by ensuring that what belonged
to him bore some evidence of identity or ownership. Where domestic
animals were concerned, an owner was obliged to take note of both the
physical appearance of his animals as well as the circumstances under
which he obtained them. Since people were constantly placing animals
under custody of friends and relatives, it was important that people care-
fully distinguished animals belonging to them and those that were merely
under their guardianship.
Traditional Gikuyu society respected the idea of exclusive ownership. Thus

a married woman belonged to a particular man by virtue of his having given
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the gift (thuugo) of a virgin ewe and a virgin he-goat (muati na harika) to her
parents. The husband publicly proclaimed his ownership of her by the
sacrificial feast of a ram (ngoima) given to her clansmen. These steps
safeguarded the woman from the claim of other men.31 Where land was
concerned, the individual cultivator of a piece of land might only hold it as a
trustee of the family land. Nevertheless, as long as the land was under his
name it belonged to him and nobody else could claim it. Domestic animals
were owned exclusively by those who had acquired them.
The idea of exclusive ownership was counter-balanced by the idea of gen-

erosity. People were constantly giving and receiving certain things. Indeed,
some things were owned precisely so that the owner might be able to use
them as gifts. Such included an elder’s honey or a woman’s measure of
castor oil. So long as they were not given out they belonged to the owner.
Nevertheless, those who expected to receive these gifts had no right to take
them before they were actually given to them by the owner. In the event of
the birth of a baby, tradition allowed that tokens of certain food crops, such
as bananas and sugarcane, should be harvested from the gardens of neigh-
bours. However, the owner had a right to know what had happened and the
peelings were not thrown away for a specified number of days. If he followed
the trail to the home where the foodstuffs were taken he would find the
peelings heaped in a certain spot in the hut and would know at once that his
foodstuffs had been taken according to the accepted custom.32
According to informants in the Old Age Group, the most significant evidence
of the traditional respect for personal ownership rights was the fact that
stealing was a crime that was heavily punished. Punishment for theft was
always deterrent and a habitual thief was eventually eliminated from society.
The thief received no sympathy from other people for essentially he had no
sense of justice. He deprived other people of property to which they were
morally entitled. The majority of the people acquired property through hard
work and scrupulous management. One traditional song summarizes the
issues associated with stealing like this:
Mungiigua kabu
Ruteere rwa mugunda
Mutigetike
Ni nyina wa kiguuta, Huyu-hu-ii i
Uraarurwo muringa
If you hear a cry of alarm At the border
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of the garden Do not respond

It is the mother of the slothful (son)
Who is having her bangles removed.33
This means that a woman caught collecting food crops from a neighbour’s
garden had no alternative but to pay dearly for them: her ornaments were
forcibly removed. There may have been a state of famine or her own garden
might have lacked the particular crop she was caught stealing, but no
excuse could override two considerations. First, she had no right to take
food from other people’s gardens. Secondly, her sons had no right to be
idlers and thus drive their mother to the shameful state of being a thief. Theft
had to be punished and idleness must be condemned.
Another example of the serious view that the Gikuyu took of theft concerns
the stealing of domestic animals. If a man stole an animal in order to eat it, it
was described as nyamu (an animal, simply - not specifying the kind of
animal). If it was slaughtered and eaten, anybody who participated in
whatever way in the feast was fined ten goats. This was regardless of
whether he was aware or not that the animal was stolen. Nor did it matter
whether he had eaten to his full or had merely smeared himself with some of
the animal’s fat.
There have always been people in society whose conduct undermines

justice as is indicated by the examples of thieves and idlers. Some of those
people commit serious crimes (ngero) such as murder, arson, and witchcraft
(urogi). Other malefactors and people of ill commit crimes like perjury or
damage to other people’s domestic animals or other property. There are
people who are selfish and mean. In one way or another, these and other
mischief workers (imaramari) disturb the peace, the harmony, the prosperity
and goodwill that ought to prevail in society.
Traditional Gikuyu society was constantly appealing to such people to

respect kihooto (the reasonable order of things). Society did this through
various sanctions. Depending on the type of offence, these sanctions
ranged from admonition, ridicule of offenders, compensation paid in
property, banning or ostracising of offenders to killing of habitual criminals.
There were also positive sanctions that further encouraged people to
respect justice. Such positive sanctions included appreciation and gratitude
shown to those who behaved justly. These sanctions are described in
greater detail in a later section of this chapter.
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Justice described in terms of truth (ma)

Truth (ma) is one of the key words mentioned by every informant in con-
nection with justice. The three age groups have similar ideas regarding truth.
To the old people, ma means both proof and truthfulness. To the middle
aged and the young people ma means factual evidence as well as
truthfulness. All the informants conceive of truth as the opposite of all forms
of falsehood, including lies, hypocrisy and deception.
According to informants in the Old Age Group, the word ma comes into use
when there is doubt or dispute, that is, when an action or a statement
actually is called into question. In that case, proof depends very much on
evidence (uira). The need for evidence is called for every time different
parties have a dispute. To give an example, an elder calls some initiated
young men and asks them to cultivate his sugarcane plot, promising to give
them oil for their bodies when the job is completed. So the young men
complete the job. They go to the elder’s home and he gives them a piece of
raw ram’s fat, telling them to fry it in order to extract oil. The fat is put into
the pot and placed on the hearth. While it is cooking the exhausted young
men find some shade outside and lie down to rest. However, in this home
there are some naughty boys. They help themselves to the entire contents
of the pot. Consequently, a disagreement arises between the young men
and the elder. They want the promised oil but he is unwilling to produce any
more. It becomes necessary to call other elders to arbitrate. The arbitrators
listen to the evidence on both sides and examine the exhibits before them.
The sugar-cane plot has been cultivated. The pot supposedly containing oil
is empty. The young men have not smeared any oil on themselves. The
arbitrators will announce to the contending parties, “We have seen kihooto;
the elder will have to give the young men some oil.”34
Regarding respect for personal ownership, by far the most important evi-
dence had to do with proof of ownership. In order to avoid disputes over
ownership of domestic animals and land the traditional society observed
identification marks on animals and boundary marks on land.
Each clan had distinguishing marks for their cattle, sheep and goats. One of
those marks entailed cutting out patterns on the ears of stock animals. Each
clan adopted a different pattern. The action was known as kugiirima and the
pattern thus made was known as giirima. Marking also entailed cutting away
part of the tails of young sheep. This job was done by men in the evening
round a bonfire at the gateway (boini). Although these were routine evening
jobs, a lot more was happening here to further the course of justice. The
younger male members of the household were taught to recognize the
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subtle marks and characteristics that distinguished the animals belonging to

the family. It was important to recognize animals belonging to every
household, even though they bore the distinguishing marks of the clan. Here
too, in the course of discussion and conversation the young men were
counselled by their elders to respect each boundary mark (gitoka kia
muhaka). The clan forefathers would have planted these boundary marks.
No individual had the right to shift a boundary mark arbitrarily. Boundary
marks could only be moved after careful deliberation and unanimous
agreement of the parties concerned. It was here too that the young men
were taught that the girls with whom they danced and practised nguiko35 did
not belong to them. Each of those girls was to be respected as belonging to
someone else (ni wene). A girl belonged to her father until by virtue of
marriage she belonged to her husband. An unmarried man did not own a
wife. In other words, he did not beget children. Children were the evidence
or the proof of marriage. Their rightful place was therefore within the married
state of their parents.
This brings us to another kind of evidence, that is, proof of marriage. The
traditional Gikuyu society regarded it as of great importance that a woman
should be married strictly according to established custom. This was
because customary marriage included features that aimed at guaranteeing
its permanence by protecting both the man and the woman. The features of
customary marriage that were considered to constitute and symbolize
kihooto included thuugo, ruraacio and ngurario36
Thuugo has been defined as a ‘gift given in courting a girl.’ This gift
consisted of a virgin ewe and a virgin he-goat (mwati na harika). The
prospective husband took these animals to the hut of the girl’s mother on a
particular evening. This gift was a testimony that a certain man intended to
marry a girl in that house. Together with thuugo the man took along a
fattened ram referred to as ngoima. This ram would be slaughtered at a
future day during the ceremony known as ngurario.
These three animals were never delivered by the suitor alone. He always
asked and got the help of at least one special friend (wakiri). In this way he
did not only get the practical and moral support of a friend, or friends, but
also of a witness or witnesses. Should the question ever arise in future as to
whether he had actually married the girl the man could show that he had
given thuugo, using the men who had delivered the gift with him as
witnesses.
Ruraacio consisted of the animals taken to the girl’s home as bride-wealth.
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Again a man did not take them alone: friends accompanied him. They
helped him to deliver the animals and they were also witnesses that all
things pertaining to the marriage of the girl were done in order. If at a future
date the man’s wife should desert him he had the right to demand from her
father the entire ruraacio and possibly its natural increase as well.
Ngurario was the ceremony that finally ratified the marriage contract. When
the fattened ram (ngoima) was slaughtered for the girl’s clan, it was a public
declaration by her parents that their daughter was married to a particular
man. The marriage was therefore sealed in the presence of many
witnesses. Henceforth, the two clans represented by the girl and her suitor
regarded each other as relations-in-law.
These three features of marriage went a long way to safeguard against the
break-up of marriage. It was not kihooto for a woman thus married to desert
her husband. If she had grievances against him, the in-laws on both sides
would do their very best to solve the problems. Similarly, a man could not
easily ‘throw away’ his wife.
The Gikuyu did everything possible to settle matters concerning justice once
for all. In their idiom gukindira kihooto meant ‘to leave no loop-holes in a
settlement’. If, for instance, a marriage should end in divorce in spite of all
efforts, the ruraacio was returned. In order to conclude the matter, the
woman’s father or brothers gave the man an extra ram. This was referred to
as ndurume ya gutharia nyumba (the ram for demolishing the woman’s hut).
It was evidence that the woman’s family owed nothing more to her former
husband as far as this particular marriage was concerned.37
These illustrations show the importance traditional society attached to

evidence (uira). A matter that could be proved through clear evidence could
not be contradicted. Rather, it became ‘that which has force of right’
(kihooto).
However, evidence alone was not enough to reveal the truth in every
instance. Knowledge was also important. The individual who knew the facts
of a matter possessed the truth about it. If he could give testimony about it
without distorting the facts then he could be said to possess kihooto.
Moreover, in the course of justice, it was an added advantage to be able to
discern the significance of what one knew. The person who could give
interpretation to the knowledge he possessed was not only knowledgeable
but also wise. To give an illustration, it was not enough for a man to know he
had so many heads of animals in his herd. Besides being able to identify
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them, he should know the facts concerning his acquisition of them. This
knowledge helped to guard him against any questions that might be raised
regarding his right to include them in his herd. Some of the animals may
rightfully belong to him to dispose of as he wished. However, others might
merely be under his care. If he should confuse them and dispose of the
wrong animal he would almost certainly get into dispute with the rightful
owner. Knowledge, which can be said to be wisdom, is also ‘that which has
the force of right’ (kihooto). A person who had knowledge as well as a sense
of equity assisted the community in minimizing disputes and in litigation over
property.
The old people interviewed believe that trustworthiness was essential in

verifying the truth of a matter. It is possible to possess the facts of a matter
and to have clear evidence and yet to distort the facts to the extent that truth
cannot be arrived at. The moral quality of trustworthiness is therefore
essential in enabling justice to triumph in a straightforward manner. This
quality was found in people who had maturity (ugima).
The middle-aged informants said that if a person had been arrested for
some alleged crime, he should not tell lies in order to be released. He must
not implicate other people in a bid to prove his innocence. When a person
speaks the truth he is punished or released according to his evidence
(kihooto). If he is found guilty it is just either to punish him or to forgive him.
Conversely, justice is not done if a person is acquitted only to discover later
that he has told lies. Such a person may sometimes escape punishment but
he is the kind of person who becomes a habitual criminal.
This group also said that an adjudicator, magistrate or judge does justice
when he passes judgement according to the truth established. On his part
this demands the ability to ‘dig up evidence’ (kwenjera uira).
According to the informants in the Young Age Group, truthfulness becomes
especially important in circumstances of dispute and litigation. On such
occasions, a person who respects justice will state the truth of the matter in
question to the best of his knowledge and regardless of the consequences.
If he does that he is said to kurugamira kihooto (stand firm on justice). It is
possible to have a ‘clean case’ (ciira mutheru) if the litigating parties are
straightforward and are genuinely interested in the solution of the problem
rather than in taking advantage of each other. A magistrate who, in a
lawsuit, is concerned to find out the truth of a matter upon which to base his
judgement was said to respect justice. This group believes that nowadays
bribes are given widely in order to influence those in a position to judge
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cases. Therefore, when a magistrate delivers a judgement that is biased,

people assume the party he favours has bribed such a magistrate.
The young people interviewed believe that it is possible for a boundary to

shift slightly over the years. If the family responsible for the shift agrees to
correct the mistake without fuss, then they are seen to be truthful people.
There are families who refuse to restore the boundary to its original position.
Such people do not respect justice.
Justice described in terms of defeat (hoota)

Hoota is another key word associated with justice. As stated earlier, hoota
means to defeat, to overcome, to convince or to convict. It implies the pres-
ence of at least two parties who are in a state of dispute or conflict. When an
issue is resolved in favour of one party that party is said to have defeated
the other. The common expressions kuhoota (to defeat) and kuhootwo (to
be defeated) are also used in a moral sense.
From the responses of the old people interviewed, it would seem that there
are two circumstances in which ‘defeat’ is used in a moral sense. It is used,
first, in an open dispute, when parties actually litigate and, secondly, when,
even though there is no open conflict, there exists tension between two
parties.
Defeat in connection with open dispute

Disputes and litigations arise because some people are dishonest and
others are malicious. However, sometimes people simply misunderstand
each other with no one meaning any harm. Whatever the case, when dis-
putes arise, justice has to be done through a process of sifting evidence.
This process is referred to as gukinyira kihooto (to pursue justice). Certain
moral qualities are essential in all parties concerned if justice is to be done.
These include wisdom or intelligence (uugi), honesty and patience. A good
knowledge of customary laws and traditions is also important.
Lack of wisdom could easily make a person lose a case to another. Wisdom
shows itself in the person who is able to debate or argue out a case
(guciira), as well as to listen intelligently (guthikiriria).
Arguing out a case may involve only the two parties to a dispute. If both
parties are intelligent and honest they can solve the matter between them
without calling arbitrators. They would each give reasons until they either
reach a compromise or one is defeated. To be defeated in this way is to
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realize that the other party has force of right against which there is no argu-
ment. The one who concedes will himself be convinced that his opponent is
in the right. He will realize that it is futile for him to keep on arguing. Hence
the proverb, Muingatwo na kihooto ndacookaga (He who is driven away by
justice does not return).
In litigation, especially before a Court of Elders, the arbitrators’ first concern

is to discover the truth of the matter. Besides piecing together the evidence
put before them, they look for signals that might confirm the honesty, or
betray the dishonesty, of the contending parties. The person who gives
coherent evidence is normally expected to have the ‘force of right’ (kihooto).
This is the person who can support his evidence with facts such as dates
and circumstances. He can call witnesses to support his evidence.
Moreover, he is composed because of the confidence that he is speaking
the truth. He does not stumble at questions thrown at him. Nor is he shaken
by questions and remarks meant to confuse him. On the other hand, a
person who seems ill at ease as he gives evidence is considered to lack the
‘force of right.’ This is the person whose heart and temples throb as he
speaks. He repeatedly stumbles over his evidence especially when he is
required to clarify points. Such a person is likely to lose the case not
because he necessarily lacks intelligence but because his conscience
betrays him.38
The ability to argue out a case and to ‘defeat’ depends not only on the
honesty of the contender but also on his ability to control his temper during
litigation. A litigant who loses his temper and displays impatience towards
his opponent by insulting him or using strong language is regarded as
obstructing justice. He gives people the impression that he regards the
Court of Elders as collaborators rather than arbitrators. It is as if he is asking
the court to restrain his opponent while he avenges himself. In Gikuyu idiom
he is asking the court to Nyiitira njohe maguru (Hold (the
head) for me while I tie the legs). But justice does not know force of might or
insults. If such a person has the ‘force of right’ and wins the case, he is
nevertheless admonished or fined a fee for his tendency to lose his temper
and disrupt the peace.
The ability to listen intelligently is as important as the ability to debate. This

is especially true if the case is complicated and it is not easily discernible
which party has kihooto. In open court, listening ability is presumed on the
part of those who are present as spokesmen for the parties concerned or as
arbitrators between the parties.
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A good spokesman is able to follow and analyse every piece of evidence

produced. When his time comes to defend his party he gives his opponents
a tough time unless it is already clear to him that his client is defeated. Such
a debater is renowned for his alertness and expert listening. Those who
listen in order to arbitrate between contending parties are interested in
arriving at a fair judgement. Their main objective is to maintain peace
between contending parties by judging cases according to the principle of
equity. Since in traditional society the arbitrators succeeded in doing justice
to the contending parties and in maintaining peace between them, they were
regarded as peacemakers (ateithurani). They were also known as ‘those
who have the ability to discern and choose’ (atwithania), ‘debaters’ (aciiri)
and ‘judges’ (athamaki a ciira).
It is worth pointing out that the court that arbitrated in disputes was con-
stituted by elders (athuuri). Age was one of the qualifications for this office
but not every old man qualified to be a court elder (muthuuri wa kiama).
Some men attained old age without ever attaining the qualities that would
merit this office. The title muthuuri means one who is able to choose and to
discern. It was the appropriate title given to those whose life in the commu-
nity testified to their dignity and integrity. Significantly, the old informants
referred to old men who did not command respect in the diminutive: gath-
uuri (small old man).
Among elders or even among younger people a few individuals were

exceptionally intelligent and people recognized their ability to discuss and
debate. Such individuals were accorded leadership and people referred to
them as athamaki (sing. muthamaki). Whether a muthamaki was a spokes-
man for one of the contending parties or arbitrator among the elders who
listened to the case, his presence was important. It was not unusual for
people to insist that a particular person should be present because Ng’ania
atari ho ciira uyu ndungiciirika (If so and so is not present, this case will be
troublesome).
From what the old people interviewed said, it would seem that anybody who
was accused of some offence or crime remained suspect until he could
prove his innocence. Significantly, a suspect who argued out his case and
convinced his accusers that he was innocent was said to ‘exonerate himself’
(gwikuura). He redeemed himself from open accusation and also from sus-
picion of guilt. In redeeming himself he ‘defeated’ his accusers. In traditional
society, if a crime was committed and a suspect succeeded in redeeming
himself, someone else was placed under suspicion and charged with the
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crime. This process could go on until the culprit was found. However, it
usually did not take long for the culprit to be discovered. In the close-knit
traditional society a criminal was fairly quickly discovered. Special friends
might protect a criminal for a time but sooner or later they abandoned him
because they were afraid of ruining their own reputation.
When a crime had been committed and the culprit was not known, it became
necessary to investigate the suspect. Traditionally, this was done by spying
on the person. The suspect was investigated secretly until eventually he was
directly charged. For instance, if a man suspected that it was a particular
person who had stolen his property, he made contact with one of the
suspect’s close friends. For instance, the investigator might brew beer, invite
the suspect’s friend and broach the subject at the time when the guest was
under the influence of alcohol. He would be careful to give the impression he
was not too concerned about the matter. If the suspect’s friend did not deny
flatly but seemed to evade the issue, the investigator could surmise the
suspect’s guilt and openly accuse him.
Another method was a careful and a patient watch over a suspect’s move-
ments. In the recent past, if a man stole an animal he exchanged it for
money for it was foolish to keep a stolen animal. If a theft was committed in
a village the suspect would be expected to show evidence of possessing
more money than was usual for him. A friend of the suspect was appointed
to establish whether he had suddenly acquired a large sum of money. He
was likely to show this by lavish spending in the market place. If he was
found to have suddenly acquired a large sum of money he was openly
charged with stealing and selling the missing animal.
If a person was murdered, his best friend was investigated first. His move-
ments prior to the death of the deceased were carefully reviewed. If the
suspect denied having been to a place where someone had seen him, then
there would be reason to accuse him of murder. In any case he was investi-
gated until he was proved to be guilty or innocent.
These investigations often led to an open dispute or a lawsuit before a Court

of Elders. In spite of prior investigation it might still be difficult to convict a
suspect. If the investigations did not seem to be producing clear evidence
one way or the other then the suspect was subjected to supernatural judge-
ment. The litigation parties swore under oath. The oath was believed to have
ill effects on the liar and his family.
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The oath was a strong weapon against false accusation and baseless suspi-
cion. An innocent suspect might ask his accusers, “What thing can I do so
that you will know that I am not responsible?” If it was suggested to him that
he should swear under oath, if he did not hesitate to do so and if the period
in which he was expected to die elapsed without ill effect on him, the people
agreed they had accused him falsely and would declare him innocent.
As mentioned in the chapter on honesty, the elders or one of the disputing

parties could request the oath in order to shorten arguments. The party that
requested the oath was usually the innocent party. However, sometimes an
audacious culprit requested the oath in the hope that he might escape its
effects and dupe his accusers. If the elders suggested the oath but the
accused hesitated to swear, he was declared guilty and ordered to pay
compensation for the wrong he had done.
Since the effect of the oath was supposed to be serious, if the clansmen
knew that their man was guilty, they did not allow the ceremony to proceed.
They intervened and paid compensation on behalf of their man. In other
words, they declared ‘conviction’ or ‘defeat’ on behalf of their relative.
The informants in the Old Age Group regard the method of open dispute or
lawsuit as one of the ways in which justice kept a constant check on the
things that caused disharmony in society.
Defeat in relation to a state of tension between people

Interviews with informants in the Old Age Group revealed that ‘defeat’ as
defined above was also applied in situations of tension where it was deemed
wise to avoid open conflict. This was especially true of family relationships.
Traditionally, the Gikuyu recognized the value of indirect contention.
Besides being an outlet for tension, it sought to appeal to a sense of fair
dealing (kihooto) between people. How this was done is best demonstrated
by giving an example.
In traditional society a married woman was under the authority of her

husband. She was accountable to him if she neglected any of the duties that
daily fell on her as a mother and a wife. At the same time, she was very
much under the ‘authority’ of the clanswomen by virtue of their being her
companions and workmates. If these women had a joint project they
demanded the presence of each of their members. A woman who isolated
herself on the excuse that she had too many jobs at home to attend to was
sooner or later ostracized. This is evidenced by one of the songs they used
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to sing on their way to communal work or social gathering.
1, t mwaigua twakirimana Mwaigua

twarurungana Muka urt mucit ti witu;
Muikie ciana mugongo Muka urt mucit ti witu
When you see us converge

When you see us gather from all directions
The woman at home does not belong to us;
Throw babies on your back.
The woman at home does not belong to us.39
This song was sung to summon the women from their homes. But it was
also meant for the husbands’ ears. They were telling the men that they were
united against any husband who was unduly authoritative and a hard
taskmaster. A man might naturally want to stop his wife from joining the
gathering. Her absence from home would be felt in one way or another.
Besides, the women gossiped. A man who ill-treated his wife had cause to
suspect that she would expose him. Indeed a woman whose husband was
unreasonable did not confront him directly. She waited for an occasion like
communal work to tell the others about his behaviour. The very knowledge
that this would happen restrained many men from ill-treating their wives.40
A husband did not stop his wife from joining the women; if he did he would
make matters worse for himself. Rather, he noted what urgent job she did
not accomplish and made sure he punished her for her negligence.
For instance, if she left no firewood for use in her absence, she would find
on her return that the wooden bars she used to close the granary had been
used as fuel. Since the woman knew in advance the day fixed for the gather-
ing, she ensured that her husband had no cause to punish her. She made
sure that she left cooked food for the family, fodder for the calves and the
stall-fed animals, firewood and water. These and any other accomplished
jobs were her ‘justification’ (kihooto) for going.
At the assembly of women the voice of the reasonable husband was also
heard. A woman who was aware she had been beaten for her arrogance or
disobedience told the others about it. If she did not, someone else who knew
her circumstances was sure to do so. Such a woman was advised that
usually a man did not rebuke or chastise his wife without a good reason.
They sang an appropriate song:
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Ndireerirwo ndiui kwaria -

Nanjaragiria arume ng’ere ng’ere;
Mugambo wa iria nguruta ku?
Njaragirie arume ngahooreria
I was told I don’t know how to speak

I speak to men roughly;
Where shall I get a smooth voice?
To speak to men and pacify.41
Similarly children were under the authority of their parents and traditional
etiquette forbade children from expressing anger and criticism towards
parents directly. During their dance, however, which parents went to watch,
the young people gave vent to their irritation. For instance, a boy who was
anticipating initiation into adulthood but whose father was dragging his feet
about making the necessary preparations could get very annoyed with his
father. During a dance he might sing something like this:
Kigotho ni oorio
Kai oonaga uuki
Akaaririria kanua?
Let Kigotho be asked

When he sees honey
Does he open his mouth ready to swallow it?
Justice described in terms of uprightness (Uthingu)
To the question “What is justice?” my informants in the Old Age Group made
frequent reference to the word uthingu (uprightness). The old people in fact
tended to suggest that the words uthingu, kihooto and ugima (maturity)
convey practically the same meaning as far as ethics is concerned. Basically
the old people were saying that the mature person is an upright person and
therefore possesses a keen sense of justice.
The younger people interviewed did not mention the word uthingu during the
discussions on justice. This is not altogether surprising. As was explained
earlier, the meaning of the word uthingu has narrowed in the course of time.
However, the words which the younger people used are part of the meaning
of what old people call uthingu. The middle age informants used the word
ugaaciriru, which can be interpreted as probity. The other words used by this
group were ugima (maturity) and wihokeku (reliability). The informants in the
Young Age Group used the words wagiriru (rightness) and uiganania
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(equity).
The moral state and conduct that the old people described as uprightness
have been repeatedly referred to in all the themes of this study. Before
describing the sense in which the traditional society conceived the just man
as upright, it will be helpful to recapitulate the way in which uprightness has
featured in the four other values described in the preceding sections. This
exercise should help to illuminate the kind of person who exemplified justice
in traditional Gikuyu society.
Under the theme of ‘generosity’ the upright person was shown to be the
person whose conduct promotes peace and goodwill in the community. His
intrinsic qualities include inoffensiveness (uhooreri) and geniality (kanua
keega). He is regarded as wise, because with the quietness of his character,
he conducts his affairs well and causes no bitterness to anyone. His
generosity is recognised more because of his exemplary conduct than
because of his material gifts. He is not cunning like those who flatter other
people in order to extract things and favours from them.
Under the theme of ‘courage’ the upright person is described as steadfast.

His wisdom is recognized in that he is forbearing and able to subdue his
anger when provoked. By the same token he is able to separate quarrelling
parties. He suffers neither from too much gentleness nor from aggressive-
ness. People find no occasion to embarrass him because he is not
presumptuous. He therefore commands respect.
Under the theme of ‘temperance’ the upright person is recognised as the
person of resolution. His singleness of purpose enables him to be forbearing
and diligent.
With respect to the theme of ‘honesty’ uprightness is shown to be the basic

deportment of the trustworthy person. This is the person whose conduct
demonstrates the principles of maturity (ugima). These principles include a
sense of responsibility, diligence, generosity and courtesy. It was shown that
the main preoccupation of such a person is the desire to fulfil the just
expectations of other people and to grace his own name. The nature of the
upright person is such that he cannot be accused of greed, covetousness,
extortion, hypocrisy or malice. Under this theme it is further stressed that the
process of bringing up children was one of inculcating the principles of
maturity. This was done through a combination of formal and informal
methods. The child was spontaneously encouraged to imitate adult conduct
as he carried out certain jobs and responsibilities entrusted to him. At the
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same time, the practice of rites of passage impressed on the growing child
that there was a definite direction towards which he was developing. He was
growing towards responsible adulthood characterized by ugima (maturity).42
Contentment as an aspect ofjustice

Within the context of justice, the informants in the Old Age Group empha-
sized that the upright person was basically the person who was concerned
to enjoy prosperity not only materially but also in the kind of mental health
he maintained. For this reason he cultivated an attitude of contentment and
serenity. The traditional society believed that material possessions alone did
not guarantee a person’s welfare or total well being. According to a Gikuyu
proverb, Guthinga gukiriite gutonga (Virtue is better than wealth). That is,
wealth does not make a person virtuous but virtue is essential for personal
welfare. Therefore, it is important that one should cultivate virtue.
Itotia mentions that those Gikuyu ancestors who can be described as having
left behind a fortune (atiga iri) nurtured themselves with ‘foods that give joy
to the mind.’ From his description, it is clear that what constitutes ‘food for
the mind’ was virtuous conduct. Itotia gives reasons for the proper nurture of
the mind:
People should guard mind and thoughts carefully. A person who has had
thoughts, whose heart daily has grief, sadness, stress and anxiety (cieha),
who is buried in disconsolation and solitude (gwlthikllra na ihooru)
cannot have a prosperous body. He cannot achieve worthwhile jobs and he
meets early death. He might commit suicide or murder because his heart is
embittered against other people.43
Contentment was valued as a state of mind which contributed much to the

cause of justice in society. Contentment was achieved when the individual
was able to reason with himself about his need for welfare. He took the atti-
tude that other people have a right to their fortune. Conversely, he had no
right to deprive anyone of his fortune. This was because he was persuaded
that whatever was dishonestly or unlawfully acquired does not prosper.
Secondly, he remembered that God (Ngai) was behind every good fortune.
Ngai is so called because he is the Great Giver. He apportions to each
person some fortune and whether that fortune prospers or not depends on
the initiative and the sustained effort of the person concerned.
This kind of attitude meant that the upright individual did not covet what
other people owned, nor did he feel malice towards those who had things he
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did not have. At the same time, he appreciated his own fortune. That is, he
did not belittle whatever property he owned or whatever job he did for his
livelihood. The people who learnt to value contentment and patient initiative
were not discouraged when those who had amassed property sang in praise
of it. They used to sing:
Nguintra tno tmwe Maintra nytngi

Rungu rumwe ruciaraga nyingt
I will praise my single animal When they praise their herds.

One gourd-plant produces many (gourds)44
On the contrary, people who had a negative attitude regarding their fortunes
brought trouble on themselves because they tended to be complacent about
improving their lot. According to the informants of the Old Age Group,
people who are discontented show their attitude of mind in various ways.
For instance, the covetous person is perpetually surveying what other
people possess and saying to himself Ui tuuria! (I wish I could have that!).
He desires a share of what other people possess and forgets to appreciate
what he himself has. The result of this attitude is that he suffers ill health. 45
Some covetous people end up in open conflict with others. Their desire to
possess other people’s property leads them to make false claims.
The discontentment which brings about avarice also causes the person so
affected to behave maliciously. Malice is responsible for many injustices in
community life. These range from small mischief to serious crimes. The
malicious are not necessarily interested in extortion. Rather, they like to
deprive others of the joy of ownership. A malicious person will therefore
cleverly discourage a prospective landowner from buying a piece of land.
Another will maliciously slash a neighbour’s cow for no apparent reason or
will encourage a wife to desert her husband. Still another will kill someone.
For instance, an old man interviewed told about a malicious woman who had
the habit of killing her co-wife’s babies a few months after they were born.
The unsuspecting mother would leave the baby asleep in bed as she went
about her chores. Her co-wife would keep a watchful eye on her as she went
about her work. One day her opportunity arrived. She dashed into the co-
wife’s house, took the sleeping baby between her knees, pressed her knees
(thus exerting pressure on the baby’s internal organs) and put the baby back
to bed. Then she dashed out again. The baby fell ill and eventually died
because the ailment could not be cured. Foul play was suspected each time
the baby died in such strange circumstances. Eventually the malicious
woman was caught red-handed by the husband. He pretended he was going
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on a journey but stealthily returned and hid in the house where the baby was
sleeping. As was her habit, the woman came and put the baby between her
knees. Just as she was preparing to press, he asked her, “What do you
want to do to the baby?” She dropped the baby, jumped up and ran out.
Another example of malicious behaviour involved a recent accident in

another polygamous family well-known to an informant. One wife added her
excreta into the cooking pot of her co-wife and of course the food was
inedible. All the wives denied any knowledge of the mischief until the
husband threatened to invoke trial by ordeal. The culprit confessed to having
done it. She could not give a good reason for the mischief. She was the
youngest wife and apparently nothing seemed to please her. Eventually she
committed suicide.
In the more recent past, when the Gikuyu began to work for money, covet-
ous people exhibited another aspect of envy. When such a person sold an
item to someone else and the buyer had duly given him the money he had
asked for, he nevertheless refused to accept that the deal had been a fair
exchange. He would cast covetous eyes on the item he sold and in the end
destroyed it in order to deprive the new owner of the joy of possessing it.
The following account by one of the informants throws light on several traits
of the discontented criminal.
I had a half-brother, a great scoundrel, a great thief. Once he had a court
case and he needed Ksh. 60.00 urgently. He went to another half-brother of
mine who lived there and told him, “I would like you to find me Ksh. 60.00. I
need the money.” Then he came to me and told me his need and how the
case stood. I called my wife and told her to hand him Ksh. 60.00. I told him,
“I have not given you that money for keeps. I have untied my money for you
and expect you to repay it.” To that he replied, “Give me a boy to
accompany me home.” I gave him one of my sons. When they got to his
home he gave the boy a heifer and told him, “Tell your father to sell this
heifer.” Whatever its cost, tell him to take what is due to him and give me
the balance. I sold the heifer for Ksh. 120.00 to the half-brother of the man
he had approached before coming to me, but I did not know what had gone
on between them and he did not know the heifer was not mine. I simply told
him, “I am selling a heifer as I need some money.
Can you buy it?” He told me, “I have some money which my wife gave me
after selling some potatoes, so I think I can buy it for her.”
Meanwhile matters went well with the other half-brother. One day he asked
me to whom I had sold the heifer and I told him. He said, “Did he buy it and
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yet I have been to him and he told me he did not have money?” I replied, “It
was not he who bought it but his wife who produced her own money after
selling her potatoes.” “That is well,” he said and went away. The next
morning the other half-brother called urgently. The heifer’s stomach was
very inflated. While we were trying to examine what the matter was it took a
few steps back, collapsed and died. We said that was just a calamity and
left the matter there. That scoundrel lived on. Eventually he came to me and
told me, “I said he should not possess it. He had no money for me yet he
goes and buys my heifer so that he can exhibit it to me.” “What did you do
to it?” I asked. “I went at night and gave it poison.” Both these men are
dead and I have never told this story to anyone. I have never talked about it
because it is like recalling a malicious spell that could bounce back on me.
Yet as far as I am concerned we only had a deal over the cow and I had no
other motive. As time went on that man had no proper house. He built a hut
in the spot where that blue gum tree stands but the hut had no thatching.
He used to spend nights in the bush, under thickets. He was very unsettled.
Then he sold his land and squandered the money. Since he had nowhere to
lodge, he formed the habit of lodging in homes. I had cleared my land of
bushes and trees and demolished my thingira (man’s hut) because of him.
He would come at night and let himself in there to sleep. I was afraid he
might do some crime because he was a thorobeya (person who surveys a
place with the purpose of committing a crime). I was afraid one night he
might enter my thingira when he was followed because of some crime he
had committed. That way he would land me into unpleasant experiences
not of my doing. So I told him, “This land here was bequeathed to Kabiru
and me. The land bequeathed to you was the same size as mine but yours
is now in your stomach. You came to share mine but I refuse. I do not
chase you away: the country is a great expanse.” Do you see that malice
has many sides?
According to the old people interviewed, malicious deeds were done in

secret, an indication that they were unjustified. However, people believed
that God did not allow injustice to go unpunished. A malicious person often
met with misfortune. In whatever way he tried to rationalize his troubles, the
truth was that he was suffering because of harbouring malice. Generally the
eventual end of such malefactors was public vengeance as the following
story illustrates.
During the big famine of 1889 known by the Gikuyu as Ng’aragu ya Ruraya a
young man called Wacogo left his home in Kabete (Kiambu) and travelled
north to Metumi (Muranga) in search of refuge. He attached himself to a
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wealthy man called Cege as a voluntary servant (ndungata). He was diligent

and good-natured and he endeared himself to Cege’s large family (Cege
had three wives) and to the whole neighbourhood. Wacogo was also an
expert in piercing ears and many children went to him to have their ears
pierced. One of Cege’s daughters, a small child of about five, formed the
habit of saying, “I belong to Wacogo.” When the girl became older she
often said that when her time came she would marry Wacogo. Cege became
envious and afraid of Wacogo. He thought Wacogo would one day turn
around and ask for payment for his services. He decided to kill him and
cast a spell on him. In the meantime, people had begun to suspect Cege in
connection with several deaths in the neighbourhood. As Wacogo was
dying from witchcraft, Cege’s elder brother went to Cege and admonished
him for killing Wacogo and yet he had been such a faithful servant to him.
Cege removed the spell from Wacogo and cast it on his brother for
rebuking him. Cege’s brother- who had not been ill- was suddenly dying
and was taken to the bush. Since this was a clear case of death through
bewitching, the elders of the neighbourhood agreed to keep vigil at night in
order to discover who the witch was. The culprit would certainly approach
the body under the cover of night. The elders concealed themselves in
pairs of two around the body. Eventually, in the dead of the night Cege
came along stealthily and paused twice as he approached the body
because of mwoyo (soul). Then he touched the body twice with a muthaakwa
leaf (soft leaf of a woody shrub). First he touched the feet and then the head
and ordered his brother to sit up. “Curse your people,” his brother told him,
“Why should I curse them? What have they done to me?”
“You are not going to curse them?”
“No”
“Sleep then.”
He touched him again on the feet and the head with the muthaakwa leaf and
he fell back dead. Cege crept back home and slept.
Early the following morning the elders went to Cege’s home and called him.
They ordered him to produce the poison he had been using. He produced it
and he named several other victims he had killed through witchcraft. His
son was made to carry the poison to a certain place and Cege was
executed by burning. The poison was burnt with him.
The above account was given by one of the oldest informants. She was a
little girl during the famine mentioned; the people involved were known to
her.
According to the old informants, the people who suffered discontentment,
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jealousy, covetousness and other such vices were an easy target for decep-
tion and exploitation. They were vulnerable and were often victims of soci-
ety’s greedy cheats. The latter were interested in what they could obtain to
eat. They offered to help for some fee or reward those who wished to
destroy the objects of their frustrations. Such a cheat could simply wrap up
soot and deceive the purchaser that it was a very effective poison when
administered according to prescription. Of course, when the prescription did
not work the cheat’s victim might be steeped into even more expensive
ways of solving his problem.
To avoid the inevitable end of the covetous and the malicious, the upright
sought to cultivate contentment. This attitude ensured them peace of mind
as well as peace with other people.
The upright person was also careful to be truthful. Apart from being gener-
ally honest in his dealing with other people, the upright person was par-
ticularly careful to avoid lying to close relatives and friends. To them a lie
constituted an exaggeration or a twist of fact aimed at giving a particular
impression to the hearer. According to an informant, Maheeni matin huuni
(Lies have no wealth). In other words, certain exaggerations or distortion of
facts do not contribute to the future welfare of the liar. For instance, a man
who exaggerated the extent of his property to his wife was likely to lose her
respect when years passed and the property was not in evidence.
Human feelings could cause a man to favour another woman more than his
own mother or wife. According to the Old Age Group the ‘reasonable order
of things’ (kihooto) is that a man should consider his first duty to be to his
mother or to his wife (if he was married). Men who neglected this duty, and
expended themselves working for other women, were castigated by other
men in songs like the following:
Nii ndikarimira, hu yu hu hi,

Muka utari maitu
Ngwaci iria nene, hu yu hu hi,
Ni ya mubiici wa mwene
I will not cultivate, hu yu hu hi,

For a woman not my mother.
The big sweet potato, hu yu hu hi,
Is for one’s son.
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Nii ndikarimira, hu yu hu hi,

Muka utari wakwa Nduuma iria nene, hu yu hu hi,
Ni ya muumi na uriri
I will not cultivate, hu yu hu hi,

For a woman not my own .
The big arrowroot, hu yu hu hi,
Is for him who emerges from the (marriage) bed.46
In the light of Gikuyu traditional beliefs about home and the duty of every
individual, justice required that the demands of a man’s family would come
first.
According to the old people interviewed, it is evident that uprightness is a

component of justice. Upright people in traditional society were just because
they cultivated attitudes of contentment; they were truthful and they were
fair. Their attitude and conduct ensured that they promoted peace and
goodwill in the community and especially in their homes.
Rew ard and punishment
People in traditional Gikuyu society believed that retribution was an integral
part of justice. Good was rewarded and in that way was promoted. Evil was
punished and therefore discouraged. From what the informants say, good
(wega) means everything that promotes peace, goodwill, harmony and well
being in the society. Evil (uuru) means all that harms or disrupts the peace
and goodwill that should exist in society. Justice functions to ensure social
harmony and the welfare of each individual in society. For this reason, evil
deeds must somehow be redressed so that social harmony and the personal
welfare of individuals can prevail. The informants in the Old Age Group
believed quite strongly that justice did not fail to do its work. Retribution was
constantly carried out through both human and super-human agencies.
Although reward and punishment are closely connected, they will be

described separately.
Reward
The informants in the Old Age Group defined reward as the return of moral
rectitude. The morally upright individual was the source of his own reward,
for the kind of life he led generated its own benefits. For example, coura-
geous people (those who were diligent in seeking their wherewithal) could
rightly expect the rewards of ‘cow, wife and land’ and the personal welfare
these rewards provided. Those who lacked courage (the cowardly and the
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lazy) were denied these rewards. However, they had mostly themselves to
blame. A song to encourage people to be brave and diligent says this:
Mwanake uri guoya

Na ithe ni ari guoya
Hu hi
Mekuuria iria tukaarinyua ku?
A cowardly young man And a cowardly

father They ask, where shall we ever drink
milk?47
So the virtuous life is the source of its own reward.
Reward also comes to the morally upright from outside. In this connection,
the old people distinguished two agencies of reward, the human and the
superhuman.
Reward through human agency
Reward through human agency comes to the deserving individual in the
form of gratitude (ngaatho). People showed gratitude to others for two main
reasons. First, gratitude was shown in appreciation of a good deed that
someone had done but even more for the kind of character one exhibited.
Secondly, gratitude was shown to a person in anticipation of the fact that the
same character would continue to be exhibited. This second reason made
reward a kind of inducement for good conduct. As an old woman put it,
reward is a “debt felt in the heart to return good to someone who has
performed a good deed" Essentially, the good that was returned to such a
person was not only gratitude but also respect (gitiio)4 Gratitude and respect
were expressed in a number of ways. One way in which people expressed
their gratitude and respect to the deserving was the readiness with which
they accorded him or her hospitality. People would readily open their homes
to a person who exemplified justice, such as a man who was trustworthy
and straightforward and was mature in his conduct.
Generally, anybody seen to ‘do justice’ (gwika kihooto) was rewarded

through verbal gratitude and appreciation. Such a person might expose a
malefactor who intended to do harm to another person. In exposing the
malefactor, he arrested the evil that might have been done.
The most common way of expressing gratitude and respect was to give
tokens of appreciation. Today a person would be given a bought article,
some foodstuff or some money. Sometimes domestic animals were given. In
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traditional Gikuyu society, at times a deep friendship developed as a result

of the mutual trust, respect and dependence existing between two elders.
This was a relationship based on justice. In due course one elder would give
the other ‘a goat of companionship’ (mburi ya wathiomo). This was a token
of appreciation.
Traditionally, an upright girl was rewarded by her father when she attained
the age of marriage. He provided her with coiled wire ornaments (muringa)
and copper wire ornaments (icango) to adorn her neck, arms and legs.
These were tokens of appreciation for the conduct that had won her respect
and graced her name. Besides adornment, the father was interested in pro-
viding his daughter with some security for her future family. In case of
famine she could remove some of the ornaments and exchange them for
food. Therefore, her father’s reward to her was some kind of investment.49
Reward through superhuman agency
Concerning reward through superhuman agency, the commonest idea held
by the Old Age Group was that long life is God’s reward for a virtuous life.
Without exception, the informants in the Old Age Group affirmed that part of
the fortune which God bestows on the virtuous man and woman is long life.
When a bad person died early in life that was taken as deserved
punishment. When a good person died untimely, people said that it was fate
(ndiru) for after all, God’s ways are difficult to discern.50
As a general rule, therefore, the upright are blessed with long life. In life they
are supernaturally protected from many an accident or event which claimed
the lives of their contemporaries. A proverb was quoted in this connection. It
says, Giathi kiega no kia Ngai. (The only good appointment is that which is
determined by God).51 This proverb summarizes Gikuyu belief in the natural
and in the supernatural reward of a virtuous life. Blessed is he who meets
death leaning upon his staff. The words of an informant [Meshak Murage]
can be appropriately quoted:
A good man has nine legs. He has crawled on four, walked on two and
spent his ripe old age on three, the third being the staff upon which he
supports his weakened limbs. Hoary hair and the staff are the terminal
reward of the man and woman who has produced children, and who is
variously called mutugi (the hospitable one), mwendwo nt irt (the one
favoured by property), muuma andu (the generous one) and muthingu
(the upright one). So they are the rewards of a muthamaki (ruler/king).52
To the traditional Gikuyu, God’s ways may sometimes be difficult to discern.
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But God is regarded as just to the extent that he does not embarrass him
who makes an effort to lead a life of moral rectitude.
Significantly, the Gikuyu regarded the staff not merely as a handy tool for
physical support and for purposes of grazing: it was also regarded as a
symbol of virtue. Whether the individual actually realized it or not, the staff
was handled in anticipation of the fact that eventually the person would use
it for support in old age. A small child was given a small wand (gath- anju) to
hold when taking animals out to graze. Girls and relatively young married
women did not normally hold sticks when walking unless they were grazing
animals. But a girl must hold a wand (ruthanju) when on a mission to invite
her relatives to the initiation ceremony which marked her entry into
adulthood. A bride was presented with a special staff referred to as
muithuiya as soon as she entered her new home as a married woman. She
held this staff when she made the ceremonial visit to her mother (gucokia
makinya) soon after marriage. The staff became one of her precious
possessions; she would lean upon it for support in her old age.53
Symbolically then, the individual accustomed him- or herself to handling the

staff. On a deeper and moral level he or she was meant to cultivate the
character that would make it possible to lean upon it eventually. The Gikuyu
believed that virtue could not be acquired in latter years if it was to be
genuine and enduring. Hence the proverb, Njuguma njega yumaga ikuuriro
(A good club is got from the source). Therefore, a child was encouraged to
cultivate uprightness (uthingu) as he grew up.54
Leading a virtuous life was not seen as being necessarily easy or lucrative.
Nevertheless, God’s reward of the blessings which were believed to
accompany a fulfilled life made it worthwhile to strive for virtue. Hence the
proverb, Njira ndaya ikinyia (The long but sure way takes someone to his
destination).
The grasp the informants in the Young Age Group have of reward through
supernatural agency is not as well stated, though it is close to the Old Age
Group’s understanding. Several informants say that when old people bless
young people and pronounce words to the effect “May you live long”
(urotuura) such blessings are not in vain. People who are thus blessed are
usually those who exhibit conduct the old people approve of. The other idea
of this group is that an upright person enjoys peace. A person who has
wronged nobody and who does his best to lead an upright life can rightly
expect that God approves of him. This is partly why he feels at peace.
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Punishment
This section on punishment as an integral part of justice is dominated by the
ideas of the Old Age Group since the younger generations are not very
conversant with this tradition. The Middle and Young Age groups are not
able to explain why punishment is part of the ‘reasonable order of things’
(kihooto) as well as the Old Age Group.
The Old Age Group regards punishment in two main senses. First, the
wrongdoer deserves his punishment. The person who is punished must
himself agree that his punishment is deserved since it is a consequence of
his wrongdoing. In traditional society a man could not deny it because he
had been proved guilty, he became resigned and accepted punishment.
Before a notoriously mischievous person was given one of the prescribed
punishments he was told that he had brought it upon himself. In this con-
nection the Gikuyu have a saying, Kuheragio wihereetie (People mortify him
who mortifies himself).
Secondly, punishment served to encourage good and discourage evil. Tra-

ditional punishment, therefore, fell into two categories. There was reforma-
tive punishment and punishment aimed at purging society of notorious
criminals. Since punishment had a definite purpose to serve, the traditional
Gikuyu considered it a mistake to ignore any wrongdoing, however small.
Several informants in the Old Age Group repeated the saying that, Gutiri
uuru na kauru (There is no such thing as a little wrong). To be overlooked,
an offence would have to be considered very trivial indeed. The reason is
that once an offence has been overlooked, the course of justice is
weakened because an offender could make a habit of offences. However,
an offender might be admonished instead of being punished. In fact,
punishment often followed repeated admonitions. The offender might even
be forgiven. But as will be demonstrated later, forgiveness was traditionally
granted either on condition or at some cost to the offender.
According to the informants in the Old Age Group, it was difficult for society
to maintain absolute vigilance against offenders. Much crime was done in
secret and so the wrongdoers escaped apprehension. Other crimes and
offences were done under such subtle circumstances that it was difficult for
people to discover and punish them. It was believed, however, that the
supernatural forces co-operated with society to bring about the deserved
punishment to offenders. Misfortunes were generally believed to be
consequences of some offence or other committed by the victim or by some
close relative. But even apart from this superhuman surveillance against
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wrongdoing, God was believed to approve every just punishment that

people administered to their fellows.
In what follows, it will be noted that what was punished was not so much the
misdeed as the disregard by the offender of some moral principle.
Accordingly, neglect of duty was punished. A husband could justifiably beat

his wife for neglecting her duty to feed him. Apart from the fact that she
should have understood that to be part of her duties as a married woman, it
was unfair to expect other people’s wives to fulfil that duty. Extra-marital
affairs could easily develop if other women were to feed him.A wife could
also be punished by her husband for taking snuff. The problem was not so
much the actual sniffing of tobacco but the common habit of ‘going to beg for
a little tobacco while the food is cooking.’ Tobacco was regarded as ‘the
start of gossip’ (kirutia kia uhoro/njuuku).55 People did not beg tobacco
simply because they were short of it. The habit was often an excuse to
engage in gossip or in extra-marital affairs. A mother might leave her young
children round the hearth in the evening, with a pot cooking and a fire
burning. In her absence accidents could happen. More often than not she
overstayed her visit and things went wrong at home. For the same reason
that a man should not beg food, a woman should not beg tobacco. A child
who took goats out to graze and allowed them to feed on people’s crops
was whipped by his father and also by the owner of the crops. He would
probably have been sleeping or playing. But he needed to learn to respect
other people’s property and not to destroy it, either through negligence or
wantonly.
Disobedience was also punished. It was punished because of the implied

defiance of authority vested in the parent, the husband, the clan or the age
group of the individual, as the case might be. Disobedience was also
punished because there was usually a good reason (kihooto) in forbidding
certain things and in demanding compliance in others. As a rule, a son did
not start drinking beer until his father gave him permission to do so. 56 A
father who found his son drinking prior to obtaining permission stopped
drinking beer himself to express his anger. A father’s anger was enough
punishment to a son. If he wanted his father to drink again he would have to
placate him by giving him a he-goat or a ram. This was a token of repen-
tance. He would also promise to stop drinking. As a rule, a son would be
anxious to see his father drink again. Many family ceremonies involved beer
and if the father stopped drinking the ceremonies could not be held.
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Irresponsible behaviour which resulted in pregnancy outside marriage was

also punished. The man was ordered to pay compensation to the girl’s
father. Both partners to the misdeed suffered disrepute but the girl especially
was subjected to a good deal of humiliation as her value at marriage was
lowered. The matter was considered especially serious if the two belonged
to clans which did not intermarry. They were seen as having defied family
authority on the matter. Punishment was exercised in a bid to discourage
birth of children outside legally constituted family circles. A child’s proper
welfare in terms of rights and privileges was only guaranteed in a home
where both parents were legally married.
Assault was regarded as a crime and was punished. A person who

assaulted another, damaging any part of his body, was ordered to pay
compensation to his victim. In punishing assault the society was trying to
discourage wanton aggressiveness. If a person had a grievance against
another, the right procedure was to seek redress or reconciliation through
the arbitration of a third party.
Traditional society also punished ungenerous tendencies. These included

stinginess, selfishness and self-isolation. These tendencies were interpreted
as undermining the unity that should ideally exist between clansmen and
age-mates. If an elder, for instance, proved to be stingy and did not offer
other elders proper hospitality on being visited, his age-mates punished him.
He was ordered to slaughter a ram (ngoima) or a bull (ndeegwa).57
It was considered a more serious matter when an elder did not call clans-
men to share in the meat of the sacrificial ram (ngoima) that sealed his
daughter’s marriage. This was like saying that he wished to conduct his
affairs alone. He was therefore ostracised. Invariably an ostracised indi-
vidual found he could not exist alone. Such an elder would soon plead with
his clansmen to re-establish association with him. Before they could do so
he was ordered to slaughter a bull and a sacrificial ram (ndeegwa na
ndurume ya horio) for them.
If a young man was at variance with his father he could not expect his father
to marry him off without raising the issue with him. When his time for
marriage came, his father would order him to give him a he-goat and a
measure of honey. These were propitiatory gift (thmjo) to show the young
man’s repentance and his wish for unity with his father. If he defied this
order his father would take no part in his marriage negotiations. In effect,
this meant he could not get married because the father’s part was vital. The
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young men of the warrior class also discouraged selfishness in their age
mates. During a meat feast, if any warrior hid a piece of meat in order to eat
it later privately, he was punished by the other warriors.58
Among the crimes which the Old Age Group enumerated were those to do
with attempts by some people to deprive others of what was rightfully theirs.
These included theft, malicious destruction of property and murder. In
traditional society a thief was punished because he took ‘without being
given.’ Punishment for theft was heavy. Among acts of destruction, arson
was a serious crime because when a hut had been burned down it took time
to replace the stock which had been destroyed. It was especially considered
unreasonable for a man to set a hut on fire simply because he had quar-
relled with his wife or son.59
Murder was a serious crime because it deprived a person of his or her life in
an irreversible manner. To ambush a victim was especially condemned
because it gave him no chance to defend himself. Murder was also heavily
compensated. Some people killed by administering poison or by bewitching.
Criminals who destroyed life in such a callous manner were themselves
purged from society; they were ritually killed. Of the crimes of murder, the
killing of family members was considered the most terrible. Killing a man, his
wife and his child was regarded as destruction of a seed (mbeu) or of a
species (kiruka).60
Habitual thieves, dealers in witchcraft and other malefactors were com-

pletely removed from society through public killing or through disowning
(gute/guikia na kiano). The quick death of a person formally outlawed was
caused by the combined effect of loneliness and the ill will focused on him
by society. High on the list of malefactors were those who were known to
suffer from covetousness (riitho riraya). Their kind of envy (ruitho) was
believed to bring ‘baneful influence’ (gutheetha) on their targets. These were
the people known to cause destruction of other people’s property. They
were also largely responsible for malicious disruption of happy marital
relationships. In people’s estimation, the covetous were worse than profes-
sional dealers in black magic (arogi). Sooner or later they were accused of
witchcraft and killed.61
Regarding superhuman agency in punishment, the Gikuyu believed that just

punishment had the approval of God. God was believed to be on the side of
justice and against evil. Therefore, God could be expected not only to
approve of punishments but also to aid in the fight against evil. His
involvement with the people was on a daily basis. If people were disobedient
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his punishment came sooner or later, often sooner than later. The Gikuyu
did not believe in a future judgement or retribution. Rather, they believed
that people experienced the fruits of their conduct in their earthly life. The
fruits of misconduct were particularly bitter because God’s punishments
were directed at life. They came in the form of a drought that caused famine,
human disease and pestilence, loss of livestock through disease, or defeat
in a battle against the Maasai. When these things happened people
interpreted them as God’s chastisements (mahuura). This realization always
drove people to seek God’s forgiveness through sacrifices and prayers.
There were a number of points to indicate that God was believed to approve
just punishment. First, punishment was not to be administered as revenge. It
might be heavy and deterrent but it was not revenge. That is why murder, for
instance, was compensated in terms of goats rather than in the death of the
killer. The reasonable action was to avoid causing another death. The
Gikuyu said, Tutikuhe hiti keen (We shall not give to the hyena twice).62
Secondly, the council elders, who constituted a tribunal for the purpose of
administering justice, pledged under solemn oath that they would carry out
their duty with integrity. The oath subjected them to supernatural pun-
ishment if they failed to do justice. Thirdly, in the instances of disputes and
crimes where there was no convicting evidence, the people resorted to
supernatural means of detection. They might administer the oath to the
disputing parties or to a suspect. If an offence had been committed and
nobody had admitted guilt, the unnamed culprit was ritually cursed in the
belief that this curse would cause supernatural punishment and elicit his
confession. The Gikuyu believed that even if people should fail to punish
offenders, God or supernatural powers would surely punish. Thus such
misfortunes as accidental or violent death, illness, and loss of livestock from
disease were often interpreted as supernatural means of punishment for an
offence.63
Untimely death was the most common way in which God was believed to
punish offenders. The kind of conduct that more or less guaranteed long life
has already been described. Those who led immoral lives could be expected
to meet untimely and often violent death. For instance, malicious people did
their evil activities under cover. But, in the words of an informant, “a
malicious secret deed begets the doer a bad death"64
Some of the informants in the Old Age Group believe that many deaths
today are a result of injustices of which people are guilty. Other deaths are
occurring because people have become sceptical that their evil ways will
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result in ill effect. According to these informants, people do not repent and
seek cleansing when they do evil and so they become defiled. Their
defilement has a baneful effect on them. To explain how this is the case, an
informant recalls that during the Mau Mau oathing ceremonies, when many
people took the oath, those people who had taken the oath went home to
their families and in this way defiled their homes. This was contrary to
tradition, for traditionally an oath was a serious matter and anyone who took
an oath was first cleansed before mixing with his family.65
Regarding the baneful effect of scepticism, informants in the Old Age Group
believe that people are increasingly disregarding the fact that evil deeds
have the potential to destroy society. People rationalize malpractices, such
as bribery, which are contrary to the ‘reasonable order of things’ (kihooto).
Supernatural punishment is also visited upon people because they have
neglected the ‘death-bed pronouncements’ (kiigau) of their departed
forefathers. Some of the pronouncements were enshrined in customs that
people used to follow meticulously. For instance, the traditional marriage
procedure contained certain elements that were like an unbroken chain of
promises from father to son, right down the line of ancestry. This chain has
been broken because marriage procedure has become a haphazard affair.
Lastly, this group believes that supernatural baneful effects are being felt
because people have neglected customary family religious ceremonies that
formerly served to give a family vital unity.66
The Middle and Young Age groups display little knowledge of the traditional
principles of punishment. But both groups agree with the Old Age Group that
punishment acted as a deterrent in traditional society. These groups also
mention some of the deeds that are punished today such as theft, assault or
even verbal rudeness. Regarding murder, both groups say that the
convicted murderer was traditionally killed. The Middle Age Group is aware
that in traditional Gikuyu society a murder was compensated and the
murderer spared so long as he was not a habitual criminal. As far as these
groups are concerned therefore, it is not clear how far back tradition goes.
The two groups hold that there is an element of retaliation in punishment so
that killing a murderer is justifiable.67
Forgiveness, atonement and restoration

Justice functions to promote peace, unity and goodwill in the local com-
munity. Punishment and reward are part of justice. But forgiveness and
atonement are also part of kihooto (the reasonable order of things). Justice
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allows for forgiveness even when punishment is deserved. The traditional

belief was that social peace and community welfare can never be disturbed
beyond repair because there is a remedy for every ill. The traditional prac-
tice of eliminating habitual criminals was part of the remedy.
The Old Age Group believes that forgiveness and reconciliation are neces-
sary and right for one reason: to save life. In a closely-knit society, like that
of the traditional Gikuyu, the bonds that tied people together were strong. An
individual’s offence affected vital relationships. In many cases, the fact that a
relationship had been injured was of greater significance than the offence
itself and the punishment prescribed. It was therefore reasonable that
forgiveness and reconciliation should be available.
When a mature child offended a parent, the parent’s anger was greater
punishment to the child than anything else: the strained relationship was
difficult to endure. The son or daughter would most likely produce a token of
repentance and plead with the parent for forgiveness. Forgiveness would
almost certainly be granted as the parent argued that: “I did not bear you to
cause your death"68
In traditional society, when someone, for example a warrior, became a

habitual offender, his age mates ostracized him because his conduct gave
them a bad reputation. Ostracism involved cursing the victim (kuroga) as
well as completely isolating him. Such a person became a pitiable recluse
and could easily die from the isolation imposed upon him. However, that
was usually not allowed to happen because his father or another close rela-
tive would plead for his redemption. The age mates were persuaded into
agreeing that in the death of the offender they would be the losers. They
agreed that they would “not spill .. .[their] own honey”69 but remove the curse
they had put on him.
A person destined to be ritually outlawed (guteeo) could also be redeemed

before that actually happened. A relative or age mate could suddenly decide
to act on his behalf and rescue him. He would offer to pay whatever the
community demanded in order to avert the ritual outlawing. His reason for so
doing would be that there was more to be gained in the person’s life than in
his death. Moreover, a man thus rescued was likely to feel indebted to his
rescuer and to mend his ways.
Nevertheless, the Gikuyu did not believe in forgiveness ‘just like that’ (o ro
uguo), that is, without some cost to the offender. Forgiveness was
dependent on acceptance of responsibility by the offender. If the offender
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was hesitant to accept responsibility he was pursued until he did accept it.
Having done so, he must at least be admonished (gukaanio). Also, it was
not enough to simply ask for forgiveness: the offender must offer something
to the person offended as a token of his repentance. He must show that no
disrespect was meant in the offence.
The conclusion of any affair of wrongdoing was some form of atonement

(horohio). The ‘reasonable order of things’ appears to have been that the
individual should not suffer from evil that was not confessed. Hence, the
family cleansing ceremonies (ndahikanio) that were performed from time to
time. During the ceremonies each family member was supposed to vomit
‘what you know and what you do not know.’ The formula used,
Tahtka wariga iria iriganiire indicated that each person was cleansed from
the evil he openly confessed, the evil he dared not mention and those he
might not be aware of.
There were two other occasions mentioned by the Old Age Group as pro-
viding general forgiveness and atonement for un-confessed guilt. One was
the conclusion of the initiation ceremonies when the newly initiated young
people emerged as adults. During the ceremony of kuumithio, when a
sacrificial lamb was slaughtered, the young adults were blessed with these
words:
Horohio
Na uigue thooguo na nyukwa Na
wendwo nt andu.
Be atoned for
Obey your father and mother
And find favour with people.70
The other occasion was during the sealing of marriage negotiations. During
the ceremony of ngurario, the time of the slaughtering of the sacrificial ram
served the double purpose of blessing the married couple as well as of
guthaahura (removing guilt) which either of the couple might be suffering
from. This seems to have been necessary because there was always a
possibility that the betrothed couple might have violated a rule governing
sexual conduct that they dared not reveal.
In view of the traditional concern to spare the life of an offender rather than
to snuff it out, there had to be a sufficient reason for a habitual criminal to be
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given up as incorrigible and consequently to be executed. The decision to

eliminate such a criminal was made by his family but with the full agreement
of his age mates. This agreement was necessary and would be a guarantee
to prevent rashness in such an extreme punishment. Prior to arriving at this
decision, his family would have pleaded and reasoned with him. In spite of
their efforts, he would have persisted in committing crimes, thus causing
strife at home. The family would have grown tired of paying compensation to
the various people who had claimed loss or injury occasioned by his crimes;
they therefore would have disowned him, saying that, after all, “they did not
cultivate their fields for him alone.”71 They therefore turned him over to the
society for public execution.
Though they participated in his execution, they were not blamed, either for
his evil ways or for his death. A ritual execution song makes this clear:
Warema-t!
Waremire ithe Na aktrema nyina,
Na aktrema muhiriga;
Ndangtrema bururi.
Warema-t!
Ninyonererio Mucit wa kiremeku-t!
The incorrigible!
Who defied father,
And defied mother,
And defied the clan.
He cannot defy the country.
The incorrigible!
Direct me to the home of the obstinate!72
The public execution was carried out in one of the three recognized
methods: burning alive, rolling the person down a precipice in a beehive, or
drowning. This public purge of a criminal served to reform many a would-be
habitual rogue.
Younger generations' und erstanding ofjustice

Interviews with the Middle Age and Young Age groups revealed that the
younger generations have a basic traditional understanding of kihooto.
However, their interpretations of it are modified by the changes in their
social environment, changes brought about by various modernizing influ-
ences. For instance, practically every informant quoted and explained the
proverb, Kihooto kiunaga uta mugeete (A convincing answer breaks a bow
162
set ready to shoot), thus demonstrating their understanding and respect for
reasonableness and resolving of disputes through deliberation and dis-
cussion. On the other hand, some of the concepts and the vocabulary used
by the old people were unfamiliar to the younger people. The illustrations
they used to explain justice were also drawn from modern Gikuyu society.
The words commonly used by the middle-aged informants to describe

justice were ugaaciriru (probity), ugima (maturity) and wihoheku (honesty).
In their use of these words the informants were basically saying that justice
was exemplified in conduct that was right and well-balanced. In the words of
an informant, “Kihooto is doing the true and right thing so that nobody is
wronged.” In general terms, this means that a person does to others that
which he would wish them to do to him. A person of probity is therefore
generous to other people in the widest sense; he is cordial, helpful and
inoffensive.
In their turn, the informants in the Young Age Group use the word wagiriru
(rightness). To the young informants, rightness is the basic attitude of those
who have a sense of justice. Such people are honest and fair; their desire is
to do what is right. They have a sense of equity. People with a sense of
equity may insist on their rights but they equally respect other people’s
rights.
Both groups provided examples of the kind of conduct found in people who
have a sense of justice. According to the Middle Age Group, a person who
has a sense of justice is not only law-abiding but all his dealings with other
people are straightforward. He has a sense of fairness and avoids cheating
other people. For instance, if he has employees he pays them fair wages
and pays them promptly. A judge who respects justice judges cases without
favouritism, according to the strict demands of justice. Similarly, local
counsellors and elders who make up local tribunals are expected to be
people who do not take bribes.
According to the informants in the Young Age Group, a sense of equity is

especially necessary in those who mediate between disputing or quarrelling
parties. Land disputes are common and the elders who settle them are
required to do so in a manner that causes no complaints. This they can only
do by being fair to all parties concerned.
The young people interviewed were of the opinion that upright people are
the ones who combine in themselves a keen sense of self-respect as well as
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sympathy with other people’s conditions and situations. A husband like that
may punish his wife but he will not persecute her. Similarly, a teacher like
that will punish disobedient pupils but will not torture them. A polygamist
may have a wife who spreads rumours that he favours one wife over the
others. If he is able to sort out the cause of complaint and to restore peace
at home without beating his wife, he is said to have employed justice.
Regarding reward and punishment as integral parts of justice, informants in

the Middle Age and Young Age groups were in remarkable agreement with
the old people. For instance, the Middle Age Group explained that the
principle behind reward is summarized in the proverb, Wega urihagwo na
wega (Good is repaid with good). Alternatively, Wega ndurihagwo na uuru
(Good is not repaid with evil). This group stressed that reward is not a bribe.
An informant in the young age group says: “Reward is like increasing to a
person his strength to go on doing good"73
Thus people openly declare their respect for the person who is upright. This
is the person who is known to respect justice and to be trustworthy and
generally at peace with other people.
The younger generations also believe in supernatural retribution, although

their ideas are not as clear as those of the older people. For instance,
according to the Middle Age Group, when a person becomes corrupt and
disregards the principles of fair play, he may become rich quickly. Should his
affairs begin to go wrong, people say that his misfortune serves him right.
They make reference to the proverb, Mugathi wa kuoya uteeaga wa mwene
(If you pick up a (lost) string of beads, it will be the loss of your own). This
means that ill-begotten goods do not bring a person prosperity. In the same
vein, several informants in the Young Age Group say that when old people
bless the young and say, Urotuura (May you live long) a blessing like this is
not idle words. People usually receive such a blessing when they are of
good conduct. The other idea by this group is that an upright person enjoys
peace. A person who has wronged nobody and who does his best to live an
upright life can expect that God will approve of him. This is why he feels at
peace.
Equally important, the young people recognize that the Gikuyu believed in
the value of forgiveness. There are two main reasons why this was so. The
first is that they were more ready to take account of the future. It was more
sensible to forgive. This was especially true of mischief and wrongs
committed by children. Children were apt to allow animals to feed on other
164
people’s crops. They were also apt to fight and cause injury to each other.
These and other matters always involved parents because it was their
responsibility to make amends for their children’s misdeeds. A parent
affected by the conduct of these children might not ask his neighbour for
compensation because his own child might become involved in the same
mischief on a future occasion. However, the children were not spared instant
caning by the parents as well as by the neighbours whom they had
wronged. Of course, the parent would promise to keep a closer watch on his
children.
The other reason for a leaning towards forgiveness is that the Gikuyu took
into consideration who it was that had done wrong. The relationship did not
right the wrong but it tempered the seriousness with which it was taken. To
give an example, this group observes that at present men have been known
to kill others because of having extra-marital affairs with their wives.
Traditionally, this would not happen: no man would kill another (who might
even be his friend) for this offence. The reason: he might on a future day be
guilty of the same misdeed. What he would do is either to stop the affair
privately or expose the person to the Council of Elders. The elders would
demand that he slaughter an ox as punishment; they would also admonish
him.
The informants in the Middle Age Group believe that the very fact that
Gikuyu society always made provision for arbitration is an indication of the
value attached to forgiveness and reconciliation. In former times when
elders separated disputing parties through discussion, the guilty party was
admonished while the wronged party promised to end the matter, in effect,
he forgave the misdeed.
To some extent, arbitration still goes on today. It serves to elicit forgiveness

between people and to bring about reconciliation. Even when there are no
elders near, people will normally look for a third party to help bring about
reconciliation. In a case where there is a feud between two families, the fact
that parents will still sometimes allow their children to befriend each other is
an indication of a desire for reconciliation.
According to the Young Age Group, there is value in forgiveness. There is

no justification in punishing a wrong that has been done unintentionally or
out of ignorance. If the wrongdoer does not normally do wrong, then he
should be forgiven and warned not to repeat the offence.
Since there is an element of retaliation in punishment, there are people who
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forgive in order to avoid adding up wrongs. There are others who forgive
because they have been forgiven. If the wronged person is merciful he will
also forgive easily.
There are certain considerations that elicit forgiveness even when it may be
easier to retaliate. For instance, a person might decide not to expose a close
relative and will forgive him instead since failure to forgive may cause
additional problems. A brother may wrong another brother and that one may
take him to court, resulting in a jail term. It may well happen then that the
brother who accused him will find himself having to support the jailed
brother’s wife and children. Wrongs between wives and husbands are also
more satisfactorily handled by forgiveness rather than punishment. In the
same way, a child will hardly have another alternative than to forgive a
father.
The Young Age Group believes that to forgive is to show pity on someone
because he has repented. When a person shows repentance and thus
indicates that no disrespect was meant, forgiveness is forthcoming. Also,
sometimes a person neutralizes a wrong by doing something commendable
immediately after the wrong. This is how children will at times escape
parental punishment.
Justice in modern times

The preceding section has illustrated that the contemporary Gikuyu society,
the majority of which is relatively young, has a fair understanding of kihooto.
This is to be expected since cultural values are to a large extent handed
down from generation to generation. However, the social changes affecting
the society are also affecting the way in which contemporary Gikuyu society
is living up to its ideal of the reasonable order of things. The following
section attempts to summarize some of the ways in which the informants,
both old and young, see justice and injustice at work in the modern Gikuyu
society.
The informants agreed that Gikuyu society has always had upright people
who are exemplary in matters of justice. It has also had examples of impro-
bity. These fall into several categories: those who engage in direct criminal
acts, such as theft and robbery, murder, extortion and witchcraft, and those
who are deceitful but pretend to be honest and innocent. When the latter
enter into litigation they stubbornly insist that they are innocent. They are the
ones who make it necessary for people to resort to swearing under oath
because they will not readily accept guilt.
166
There is a third category of people who lack probity: these are people who
disdain others. They overestimate themselves and by the same token
underestimate others. An example of this type is the man who wrongs
another and waits to be taken to court. When he is in court, the magistrate
finds him guilty and orders him to compensate the plaintiff. Then he appeals
against the magistrate’s ruling, not because he is genuinely convinced he is
in the right, but because he wants to punish the plaintiff. Both, of course, will
spend time and money in connection with the case. The plaintiff will spend
money on the petition, on transport, on food and on accommodation (if his
home is far away from the courts). He will necessarily neglect the work he
could have been doing. By the time the final judgement is given, he will have
been thoroughly ‘punished.’ In comparison he may be awarded little or
nothing. The defender will have subjected him to much injustice and will
have demonstrated how much he disdains him. For this reason, some
people may these days hesitate to seek redress for injustice done to them
for fear of suffering even more when the matter goes to court.
People who give and receive bribes provide a fourth example of improbity.
Those who give bribes expect people in influential positions to disregard the
principles of fair play in order to favour them. Some of the people who are in
positions of leadership or influence use their positions to allocate
themselves property as well as benefits which should rightly go to more
deserving people. According to the informants, this corruption makes those
involved insensitive to the demands of justice.
When contempt and rapacity combine in one individual he is bound to seize

every opportunity to gratify himself at the expense of others. One informant
says that her late father was a headman during the earlier period of British
rule in Kenya.73 He had eight wives, none of whom he had married accord-
ing to Gikuyu custom. Each of them was his ‘loot’ by virtue of ‘elevation.’ His
family did not lack meat though he hardly ever slaughtered his own sheep.
This headman is an example of a class of civil servants who subjected
people to many injustices during the colonial period. These were chiefs and
headmen who were appointed by the then government to administrative
positions. Having suddenly assumed high political status they overempha-
sized their importance. By virtue of the fact that they were agents of a strong
foreign power they intimidated and instilled fear in the local community.
Some of them were in the habit of sending retainers (njaama) out with
instructions to “bring so and so’s daughter to me.” The girl would simply be
ambushed and abducted. Thus she would be forcibly married without proper
courtship and marriage negotiations.74 This was great injury to the girl and
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Chapter 4
her parents.75 The retainers were at other times sent to fetch, by force of
might, stall-fed rams, freshly brewed beer, sugarcane or anything else the
headman coveted in the homestead or garden of an elder he did not fear.
The stall-fed ram would have been fattened for a particular purpose,
perhaps to meet a debt or to be slaughtered during a family ceremony. To
deprive a person of such an animal was therefore to disregard his needs
and his wife’s labours. Similarly, beer would have been brewed for some
special or ceremonial occasion. When the retainers suddenly carried it away
this meant that the occasion was ruined. However, in the new circumstances
of the colonial government, the people thus disdained were considered
‘small men’ and were unable to seek redress against such injustice. One
chief ‘borrowed’ a hyrax skin cloak from an elder’s house saying that he
wanted to parade in it for an important government occasion. The elder was
not at home when the chief took it and he was both upset and apprehensive
that he might never see his cloak again. Indeed, it was never returned.
Finally, according to the Middle Age Group, foolish people provide another
example of improbity. These are people who lack maturity in the moral
sense discussed earlier. They lack a sense of responsibility and a desire for
personal dignity; they seem to live for the day. Such is the man who sells his
land in order that he may have cash to spend on himself. In spite of the fact
that his family may have nowhere else to go he will sell the land and leave
the new owner to evict the family at the latter’s convenience. The foolish
also include the loafer (njangiri/ mukora) and the prostitute (maraya). These
are regarded by the Middle Age Group as people who take little thought
about settling down in life.
Conclusion
From the descriptions of justice given by the three age groups, it can be
concluded that the idea of justice is central to the Gikuyu moral system.
There was a lot of consistency between the three age groups on this matter,
though the Old Age Group had the most to contribute on the subject and
was able to provide illustrations not known to the other two groups. Justice
was a vital component of the Gikuyu moral system. In Gikuyu conception to
say that a person has a sense of justice is to say that the person is
convinced that there is a reasonable order of doing things and that he
subscribes to that order.
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C H AP T E R 5
COURAGE (UCAMBA)
The Gikuyu have always valued courage. In traditional society, courage

(■ucamba) was one of the characteristics that helped them to safeguard
their territory from warlike neighbours such as the Maasai and the Galla.
Their value for courage also helped them to sustain the productivity of their
gardens and to maintain self-sufficiency in food. This chapter describes the
traditional Gikuyu concept of courage which is - with certain changes - an
important aspect of Gikuyu life also in modern times.

Some early European writers described the Gikuyu as brave while others
denied that they possessed this virtue. Among those who said the Gikuyu
were not brave was J.R.L. MacDonald, who took part in punitive expeditions
in South Gikuyu for the Imperial British East African Company. Describing
the Gikuyu war tactics, he says that the warriors merely masqueraded in
their war paint and achieved no deeds of bravery. According to him, the
Gikuyu never ventured to meet the Maasai in the open. Instead, having
fortified their bravery with “copious draughts of pombe’ (beer) and “breathing
gore and destruction” against the Maasai, they were content to attack the
nearest elderly Maasai who might have gone to the forest to collect
firewood. However, from his experience of the primitive expeditions,
MacDonald admits that the Gikuyu “caused more trouble than their numbers
and fighting power should warrant.” Describing them as “turbulent” he points
out that they were not likely to keep quiet until the colonial military power
was reinforced by the building of more forts.1 Richard Meinertzhagen, who
was engaged in the pacification of Northern
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Gikuyu, describes them as a “stubborn tribe” and says that the task of sub-
duing them was not easy.2
Both Cagnolo and Routledge point out that since the Gikuyu were agri-
culturalists, they were not warlike as compared with the pastoral Maasai and
the Galla. Cagnolo makes the claim that the Gikuyu owed their survival to
the British who arrived in time providentially to prevent these two ‘lions’ from
annihilating them.3 Routledge says that the Gikuyu did not give bravery in
fighting a very high place in their scale of moral values,4 He observes: “As a
nation they are devoid of the military instinct; as individuals, they do not
cultivate proficiency in arms.”5
However, he concedes that the Gikuyu were “a force to be reckoned with” in

their own territory. Their war tactics and defence measures were such that
they were able “to imprint a lesson on raiders that was not forgotten.” He
describes them as very good at defence:
Their method of defense ... might strike terror into the hearts of the
boldest, for at the shortest notice they had war pits ready that
rendered any track or path almost impassable either to advance or to
retreat by.6
Routledge also commends their boldness in negotiating rivers during Maasai

raids. He describes them as “good swimmers” even though they swam “after
the manner of the dog!”7
The Gikuyu made two types of bridges where necessary. Near the moun-
tains where rivers flowed along narrow precipitous gorges, a bridge would
be made by felling a huge tree across the river. Elsewhere, the Gikuyu
made suspension bridges with split tree trunks, sticks and strong creepers,
providing foot planks to walk along and hand rails to hold. These bridges
were evidently safe to use but formidable to look at. According to Sir Charles
Eliot,
These constructions present great terror to ordinary Europeans; but it is

surprising to see how a native with a heavy load on his head will step
across the loose and swaying cords, hardly touching the side-strings, and
with no more sign of nervousness than a bird on a thin branch.8
In his book, The Southern Kikuyu before 1903, Louis Leakey devotes a
chapter to warfare and raiding. From his account it is apparent that the
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Courage ( u c a m b a )
Gikuyu esteemed bravery greatly and did some very daring things. From
time to time, Gikuyu warriors raided Maasai territorial country and fought
Maasai warriors on their own territory. Leakey points out that in theory there
was no compulsory military service and individual warriors could refrain from
participating in a raid if they chose to. A few warriors did in fact remain
behind for one reason or another. However, most of them chose to
participate in raids. Indeed, it was difficult to restrain them from participating
because their reputation and their future were at stake. Leakey says: “A
warrior who never went raiding soon acquired the reputation of being a
coward, and had great difficulty in getting a wife.”9
He describes two types of raiding. One was a major raid involving many
warriors. The spoils resulting from such a raid were shared according to
merit so that the braver the warrior, the greater his share: “Some warriors
would get ten animals, others five, some only one or even a bare half share
in a cow or heifer.”10 A warrior was obliged to actually be brave and not
merely to masquerade. Otherwise he gained neither wealth nor reputation.
The other type of raiding involved only a few warriors. It was planned during
the dry season when Maasai cattle were far away by Lake Naivasha or at
the Narok River. Raiding those cattle involved several days’ journey and
was highly risky. But the warriors were not deterred.11
Sometimes, if a girl was captured during a raid, it was possible for the
Maasai warriors to redeem her immediately. In that case, the warriors on
both sides agreed on a duel between two champions, one from each side.
Whether the Gikuyu warriors took away the raided cattle and the girl or
returned the lot to the Maasai depended on the outcome of the duel. Bravery
in physical combat against the Maasai had other rewards. Only a warrior
who had killed a Maasai warrior in person to person combat was entitled to
sing victory songs (kaari).12_
According to Leakey, Gikuyu warriors exercised a lot and in the process

gained boldness. Exercise often took the form of inter-clan fights which
however “did not cause ill-feeling” in spite of the fact that the warriors were
fighting over real issues, such as disputes over boundaries and livestock. At
any rate, such disputes were never resolved by warriors fighting but by the
discussion and the deliberation of elders.13 Leakey says further that
cowardly men of the warrior class were in fact punished by the regimental
council of warriors.14
There was another type of bravery that did not involve physical fighting. This
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was the ability to litigate and thus help the cause of justice. Early European
writers made comments about it. Bravery in litigation was traditionally
conceived of as a combination of the ability to reason and to debate. This
ability was interpreted as evidence that a person was intelligent and wise
and had therefore the necessary qualities of leadership. In this connection
Lambert observes that leadership (uthamaki) was “essentially a quality, not
a rank.” People who became athamaki (leaders) were recognized for their
intelligence and their ability to reason and argue. Cavicchi describes the
Gikuyu as being, “...extremely good at grasping the strong and the weak
point in every argument - especially law and justice.”15 And Routledge says
that “Lengthy debate on every possible occasion is second nature to the
Agikiyu.”16
Observing that intelligence and eloquence is much prized by the Gikuyu,

Routledge comments: “The Bantu genius for words is seen at its best when
a court case proves to be complicated.”17
In 1890, Lugard wrote in his diary, “.I was especially struck with the vast
extent of the cultivation in comparison to the few villages I see. This seems
to mark the Kikuyu as an industrious race.”18 Before entering Gikuyu
country, Lugard had heard reports that food was “extraordinarily abundant
and cheap” there.19 Such reports would possibly have come from Thomson
and von Hohnel. Thomson describes how the Gikuyu women frequently
“disposed of their abundance” to his porters, and von Hohnel describes the
people as “industrious natives” and “zealous agriculturalists.”20
Von Hohnel was a member of Count Teleki’s expedition that was the first
party to actually traverse Gikuyu country from south to north on its way to
Lake Rudolf. Von Hohnel writes: “During our march here we had passed
through districts so carefully and systematically cultivated that we might
have been in Europe.”21
Describing their traditional means of livelihood Cagnolo (a missionary) says

that the Gikuyu consider the field and the goat as “the two basic pillars on
which the whole of the Gikuyu stands,” yet they do nothing to improve their
agriculture which “remains in its infant stage.” According to Cagnolo, “what
works is nature, human industry concurs very little.”22 The Gikuyu seem to
have struck the European settlers and the colonial administrator as grossly
ignorant of the “dignity of labour.” Dundas (an administrator) says that the
European farmers in Kiambu expected administrative officers both
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Courage ( U c a m b a )
to recruit native labour and to teach farm labourers dedication to labour. He

complains that there was much futile talk about teaching Africans the dignity
of labour but that this was hardly exemplified in practice.23
The European writers refer to another example of courage, namely endur-

ance. For instance, Cagnolo describes the stoical undergoing of pain by cir-
cumcision candidates. During the operation: “The candidate faces him [the
circumciser] without flinching: no one must show dismay. Every onlooker
stares inquisitively at the patient’s face to see if he shows any sign of pain,
or if he is enduring the process stoically.”24
Cagnolo says that a few candidates succumbed to pain “in spite of their
determination to exhibit no signs of weakness” to the great amusement of
onlookers. But the majority “do not blink, but stand the pain as firm as a
rock” and on the following day they “ostentatiously make light of all they
have been through as they go out to hunt small animals”25
Although some European writers found it difficult to admit, there is clearly

enough evidence to show that the early Europeans who came into contact
with the Gikuyu found them to be a courageous people. Finally, we could
end this section by citing Cavicchi, a Roman Catholic missionary. He gives
an account of the Gikuyu as he knew them before 1953 and describes them
as “never surrendering in the face of difficulties”26
Who is a courageous person?

The word ucamba can be defined as the quality of being a njamba (hero).
The Gikuyu use the word njamba in a variety of contexts to describe people
who accomplish or succeed in any of the things approved by society. The
key word is ability (uhoti). Njamba is therefore used for many different
actions, such as: a person who plunges into a river and rescues a drowning
victim; one who manages to rescue a child or property from a burning
house; a diligent farmer who succeeds in growing plenty of foodstuffs; a
person who puts up a strong legal defence and receives his claim. The word
njamba is also extended to describe those who manage to pass examina-
tions. And again, in sport those who compete well and go on to win are
described as njamba. A warrior renowned for his bravery in fighting the
Maasai was called njamba. So was a person who tracked down and killed
an animal that had been terrorizing the local community.
All such champions are said to have ability (uhoti) or perhaps more cor-
rectly, they are said to exercise their ability. People who have qualities such
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as boldness, determination and diligence qualify to be regarded as able and

therefore can be described as njamba. In short, the term njamba was a
confirmed title given to those who excelled in one way or another, in con-
formity with the values of the society.
The question, “of what value is this ability?” was more important than the
ability itself. Some people were able fighters but because of their aggres-
siveness they were never called njamba except in derision to mean bully.
The consideration as to how the society benefited from a person’s courage

explains why among the people described as njamba were those who were
able to control their temper and thus displayed patience in their dealings
with other people. Among njamba were also people who could heal pain and
other forms of illnesses. Again, those who exhibited patience in bearing
insults or pain were called njamba since it proved them tough enough to
face the various tests of everyday life. Generous people were also said to be
njamba. The Gikuyu have a saying, Utaana niguo ucamba (Generosity is
courage). This need not be puzzling when we consider that, in actual fact,
generosity was essential in everything that promoted the society’s welfare.
In general, the informants described the courageous person as brave,

diligent, persevering and forbearing. These qualities are described in this
chapter.
Courage as bravery (urume)

The Gikuyu word for bravery is urume. There is an etymological similarity
between the word urume and the word for men, arume (sing. Mundu
murume). Bravery clearly had something to do with masculinity. Men par-
ticularly were required to demonstrate the quality of bravery because of their
traditional military duties.
Although the informants did not emphasize the idea of masculinity (they said
that bravery was expected of everyone) exceptionally militant women, who
could fight off cattle raiders or other thieves, were looked on by their fathers
as ‘sons’ and by their husbands as ‘brothers.’
All the informants described bravery in terms of the ability to fight (kurua). A
further distinction was made between physical combat and litigation.
Traditionally, in both types of fighting bravery is only valued as an asset if it
is controlled by a sense of right or good reason. The informants believed in
the ability of right or ‘convincing reason’ (kihooto) to vindicate itself against
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obstacles and opposition. The conviction therefore that one was ‘fighting for
a good reason’ (kuruira kihooto) induced one to be brave.
Bravery in physical fighting

Physical fighting was approved in cases of territorial and personal defence,
protection of property and challenging of an enemy. The old people inter-
viewed spoke approvingly of the former fights against the Maasai. Regi-
mental battles against the Maasai provided many a redoubtable warrior the
opportunity to test and prove his boldness. When the opposing forces were
closing in on each other, it was usual for a champion to declare that he
wished to tackle his match on the Maasai side single-handedly, saying Reke
ngue na njamba ino (If I must die, let me die over that njamba). The warriors
who fought boldly and killed their Maasai opponents were entitled to sing
kaari (victory songs) in which they graphically recounted their combat tactics
and also taunted cowardly warriors.
Raids against the Maasai were supposed to result in wealth in the form of
cattle taken from them. Often the raids involved only a small band of war-
riors and every warrior had to play his part if he was to get a share of the
cattle. Warriors were therefore urged to think brave and to translate their
brave thoughts into action.
Kibiici kia ngia ndiri guoya Guoya

niutindikiitwo nt thiina Ngaathiga njoya
Aanake moige'One!’
Ng’iri-ri-ri-ri.
Ngigwa nja iri ng’ombe!
Son of a poor man, I have no fear Fear

has been dislodged by poverty.
I shall flutter my feathers
And warriors will point out, “There!”
Ng’iri-ri-ri-ri.'
As I land in a homestead full of cattle!27
These fights also prevented the Maasai from overrunning Gikuyu territory.
The warriors who brought spoils from Maasailand were seen to benefit their
families. They were also the buttresses of Gikuyu country against Maasai
raids. In fact, every warrior took it upon himself to protect his father’s live-
stock from wild animals and Maasai raiders. For this reason, every young
man carried weapons when he took animals to graze in the grasslands or to
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the salt licks. At times it was necessary for him to kill marauding animals and
to fight against raiders. A young man therefore expected his father to
provide him with weapons. On his part, he pledged to fight bravely whenever
the need arose.
According to all the informants, since every individual has a right to property,
he or she should be ready to protect or rescue it from thieves and other
malefactors. This may involve physical fighting and people should not shrink
from it if it is the only alternative. Traditional society believed that fighting in
a bid to protect one’s property was in essence resistance against evil people
who sought to destroy people by snatching what one had earned through
hard labour. Several of the old people stated that struggling or fighting
against criminals does not necessarily mean that a person actually becomes
locked in physical combat with the criminal. Rather, fighting criminals
includes crying out and making noise in order to attract the help of
neighbours. Crying out for help in such circumstances is therefore an act of
courage. It is in fact foolish to try and struggle alone with a criminal who may
be stronger or better prepared for a fight. Some of the informants also said
that it was unwise to follow stolen cattle immediately because thieves could
lay an ambush and kill the pursuers. Traditionally, pursuers took a detour
and sped ahead in order to meet the stolen cattle in front. That way they
avoided being killed in an ambush. The informants in the Old Age Group
believe that the efficacy of justice is such that a person who is fighting within
the context of resisting evil somehow escapes death. However, if he should
die protecting his property, the cause is not lost because other people will
most likely ensure that his property is restored to the family.
The protection of livestock from dangerous animals and raiders was there-
fore a strong motive for bravery. Herdsmen who took their animals into the
grasslands bordering Maasailand had to be prepared to face danger.
Relatively small boys who accompanied their grown up brothers to graze
animals learnt early to carry weapons. Their big brothers gave them practi-
cal lessons on how to handle danger. According to Githui wa Kariithi, one of
the important lessons a boy learnt early was that it was an honour to die
while protecting property and so a man should not run away and abandon
his property merely because he was threatened.28
Interviews with younger people revealed that their ideas about bravery were
remarkably similar to those of the old people. The middle age informants
stressed that a person ought to protect his property because he will have
expended his energy acquiring it. In resisting thieves and other criminals a
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person needs boldness as well as some knowledge of defence tactics. He

must not allow his things to go without an attempt to rescue them; at the
same time he must not foolishly expose himself to danger. To this group,
physical strength is an asset but people who cannot boast of great strength
are also capable of resisting criminals. Since neighbours will often respond
to cries for help a person ought to raise the alarm even as he struggles with
his assailant.
The informants in the Young Age Group believe that a young man should
defend his father’s home from outside interference. This may involve having
to fight physically. According to the young people, physical strength was not
necessarily an indication of a person’s bravery. Nevertheless, it was an
asset in physical combat. Several people quoted the proverb, Njamba ti
ikere (The champion is not determined by the calves of the legs). They
believe that bravery is the will to stand up to a challenge rather than the
strength of muscle one can boast of. This will is transformed into boldness to
defy bullying peers. Thus a relatively small boy could suddenly turn and beat
off a bully who had made a habit of intimidating him. When boys are looking
after cattle sometimes bigger boys monopolize the ford where cattle are
taken to drink water. They may intimidate the small boys so that the cattle
brought by the latter either drink very late or go without water. The only way
the small boys can resolve the problem is to fight the bullies. They may feel
a sudden compulsion to stand their ground because their cattle have as
much right to drink as anybody else’s. Similarly, this sense of moral right can
cause a child to intervene if his father has made a habit of beating his
mother. The child may suddenly jump on his father and shout, “Don’t touch
her!”29
Bravery in litigation
In traditional Gikuyu society the ability to litigate was highly valued. When
disputes arose between people over property or other rights, the preferred
method of resolving them was by litigation rather than by physical fighting.
Litigation was preferred because physical fighting almost always aggravated
matters. If the fights resulted in injuries or death, the original dispute might
have to be shelved while the matter of assault or killing was dealt with.
Besides, there was hardly any matter that was conclusively resolved through
physical fighting. Even after fighting it out, some sort of reconciliation had to
be sought through the mediation of elders. In other words, the force of might
was not conclusive. In litigation, however, the party in the right won through
force of right (kihooto). And if there should be no winner, the matter would
have been discussed and exhausted through peaceful means. The
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readiness and willingness of ad hoc courts of elders to adjudicate cases was

a great incentive for people to take recourse to litigation.
To give an illustration, one of the old informants related that in his extended
family a dispute arose over land ownership. One day he returned home to
find his mother and wife crying because the sons of his stepbrother had
entered his land and had erected new boundaries with the help of some
members of the Local Native Council. A section of his land had been trans-
ferred to his stepbrother. His first impulse was to kill somebody just to
register his anger. He, in fact, intended to kill his stepbrother for instigating
his sons to carry out this act. So in fury he dashed into his house and
emerged with his sword. As he hurried to his stepbrother’s house bent on
slashing him, he suddenly thought, “Why does a reasonable man need to
kill?” Having thus reasoned with himself, he found he was calm enough to
speak to his stepbrother and the elders who had demarcated the land for
they had not yet dispersed. He told them he objected to their uncustomary
action of dividing property in the absence of the interested parties. The
outcome of this case was that the family lands were officially surveyed,
consolidated and demarcated to the great satisfaction of my informant for he
ended up with a larger parcel of land.
This example demonstrates the difference between physical fighting and

verbal deliberation. Whereas the former is offensive, aggressive, violent,
and painful - that is, all the things associated with virility - the latter
expresses itself in cool, patient persistence so that the matter causing
dispute or conflict is resolved through face-to-face discussion.
In litigation, bravery was seen in the party that did not give up fighting until
justice had been established. An old informant said that ability to litigate
established a person as having ucamba wa ihooto (reasoning ability). Liti-
gation brought about a kind of ‘defeat’ that resulted from the employment of
the principle of justice (kihooto). When a dispute arose, the courageous
person was the one who did not allow the matter to drop, especially when he
considered himself to be in the right and had enough evidence to prove it.
The ability to litigate, therefore, demonstrated the type of courage that

resisted crafty and greedy people. Such people were often full of schemes
meant to deprive others of their property. The ways of crafty people were
subtle and devious. Their major weakness was that they lacked ‘good
reason’
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Courage ( U c a m b a )
or justice (kihooto) to support or justify their dealings with other people. They
dealt unreasonably with their relatives and neighbours. When that happened
disputes and litigations were bound to result. This was because a strong
sense of justice prevented the wronged party from resigning himself to
injustice. Usually a person who was in the right had facts to support his
claims. But in litigation much more was called for than simple statements of
facts. The courageous person showed his bravery by producing his facts
without allowing himself to be confused by those who were interested in
confusing issues in order to obstruct justice. Such a person was at the same
time bold, enduring and patient. He was not easily provoked to anger,
however much he might be contradicted or insulted during litigation. Nor did
he become excited and loud. He remained consistently firm and calm.
In their belief that courage results from a keen sense of justice, informants
described the ability to litigate as ucamba wa guthikuria kihooto (courage
which exhumes justice). Courageous litigants were concerned that facts of a
matter were brought into the open so that the truth might become evident
and thus allow justice to prevail. In the course of litigation the courageous
were seen to have the upper hand. They were seen to be constantly expos-
ing what dishonest people were ‘burying.’ An informant recalled that at one
time he and his brother jointly bought a cow. The informant undertook its
custody. After the cow had produced several offspring, the two brothers
decided to divide the herd between them. On several occasions they had
discussed how to divide the animals and on each occasion they failed to
agree. One of them wanted more animals because he argued that his
brother had been benefiting from the milk. The other argued that whatever
milk he had drunk was merely a reward for his labour as the custodian. It
was not until they both agreed to face facts honestly that the cattle were
divided to their satisfaction.
The ideal litigant described above has four main opposites.

The first is the person who is both bold and alert but who considers it in his
interest to ‘bury justice’ (guthika kihooto). During litigation, this person
understands the issues at stake perfectly but he concentrates on shifting
emphasis from the main issue in an attempt to conceal what really matters.
He tends to out-talk other contestants in his attempt to steer the discussion
to a nebulous level.
The second is the person who is initially interested to see justice prevail but
he is not morally consistent. Sooner or later he succumbs to those who work
at confusing issues with the aim to conceal the truth. They prevail over him
by way of threats or bribes.
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The third opposite is the person who is easily excitable. Such a person is not
open to discussion when a dispute arises. He resorts to physical fighting or
stirs up other people to foolish fights. Or he may resort to altercation in the
course of a dispute. This type of person is not able to litigate. Whether he
assaults other people physically or verbally he hinders amicable solution to
disputes. He mistakes his aggressiveness for bravery.
The fourth opposite is the person who is too quiet (mukiri). Although he is
unobtrusive, his silence does not help the course of justice. He does not
offer help when facts are sought. His silence aids to impede a matter and for
that reason he is considered a coward.
Bravery was therefore interpreted in terms of both physical and verbal

combat. For bravery to qualify as a moral value, it has to be prompted by a
sense of right or what the Gikuyu broadly call kihooto (justice).
The traditional Gikuyu distinguished types of conduct which were either

direct opposites of bravery or which have a semblance of bravery but could
not be said to be examples of courage. One type of conduct which exempli-
fies this is what the informants referred to as urume munene muuru (bad or
excessive bravery).30 In a sense, all acts of bravery result from a definite
resolve to put away fear and to face the odds. However, true bravery is
always controlled, while excessive bravery is not bridled. Uncontrolled
bravery was seen in the person who became easily excited and tended to
fight or insult other people when provoked. Such people also incited others
to fight. They were foolhardy and foolishly plunged themselves into danger,
which sometimes resulted in death. Mistaking their physical strength and
aggressiveness for bravery, they bullied and intimidated other people. Since
they caused resentment in the people they intimidated, they were resisted.
From time to time, such aggressors were harmed or even killed by the very
people they intimidated.
Courage as diligence (klyo)

In traditional Gikuyu society, the diligent or industrious person was
described as courageous. Diligence (kiyo) was described as courage
(ucamba) because it depended on certain moral qualities and because it
rewarded those who had it.
In their description of courage as diligence, the old people interviewed

emphasized two things. The first thing is that diligent people possess certain
qualities that are the essence of courage. These qualities include strong
willpower or resolution, stamina and perseverance. These qualities are
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summarized as endurance (uumiriru). The individual who is said to have the

ability (uhoti) to accomplish what he sets out to do is the one who exercises
these qualities. He is characterized by determination and persistent effort,
rather than by special talents. For instance, he is the one who takes the
initiative to clear a piece of virgin land in order to plant crops. In former days,
industrious people endured the long and hazardous journey to Maasai
country when they went on trading expeditions.
The second thing stressed is that the reward of diligence is material well
being. What really gives people the incentive to work diligently is the threat
of poverty. When a person realizes that his material well being is dependent
on his diligence, he adopts a positive attitude to manual work and does not
shrink from obstacles. Traditionally, while a young man tackled a difficult
task, he encouraged himself by singing:
Kibiici kia ngia ndiri guoya.

Guoya niutindikiitwo nt thiina.
Son of a poor man, I have no fear;

Fear has been dislodged by poverty.31
A Gikuyu proverb says, Thiina nduriiaga_no mbatha iriiaga (Poverty does

not kill, but pride kills). In other words, a poor man sooner or later improves
his lot through diligence but a proud man sooner or later brings himself
misfortunes and eventually poverty. Another proverb urges the individual to
learn from nature, Ngari ndiriiagwo ni wira (The ant-eater does not die of
work.) In other words, heavy work and sweat do not kill a person. A third
proverb admonishes: Mwana wa ngia ndari maithori (A poor man’s child has
no tears). But in citing this proverb, people normally add a rider, no kio ari
(but he has diligence).
Gikuyu society was generally happy with persons who showed initiative and
right ambition: such people were helped along by those who had already
succeeded.
Diligence, however, is not confined to manual work. Rather, the diligent

person is the one who attends to all his affairs so that none of his concerns
are neglected. The affairs of an industrious person are said to prosper
(kugaacira).
Informants in the Old Age Group remember well how the people in Gikuyu
society discouraged laziness and despondency among its members. Such
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vices were certain to bring about poverty and destitution. The evidence of
how society fought laziness is contained in traditional songs which some of
the informants could remember. For example, those who prepared to go on
long expeditions discouraged their members from entertaining thoughts of
defeat about the journey:
Muugi nt kuraya,
Arokua ategattte Atari nguo ya
mwtrt.
Whoever says it is far,

May he die before making his will
without a garment on his body.32
The main idea expressed in this song is that the despondent person
deserves to die destitute, having no property to bequeath to others, nor
garments to cover his nakedness. Destitution was seen as a result of
despondency. In another song, a young man going on such a journey
encouraged his mother to be confident of his return because a few days of
hunger and exhaustion could not possibly kill him.
Nyina muiru,
Tiga kundmra
Ndigaakua no guthonda mwm.
Black mother,
Do not cry for me I will not die,
just grow thin.33
Young men were impatient with idlers among them. A loafer was rebuked by
his own age mates, especially when his conduct was known not to match his
words. Even the mothers of such idlers, and of the procrastinators who
never went for a raid into Maasai country, were urged not to feed them.
Such people did not deserve to benefit from other people’s labours, not even
their mothers’ cooking!
Nyina wa ndiiru ig^t,

Na tngt ya ithatu Akuhanda nyungu
kuruga!
The mother of two procrastinators,
And a third one to boot,
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Puts a pot on the fire to cook!34
It is clear that Gikuyu society tended to despise the poor because even
though they were given the same opportunity as other people, they did not
exert themselves. There was hardly any excuse, for instance, for a man not
to own sheep and goats since there were several facilities to enable the
poor to start their own herds. Some people took custody of rich men’s
animals and in return for their services they were given a few animals. Given
proper care, these animals could produce and increase so that eventually a
poor man could became relatively rich. Other people obtained livestock
through barter of foodstuffs they had grown on their plot of land.
Among the Gikuyu, some elders were the owners of large herds of cattle,
goats and sheep. At their age and with their wealth they could afford to live
at ease. Anyone observing their comfort and relatively relaxed pace of life
might form the impression that the rich were not industrious. Rich elders
were keen to correct this impression in case the poor should imitate them
and slacken in their work. At beer parties, when they openly gloried in their
riches, they were also quick to point out that they had had their time of
industry; their wealth was not obtained through idleness. They would sing:
Njiru ici mukuona gwa itonga-t Ti cia

itonga,
Nt cia muramuki,
Huragia muthanga
Gatagatt ka ngware iktgamba-t
ngware,
ngware muru wa iya,
Ndugagure mwana-t,
Na nit ndttgagure muthiori.
These black (sheep and goats) you see in the

Homes of the wealthy,
Do not belong to the rich, but to the early risers,
They belong to the one,
Who scratches sand
Between the crowings of the partridge.
Partridge, my beloved brother,
Give your young one breakfast,
While I go hungry.35
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As this song shows, diligence required zeal and resolution. To obtain prop-
erty was a hard task, requiring much labour and determined effort. It is like
scratching the sand for the earthworm. But he who starts early and is
persistent cannot fail to obtain something. Failure to obtain a meal does not
deter him from work. He ties a belt tightly round his waist to reduce hunger
pangs.
Those who hope to obtain property must be impatient to get going, for an
early start is an advantage. Their impatience makes them determined to
overcome the obstacles that hinder their progress. This kind of zeal was
much in evidence among warriors. For instance, there were occasions when
they were called aanake a nguru (nguru dancers). On these occasions they
donned women’s dress, contrary to custom. Small boys that accompanied
them were called njimbiri cia_nguru and were dressed like small girls.36
Amid meat eating, they danced and sang words to the effect that they
longed for the strength, the vitality, the unity and the zeal that would enable
them to obtain property. For instance, they sang that no time of day or
season was too early for them to venture out:
Tene, tene, tene, tenange Mukuyu

utanaitika mathangu.
Early, early, early, still earlier Before

the fig tree sheds its leaves.37
The Tana, as well as other big rivers were obstacles because they hindered
free movement for those wishing to travel far in search of property. The
warriors’ longing to subdue such obstacles is expressed in the following
verse:
Ii nguru iri hinya ngurutiruo ku?

Ya gukunda Thagana nguku imwe Aanake
maringe na maai ma ndu Ndeeherwo
mukuyu na mwari._
Where will a strong tortoise be found?

To swallow the Tana waters in one gulp,
So that warriors may cross knee-deep water,
To fetch me the brown (sheep) and its daughter (ewe).38
From the evidence of informants, big rivers such as Tana, Mathioya, Chania
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and Marewa, did not deter trading expeditions from crossing. Brave and
strong young men got into the river first and positioned themselves across
its width ready to rescue any person who might lose balance and fall. The
rest of the expedition joined hands or supported each other in other ways as
they helped each other cross the river. The strong young men who had gone
in first crossed after everybody else had landed safely on the other side.
Traditionally the Gikuyu were agriculturalists. They described themselves as

nyumba ya muro (the house of the digging stick).39 The most valuable
inheritance that parents could bequeath to their children was their love for
land tillage. Parents started educating their children early about tilling the
land with zeal. In their teaching and example they were helping their
descendants to receive a heritage as agriculturalists. Girls learnt from their
mothers and other womenfolk as they accompanied them to the garden.
Besides learning gardening skills, they learnt that there were njamba cia
wira (excellent workers) who were distinct from ordinary women. These
njamba were the women who excelled in keeping their gardens well cul-
tivated and always worked fast and efficiently. Their granaries had plenty of
food. During famine these women managed to continue having food. A
young girl should therefore aspire to become a njamba cia wira.
In traditional society, an elder had his own gardens where he cultivated irio
cia mundu murume (a man’s crop). These were perennial and root crops,
also known as tuberous crops (irio cia menja) since they involved much
digging in planting and harvesting. These crops included coco yams,
bananas, sugarcane and sweet potatoes. A man taught his sons how to cul-
tivate these crops. He also gave them gardens where they could grow their
own crops as they practiced the skills he taught them. The crops belonged
to the sons to do with them as they liked.40 One of the lessons a young man
learnt was that a man must keep herds and flocks and at the same time
cultivate food crops. These pursuits required good management of time, as
well as diligence. A son learnt from his father that even for young people
diligence was an asset. People were always ready to assist a diligent person
should he suddenly fall into trouble or have an urgent need. Therefore when
a young man worked in his garden he might sing:
Ndeeriruo ni Kigotho, ti baba, hu-yu- hu- hi
Ndirimagire kagunda Mwana uri kiyo, hu- yu- hu-
hi Ndaagaga muthambia.
I was told by Klgotho, my father

To always cultivate a small garden for myself.
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A diligent child
Does not lack someone to wash him.41
A father also taught his son that a person’s land did not produce unless
effort was put into it. Some weeds, like couch grass, unless it was controlled
could render a plot of land completely unproductive. A diligent person should
never abandon a garden simply because of the amount of labour required to
control the weeds. Therefore a young man as he dug up the couch grass
might sing:
Mwaroka mugunda wa Kigotho murakorire ki?

Turakorire, hu-yu-hu-hi, thangari igithaama Igithi
thangari, hu-yu-hu-hi, ni ithaamaga O ta mundu!
When you went early in the morning to

Kigotho’s land.
What did you find?
We found couch grass migrating.
So couch grass migrates just like a person!42
Often a man migrated in search of better fortunes elsewhere. Metaphorically

speaking the couch grass had to migrate in search of better fortune in a lazy
man’s garden!
As far as the moral value of courage was concerned, there was one way in
which the idlers (ndiiru) could clear their disrepute as cowards (iguoya). If
they became diligent cultivators, they too could be referred to as njamba.
This is because they would then have plenty of perennial food crops with
which they could feed their families and buy livestock. In fact, they were in a
somehow enviable position. Fighting and raiding the Maasai, as well as
travelling to distant places for trade, were necessary but time consuming.
These were also risky activities, particularly raiding, as some of the warriors
might get killed in the process. Also, the animals brought home, either from
raiding or trading, might die of diseases or might be unhealthy. In contrast,
land tillage was a peaceful pursuit and definitely rewarding. Little went
wrong with perennial crops. The man with plenty of food crops and no
animals to boast of was better off than the man with plenty of livestock and
no crops. If famine should strike due to the failure of seasonal rains it was
the owners of perennial crops who sustained the population. Even in normal
circumstances, diligent cultivators acquired livestock through barter of their
crops. Brave warriors might boast of their exploits and chide the
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procrastinators, but they also recognized the courage of those who

utilized[took advantage of] their absence from raiding by tending their
gardens:
Ndiiru, mwangtria kt?

Thunu nene?
Na mtgunda mtnyuthe ta njua?
Idler, what more have you than I?

Big buttocks?
And gardens softened like skins.43
Even those who brought back sheep and goats after the trading expeditions
were rather sensitive to the critical remarks of the cultivators whom they left
behind:
Ndukanjttire ng’ondu nyaktnyuko

Ndaatigire uktnyuka mugunda.
Do not call my sheep a weakling

I left you labouring in your garden.44
The other thing that the informants in the Old Age Group emphasized was
that the diligent are optimistic: they have initiative. By their very nature they
do not sit back in resignation when circumstances are hard. Rather, they
look ahead and visualize a better future when their welfare will have
improved. In traditional society, a man who started off poor but was diligent
was always able to improve his lot.
Lastly, the informants in the Old Age Group observed that the opposite of
diligence is indolence or laziness (uguuta). The society has always con-
tained lazy people though some might not seem to be lazy. The lazy are not
only idlers but also those who lack the will to accomplish much. Those who
talk of jobs they plan to accomplish but have no evidence of jobs completed
are said to have merely boasted of courage (ucamba wa kanua).45
The desire for wealth was a strong motive for courage. To state the obvious,
without property, one was poor. The Gikuyu said that poverty did not kill
because they recognized that poverty was not an illness. On the other hand,
they said, Thiina uciaraga gukua (Poverty breeds death) because on an
explicit level lack of property resulted in hunger and bad health.
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The fear of being poverty stricken and being despised was a strong incen-
tive to diligence and self-reliance and this required courage. The realization
that one’s well being and honour are dependent on one’s initiative was a
sure antidote for apathy and cowardice. Routledge observed that among the
Gikuyu: “The poor man is looked upon with that pity which is akin to
contempt.”46
Even though Gikuyu society encouraged its members to be generous and to

help each other, it equally discouraged the parasitic existence of an indi-
vidual. Not even a son should expect to live off his father’s labours without
showing evidence of diligence on his part. The Gikuyu aptly said, Thigira
nduriiagwo (The placenta is not eaten) meaning that personal welfare is not
a birthright but an achievement.
In traditional society, the people who remained poor were generally lazy.
Those who were known to have been responsible for their own poverty were
despised for their lack of courage. They were of no help, either to
themselves or to other people. The Gikuyu say that the only sympathy the
poor can show to a person in dire need is the moan of the helpless, the
hopeless and the non-resourceful: Uui uui (O dear, O dear). Hence the
proverb, Uui uui ndiri kiguni (O dear, o dear, has no benefit). What has
benefit is diligence. Another proverb says, Thiina nduri ugariure; utonga uri
ugariure (Poverty cannot be managed, wealth can be managed). The
courageous, that is, the diligent have the will to manage wealth as it is futile
to try to manage poverty.47
Since poverty cannot be managed, the poor become victims, from which-
ever angle they are viewed. They are not able to manage their lives or to
give themselves a sense of direction. Personal welfare becomes an illusion.
A poor person merely exists without a sense of well being and so one is as
good as dead.
Cavicchi recalls challenging a man who (out of character) had been rude to
an old man. The man had explained that the Gikuyu do not respect the poor
because “A man with no property of his own is evidently unable to acquire
some because he is stupid"48
Since no normal person prefers to be poor, the Gikuyu also said, Kurima ni
kwienda (To till the land is to love oneself). In other words, there is no
shortcut to personal welfare: people must work diligently.
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Courage as endurance (ukirTrTria)

The informants further described courage as the ability to endure pain,
hardships and discomfort. Endurance (ukiririria, witiiririria) was a highly
valued quality in Gikuyu society. The informants explained that the Gikuyu
practice of giving children an experience of pain during the rites of passage
was meant to toughen them. The emergent adult was expected to be perse-
vering and patient in the face of the pain, discomfort and hardship that he or
she was bound to face in life.
Stoical endurance of pain and discomfort was therefore one of the qualities
taught to children from an early age. The power to endure was tested from
time to time during children’s play, or at certain stages in a child’s develop-
ment. For example, a boy was not supposed to cry if a calf stepped on him
when he was learning to milk its mother. When a boy was away from home
herding animals, he might have to walk over thorny ground or he might have
no other food to eat except wild fruit and berries. He was not expected to
complain since this was good training for the hardships that he would
experience sooner or later. Girls were also encouraged to practice carrying
quite heavy loads.
The need to bear pain with a stoical indifference was taken so seriously that
initiates were thoroughly conditioned to persevere without flinching during
circumcision. This conditioning was done during the ceremonies that
preceded the circumcision. Singing and dancing took a prominent part and
through songs as well as by means of direct advice the initiates were
exhorted and encouraged to be stoical. Those who showed no signs of pain
were highly praised.
Muumtra kahiu
Ndangtrta mburi
No artire ndeegwa!
He who endures the knife,
Should not eat a goat,
He is fit to eat a bull!49
Endurance is in fact always present in brave and diligent people. It has been
demonstrated in examples that brave people must have the ability to persist
in order to win. The warriors who went to raid the Maasai country had to
endure difficult terrain as well as difficult weather conditions. Cowards were
neither able to face the cold on the mountains nor the combat with the
Maasai warriors.
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Iguoya no ‘ruku, ruku’

Ciorere murangiint nt heho
Na tuthiaka tuiru ta ururu.
These cowards,
May they rot from cold in the bamboo forest
With (their) quivers as black as soot.50
Gikuyu warriors kept their quivers in their mother’s huts, where they were
hung on pegs. A coward’s quiver was black from soot because it was rarely
removed from the peg. A brave warrior’s quiver was red because it con-
stantly rubbed against his shoulder blades which were smeared with red
ochre. Similarly, hunger, thirst, and exhaustion did not deter the diligent from
working long hours or from walking far. These were the necessary
discomforts they had to endure if they were to obtain anything.
Traditional society encouraged its members to exert themselves and to

endure discomfort. People were encouraged to work long hours in the fields.
The Gikuyu distinguished between lazy people, those who started their
midday rest at about 11 a.m. and the ‘excellent workers’ who worked for a
further hour before resting, in order to see ‘evidence of a day’s work
(mihonia). In the long run the latter achieved much more.
Gikuyu women used to carry extremely heavy loads on their backs and they
took pride in this ability. According to the old people interviewed, much of
the singing the people did was meant to make the work seem less, the loads
lighter and the distances shorter. And so people encouraged each other in
song to work a little longer, carry a little more and walk a little farther. For
example, it was the job of young women and grown up girls to go far into the
forest from time to time in order to get good firewood. On those occasions
they tended to carry extra heavy loads partly because these expeditions
were not a daily affair. Not only the firewood must be sufficient to last some
days but on coming home it also had to be shared with one or two other
women. So on top of the main load (which was quite heavy in terms of size
and weight) there was a smaller load (njoherera). Therefore, as they carried
the heavy loads homeward, they sang that they were satisfied that they had
the best firewood and also that their loads would gladden several people in
the village:
Mutt muiru, mutt wa itimu Mutt utart

ndoogo Mutt muiru.
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Black wood, (fit to be) a spear handle

Wood without smoke,
Black wood.
Ikundi no igtrt Hatu no igtrt Hart kta tyai

Na kta muthagaani No njoherera nt Ya
nyina wa Ruhaco No ndagakene!
The piles are but two Only two

There is one for dear mother.
And one for the one who meets me
And the extra one For Ruhaco’s
mother But she shouldn’t rejoice!
When one woman’s load began to lean more on to one side, because she
was beginning to feel tired and to lose control, the others would comment in
song so that she would prop it up and would summon up some more energy
to carry on:
Ndtrerirwo-i murigo nt uinit Wa muka

urta-t twarutire ng’ongo Mutt muiru.
I heard that the load was lopsided,
Of the wife we married from far.
Black wood.
Some of the women would have made arrangements for their friends to
meet them at a rendezvous in order for them to be relieved of the heavy
loads. But even those who, for one reason or another, could not find relief
were not deterred from carrying on. When the ones who had been relieved
and who were now less tired carried their loads into the courtyards, the
exhausted woman was confident that she would be able to carry her load up
to the granaries.
Ngwitwaranira na uri muthagaani Akirekia nja-i Ndekie

makumbiini Muti muiru.
I will go with the one who has a relief

As she (the relieved one) drops (her load) in the courtyard
I will drop (mine) by the granaries
Black wood.
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Similarly, since the trading expeditions to Maasai country were long and
hazardous, the men and women sang as they trekked. The threat of poverty
forbade anyone of thinking the distance too long.
Crossing big rivers was particularly hazardous because the Gikuyu traders
were carrying goods to sell to the Maasai. Rivers did not deter them: first
they sang as if in prayer and then used the most appropriate method of
crossing in the circumstances:
Marewa ndaguthaitha
Ndukandwarire mbaki
Na mukuui wayo
Marewa, I plead with you Do not carry away my tobacco

And its bearer.51
This aspect of courage, fortitude, was also a great help towards the stability
of marriages in traditional society. No man or woman had the illusion that
married life was an easy matter. A man had to look after his wife (or wives if
he was a polygamist) and his children. He had to provide them with ade-
quate clothing, adornments and provisions for food and feasts during the
numerous religious and social ceremonies. The needs of his family forced a
man to be tough and to work constantly. It was a great embarrassment for a
man if his wife returned to her father’s home because he had not provided
for her. Children could also cause their father embarrassment if he failed to
make provisions for their initiation and delayed it.
A married woman had to combine the qualities of fortitude, diligence and

patience. Married life as both wife and mother was demanding. A girl was
advised that she did not get married to be waited upon. A wife had her own
garden where she grew food. She had several stall-fed rams that she
tended, and of course it was her duty to feed her husband and children. She
had numerous other household chores. If the relationship between the
husband and the wife became strained for one reason or another, the wife
was advised not to run away from the situation. Running away meant that
she forfeited the prospect of a settled life and possibly the welfare of her
children. The Gikuyu have a saying, Gutiri kwa arume kwega (No man’s
home is good). This saying originated from a story about a woman who
thought that her husband was harsh because she had a lot of work in his
home. She ran away and joined herself to another man to whom she com-
plained that her first husband was a hard taskmaster. The man told her she
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was welcome to live with him, adding that his home was not without work.
Soon the man was preparing to brew sugarcane beer and so he took the
woman to his sugarcane garden and proceeded to cut down the sugarcane
for her to carry. She could hardly walk under the weight of the sugarcane
load he had made her carry. Under its weight she cried out, Kai gutiri kwa
arume kwega-i (Now I know that no man’s home is good!). She realized her
naivety in thinking that after several trials she would eventually get an ideal
husband.
The middle age informants interpreted courage as the ability to face hard
times (mathiina). These could be times of distress, as when a supportive
member of the family died, when there was scarcity of food or when a whole
herd was wiped out by some disease. Poverty, suffering and other hardships
were likely to follow. In such circumstances, a person was expected to
endure whatever suffering might accompany these circumstances and to
resolve to expect an improvement in his lot.
The informants in the Young Age Group believe that times of emotional
stress call for endurance. Besides the ability to withstand pain and discom-
fort, a person is expected to overcome stress.
The young people were of the opinion that the traditional training in
endurance, with experience like piercing the ears and circumcision, was
worthwhile. Today, circumcision is done in hospitals and any pain felt is
negligible. But some of the informants believe that religious teaching about
trusting God in all distressing circumstances helps a person to endure them.
This is because the person does not feel destitute.
The young informants interpreted the Gikuyu word uumiriru to mean

boldness. They talked of the boldness that people in positions of responsi-
bility need in order to take a firm stand on certain issues. According to the
informants, just as we can talk of the courage to make decisions, this group
felt that since parents, teachers and leaders are in positions of supervision
(.kurugamirira), they should carry out their responsibilities without fear. In
the view of this group, proper understanding of one’s role as a parent or a
teacher gives boldness. Thus a parent will know that he has a right to
discipline his children, and a teacher that he has a right to punish pupils.
Some heads of schools fail to administer schools in the right way, possibly
because they lack courage.
The young people interviewed were of the opinion that older people are
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generally confident in what they are doing. In contrast, many young people
do certain things in fear because they feel that older people don’t approve of
them. They mentioned such things as having boyfriends or girlfriends, and
going to watch films. Young people do not want their parents to know what
they are doing so they find themselves telling lies. Consequently, they do
not lead confident lives.
Courage as gentleness (uhooreri)

Steadfastness was another aspect of courage described by the informants
(the Old Age Group). It was also mentioned by the two other groups. The
informants in the Old Age Group used the word uhooreri, which ordinarily
means humility. In the context of courage, uhooreri means the the quiet
confidence of the person who has control of his emotions.
According to the Old Age Group, the person who combines the qualities of
firmness, gentleness and cordiality is considered courageous. These quali-
ties can be summarized as wisdom (uugi). The truly courageous man is the
wise man. This is demonstrated in several ways.
A wise man prefers to be forbearing (gukiririria) when provoked. He avoids
fighting and getting into strife with people because he discerns the
unpleasant and sometimes regrettable consequence of such conduct. When
provoked, he is more preoccupied with calming himself than with taking up
the challenge. Consider two people who have argued over a matter. One of
them calls people to mediate between them to stop the imminent fight. This
may look cowardly but he is the wiser of the two and is therefore considered
to be the courageous one. He is said to possess gentleness (or
inoffensiveness) and patience. Such people prefer to wait for a matter to be
investigated rather than to jump to conclusions and act unadvisedly. A man
may lose a goat and someone may tell him that a third party has stolen it.
The third party is approached and denies it. The courageous man will wait
patiently for investigations to be carried out. He will not offend the suspect in
any way. But he will be firm in demanding his compensation should the third
party be found guilty of stealing.
The informants in the Old Age Group pointed out, however, that too much
gentleness (kuhoorera) is not a virtue. A person who is too gentle can in fact
be described as a moron. He remains inert or quiet when he could act to
defend his rights. Such a person is despised. He is also the kind of person
who will be exploited.
Some of the middle age informants said that people who strike a balance
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between aggressiveness and gentleness exemplify courage. This was

referred to as gentle firmness. They also spoke about conduct between
husbands and wives as requiring courage. To give an example of what they
meant by gentle firmness, they mentioned that a prudent wife exhibits a
careful balance of the ideals of give and take. She makes no outright
demands on her husband for money, clothes and other provisions.
Nevertheless, she obtains her rights. She manages to do so through her
diligence, fidelity and cordiality. She gives her husband no cause to seek
comfort outside the home he provides for her.52 Another example of gentle
firmness is shown by a wife who, although she knows that she is the one
who in fact controls matters in the household (having the ideas and the
initiative) she will nevertheless be careful never to cause her husband
embarrassment. Besides showing him respect, she is careful when his
friends and age mates visit him at home to show that she respects and
obeys him. She communicates this to them in the way she accords his
guests hospitality and by watching how she speaks to her husband in their
presence.
A third example concerns men. A stupid man tries to show that he is the
boss of his home by being aggressive and thus compelling obedience from
his wife and children. But a wise man knows that his courage as a husband
and father should serve to consolidate (gucokaniriria) his home. He will
therefore behave with maturity (ugima) towards his family. In Gikuyu idiom,
when people say that a person aathaga gwake na thiari (rules his house
with a club) it is because they disapprove of his rashness and his foolish
quarrels with his wife.53
The middle age informants agreed with the older informants that the marital
situation takes a special kind of courage for each partner to live with the
other. In other words, it takes wisdom.
The young people interviewed were similarly of the view that meekness is
an aspect of courage. According to informants in this group, a person should
be able to control himself and to show meekness when such conduct is
called for. For instance, when a boy is visiting a different neighbourhood, he
could be bullied by other boys. Since he is sure to be outnumbered, he
would be wise not to respond to their bullying in order that they might leave
him alone. He does not have to fight to prove that he is courageous.
The old people talked about a related aspect of courage which is seen also
in the person who is usually able to calm strained relationships and emotive
situations. Such a person is often separating contending parties by ‘throwing
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reason’ (guikia ihooto) at the contending parties, like a person who throws
water onto a flaming fire. Such people are often informally asked to mediate
between neighbours and to give them advice (kirira). They are regarded as
njamba because, through this type of generosity, they win people over.
People respect them because they are not presumptuous.
Incentives to courage
When asked the question why courage was valued, the responses showed
that the Gikuyu had definite incentives to courage. They included material
gain, a good reputation, a sense of confidence and security, and justice.
Material gain
The image of a brave warrior who went on a raid to Maasailand, brought
home spoils, gained a high reputation and eventually settled down to a
relatively comfortable life with a family, with land and with livestock was
highly attractive. Equally attractive was the image of a young man who more
than compensated for his lack of bravery in raiding by diligence in tilling the
land. In fact, the diligent cultivator was envied because he managed to
acquire all the domestic animals he needed by trading with his food crops.
The more peaceful but very challenging pursuits of land tillage, animal
husbandry and trade were in fact regarded as more rewarding. Courage was
therefore an asset to anyone who wanted to acquire property and to improve
his lot materially. When the spoils from Maasailand were divided among
warriors, those who had distinguished themselves fighting received greater
rewards. If a brave warrior selected an animal for himself no one felt called
to challenge him.
The Gikuyu feared poverty very much. One of their proverbs states, Kaba
gukua gukira guthiina (It is better to die than to be poverty-stricken). The
need to acquire property was a strong motive for courage. In the traditional
setting of a subsistence economy and polygamous families, where each son
received a share of his father’s possessions, nobody could rely entirely on
inheritance. If one wished to acquire wealth he had to work hard. This fact
was often stressed by wealthy old men when they admonished young
people, encouraging them to be diligent.54
Personal ownership of property was one way of catering for personal

welfare. The society made it clear to the individual that it was obliged to
carry him, but not the whole way. Through direct counsel and through
experience the individual was urged to aim at material self-sufficiency and
honour. Existential wisdom had shown that, Kinya kiri itina ni kio kiigaga (A
196
gourd with a flat bottom stands firm on its own). The individual was
persuaded on a number of scores to seek self-sufficiency. Bata
ndurutanagwo (A person’s need cannot be fully met by other people). There
are certain needs the society is not willing to shoulder for the individual.
Mundu ndaguragiruo muka na akagemerio (A man does not have a wife
married and adorned for him). People may be willing to give but they can
never give sufficiently. Cia uhooyo itiyuragia ikumbi (That which comes from
charity is never sufficient to fill a granary).
Well-wishers may happen not to have anything to spare in spite of a beg-

gar’s dire need. Uhooi uraragiria mwana (Habitual begging makes one’s
child sleep hungry). Above all, the individual who had made a habit of
begging earned disrespect for himself. Also, the state of dependence on
others undermined the individual’s self-esteem and confidence. He had to
swallow some humiliation and insults from his benefactors. Hence the
proverb, Githumbi gitire ngoro (A beggar (who works for other people for
small rewards of food) has no self-respect). Therefore, for the sake of
independence and respectability the individual had to be concerned about
personal property. It was even better if he could own more than average.
When western education was first introduced into Gikuyu country, it was the
courageous people who were not afraid of its challenges. These courageous
pioneers were at a material advantage in the new social order resulting from
the introduction of western culture. Characteristically, in this new social and
economic order, the Gikuyu youth began to clamour for the kind of weapons
that would enable them to survive in the new world.
Koruo nt ndemi na mathaathi Baba ndagwttia

ktruugu Njoke ngwttie itimu na ngo.
Baba, rtu ngugwttia gtthoomo
If it were ndemi and mathaathi

Father, I would ask you for a meat feast.
Then ask you for a spear and a shield But
Father, I now ask you for an education.
The middle age informants were also of the opinion that a good education
and a diligent search for property will reward a person materially. According
to them, a good education and material benefits are both fruits of labour.
This group observes that trouble, necessity and desperation are all
inducements to courage. When a person is threatened by imminent poverty
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there is nothing left for him to do but to take courage. Today in Kenya, it is
not usual to find that a person who at one time was destitute is now the
owner of property. The major reason for this change of fortune would be his
determination to be courageous and improve his lot.
The middle age informants, as well as the young people were aware that in
traditional society people did not become rich without either the courage to
raid the Maasai or to till the land. The young people observed that today a
diligent farmer who amasses property together with a good education will
get good results. A courageous person becomes rich quickly because he is
able to do things of which other people are afraid. However, misdirected
effort brings poor results. Some of the young people mentioned that they
had been advised by their parents and grandparents to aim high.
Good reputation
In traditional society, a good reputation was a highly valued non-material
reward for courage. The word njamba (which was applied to the brave, the
diligent and the enduring alike) was a conferred title. Only those persons
who excelled in the eyes of society were referred to as njamba: they had
won the respect of the public. Such were the initiates who did not fear the
circum- cisers’ knife. In adult life they were expected not to flinch at
difficulties.
Often people expressed their respect and honour to the courageous people
by way of material gifts. Sometimes these gifts were quite small tokens of
respect as when people holding a meat feast saw a man of reputation
passing by and invited him to share “because a man like you should not
pass by without being given something" People regarded it as a privilege to
give such a person something. Hence the proverb Kiri hinya kiriaigira mwari
wene (A strong man is invited to eat (in a feast) for a maiden though he is no
relative of hers!) A Gikuyu song says:
Nyama njeru
Itaheeagwo
Ndamtheirwo
Ndaiyukta gathiaka.
The prime white meat I used

not to be given I began to be
given it When I took up the
quiver.55
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Public appreciation was therefore an incentive to courage. By the same

token, brave warriors who had killed Maasai warriors and therefore had
qualified to sing the special warrior song known as kaari collected many
sheep and goats from their relatives.
Although the middle age informants did not talk about reputation, they were
of the opinion that a desire for respect is an incentive to courage. Those who
lack courage are despised and are sometimes ill-treated as well. Therefore,
a strong motive for courage is a desire to put a stop to any tendency by
other people to despise one. Some of the informants quoted the Gikuyu
proverb that says Mumenwo arutagwo mbaki iniuru (The despised person
gets his snuff removed from his nostril). But people do not take advantage of
the courageous. Hence the saying, Wa njamba witigagirwo uri thiaka (The
arrow of the heroic warrior is feared while still in the quiver). Besides, a
courageous person is exemplary and people will not only remember him but
will also emulate him.
The young people also commented that courage is worthwhile because the
courageous have a good reputation and are respected. Such people are
normally given leadership. The names of courageous men, such as
Wangombe wa Ihura and Dedan Kimathi, live on long after their death.
Younger generations who hear of them may emulate them and become
heroic themselves. The proverb Kaba gukua ngumo ituure (Better to die and
your reputation lives on) was repeated by several informants. The
informants said they have grown to value courage because people do not
like cowards.
Confidence
Another incentive to courage was confidence. The courageous person had
to have confidence in the first place but an act of courage confirmed the
confidence one had and induced more confidence. The traditional Gikuyu
society encouraged its members to meditate on mental ideas that would
foster confidence. Expressions such as gutiri undu utuuraga (nothing lasts)
and itikuuagwo igiri (people do not die twice) encouraged people to face up
to any ordeal or challenge. The accomplishment of any kind of feat helped to
give people confidence, so that they were prepared to repeat it and to
improve on their performance the next time. The old people interviewed
stressed that self-pity did not benefit a person and that it was always good
policy to face up to things and leave it to God to pity one if one deserved
pity. In this connection, the Gikuyu have a saying, Njamba ihoyaga Ngai (He
who has courage prays to God). This proverb means that the courageous
person is sustained by the thought that God helps in every genuine,
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reasonable effort. Another proverb says, Kaba kuririwo ni Ngai gukira

kwiririra (Better to be pitied by God than to nurse self-pity). This proverb is
told with the conviction that God deals compassionately with those who
show him not the tears of despondency and despair but evidence of real
effort to combat problems. Hence the proverb, Ngai ateithagia witeithiitie
(God helps those who help themselves.)
The middle age people interviewed agreed with the old people that since
nothing lasts, an attitude of confidence helps people to meet any crisis. The
informants pointed out that even when there is no material gain, a person
enjoys a sense of achievement from a courageous deed.
On the same issue, the young people said that courage makes a person
secure: people do not play the fool with him. It also gives a person confi-
dence in whatever he is doing. If a person is holding a position of respon-
sibility, confidence makes him feel up to it.
There is a necessary relationship between courage and optimism or con-
fidence. Optimism is part of confidence so that courageous people generally
are keen to try something new. Optimism induces courage and the results of
courage keep optimism alive. Traditional society encouraged its members to
cultivate optimism so that they could conduct themselves with confidence.
With optimism, they faced the reality of hard work. Nothing short of courage
brought the welfare of one and all. Proverbially they said, Gutiri kihonia
kiega (No cure is nice). That is, all things that bring about the people’s
welfare are acquired through sweat. Therefore, people should honour work
and apply themselves diligently.
Justice
Justice was an incentive to courage in two ways. First, it was considered just
that every individual should acquire personal property and to have the right
to such property. Justice also required that a man should safeguard his
property and this required courage. Secondly, the duty to uphold justice as it
affected every area of life was a reason for courage.
The Gikuyu understanding of justice (kihooto) as the reasonable way of

things, meant that courage was essential for the protection of the family.
According to the young informants, any behaviour that is not reasonable
should be resisted. This includes standing up against outsiders who interfere
with one’s home, resisting thieves, and intervening if parents are quarrelling
unreasonably. These are instances when justice demands courage. Justice
therefore becomes a motive for courage.
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There is a strong relationship between courage and justice. Good reason

must motivate courageous acts; otherwise courage is not a virtue. Fighting
without a sense of right merely provokes strife and only achieves discord.
Physical fighting is a foolish approach to disputes; peaceful means, such as
litigation and discussion, bring more satisfying solutions.
Conclusion
The various aspects of courage described in this chapter have
demonstrated that courage was traditionally a high moral value. At the
individual level, it was reasonable that a person should be courageous. The
courageous person acquired wealth that not only met his material needs but
also gave him a measure of independence; it also helped to earn him an
honoured place in society.
Thus, bravery was valued but too much bravery became foolhardiness. The
foolhardy over-reached himself in his aggressiveness, and this resulted in
foolish fights or insults. The foolhardy only succeeded in souring relation-
ships and creating enemies.
Certain traditional values on courage still hold among the younger genera-
tions, as shown by the responses of the younger informants.
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C H AP T E R 6
TEMPERANCE (WIKINDIRIA)
View s of Earl y Writers

One aspect of temperance which traditional society valued highly was self-
control, especially under strong provocation. To work oneself into a rage
was regarded as foolish and a threat to peace in the home and in the
community.1 Instead, people were encouraged to address each other
calmly, even cheerfully, even if they might have grievances against each
other and in spite of the fact that their inner feelings might be the complete
opposite of being peaceful and cheerful. Mistaking self-control for
cheerfulness, Routledge and Cagnolo thought that the Gikuyu were quick to
forget their troubles, or that they managed to be cheerful in spite of their
circumstances. According to Routledge, “In disposition the Akikuyu are
naturally cheerful, merry, loquacious, and laughter-loving, soon forgetting
their troubles and lacking the spirit of vindictiveness.”2
Traditional society expected people to be temperate in their eating and in

their sexual behaviour; self-control was valued. In this connection, Rout-
ledge observes that the Gikuyu, though they were shrewd in matters of
business, were “wanting in .... greediness.”3 Children and young people
were taught not to be greedy. Senior warriors sometimes took considerable
trouble to organize an object lesson in order to teach newly initiated young
men never to disgrace themselves by over-eating or eating greed- ily.4
Lugard, the pioneer empire builder in East Africa, noted in his diary a
“marvellous sight” he had witnessed of some hungry Gikuyu men eating
meat. Contrary to his expectation they ate “not gluttonously or wolfishly but
with good manners, giving each other some.”5
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Temperance (w~kind~ra)
Regarding the drinking of beer, the written sources are generally agreed that
the Gikuyu exercised moderation. Young men abstained in order to devote
themselves to military duties.6 Commenting on the drinking habits of elders,
Leakey says that the elders did not drink beer only for pleasure. He says:
“The vast majority of occasions when beer was consumed were connected
with religious rites and ceremonies"7
The literature has quite a lot to say about temperance in the context of
sexual behaviour. The other writers do not support Cagnolo’s views about
Gikuyu sexual morality. He says, for instance, that parents did not concern
themselves about the sexual behaviour of their children since children
“cannot beget before puberty" He describes Gikuyu dances as occasions of
“great corruption, bringing men to the level of beast.”8 But Leakey observes
that although Gikuyu children had considerable freedom, “they received a
great deal of instruction from their parents” and were “subjected to a good
deal of discipline.” He goes on to say that at puberty children were allowed
to play at having sexual intercourse but parents “constantly warned them
against actual sexual intercourse" Mothers examined their daughters from
time to time and the knowledge that this would happen was usually enough
to make girls “obey the rules laid down for them" Kenyatta and Leakey both
say that children’s dances were attended by grown-ups in order to ensure
good conduct. According to Kabetu, the familiarity achieved at dances did
not lead to promiscuity.
From what the literature says, it seems that two methods were used to help
people exercise self-control with regard to sexual behaviour. First, people
were taught to treat the opposite sex with great respect. According to Bar-
low’s informant, during the final preparations for initiation, both girls and
boys were accommodated in the same facilities in order to be instructed.
They were specifically instructed to regard each other as brothers and
sisters, not as lovers.9 The same attitude was required of the warriors when
they raided the Maasai. Any warrior who captured a Maasai girl was to treat
her as if he were her brother or guardian; on no account was he to have
sexual intercourse with her.10 Secondly, people were taught to prize a good
reputation highly. Intemperate behaviour earned a person a bad reputation.
During nguiko, for instance, the question of reputation was at stake.11
According to Kenyatta, behaviour leading to conception was “absolutely
against the tribal law" and “The law punishes it by imposing social stigma
upon the offenders.”12
If conception should result from the behaviour of two young people, the man
paid a heavy fine and in addition he was “made a social outcast ... by all the
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young men and girls of his own age group.”13 The girl was punished by
being made to provide a feast for the men and for her age-mates. She was
also “liable for ridicule”14 If a man tried to remove a girl’s garments during
nguiko he ran the risk of being avoided by girls “as they would not trust or
have confidence in him.”15
Whereas the society did not limit the individual freedom to pursue pleasure,
people were encouraged to exercise moderation. For instance, when there
was a dance that might go on for many days, people commended as wise
the people who danced for a short period, say eight days, and then turned
their minds to other things, like trade or cultivation.16
Temperance as abstention (k wThinga)

A temperate person exercised abstention (kwiima). According to the infor-
mants, to abstain is to avoid doing something that is within one’s power to
do because of some reason important to the person concerned. For
instance, married people might avoid sexual intercourse for a period of time
because of certain ceremonies taking place in the home.
The old people interviewed distinguished between a ‘public ban’ (muhingo)

and a ‘self-imposed ban’ (kwihinga) in order to emphasize the element of
personal decision involved in abstention. In traditional society both types of
prohibition were observed and although they served similar purposes they
were quite distinct. In muhingo some organized group in society imposed
the ban and the individuals concerned were required to comply. For
example, the council might decide that in order to enhance the strength and
discipline of the regiments for defence, certain age groups must not drink
beer for a certain number of seasons. This meant that all warriors in the
affected age groups, including those married with children who had a right to
drink, must abstain from it. If a particular warrior had a ceremony in his
home that required him to drink beer he sipped a little and instead of
swallowing it, he spat it on his chest. No affected warrior was allowed to
drink until the ban was lifted.
The practice of public bans helped people in their self-imposed ban to a

large extent. Since public opinion was strongly against contravening the
ban, it was not difficult for an individual to abstain, say, from beer. However,
‘to prohibit oneself’ (kwihinga) was quite distinct from ‘to comply with a
prohibition’ which was what muhingo required. In kwihinga, a person had to
be personally persuaded or convinced that to abstain from certain things
and habits was the best course for him or her. There was always a minority
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of intemperate people who were unable to abstain. These earned for

themselves the notorious title “mischievous” or “wicked” (imaramari)
because they did not abstain from sexual intercourse when it was advisable
to do so. Also, whereas young men were required to assist in the brewing of
beer but were not allowed to drink it, there were a few who ‘drank a little’
(gukunda kanini). Such people became addicted to alcohol to the extent that
they were perpetually helping other people to brew beer so that they could
drink a little at each place. Although warriors and young women were
prohibited from drinking beer, during festivities such as marriages, the
festive mood was such that few did abstain. They had to ensure, however,
that their fathers did not see them either drinking or being drunk. It was
taken for granted that a son was prohibited from drinking beer until his father
formally gave him permission. This normally happened when the son’s first-
born child was ready for initiation into adulthood. Ceremonial drinking was
part of the important rituals associated with initiation and the youth’s father
had to participate in the drinking. But, as was pointed out before, if he was
still engaged in military service and his child was being initiated when he
was ‘compelled’ to abstain by public ban, he sipped a bit and spat the beer
on his chest.
Traditionally, the Gikuyu associated abstention with sexual morality and the
drinking of intoxicants, and to some extent with the taking of snuff by
women. Many women abstained from taking snuff because the habit of
kuhooya mbaki (going to beg for snuff) from other people usually led to
gossip and loss of time that should have been spent on more useful activi-
ties. Also a woman could be visiting a man-friend under the pretext of
begging for snuff.
Abstention from sexual intercourse

Regarding traditional sexual behaviour among the Gikuyu, the informants
made a distinction between nguiko and sexual intercourse. These were two
different forms of sexual behaviour and they served different purposes.
Nguiko belonged properly to the post-initiation period, prior to settled
married life. The essential purpose of nguiko was the ‘mutual nurture’
(kurerana) of the young adults of both sexes. It was also referred to as kuria
wanake na uiriitu (to enjoy youthfulness). The informants emphasized that
the initiated young people were only interested in each other’s nyondo na
njoya (breasts and warmth). That is, nguiko involved limited sex play. The
atmosphere of mutual attraction and bodily warmth of the opposite sexes
were believed to effect vigorous development of the whole person. 17 The
practice of nguiko was strictly controlled, with definite rules to be observed.
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The couples engaging in nguiko were forbidden from behaving as if they

were married to each other. Sexual intercourse belonged properly to the
married state where the married couple engaged in it for procreation, for
various ceremonial purposes centred in the home, or for mutual pleasure.
With that distinction between nguiko and sexual intercourse in mind, when
the older informants talked about abstention they referred to the latter
practice. In traditional Gikuyu society unmarried young people were required
by customary law and morality to abstain from sexual intercourse. Before
initiation, boys and girls were ‘children’ so they did not even practice
nguiko.18 While nguiko was considered proper for initiated young men and
women they were under public ban from sexual intercourse.
A large majority of the unmarried young people succeeded in abstaining

from sexual intercourse. They succeeded because they were taught to
regard sexual intercourse between unmarried people as taboo (mugiro). 19 In
practical terms, they respected themselves and each other and therefore it
was easy to abstain. A young man of the warrior class was generally
regarded as “a chip of God” (kienyu kia Ngai). Any behaviour by him or by
his girl friends that might affect his fortune was to be avoided. The girl
attracted to him had a responsibility to help him avoid engaging in illicit
sexual behaviour. A virgin was regarded as gathirange (pure); her parents
had brought her up properly. Her integrity and the authority of her parents
protected her from being violated. So any young man who might unlawfully
be practicing nguiko with her had to remember that she belonged to her
parents until by good fortune a particular man would claim her as wife. 20
This lesson was impressed on young men from early boyhood when they
began to attend dances with age mates of the opposite sex. When boys and
girls performed the ngucu dance, for instance, a boy would sing:
Nit nyiniite na karia Keeragwo ni ithe,

“Ndookera.”
I am dancing with the special little (girl).

To whom her father says,
‘Call on me early in the morning.’
To that another boy would respond:

O na wainwo,
Ndugaakene.
No mugurani uri Ngai.
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Though she dances with you

Don’t be happy.
One’s spouse is chosen by God.21_
Therefore, young people learned from an early age to associate with each
other in dance and later in nguiko, but they did not preoccupy their minds
with sex.
The informants gave two reasons why young people were strongly advised
to abstain from sexual intercourse. The first reason concerned the proper
development of the whole person. The habit of engaging in sexual inter-
course could easily lead to conception before the young people concerned
were ready for the heavy responsibilities of setting up a home and bringing
up children. Traditional society considered it very important that after ini-
tiation young people should spend some time in the state of maidenhood
and warriorhood before entering upon the responsibilities of married life. The
period of life between initiation and married life was expected to be a period
of physical and moral maturing. In the words of an informant, they were
supposed to ‘become solid’ (kumata). In the belief that like produces like, the
young people were expected to have developed into physically and morally
strong people before they began to produce offspring.
The second reason concerned the integrity of the individual and his or her
reputation. The majority of people aspired to a dignified life. A pregnancy
outside of marriage did not contribute towards what people aspired to. An
unmarried girl who became pregnant was considered impatient and lacking
in foresight. It was an ‘accident’ that damaged her reputation and which
might lead to general disorder on her part. Her age mates despised and
ostracized her; her parents were embarrassed and her prospective spouse
rejected her. If the man responsible for the pregnancy did not marry her she
faced the prospect of eventually marrying a man not of her choice. A young
man who caused a pregnancy was suddenly faced with expenses, as he
was required to pay compensation for the pregnancy. If the girl should die in
childbirth before he had paid compensation for the pregnancy, he had to pay
compensation for the pregnancy and pay compensation for manslaughter.
Like the girl, he too suffered disrepute.
However, a small minority of young people indulged in mischief
(umaramari). A young man might persuade a girl to have sexual intercourse
with him secretly. He would give her a verbal oath (muuma wa kanua) never
to tell anyone about his action. But if the girl fell ill and the diviner/ medicine
man discerned that her illness was due to defilement (thaahu), she had to
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confess before treatment was prescribed. There was also the occasional
young man who frequented the home of an elder in the latter’s absence and
visited one of his wives. Such an illicit affair was bound to be discovered by
his age mates. When that happened, he would be punished secretly by
being commanded to provide them with an animal for slaughter (ngoima).
The age mates made sure that the matter was kept secret for two reasons.
First, such behaviour put the whole age set into disrepute. Secondly, if the
matter became publicized, relationships in the home of the wronged elder
would be strained. There was also the occasional girl who made the habit of
visiting her man friend alone in his hut. Such conduct was bound to lead to
pregnancy.
Within the married state, abstention from sexual intercourse was observed
at specific periods in the life of the woman concerned. This was mainly
because of the need to space children and thus to ensure the future health
of the children she conceived and bore. Here the responsibility lay mostly on
the wife. She abstained from sexual intercourse from the third month of
pregnancy until the time when she had weaned the baby. To indicate the
proper time when another child should be born, the informants used
expressions such as, “The child should be able to run on his own in case of
danger,” “The child should be able to tell his mother ‘let me hold the baby for
you.’”22 During the period when the woman could legitimately conceive
another child she abstained from sex for the seven days of her menses.
According to my informants, if a man had only one wife, he was obliged to

abstain from sexual intercourse when his wife did. If he had no hut (thin-
gira), he also could seek food and accommodation among his male age
mates in the neighbourhood.
Abstention from beer drinking

Besides the ban imposed on certain warrior classes for military purposes,
there were other reasons why young men abstained from beer. One reason,
according to informants in the Old Age Group was the respect sons had for
their fathers. Whether a son was married or unmarried he abstained from
beer drinking until his father gave him permission to drink. Part of the reason
for this was that much of the beer brewed in a home was for ceremonial
purposes, and it was the father who performed these ceremonies for the
family. Therefore, the beer belonged to the father and his sons could not
drink it without his permission. At the time when it became necessary for a
married son to perform ceremonies for his own wife and children, his father
formally gave him permission to drink.
208
Another consideration that made people abstain from alcohol was material
welfare. In traditional society only the wealthy old men had the right to drink
for pleasure. Having worked diligently during their younger days in order to
ensure their welfare in old age, they could afford to relax. In the words of an
informant, “Wealthy old men have wives, grown-up male and female
children, cattle, goats and gardens. Since you (poor man) do not have these
things, what right have you to drink?”23
Temperance as self-control (gwT thima)

The old people interviewed described temperance also as self-control.
Traditionally, gwithima was practiced in connection with the drinking of beer,
the eating of food in public and in sexual intercourse. The ability or inability
of individuals to exercise moderation in these matters distinguished the
temperate from the intemperate person. The temperate person was
decorous, mainly because he or she was mindful of his or her personal
esteem and welfare. On the contrary, the intemperate person was greedy.
The informants interpreted greed as love of self, a behaviour that does not
take other people’s needs into account. The intemperate person basically
has lost the proper perspective regarding personal esteem and welfare.
Therefore, the conduct of such a person lacks decorum.
Self-control was especially exhibited in a person’s behaviour with respect to
eating and drinking.
Self-control in beer drinking

In traditional society, beer drinking was the privilege of elders in their later
years. It was brewed in homes for various ceremonial purposes. The par-
ticipation of the elder was essential so that for him there was no question of
abstention. What the temperate elder did was to drink in moderation.
Drinking in moderation was regarded as important because, although people

did not dislike beer, they found faults with it. Excess with respect to drink
caused a person to ‘lose the sense of himself’ (kwirigwo). In that state he
might act indecently. For instance, he might fall along a path where children
or his in-laws might see him lying immodestly. He might fall down in his
courtyard and this was taboo.24 He might stagger and fall on a tree stump
and hurt himself. A drunkard was also vulnerable to wild animals such as
leopards or even hyenas because he was too weak to fight them or run for
cover. Quarrels and serious fights could result from drinking excessively.
Also, while an elder spent his time in a drunken stupor, his duties of tending
domestic animals would be neglected.
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In traditional society, only disrespectable, greedy people drank excessively.

Such people were referred to as andu a nda (people of the stomach). They
went around homes, helping to brew beer. Since they were entitled to drink
some of it for their services, they soon got drunk. Decent people drank in
only one home and decided they had had enough.
A self-respecting elder maintained his sobriety in spite of drinking beer. This

he did by drinking up to a self-imposed level referred to as gukinyia njano
(up to the mark). This was not so much a question of the quantity of beer he
drank. In fact, his attitude to beer and his manner of drinking determined
how much he drank. Also, the environment in which he drank determined
the amount he would take. Since beer was brewed in homes for a particular
purpose the elder was either the host or an invited guest. The atmosphere
was genial and respectful: Gikuyu convention demanded that he observed
decorum. He would therefore determine that he was not going to lose his
sense. Ordinarily, the beer was part of a complete meal so that the elder
associated it closely with whatever else there was to eat. He could say he
had had enough beer in the same way he could say he had eaten to
satisfaction.
Normally, an elder invited another elder to his home when he wished to give
him beer. The latter brought along with him his small drinking horn.
According to convention, an invited guest like that was given porridge, food
and meat before beer was produced. During the conversation, the elder
would be holding his horn of beer, taking occasional sips. By the end of the
visit he would have drunk four or five small hornfuls. He did not gulp down
his beer because that manner of drinking would not only make him drunk,
but would cause him to be regarded as greedy.
Self-control in eating
In traditional Gikuyu society, a person could cause permanent damage to
his reputation by the manner in which he conducted himself when eating in
public. If a person who made a casual visit to a home was offered a half-
calabash of porridge, emptied it and asked for more, it suggested that he
was greedy. If he emptied several half-calabashes his hostess would decide
that he did not deserve to be offered any food unless there was plenty to
spare. When eating food in public, the temperate individual preferred to
behave decorously even if this might mean he did not eat enough.
According to the informants, what was wrong with the greedy person was
that he rated himself as more important than other people. He was someone
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who exalted himself (mwikiriri) and behaved as if he deserved preferential

treatment. People said of him, Mwikiriri ndatigagia mucuri (He who serves
himself does not overlook the handle of the calabash).25 This means that
when a greedy person serves himself, he fills the container completely,
leaving nowhere to hold it. This was regarded as foolish behaviour because
this intemperance served only to scandalize him while it did not affect the
welfare of other people. Hence another saying, Mukoroku atharaga maai
(The greedy person grabs water). In other words, he who is greedy will
make a spectacle of himself over a commodity as plentiful as water merely
to quench his thirst. In contrast, the temperate person would patiently wait
his turn. If he takes food in public, he will serve himself a moderate amount.
When sealing a marriage deal, at the time when the stall-fed ram (ngoima)
was slaughtered for the clan, clansmen reputed as temperate would be
selected to divide the meat. On account of the many people participating in
the feast, each could only receive a small portion. Failure to serve each
participant might cause some people to grumble. At meat feasts connected
with lawsuits, the elder requested to divide the meat for the three categories
of elders present, was particularly careful not to earn himself the disrespect
of young elders (kamatimu) on account of greed.26
At home, a mother might not consider herself to be in the public eye but in
fact she was. This was particularly true during famine. Since her family
looked up to her for food, she often preferred to eat less herself so that she
might give her husband and her children a little more. When the children
continued to thrive in spite of the famine, they appreciated their mother for
the importance she attached to their well being.
Temperance as caution (w7menyere ri)

Temperance was also described as caution (wimenyereri). Wimenyereri is
derived from the verb kwimenyerera which means ‘to take care of oneself’ or
‘to guard oneself.’ It is commonly used in connection with any situation or
circumstance that involves risk to one-self. It is also the word used in
connection with sexual relationships.
According to the old people interviewed, in traditional society, a mother
normally warned her daughter to wimenyerere (take care of yourself) as she
played and danced with boys. The girl was warned that to engage in
careless play or in illicit sexual intercourse was tantamount to kwiananga
(destroying yourself). That is, such conduct could affect her reputation and
the prospects of a properly settled life.
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The informants emphasized that the responsibility to observe caution rested

primarily with the individual. When a girl was sexually assaulted, the term
used was kunyitwo (to be forced/raped) or guthuukio (to be destroyed),
indicating that the circumstances were beyond her control.27 Growing girls
were encouraged by their parents to report to them any man who made
indecent advances to them; such men were severely dealt with. Therefore,
girls knew that when they refused to yield sexually to a man they had the
support and approval of their families. One of the informants recounted how
a man she knew quite well one day approached her as she was drawing
water at a spring. He told her to let him touch her genitalia and she inno-
cently told him that she must first ask her father whether she should allow
anybody to touch her. The man thought she was joking, but she hurried
home and went straight to her father’s hut where she found him conversing
with another elder. She took the courage to interrupt them and reported the
matter. The following day, her father sent for the man and for a few elders
from the neighbourhood. The man was fined six goats for his misconduct.
When the girl was eventually initiated, her age group was given the name,
huutia ngoige (touch me and I will report you!). Traditional society did not
take chances with small beginnings that might lead to sexual violation. The
society protected small girls as well as women. But they had to play their
part in discouraging behaviour that could lead to sexual assault. Hence,
wimenyereri.
In connection with sexual caution then, the informants said that women,
being more vulnerable, have greater responsibility. The informants further
quoted the maxim, Njuguma njega yumaga ikuuriro (A good club comes
from its source). In other words, a child becomes an upright adult only if he
or she has been trained to be upright from early childhood. In this connec-
tion, the informants emphasized that girls were constantly warned to take
care of themselves. Instruction on how to conduct themselves accompanied
the warning; proper conduct included not exposing the genitalia.
Accordingly, a small girl was dressed in a small skin made up of several soft
skin strips. As the little girl played with small boys in the uninhibited manner
of small children, her genitalia were on the whole out of sight. A small girl
was also taught to ‘sit properly’ because she ‘was not a boy.’ Before
initiation, she was often warned that, if she engaged in sexual intercourse,
this action would come to be known during her circumcision. She would be
ridiculed and would not heal quickly. After initiation she was warned that if
she engaged in sexual activities, other than the approved mutual fondling
(nguiko), the matter would be known at the time of her marriage and she
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would be ridiculed by her husband and ostracized by the women.
When a girl was approaching adolescence she was provided with three
garments. Henceforth, she continued to wear these three garments. They
included a pubic apron (mwengu), a fork-tailed half skirt which overlapped
the apron some way, and a long cloak. The practical function of these gar-
ments was to cover her nakedness. The two inner garments were also used
for protection during nguiko. A girl learnt the technique and the habit of
overlapping and tucking in her apron and skirt every time she sat down and
every time she engaged in nguiko.28
To guard against illicit sex among the young, other measures were also
employed. Adults regarded young people’s dances seriously and they were
therefore carefully organized. Dances involving uninitiated boys and girls
were held in homesteads and adults watched and cheered the young
dancers. Under indirect adult supervision, the children were being exposed
to each other in order to acquire the habit of association without indulging in
mischief (umaramari). As far as initiated young people were concerned, a
girl did not attend a dance unless accompanied by a young man whom she
and her parents trusted to take good care of her. This was usually a relative
or a neighbour. The dances themselves had appointed supervisors who
ensured discipline.
After young girls were initiated they joined the company of older girls (after
paying them some inducement). The older girls instructed them regarding
the correct relationship between girls and young men. This was practical
education regarding prohibitions, rights and privileges. For instance, the girls
were told how to secure their garments when visiting men’s huts.
They were instructed always to visit a man’s hut as a group. Girls were
advised not to be committed to any man until there was a formal
engagement to a particular person. After this, she had to stop any further
nguiko until after marriage when the couple would legitimately have sexual
intercourse. The girl was instructed on ways of alerting the others if in the
course of nguiko a man made extra-ordinary advances to her. In such
circumstances she and her companions had a right to express their anger
by beating the offending man, demolishing his bed and henceforth
boycotting his hut.
Parents kept a close watch on their daughter’s physical development. She

was instructed to report to her mother the commencement of her first
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menses so that they could perform the rite of kuoerwo for her.29 After this
ceremony, the girl was regarded as a mature person (mundu mugima). For
a girl to hide her first menses would be considered a very serious matter.
Should she become pregnant without kuoerwo having been done she would
be referred to as muiriitu wa muonjo (a crippled maiden) and it would be
difficult for her to find a husband.
A married woman took care of herself by ensuring that she did not conceive
too often because she was likely to suffer ill health and overwork. Besides,
she would be ridiculed by other women.
Although a young man did not need to observe stringent measures in regard
to sex, he was nevertheless required to behave responsibly towards his
female acquaintances. If a man made a girl pregnant his father would
usually prevail upon him to marry the girl. A young man was keen to marry
out of love; he was therefore careful not to make such a mistake.
There was one important issue that the initiated young man himself had to
take care of, particularly if he was handsome and attracted many girls. Girls
would pamper such a person with attention, taking food to his hut, engaging
him in conversation and nguiko and favouring him during dances. As a
result, he might spend a lot of time grooming himself. He would then have
little time to engage in economic pursuits that would enable him to obtain
wealth with which to marry a wife. Meantime, his less handsome age mates
would be concentrating on activities that rewarded them with prosperity.
Since girls were not obliged to marry those they enjoyed their youth with,
they would eventually abandon the handsome man and marry men with
property. Girls preferred such men because their diligence was an insurance
against poverty. They were also more settled as marriage partners. A
handsome man who was wise would therefore limit the time he spent with
his girl admirers so that he might concern himself with pursuits that would
enable him to obtain property.
Temperance as steadfastness (uk irT nria)

The old people interviewed also described temperance as steadfastness
(ukirtrtria). Steadfastness appeared to be an essential characteristic of the
temperate person. Among the qualities evident in the temperate person,
patience and wisdom ranked high. Such a person was reasonable and did
not allow emotions to control him. He was also steadfast when he set his
mind on something.
The informants in the Old Age Group said that the temperate person has
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patience or forbearance (ukirtrtria muraya). He is able to quell his anger

when provoked, to restrain his hand from hitting someone and to refrain his
tongue from decrying another. A person like that does not engage in fights
even when other people challenge him and suggest he is a coward. The
temperate person prefers peace because he knows the damaging effect of
strife in the community. For this reason he is careful of what he says about
anybody to people who might report his words. He considers there is
nothing to be gained from disparaging others.
In connection with land tillage and marriage relationships, another related

quality that the temperate people had was single-mindedness. An informant
had this to say:
It is a great error for a people to fail to grasp the things that ensure their
preservation. Other nations do not allow foreigners to teach their children
because they want to give their own children a way of life. The Gikuyu are
‘the house of the digging stick’ and a child was given a garden of his own
so that he may learn to cultivate.30
According to this informant, the experience of land tillage taught people to

believe in the purpose of effort and of human relationships. Regarding
tillage, a child learnt early that a diligent person does not give up on a piece
of land merely because it is difficult to make it produce a high yield. Instead,
he accepted the necessity of patient effort in crop husbandry and eventually
acquired livestock through the sale of his crops.
The lesson from land tillage was applicable to the marriage relationship. The
same informant said that a marriage was contracted in the traditional society
so that a home might be established. A home was considered to be the
security of every man, woman and child, the place where every individual
had his basic roots. This understanding made each party to a marriage
determined to honour it, however difficult the marriage relationship might be.
In practical terms, this meant that the married couple cultivated patience and
sympathy with each other. Even if there might be reasons to behave dif-
ferently, each partner to the marriage was advised to be diligent in making
the home because this was their security. Marriage partners resolved to
honour their marriage because children needed to be reared well; they
needed to grow up in an atmosphere of friendship, goodwill and stability.
There were two main reasons for this. First, children needed to have a
special attachment to their home. If they left home they should be happy to
return. This would include their willingness to assist their aging or ailing
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parents. Secondly, children needed to recognize their parents as such and

to accept their authority.
Upon marriage, a girl was obliged to respect her husband’s authority

(watho). This meant that she stopped showing interest in any of her previous
male associates. She was advised that in marriage there was no room for
fecklessness. She had to resolve that her marriage to this particular man
was final and had to stop thinking that somebody else might have made a
better husband. She was obliged to settle down to a life of harmony with her
husband; this entailed agreeing with him and feeding him well (kumumenya
nda).31
On his part, a man was advised that husbands should not rule their home in
a despotic manner. A man won his authority over his wife precisely by
winning her respect and this was best accomplished by demonstrating his
own respect for her. For instance, he would show his preference for her by
treating her kindly.
The informants also mentioned an aspect of steadfastness (ukiririria) that

concerns restraint from stealing. They maintained that the traditional Gikuyu
believed that there was no sure way to riches except through diligence in
tilling the land. The results of good husbandry were slow but certain. Raiding
the Maasai for cattle was risky as a warrior might be killed in the process.
Stealing other people’s property did not pay as it was heavily punished.
Some of the informants in the Middle Age Group observed that when a
person had been placed in charge of a public store with commodities like
sugar and cooking oils, it would take steadfastness to leave the provisions
alone and go to the shops to buy the same commodities for himself. The
informants in the Young Age Group also referred to such a circumstance to
point out that it takes a strong character to forego the temptation to steal.
Temperance in modern times
Without exception, informants expressed their concern at the change that
has taken place in relation to the virtue of temperance: change has been
fast, bewildering and disconcerting. The indications that it is continuing are
disheartening to the majority of the informants. The prevailing conduct in
relation to sex and alcohol is viewed as a threat to ‘strength for existence’ as
concerns the individual, as well as with respect to Gikuyu society.
Older informants displayed a strong sense of gloom and despondency while

recounting their observations of change. Change to them has been total and
devastating:
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There is no ‘Gikuyu-ness’ left. Gikuyu laws, customs and traditions have

been erased __ Uprightness is gone. The upright parent is dying sooner
rather than later from grief. When he steps out of his homestead he sees
things he does not want to see.32
Among the sights that dishearten the old are the number of staggering
drunkards, single girls who are pregnant and loitering youths. These
persons strike the old people as unconcerned about their plight and
disdainful of the ‘ignorant’ old people. In this connection another informant is
more personal: “These days, things have come to us in a very bad way ... I
see some things and experience nausea ... In fact, the reason I found it
difficult to continue drinking beer was because of seeing nauseous things
.”33
The older informants represent the section of Gikuyu society that has expe-
rienced most fully the impact and shock of the encounter between western
and indigenous cultures. These people have had to make quick and drastic
adjustments right from that time until the present day.
Interviews with these people reveal that they have hardly had an opportunity
to reflect and determine what really has been happening. They are reduced
to generalizing about a world that has bewildered them. An informant who is
trying to explain the phenomenon of pregnancies of single girls says: “Since
the white man (comba) came things changed a lot. Vice became rampant;
chastity became scarce ... The idea of uprightness was steadily blotted until
it was obliterated ... That is why there are many pregnancies among
unmarried girls today.”34
Not long ago people frowned on unmarried mothers. Such pregnancies were
not many. Then suddenly there was a change of attitude and pregnancies
“are not being regarded as faults.”35 According to the informants, some
young men now prefer to marry girls who are pregnant. This complete
reversal of Gikuyu moral attitude is difficult to explain. An informant says that
it is a contradiction of every effort and desire of the Gikuyu people and of the
missionaries who have evangelised them. “When the missionaries taught us
things of God and about the way to live they wanted chastity to prevail. What
went wrong puzzles me. It puzzles me because they taught chastity...”36
This informant suggests that there is a phenomenon called 'modernism’

(.kttrtu) which is difficult to explain. The effect of modernism is that people
behave contrary to their will. Another informant explains that what has come
to the Gikuyu is ‘civilization.’ He observes: “Yet a civilized man will deceive
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his wife, a civilized man will deceive his mother. Why does a full- grown man
tell lies to a woman? Let a husband speak truth to his wife.”37
Another informant expresses the general attitude held by the older people
that the ‘civilized’ modern Gikuyu are a people devoid both of physical
strength and of willpower. He compares the past generations with the
present one and says that formerly, children were “born by redoubtable men
and women who used to drink healthful herbal brews.” Today’s children are
born of parents who exist on tea. Interestingly, this imagery of the non-
nourishing stimulant is repeated by another informant. Explaining that
formerly married women had enough strength or will to abstain from sex for
long periods, she says, “Long ago babies were reared long enough. Today it
seems like the soil is hot; I don’t know whether it is the drinking of tea that
has made people impulsive.”38
Still another informant confirms the bewilderment of the older people by

saying that God has allowed the phenomenon of the pregnancies among
unmarried girls. “In former days did not young men and maidens live side by
side? Did such things happen?”39
According to the older informants, until recently, fathers used to be com-

pensated for their daughter’s pregnancies. Today, most parents are no
longer able to pursue the issue of pregnancies. The tendency has been for
parents to leave children to go where they want and to do as they please.
The parents take the attitude that children belong to the country or to the
government. This group observes further that today young people are
refusing to commit themselves to marriage on a permanent basis. They
prefer to ‘live together’ (muikaranio), both partners having a good measure
of freedom to leave the other at will. In these circumstances neither is able
to establish a home. Neither belongs to the other, each belongs to the
country. Their children belong to the country. The children walk away as
soon as they can and have no mind to return where they were born. These
children do not learn to honour their parents, let alone to recognize parental
authority. An informant foresees a time in the near future when many people
will belong to no particular family, only to the government. The majority will
become vagabonds (njangiri). Devoid of the sense of kinship, which is the
basis of all proper home life, they will have a difficult old age and will most
likely waste away.40
Older people believe that today people are disregarding the rules that
enable people to lead a satisfying, stable life. Here is a summary of the
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views of the middle-aged informants regarding temperance in the modern

period, “Everybody is bewildered. It looks like moral brakes no longer
function and things are just accelerating..."41
This group believes that the moral constraints that controlled the use of
alcohol in the past as well as sexual behaviour are now on the whole disre-
garded. The idea and practice of temperance has suffered because people
have lost respect for themselves and for each other:
An elder will neglect his home. A young man will beat his father over land
because he is greedy and wants it. Today even children and women are
drinking. Many homes have become impoverished and have run dry of
respect.42
According to this group, women are the greater losers. Some girls have
made sex their business, for lack of other jobs. Others have become care-
free but they end up disillusioned and miserable.
Today girls are ‘don’t cares’ ... and yet they are disillusioned. When a girl
discovers she is pregnant, she becomes afraid and runs away from home
for fear of the parents. Sometimes she runs after the boy who does not
want her. Some of them end up dying while trying to abort ,.. 43
When the parent therefore introduces his unmarried daughter to family

planning methods it is out of concern for her life rather than his conviction
that she should be planning a family prior to marriage. Another informant in
this group laments: “The way we want our children to live is not the way they
will live."44
The majority of the informants in this group would gladly welcome revival of
the practice of nguiko if it would teach young people to exercise restraint in
sexual relations while learning about each other at the same time.
The Young Age Group has its own past to refer to. These young people are
also bewildered for they have seen rapid changes within their own lifetime:
When I was small I rarely saw young men drinking. Bars were built at an
amazing speed and soon young men began to frequent them. In former
days beer was not considered so important. People took fermented gruel. I
do not know why there has been such rapid change.45
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Regarding sexual behaviour, the informants in the Young Age Group see
the current state of affairs in the same way as the other two groups. They
observe much promiscuity in spite of people’s wishes to the contrary:
“Sexual immorality was not accepted, but now things are changing. Some
time ago, an unmarried girl getting pregnant was something to cause a lot of
embarrassment in her home.."46
The opinion of the Young Age Group is that Gikuyu society has become
confused about sexual morality. People’s attitudes are contradictory and the
young people do not know what is expected of them. The following three
quotations describe the situation further. According to a young man: “Every
time a boy moves with a girl it is assumed that there must be something
immoral going on"47 A girl informant remarked this: “The situation is so
confused that in fact the girl who becomes pregnant is regarded as better
morally."48
The above observations can be compared to one by another young man:

“Some of the men have lost confidence in the fertility of girls. A friend told
me that he cannot marry a girl until he has made her pregnant, because the
girl might have led a very loose life"49
The general opinion of this group is that in the current confusion regarding
proper sexual morality the girls suffer because they are unable to discern
the attitudes and motives of the men who befriend them. In this connection,
a male informant says that young men are not bothered to behave
responsibly towards girls because they do not have to pay dowry. They will
therefore encourage girls to have sexual relations with them and yet they do
not intend to marry them.50
The three age groups are all of the opinion that Gikuyu morality has
changed a lot as far as temperance is concerned. The informants in the
three age groups also feel that the situation may be irredeemable since
change continues at a fast rate. A majority of the informants, however, state
that there still are some individuals who have not fallen victim to the forces
of change. These are said to belong to strong families. Strong families are
identified as those that have maintained traditional Gikuyu beliefs to a large
extent, as well as those who hold strong Christian beliefs.
Factors influencing ideas about te mperance

All informants recognized three main factors that have contributed towards
the change in attitude towards temperance. These include a changing atti-
220
tude to authority, lack of moral teaching and moral example, and compro-
mising moral standards.
Changing attitude to authority

The three age groups believe that respect for authority was important in the
past. This respect helped to foster temperate behaviour. However, there is
some difference of opinion within the three groups about what constitutes
authority. The Young Age Group associates authority with parents. A
minority also mention God, saying that people who believe God punishes
evil will avoid doing wrong. The Middle Age Group has a similar conception
of authority. Some informants also include civil powers. This group believes
that respect for vows and fear of taboos was a restraint against
intemperance. According to the Old Age Group, authority includes the
authority of parents over children, the authority of a husband over his wife
and the authority of a peer group over its members. In traditional society, the
younger members of society were also controlled by the warrior police force.
The elders were a restraining authority as well. The Old Age Group also
includes supernatural authority. The importance of the latter authority is
indicated by the fear formerly attached to taboos and respect for vows made
under oath.
From the contributions of the three groups, it can be concluded that among
the significant differences between the traditional and the modern Gikuyu
society is its attitude towards authority. Three things stand out regarding
traditional society. First, for any single individual there were several agents
of control that exerted pressure on the person throughout his life. Secondly,
the individuals grew to respect these agents so that their attitude to authority
was one of respect and even fear. Thirdly, there were certain strong
convictions compelling the individual to either exert authority or to submit to
authority, as the case might be. Modern Gikuyu society, on the other hand,
is characterized by a general scepticism and this affects its attitude to
authority. This scepticism is a trend whose beginnings can be traced to the
beginning of the 20th century, that is to say when the generation
represented by the Old Age Group was young. The informants in the Old
Age Group agree that it was their generation that began to regard some
traditional means of behaviour control as irrelevant. They are the people
who began to get disinterested in the reasons behind the traditional tenets of
morality.
For our purposes it will suffice to focus on three main areas illustrating the
changing attitude towards authority as the society moves from the traditional
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to the modern way of life. These areas are: parental authority, the authority
of the peer group and attitude towards taboos.
With respect to parental authority in traditional society, parents regarded it
as their moral duty to gwatha ciana (command, discipline and control their
children). They exercised authority over their children through counsel,
commands, prohibitions and sanctions. The area of temperance received
particular attention because it was considered that misconduct in matters of
sex and alcohol robbed people of vitality.
On their part, children were obliged to gwathikira aciari (obey their parents).
The obedient child had his rewards but the disobedient child was termed
mbura matu (one who has no ears).51 Sanctions against such children were
unpleasant and might include isolation and open ostracism. Parents warned
their children to avoid the company of mbura matu in order that they would
not be corrupted by them. The age of the child did not make a difference as
far as the authority of the parent was concerned. An adult man, even though
he had his own wife and children, was nevertheless his father’s son and was
therefore under his authority. Informants in the Old Age Group give the
example of an angered parent rebuking or chastising an adult son or
daughter without the latter retaliating. No son or daughter was too old to be
counselled.
However, parental authority was not tyrannical. Parents were normally

careful not to lord it over their children. Parental authority was governed by a
combination of persuasion and firmness. Through casual talk and formal
counsel parents were constantly instilling in their children the values they
adhered to, including the moral value of temperance. An obedient child
‘heard’ and guarded him or herself against the pitfalls the parent had pointed
out. Even if a child disregarded warnings, he or she could not claim to be
ignorant. Parental discipline in such a case was heavy but on principle had
to be deterrent. Particularly in reference to temperance, the child had to
learn that actions had consequences and that every individual was largely
the author of his own welfare.
The informants in the three age groups point out that parents today do not
control their children as they ought to. People’s circumstances have
changed and the informants mention the factors that make parental control
difficult. These include the mobility of modern society, as well as differences
in education and income between the old and young. However, the most
significant change has been the attitude that obedience to parents is no
longer considered a moral obligation. The Old Age Group believes that
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moral obligations are being diluted by the growing inability of people to

maintain a proper home life, a place where children can become accus-
tomed to parental authority. The Middle Age Group says that there has been
a change of attitude about the relevance of moral discipline, especially with
respect to sex and alcohol. The effect is that parents feel helpless to control
their children. The Young Age Group generally are of the opinion that
parents are afraid to command their children. On the other hand, children
are also generally unwilling to submit to the authority of their parents.
In traditional society the local community exercised authority over the

individual. An individual’s misconduct did not pass unnoticed. The com-
munity sanctioned morality mainly through gossip and ridicule. However, it
was the peer group that the individual feared most. Age mates of the same
sex formed a compact group with considerable power over its members.
Concerned about their reputation, the age group exerted pressure on its
members to observe proper morality. Among the initiated but unmarried, the
age set sanctioned the moral conduct of its members. This occurred not only
through gossip and ridicule but also through corporal punishment and
ostracism of offenders. Supernatural sanctions were employed as well.
Newly initiated male age sets used to take a solemn oath (kuringa thenge),
promising to observe strict personal and public morality. Among other
things, they vowed to abstain from alcohol and to avoid sexual mischief.
Initiated girls made similar vows. They invoked a curse on any age mate
who contravened the rules.
Modern Gikuyu society does not recognise authority of peers over an
individual. Organised peer groups do not even exist today. Some of the
informants in the Old Age and Middle Age groups believe that sexual
misconduct among the young began when young men and girls began to
meet as couples in secret. There was no effective group to belong to since
the idea of age set began to lose its relevance. The authority of the age set
in sex conduct was undermined when converts to Christianity began to
wage war against the sins of ‘adultery, fornication and flirtation’ (utharia na
uumbani). Converts believed that these sins were associated with the
practice of nguiko and traditional dances.52
Those converted to Christianity when the faith was first brought to the
country substituted Christian vows for the traditional vows under oath. Under
the new authority they swore or made vows that, among other things, they
would abstain from alcohol, adultery and fornication. However, the authority
behind the new vows seemed remote. Punishment, either by human agent
or through supernatural power, did not follow upon disregard of such vows.
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As a result of the same scepticism that caused people began to break

taboos, they also began to break the new vows. Morality associated with
temperance has thus inevitably changed. An informant in the Middle Age
Group summarized the modern situation:
There used to be taboos ... but now people don’t fear taboos ... I believe one
reason why things are going from bad to worse is because people no
longer fear anything. They don’t fear oaths, they don’t fear civil authority
and they don’t fear God.53
Lack of moral teaching and of good example

Lack of moral teaching and of good examples for people to follow is seen as
another factor that has brought about rapid changes in the area of tem-
perance. Traditional teaching on moral conduct has become impracticable
and so there is no public opinion to restrain people. Modern education
concentrates on academic subjects.
In traditional society, teaching and specific instructions on moral conduct

were given to children by parents, sponsors at initiations and by older
people in general. The Old Age Group says that with the introduction of the
modern type of education and of western culture, parents began to find it
difficult to teach their children. Those who became Christians trusted that
their children would read the Bible and receive the necessary instruction.54
Interviews with the Old and Middle age groups indicate that people in
Gikuyu society generally hold the attitude that the printed word is both
informative and instructive. Moreover, what is contained in a book is
regarded as superior to what a parent may say to a young student. Some of
the informants in the Middle Age Group say that parents have started to feel
incompetent to instruct their children in the principles of moral conduct.
The majority of parents in the old and middle age categories are hardly
literate. They cannot verify the soundness of the literature their children
read. Those parents who make an attempt to counsel their children are dis-
couraged by the young people’s lack of interest. There is a general tendency
in the young to look down on ‘old fashioned’ matters. So the parent finds his
counsel is dismissed as irrelevant and he loses his audience.
Interviews with the Young Age Group indicate that the young people suffer
mainly from three problems as far as teaching is concerned. First, the
majority of parents are busy in employment and do not have time to sit down
and talk with their children. Some also travel from place to place. New
224
environments tend to make them forget what they have been taught at
home. Second, much of what they know about traditional moral conduct,
especially in relation to sex and alcohol, has been mostly hearsay. Whatever
vital information the older generations have offered has been offered
casually as if it was incidental; it has not been systematic. The reasons why
people should behave in certain ways were not made clear. For instance,
some young people have heard that unmarried young people used not to
engage in sex. Some of the informants do not know the reason why young
people were not drinking in the past, at a time when beer did not cost any
money.55 Thirdly, what teaching young people are receiving is on the whole
confusing. They hear that to engage in sexual intercourse is wrong and they
also hear that what is wrong is not sexual intercourse but conception. They
hear that drinking is evil and they also hear that what is wrong is to behave
in a disorderly manner. They are told that certain conduct is indecent but
they are also shown films that demonstrate such conduct on the screen.
They do not know how to resolve these contradictions.
Connected with the problem of teaching proper moral conduct, there are no
models to emulate. Some of the informants in the Old and Middle Age
groups trace this problem to the time when isolated individuals began to
disregard taboos and vows. In due course the small beginnings led to a big
problem.
This private disregard for moral tenets is coupled with the phenomenon of
double standards and this makes teaching and counsel difficult to accept.
From the early days some converts to Christianity, who had vowed to
remain monogamists, were known to have ‘loosened their vows’ (kuohora
miihitwa) and to have secretly kept other women or to have become polyg-
amous secretly. Yet they continued to preach against the practice. There are
parents who are known to disapprove behaviour in their children in which
they themselves engage, including illicit sexual relations. Hypocrisy is also
found in young people. According to an informant in the Old Age Group,
young people are forcing elders to leave bars by showing disapproval at
seeing them there. The reason they do this is that they do not want elders to
see their misbehaviour there.56
Compromising moral standards

The constant adjustment of moral standards is both a cause and a con-
sequence of a change in attitude towards temperance. The tendency is
prevalent in modern society and clearly started when confusion began to be
evident with respect to sexual morality. Contrary to traditional practice,
parents and society at large found it increasingly difficult to apply effective
225
Chapter 6
sanctions against children who contravened approved sexual conduct. Since

misconduct was not punished there was little to deter others from following
suit. Parents used to rebuke and chastise their children who misbehaved
sexually. Today, few children need worry about premarital sex and
pregnancies because parents no longer rebuke their children. Instead, when
pregnant girls wed, their parents lavish them with gifts for the new baby. 57
They do this in spite of their conviction that such open approval only
worsens the state of affairs. The older people in society have compromised
a lot, in spite of their better judgement. According to an informant in the Old
Age Group, old people are behaving contrary to the maxim Yenda muno
yakuura rurira (When it (the cow) loves (the calf) too much, it dislodges its
navel (by constant licking)).58
The same effect is brought about by an opposite attitude assumed by some

Christian parents. According to an informant in the Young Age Group, these
parents refuse to ask for compensation if their daughters become pregnant
before marriage. Others refuse to attend their children’s weddings if the girls
are pregnant. This attitude is encouraging young men to misbehave sexually
because there are no sanctions against misconduct.59
However, the majority of Christian parents have no option but to wink at

what they see. Whereas a few years ago it was possible for parents to say
they would not allow ‘illegitimate’ children into their home, today they are
hesitant to be adamant since this attitude serves no purpose.60
Conclusion
The descriptions of temperance by the three age groups indicate that the
three groups understand the moral value of temperance in basically similar
terms. Nevertheless the experiences of the groups are different. For all
practical purposes, the Old Age and the Young Age groups can hardly be
said to belong to the same society.
Morality associated with temperance has seen drastic changes. The situa-
tion seems to be out of control and Gikuyu society is genuinely bewildered
and despondent. Temperance has tended to be regarded as the sum total of
morality. This is one reason the informants have had so much to say. It is
evident that the widespread abuse of sex and alcohol robs individuals,
homes and society as a whole of their vitality. That being so, it is hardly
surprising that the three age groups are equally concerned about the future
prospects of a society where moral standards have degenerated to a very
large extent.
226
GENERAL CONCLUSION
The following points emerge from the foregoing study of Gikuyu traditional
morality:
First, with respect to the conceptual basis of morality, what has become
clear is that:
• The Gikuyu conceived of morality as an integrated whole. This is evident
from the fact that many informants described a moral ideal in terms of
other ideals. For instance, the honest man was described as one who
could be relied upon because he was truthful, generous, and courageous
and had a sense of justice. Similarly, the informants’ definition of courage
included diligence and temperance. This concept of morality implies that
a good person was one who possessed all the virtues, not just a few of
them and moreover, that no distinction was made between private and
public morality.
• The Gikuyu conceived of morality as ‘the reasonable order of things.’
They understood the function of morality in life and obeyed moral rules
because they made sense.
• The Gikuyu understood morally good conduct as the mean between two
extremes. For instance, generosity - which was valued highly - was
understood as the balance between stinginess and prodigality. People
were taught to be moderate in every area of life.
• The concepts of wealth (which included not just property but also wives
and children) and honour were strong incentives for a life of discipline
and integrity since they were the rewards of moral integrity.
Second, the Gikuyu had a highly organized system of sanctions for main-
taining morality. This system consisted first of human agents (parents, peer
227
General conclusion
groups, warriors, elders, kinsmen and the local community) and second, of
supernatural agents (God and ancestral spirits). The whole system was an
integrated one: the human agents worked together harmoniously and
assisted the individual in their different ways to conform to the moral code.
Reward and punishment played an essential role in maintaining morality.
Taboos also served an important function.
Third, there was a clear connection between religion and morality. Religion
played a central role in Gikuyu society; God was seen as the ultimate
authority in morality. His laws were inbuilt in his creation and in the way of
life he gave to the Gikuyu people. God was seen as a God of justice, which
implied that he was involved with people’s daily lives, blessing the good and
punishing those who broke moral rules. Judgement was experienced in the
present life and it therefore mattered how the community and the individuals
conducted their daily lives. The Gikuyu believed that the spirits of the
departed were also concerned about the conduct of the living. The blessings
of wealth and honour resulted from the approval of God and of the ancestral
spirits as much as from human effort. People believed they were
accountable to God and so they could not ignore or discard the moral code.
Fourth, the younger generations have considerable knowledge of traditional

Gikuyu morality and approve of it.1 But there is a great discrepancy between
what people know and what they practice today.
It is evident from this study that because of the changed social, economic
and political circumstances it is impossible to revert to traditional African
morality. However, it should be possible to adapt it to the changed circum-
stances. Based on the study, two suggestions can be made.
1 In order to maintain high moral standards the whole society must not only
understand the importance of morality but must actively participate in
sanctioning it. In modern Kenya churches and other religious
communities, as well as schools and parents have a crucial role to play in
teaching moral values and in setting high moral standards.
• Religious belief and morality are inseparable because morality ultimately
derives its authority from God. To be effective, the teaching of morality
should be done as part of religious instruction in schools, homes,
churches and other religious establishments.
228
N O TE S AN D RE FE R E N CE S
Introduction
1. The idea of a Jeanes teacher was imported from the southern United Sates where Negro
education was especially developed. A Jeanes teacher was supposed to be a constant
source of inspiration and encouragement to the school community, different from the
Government Inspector whose presence was intimidating. See C.P. Groves. The planting of
Christianity in Africa, Vol. IV, p. 114-117.
2. See J. Murray-Brown. Kenyatta, p. 191.
3. Ibid.
4. L.S.B. Leakey. The Southern Kikuyu before 1903, p. xi.
5. Ibid.
Chapter 1
1. L.S.B. Leakey. The Southern Kikuyu before 1903, Vol. 1 p. 1.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid. (Muriuki substitutes the term nyumba for mucii. Apart from this, he agrees with Leakey.
See G. Muriuki. A history of the Kikuyu, 1500-1900. p. 35-36.)
4. Leakey, loc. cit.
5. S. K. Gathigira. Miikarireya Agikuyu, p. 1-3.
6. Ibid., op. cit., p. 5.
7. An elder’s highest ambition was to become a council elder. It was a status of great honour
but also of heavy responsibility. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 6. For an account of the four grades
of council elders, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 994-998.
8. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1279-1281; Gathigira, op. cit., p. 33.
9. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 7-8, 157-159.
10. Failure to do so was believed to make God angry and to cause disunity.
11. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 5-6.
12. Barra, 1000 Kikuyu proverbs, p. 64.
13. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 708-732.
14. L. Githui wa Kariithi. “Uhinduri wa mitaarireya Agikuyu.” (Unpublished manuscript), p. 42.
15. Ibid. p. 13.
16. Ibid., p. 2-5, 30-32; Justin Itotia. Endwo ni iri na iriiri. This book is devoted giving advice on
how children and young people can cultivate the kind of conduct that earns them the
blessing of wealth (iri) and honour (iriiri).
17. Itotia. Mutiga iri na iriiri aromaama kuuraga, p. 37-45.
18. Ibid. p. 41.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid. p. 43.
235
Notes and ref erences
21. Ibid. p. 37-39.

22. Ibid. p. 39; Leakey, op. cit. Vol. II, p. 732-737.
23. Itotia. Mutiga iri na iriiri aromaama kuuraga, p. 39-40.
24. Ibid. p. 45.
25. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 16-17.
26. Ibid; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 251.
27. For descriptions of Gikuyu beliefs about God, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1074-1078; J.
Kenyatta. Facing Mount Kenya, p. 231-263; W.S. and K.P Routledge. With a prehistoric
people: the Akikuyu of British East Africa, p. 225-228; Itotia. Mutiga iri na iriiri aromaama
kuuraga, p. 76-79; Gathigira, op. cit., p. 29-33.
28. Itotia. Mutiga iri na iriiri, p. 77.
29. For the myth about God the distributor, see Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 3-5.
30. Cf. E. Cavicchi. Problems of change in Kikuyu tribal society, p. 15. For the myth that
explains why the Gikuyu are agriculturalists, see Muriuki, op. cit., p. 46-47.
31. Routledge, op. cit., p. 245.
32. Itotia, op. cit., p. 77.
33. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 234.
35. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 17; see also Vol. II, p. 901-902.
36. Ibid.
37. Kenyatta, op. cit. p. 237.
38. Cavicchi, op. cit. p. 6.
39. S.G. Kibicho. “The Kikuyu conception of God: its continuity into the Christian era, and the
question it raises for the Christian idea of revelation.” (Ph.D. thesis), p. 40.
42. H.E. Lambert. Kikuyu social and political institutions, p. 121.
43. For the discussion of why the Gikuyu bought land from the Ndorobo instead of possessing
it by force, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 90. A particular misconduct supposed to anger
God was extortion (utuunyani). See Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 77.
44. Barra, op. cit. p. 54. This proverb is quoted several times by the informants.
45. Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 60.
46. Lambert, op. cit., p. 117; Kibicho, op. cit., p. 55; Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 17.
47. A Gikuyu elder (muthuuri) was expected to live up to these qualities even in his private life
with his family. Cf. C. Cagnolo. The Akikuyu: their customs, traditions, and folklore, p. 50,
where he says that an elder was not a tyrant but a moderator.
49. Ibid. p. 223-225; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1006-1013; Routledge, op. cit., p. 213; Cagnolo,
op. cit., p. 151-154.
50. Kibicho, op. cit., p. 54.
236
52. Although opinion is divided regarding the real nature of the Mau Mau movement, there is
clear evidence that it made reference to traditional Gikuyu belief in God’s justice. See D.L.
Barnett and K. Njama, Mau Mau from within, p. 198-203; F. Ochieng and K. Janmoham-
med, eds. “Some perspectives on the Mau Mau movement.” Kenya historical review, Vol. 5,
no. 2, 1977.
53. F. D. Corfield, “The origins and growth of Mau Mau: an historical survey. Sessional paper
no. 5 of 1959/60, Colony and Protectorate of Kenya. p. 11.
54. Kenyatta, as cited by Corfield, op. cit., p. 302.
55. Gakaara Wanjau. Nyimbo cia gukunguirta wtathi, p. 1.
56. This seems to be an alternative to the proverb, Njamba ihoyaga na Ngai (This hero prays to
God.)
57. The Gikuyu year (mwaka) had two seasons determined by the long and short rains. With
two rainy seasons in the year, the agricultural activities varied between planting, weeding,
scaring off animals and birds from crops, harvesting, and preparing the ground for the next
planting. The day was divided into fifteen periods regulating the daily routine with varied
tempo. Disciplined people reaped more benefits from the land than those who were lax with
time. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 173-174; Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 195-196; Gathigira, op.
cit., p. 68-70; Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 33-34; Itotia. Endwo nt irt na irttri. p. 66-69;
B.M.Gecaga. Kariuki na Muthoni: a study of childhood among the Kikuyu, p. 11-15; K.R.
Dundas, “Kikuyu calendar,” Man, No. 9, 1909.
58. Itotia. Endwo nt irt na irttri, p. 81.
60. Ibid., p. 78-79, Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 263-268; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1103-1117.
61. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 108.
62. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 1108.
64. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 33.
65. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 285-286.
66. Ibid., 266-267.
70. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1122, 1147.
71. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 90.
72. G. Kershaw. “The land is the people: a study of Kikuyu social organization in historical
perspective.” Ph.D. thesis, p. 118-20.
73. Itotia says that material possessions alone did not guarantee an individual’s welfare. For
total welfare, other supports were necessary. He goes on to say that the ‘blessed departed’
(atiga irt) nurtured themselves with ‘foods that give joy to life.’ Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri,
p. 80.
237
75. Ibid., p. 7.
76. Ibid. p. 81.
77. Kenyatta seems to suggest that it was possible to have some measure of irt and that it was
more difficult to earn honour. Thus, a man could have a home and children, and yet be a
rascal. See Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 9.
79. Ibid; J.M. Fisher. “The anatomy of Kikuyu domesticity and husbandry,” p. 4; Leakey, op. cit.,
Vol. III, p. 960-963.
80. It was a serious matter to a Gikuyu not to have descendants who would keep his name
remembered (through the Gikuyu system of naming children).
82. Ibid.; Gathigira, op. cit., p. 30-31.
83. Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 1. The deceased is said to leave behind both his iri (children)
and other iri, that is, all matter of substance, including plants, animals, etc.
85. Ibid.
86. For a full account of the Gikuyu pre-colonial history, see Muriuki, A history of the Kikuyu,
1500-1900.
87. Ibid., p. 37-40; G. Muriuki. “The problem of the Gumba and the Athi in Kikuyu history”; G.
St. J. Orde-Browne. The vanishing tribes of Kenya, p. 20-22; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 51,
89.
88. Muriuki. A history of the Kikuyu, 1500-1900, p. 66; Routledge, op. cit., p. 15, 30.
89. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 79; Kenyatta, op, cit., p. 25-40; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 92-105.
90. Routledge, op. cit., p. xviii.
91. Gathigira, op. cit., p. ii; Itotia. Endwo nt irt na irttri, p. ii.
93. Ibid.
94. A.R. Barlow. Kikuyu: 1898-1923: Semi-Jubilee book of the Church of Scotland
Mission, p. 29.
95. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 9, 258.
96. Ibid., p. 263.
97. Ibid. According to Cagnolo, this was especially true of the Gikuyu who were merely
“emancipated from barbarous customs” but not necessarily Christianised. See p. 258.
98. LAMB/1/6, University of Nairobi Archives.
99. Ibid.; C.G. Rosberg and J. Nottingham also observed that rapid changes occurred among
the Gikuyu because they had no marginal land to cushion them off from the Europeans.
See The myth of Mau Mau: nationalism in Kenya, p. 23.
100. R.L. Tignor, The colonial transformation of Kenya: the Kamba, Kikuyu and Maasai from
1900 to 1939, p. 15; Leakey, op. cit., p. 80-85.
101. Tignor, op. cit., p. 4.
102. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 157-159; J. Boyes, John Boyes, king of Wakikuyu, p. 284.
238
103. Routledge, op. cit., p. ix-xi; Muriuki, op. cit., p. 162-166.

104. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167; Norman Leys rationalizes that it was necessary to make hurried
political arrangements to create chiefs who would recruit the much needed labour force to
clear an 800 miles route to Uganda and to carry loads. Punitive expeditions were supposed
to subdue people enough for them to submit to the authority of the chiefs. See N. M. Leys,
Kenya, p. 171-172.
105. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167.
106. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 119.
107. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 993.
109. Ibid. p. 32-59; Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167-169; Kenyatta op. cit., p. 225-226; Anthony Kahindi,
Rahab Waiyigo, oral interviews.
111. C.W. Hobley, Bantu beliefs and magic, with particular reference to the Kikuyu and Kamba
tribes of Kenya Colony, p. 306.
113. Hobley, op. cit., p. 308.
114. LAMB/1/6 University of Nairobi Archives
116. Hobley, op. cit., p. 311.
117. Ibid.
118. Ibid., p. 313.
119. G. Bennett. Kenya, a political history: the colonial period, p. 10.
120. See Rosberg and Nottingham, op. cit., p. 19; Tignor, op. cit., p. 4; F.B. Welbourn, East
African rebels, p. 116; W.D.A. Ross, Kenya from within, p. 57.
121. See Leys, op. cit., p. 78; Bennett, op. cit., p. 9.
122. As quoted by W.D.A. Ross, op. cit., p. 41.
123. Ibid.
124. Ibid., p. 64-66.
125. Rosberg and Nottingham, op. cit., p. 19.
126. Ross, op. cit., p. 62.
127. Bennett, op. cit., p. 10.
128. Ibid., p. 23. But cf. ibid., p. 14, 15; See also Sir Charles Eliot. East Africa Protectorate, p.
104; cf. p. 174.
129. Ross, op. cit., p. 65.
130. Ibid.
131. Ibid. p. 87, “Civil case 626 of 1922.”
132. Welbourn, op. cit., p. 118.
133. Ibid.
134. Ibid., p. 119.
135. Ibid.
239
136. Ibid. According to a memorandum presented to the Parliamentary Commission in 1924 by

the Kikuyu (Native) Association, “many Gikuyu who had lost land had become wanderers,
moving from one estate to another.” See Ross, op. cit., p. 56.
137. Leys, op. cit., p. 81.
138. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167-169; Tignor, op. cit., p. 42-59; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 225-.226.
140. Ibid., p. 21-40; Itotia. Endwo ni in na irttri, p. 30-31.
142. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 89-95; Muriuki, op. cit., p. 39.
143. Harry Thuku has a short paragraph to illustrate this; he quotes the case of Koinange’s land,
which was split in the middle. A European occupied the section containing the graves of
Koinange’s father and grandfather. Koinange had to exhume his father’s bones from the
alienated land. Harry Thuku: an autobiography. p. 16.
144. LAMB/1/6 “Kiambu District annual report, 1942” University of Nairobi Archives.
145. Ibid.
146. Leys, op. cit., p. 184.
147. Ibid.
148. Ibid., p. 298.
149. Ibid., p. 185. Reduction of the reserves was another ‘solution’ to the problem of tribal self-
sufficiency.
150. Ross, op. cit., p. 99.
151. A circular issued by the District Commissioner of Kiambu in 1919 to estate owners referred
to the additional labour required to harvest coffee. In part, the D.C. said, “I intend to arrange
for temporary supply of child labour from the Reserves.” The D. C. instructed those who
intended to do this to indicate so, “stating the number required, the time for which they may
be most needed” See Ross, p. 105-106, 225-226.
152. Leys, op. cit., p. 298.
153. Now Central Province.
154. Ibid., p. 189-190. Such outcries as Barlow’s seem to have gone unheeded. In 1921, the
bishop of Zanzibar was urging the Government to stop “encouraging men to come out of
the reserves.” His argument was that “The ruler is morally bound to remain as empire of the
conflicting claims of capital and labour” See Ross, op. cit., p. 89.
155. Muriuki, op. cit., p. 167-169, 177; Ross, op. cit., p. 104-105, 225-227; Leys, op. cit., p. 172,
203, 277-278.
156. Leys, op. cit., p. 61, 188-9; Ross, op. cit., p. 89; Westermann, The African today, p. 40;
C.W. Hobley, Kenya: from chartered company to Crown Colony, p. 180-183.
157. A. Hastings, African Christianity, p. 37-38, 42; M. Fortes and G. Dieterlen. African systems
of thought, p. 31; L.G. Cowan, J. O’Conwell, D.G. Scanlon, eds. Education and nation
building in Africa, p. 4-5.
158. A.R.Vidler, The church in an age of revolution, p. 252.
159. Barlow, op. cit., p. 29; Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 266.
240
160. Cagnolo, citing Filippo Perlo, op. cit., p. 257.

161. Ibid.
162. Ibid. p. 254.
163. V. Blakeslee. Beyond the Kikuyu curtain, p. 7.
164. Ibid.
165. A.R. Barlow, op. cit., p. 29.
166. Knapp was quoting another source. For details on this conference see G.H. Mungeam,
Kenya: select historical documents, 1884-1923, p. 166-203.
167. Ibid., p. 167.
168. For an explanation of this sexual practice, see Chapter 2.
Chapter 2
2. Ibid, p. 246. Beecher describes the Gikuyu as “independent,” “but possessed of a marvel-
lous gift of friendship when once it is established.” See L.J. Beecher, The Kikuyu, p. ii.
3. Hobley, Kenya: from chartered company to Crown Colony, p. 78.
4. Ibid. p. 160.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
9. L. von Hohnel. Discovery of Lakes Rudolf and Stefanie, p. 294.
10. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 73-74.
11. E.M. Crawford. By the equator’s snowy peak: a record of medical missionary work, p. 54.
12. Ibid., p. 61.
13. Ibid.
14. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 112, 115.
15. Githui wa Kariithi, op. cit., p. 4-5.
16. Leakey says that friendship was valued to the extent that a man sometimes “publicly”
showed he had a special friend by brewing “beer of companionship” for him. Op. cit., Vol. I,
p. 287-289.
18. Ibid., p. 22-23.
20. In this connection, the Gikuyu have a proverb: Murtmi umwe ndaiyuragia ikumbt (One
cultivator cannot fill the granary) meaning that one man’s effort cannot meet all the needs.
S.K. Gathigira, Ngano na thimo cia Ugtkuyu, p. 33.
21. Kabetu, Kirira kia Ugtkuyu; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 726.
23. Ibid., p. 242, 281, 295; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1120-1121, 1124, 1150-1151, 1152.
241

25. Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 64-66, 83.
26. The meaning of the word uthingu has obviously changed over the years. Today the word is
commonly used to refer to piety in the Christian sense. The Young Age Group would be
familiar with the word in this sense. However, from their descriptions of honesty it is evident
that informants in the Young Age Group are not ignorant of the conduct that the Old Age
Group describes as uthingu.
27. Arthur Waciira interview. The full implication of these expressions is best understood in the
context of the Gikuyu idea of wealth (irt) and honour (irttri) that was described in Chapter 1.
Uthingu is the essential quality of the person able to live long and enjoy wealth and honour.
People who are not upright might as well be regarded as non-persons.
28. Ibid.; Rahab Waiyigo interview.
29. Leakey confirms that before the introduction of British rule, boys were not initiated before
they were 17 or 19 years old. Those who formed the first set of a new regiment were at
least 22 years old. They had to be grown up before initiation as they took up military duties
soon after this ceremony. Lambert explains that the age was reduced during the British rule
because boys were also required to pay tax. To the Gikuyu it was unethical to require
young people to take on adult responsibilities before they had been initiated into adulthood.
See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 587-588; Lambert, op. cit., p. 12: Gathigira, op. cit., p. 42.
30. Nguru boys took this opportunity also to punish stingy women and elders. An informant,
Reuben Gathii, arranged with other nguru boys to punish his own mother because she was
stingy. On a day she had invited women for communal work the boys turned up to dance
and in the course of dancing added soot to the large quantity of porridge she had prepared
for the women. The porridge had to be thrown away to his mother’s great embarrassment.
31. Rahab Waiyigo interview.
32. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview. This informant speaks from personal experience. Gutirithio
may be a local variation of the ceremonies described by Gathigira and Leakey.
Gathigira describes a ceremony known as kuumithio or gutherio (to be cleansed) during
which the initiates were given specific instructions on the subject of modesty (thoni).
Leakey describes the ceremony of kurutwo urimu (to have foolishness removed) that was
performed on the day after the operation when the initiates were still weak from loss of
blood. The rituals performed symbolized removal of the foolishness that was an attribute of
childhood. See Gathigira, op. cit., p. 51-53; Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 633.
33. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
34. Arthur Waciira and Meshak Murage interviews.
35. The words of this curse were provided by Gathii Mwathi. For a similar ceremony at the
beginning of a new regimental rule, see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 734-736.
36. Samueli Gitau interview.
37. Arthur Waciira interview.
38. Ibid.
39. Priscilla Nyeri Makumi interview. Iganjo is an abandoned homestead. Future generations
242
remember the spot where a good man or woman once lived.

40. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview.
41. Gathii Mwathi interview.
42. Arthur Waciira and Meshak Murage interviews.
43. Gathii Mwathi and Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews.
44. Rahab Waiyigo and Simon Muteru interviews. For more about ngutko and other aspects of
sexual behaviour, see Chapter 6.
45. Duncan Munyiri interview.
46. Joseph Maingi Kubai interview.
48. Chapter 3 is devoted to the theme of generosity. Here generosity is only described as one
of the qualities of an honest person.
49. The majority of informants in the Old Age Group cited this practice as an example of
honesty.
50. Meshak Murage interview.
51. Ibid.
54. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview.
56. Arthur Waciira and Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interviews.
57. Sung by Meshak Murage.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Joseph Maingi Kubai and Gathimbu Mbugua interviews. Both of these Young Age Group
informants maintain that some of their friends can be completely trusted to treat girls with
respect. There are other friends to whom Mbugua would not introduce his girl friend.
65. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview. The expression “I can’t show my heels ...” means that she
would not return home from the fields in daylight. In traditional public opinion, the woman
who was too industrious and worked until she could no longer distinguish weeds from crops
in the dark was unwise. She tended to neglect her other duties, such as having a meal for
the family ready in time; her children were bound to sleep hungry. Also, it was not safe for
her to walk home after dusk. Some of the women who lingered on in the fields were the
dishonest ones who stole food from other people’s fields.
66. This song as well as the next one were sung by Meshak Murage.
68. Sung by different informants: Gathii Mwathi, Meshak Murage, Ruth Wanjiru Gathii, Reuben
243
Gathii, Lydia Murugi.

69. Sung by Gathi Mwathi.
71. Sung by Gathii Mwathi.
72. Song provided by Ruth Wanjiru Gathii and Lydia Murugi.
73. Priscilla Njeri Makumi. This informant mentioned three pioneer converts to Christianity who
were believed to have died early in life because they failed to honour their Christian vows to
remain monogamous. Although this claim may be received with scepticism, it comes from a
member of an age group that believes strongly that a person who breaks a solemn oath (as
Christian vows were regarded by early converts) could die as a result.
74. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii and Arthur Waciira interviews. The informants in the Old Age Group
have more to say about the phenomenon ‘modern’ under the theme of temperance in
Chapter 6.
76. This quotation from the Bible (Philippians 2:12) was quoted by Karanja Kageca.
78. Sung by Salome Wakonyo. It was widely sung in the mid 1950s and early 1960s
80. Duncan Munyiri interview.
81. Beth Gathoni interview.
Chapter 3
2. Ibid.
3. J.M. Fisher. The anatomy of Kikuyu domesticity and husbandry. p. 87-88.
4. Ibid.
5. The Gikuyu society distinguished between two kinds of poor people. One kind was virtuous,
had initiative and was able to improve its lot, given the opportunity. The society made
provision for such people through the practice of granting cultivation and building rights to
ahooi, athaami and athoni (beggars, immigrants and in-laws). A relatively poor man could
also provide custody to a rich neighbour’s animals for which he received returns. The
second kind of poor people brought poverty on themselves due to laziness, vanity or self-
depreciation. The former kind were respected and helped while the latter kind were
admonished. If they did not improve, they were despised. See Kenyatta, op. cit. p. 32-35;
Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 114-119, 210-11; Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri. p. 13-14; Itotia. Endwo
nt irt na irttri, p. 95; Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 88-89; E.N. Wanyoike, An African pastor, p. 8-9.
6. Routledge, op. cit. p. 248; Crawford, op. cit., p. 58.
8. Ibid. 205-206.
9. Ibid., p. 30.
244
10. Barra, op. cit., p. 27; Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 63; N. Njururi. Gtkuyu proverbs, p. 80.
12. See note 5 above.
13. Leakey, op. cit. Vol. I, p. 114.
14. Ibid., p. 106.
15. Examples of mutual help and reciprocity of generous deeds included: mutual hospitality,
communal or joint ventures in cultivation (ngwatanio), herding (nduuantro ya nduuru), hut-
building and putting out fires. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 131, 137, 157, 169, 170, 210;
Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 78; Itotia. Endwo nt irt na irttri, p. 23-24; Routledge, op. cit., p. 246-
247.
17. Ibid., p. 157; Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 40-41.
19. D.K. Mugia. Urathi wa Cege wa Kibiru, p. 33, 38-40.
20. Itotia. Mutiga irt na irttri, p. 59. Apparently, people were constantly sharing ideas on how or
where to seek fortune. See R. Gatheru. A child of two worlds, p. 9.
21. The dictionary gives the meaning of tha as “tender feelings, feelings of compassion, mercy,
pity, sympathy.”
23. Gathii Mwathi and Antony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews.
25. Madalina Wambui interview.
26. Simon Muteru interview.
27. Gathii Mwathi interview. According to this informant this was possible because the warriors
with whom girls associated for purposes of ngutko and dancing were not necessarily their
suitors for marriage. Some of the less handsome men depended on their handsome
age mates to help them court the girls they wished to marry.
28. Ruth Wanjiru Gathi interview.
31. Uthingu is an essential quality of the virtuous person.
33. Arthur Waciira and Gathii Mwathi interviews.
36. Ibid.
38. Meshak Murage and Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p.
517-518. Leakey does not say from which garden the food was fetched but he says the
foodstuffs were the traditional “men’s crops” (bananas, sugarcane, yams) and that the
husband was showing symbolically that he was responsible for her provisions when she
245
was confined.
39. This belief is generally held by the informants in this group.
42. Jackson Githaiga interview.
45. Ibid; Gathii Mwathi interview.
46. Anthony Kahindi interview.
47. As is shown in the next chapter that describes the Gikuyu idea of justice. Although people
might expect generosity from others, they were not encouraged to depend on it but to be as
self-sufficient as possible.
48. An open hand is light in colour, while a closed fist is dark. Mugiro is derived from the verb
gira which means “to impose taboo” or “to bring bad luck.” It refers to the person to whom it
is taboo to do something bad, because the deed might result in misfortune.
49. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii and Rahab Waiyigo interviews. Both of these informants played
mischief against stingy women.
50. Joseph Maingi Kubai interview.
51. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interview. This informant says that if a wealthy person refused to be
generous to a poor person, the latter interpreted that as contempt. If the poor man decided
to show the rich man contempt, he would express this by harming either the rich man or his
property.
Chapter 4
1. Harold E. Lambert, Kikuyu social and political institutions, p. 115.
2. Ibid.
4. Cavicchi, op. cit., p.10.
5. Gathigira, op. cit., p. 67; Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 220.
6. Cagnolo, op. cit., p.149; Routledge, op. cit., p. 205-6. Ross observed the same suppressed
temper at the memorable “Harry Thuku Meeting.” See Ross, op. cit., p. 225.
7. Lambert, op. cit. p. 117.
8. Routledge, op. cit., p. 218, also p. 208-209.
9. Ibid, p. 218.
10. Routledge, op. cit., p. 23, 219.
11. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1014-1015; Lambert, op. cit., p. 222.
13. Routledge, op. cit., p. 216. For full accounts of the Gikuyu system of fines and compensa-
tion see Leakey, Vol. III, Chapter 23; H.R. Tate, “Native law of the Southern Kikuyu,”
246
Journal of the African Society, 1910, p. 238-241.

14. 30 goats was the marriage insurance (ruraacio) paid to a girl’s father or guardian by in-laws
during the girl’s marriage.
15. L.J. Beecher. The Kikuyu, p. 11.
16. Ibid.
17. Lambert, op. cit., p. 118.
18. Ibid., p. 114-115.
19. L.S.B. Leakey, Mau Mau and the Kikuyu, p. 98.
21. Ibid., p. 218.
22. Lambert, op. cit., p. 117; Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 17.
23. C. Dundas, Africa crossroads, p. 61.
24. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 993-994.
25. Lambert, op. cit., p. 101; Thuku, op. cit., p. 26-27.
26. Lambert, op. cit., p. 117.
27. Routledge, op. cit., p. 124-125.
28. The Gikuyu conception of kthooto is wide. The Kikuyu-English dictionary renders the word
kthooto as “that which convinces, an unanswerable argument, a powerful plea; proof, right
reason, justice; equity, fairness”
29. These ideas about justice are strongly held by the Old Age Group.
31. Practically the whole of the girl’s clan participated in this feast by eating ngoima.
33. Meshak Murage and Gathii Mwathi interviews.
35. Ngutko was some form of sexual practice between initiated young men and girls. For more
information on this practice, see Chapter 6.
40. Ibid.; Rahab Waiyigo has witnessed such occasions.
41. This song, as well as the next one, was sung by Meshak Murage.
42. See chapter 2, Honesty.
43. Itotia. Endwo nt irt na irttri, cf. p. 95-97.
47. Ibid.
49. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interview. If a woman was caught stealing produce from people’s
247
gardens, these ornaments were removed by force as payment for what she had stolen.
50. Ndiru means “misfortune, calamity.” Cagnolo says that the Gikuyu believed God to be good
per se and they did not blame him for misfortunes. Rather “with all compliance,” they said,
“it is God’s will.” See Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 27.
51. Gikuyu philosophy and laws were preserved in the form of proverbs. Cagnolo describes
these as “a true codex for wisdom.” In this connection, Cagnolo observed that the Gikuyu
language “is rich enough to express any concrete or abstract idea.” Cagnolo, op. cit., p.
23.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid. In Chapter 2 a description is given of how a child was taught to cultivate uprightness or
maturity.
55. Arthur Waciira interview. Routledge observes that snuff taking was confined to middle age
and old age males. A warrior took a pinch occasionally but he did not carry a snuff
container. Offering snuff to anyone was regarded as courteous and a request for a pinch
between travellers who met on the way was “never directly refused.” See Routledge, op.
cit., p. 24.
56. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru and Wanjiku Gicinga interviews.
58. Gathii Mwathi and Arthur Waciira interviews.
60. Ibid. A man, his wife and child were regarded as the potential beginning of a new lineage.
61. In traditional times, the Gikuyu did not bury their dead (unless they were rich) but left them
in the forest to be eaten by wild animals. Hyenas were the most numerous of these.
(Editor’s note)
62. Gathii Mwathi interview. Covetous people lacked contentment. They were therefore a
potential danger to peace, goodwill and harmony in society. For this reason they were often
suspected of witchcraft.
63. Ibid.
66. Informants in the Old Age Group regarded the many deaths of relatively young people, as
well as frequent drought and famine, as supernatural baneful effects.
67. This view is contrary to the traditional Gikuyu attitude to punishment.
69. Gathii Mwathi interview. The expression refers to the beer (made from honey) that the age
mates might brew later in life since elders had the custom to invite each other to their
homes for social drinking.
248
73. Leah Maranga interview.

74. Rahab Waiyigo interview.
75. Ibid. Sometimes the parents of the abducted girl arranged for clanswomen to confiscate the
headman’s sheep and goats as compensation for the loss of their daughter.
Chapter 5
1. J.R.L. MacDonald. Soldiering and surveying in British East Africa, 1891-1894, p. 109.
2. Richard Meinertzhagen. Editor’s note: Cf. Robert B. Edgerton. Mau Mau: an African cru-
cible. (New York: Ballantyne Books, 1991) p. 8. “The Kikuyu fought so bravely against
British rifles and machine guns in ensuing battles that Meinertzhagen was greatly
impressed by their courage.”
3. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 18
4. Routledge, op. cit.
5. Ibid., p. 16.
6. Ibid., p. 13.
7. Ibid.
8. Sir Charles Eliot. The East African Protectorate, p. 71-72.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Cavicchi, op. cit., p. 21.
16. Routledge, op. cit., p. 205-206; See also Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 213.
17. Ibid.
18. Lugard, op. cit., p. 328; cf. Routledge, p. 330.
19. Ibid., p. 323.
20. von Hohnel, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 353.
21. Ibid. p. 332.
23. Dundas, op. cit., p. 61.
25. Ibid., p. 92.
28. L. Githui wa Kariithi, op. cit.
30. The informants say that generally even good qualities cease to be good if they are exces-
sive.
249
32. Ibid.
34. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
40. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru and Meshak Murage interviews.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. Gathii Mwathi and Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interviews.
45. Interviews with Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru, Gathii Mwathi and Ruth Wanjiru Gathii.
46. Routledge, op. cit., p. 142
47. Priscilla Njeru Makumi interview.
49. Meshak Murage sang this song, also the following four.
50. Sung by Meshak Murage..
51. Ibid. Marewa. Here denotes the river (personified).
52. Madalina Wambui interview.
54. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru and Meshak Murage interviews.
55. Sung by Gathii Mwathi and Meshak Murage.
Chapter 6
1. Temperamce is a key-concept of Gikuyu moral thought.
2. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 149; Kenyatta op. cit., p. 9.
4. Ibid.
5. Leakey, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 692-693.
6. Marjorie Perham, ed. The diaries of Lord Lugard, Vol. I, p. 344.
9. Cagnolo, op. cit., p. 74, 162, 173.
10. “Barlow papers.” File 1/2/2, University of Nairobi Archives.
12. Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 159-160. Leakey and Benson describe ngutko as “simulated sexual
intercourse” between young men and girls. The traditional practice involved no direct
contact of the genitalia as the girl protected herself with her pubic apron. It was referred to
as ngutko ya nyondo (sex of the breast) to distinguish it from sexual intercourse and also
because it involved contact of the chests and therefore of ‘rubbing’ and fondling of the
250
breast (guthigana). Rules governing ngutko were strict and newly initiated girls and young
men were instructed by older girls. From what Leakey and Githui say, it would seem that in
traditional society ngutko was practised in the girls’ bed (ktrtrt) inside the mother’s house.
This arrangement stopped during the early colonial rule when young men began to hide
from colonial chiefs to avoid conscription. Subsequently, the disarmed warriors built
themselves huts where the girls began to visit them. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 703,
705, 706, 738, 739-740; Githui, op. cit., p. 7-8; Lambert, op. cit., p. 128.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Itotia, op. cit.
18. The word ngutko is derived from the verb gutka which means to dress, clothe or cover over
with a cloak or garment. Another associated word is thigo meaning rubbing of the breasts.
From what informants say it seems that the main idea behind ngutko was the pleasure of
fondling breasts and the warmth derived from bodily contact and from the girl’s cloak which
served as a blanket. The young people also used this practice to learn about each other. A
man who had no self-control was avoided by girls and might find it difficult to get a girl to
marry him. Interviews with Arthur Wachiira, Anthony Kahindi, Rahab Waiyigo, Gathii
Mwathi and Wanjiku Gicinga. See also Kabetu, op. cit., p. 36-39.
19. Perhaps this was the ideal rather than the practice. Parents were constantly warning their
bigger children against sexual intercourse and seem not to have been very particular about
ngutko. See Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 584-585.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid. “Call on me early in the morning” refers to the Gikuyu belief in the ‘bird of good fortune’
(nyoni ya munyaka). Certain children (and adults) were regarded as harbingers of good
fortune. They were believed to be especially good-natured. Parents or neighbours would
request children like these to call them or visit them early in the morning so that the adults
would speak to them before they spoke to anybody else. Adults somehow wished to share
in the nature of these children. An adult conversed with such a child in the hope that the
child might say a word he could meditate upon the whole day. Itotia. Endwo ni iri na irTiri, p.
17-19.
23. Leakey says that although the Gikuyu desired children, “their laws and customs were such
that no woman was allowed to give birth to as many as she was capable of producing
naturally, since much greater importance was attached to having healthy children than to
having many children ... Kikuyu babies were spaced out to about one in every third year.”
Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 511. Wanjiku Gicinga said that her mother conceived while her child was
relatively small and she suffered much ridicule. She therefore asked her husband
permission to abort. He did not agree and she had to bear the embarrassment.
251
25. Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview

27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., Ruth Wanjiru Gathii interview.
30. Wanjiku Gichinga interview. For a description of the ceremonies of kuoera mwana (picking
up (the menses) for one’s child), see Leakey, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 742-746.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid.
39. Wanjiku Gicinga interview.
41. Ibid.
42. Jackson Githaiga interview.
43. Patrick Migui interview.
44. Simon Mutero interview.
45. Beth Gathoni Guandaru interview.
46. Karanja Kagecha interview.
48. Patrick Kagwanja interview.
49. Janet Wambui Muchiri interview.
50. Karanja Kagecha interview. Several informants confirmed that there is a general belief
among the rural Gikuyu people that oral contraceptives (ndawa) destroy the eggs in the
uterus so that a woman who takes pills may become infertile. A girl who led a ‘loose life’
was believed to have taken enough pills to render herself infertile. Some girls therefore
deliberately sought to become pregnant in order to clear themselves from the suspicion that
they destroyed their eggs with pills. Young men were also anxious to be blessed with
children when they got married. To ensure this, some of them insisted on pre-marital sexual
union with their girlfriends. Many girls who were anxious to get married readily complied
with that condition. Sometimes it was the girl who took the initiative so that her boyfriend
might become obliged to marry her. (Sources: Interviews with Ruth Wanjiru Gathii, Arthur
Waciira, Madalina Wambui and Wanjiku Gicinga.)
51. Evanson Ndirangu interview.
52. Wanjiku Gicinga interview.
53. Interviews with Ruth Wanjiru Gathii, Rahab Waiyigo, Madalina Wambui and Priscilla Njeri
Makumi. The breakdown of the regimental age-grade system when colonial rule was
252
introduced meant that young men were no longer organised for purposes of imposing
discipline on the society. In time, other peer groupings either lost meaning or died out.
55. Priscilla Njeri Makumi represents a section of people who sincerely believed that they did
not need to teach their children. This informant said that many old people, including herself,
blame themselves for thinking that their children would automatically grow upright since
they had learned to read the Bible.
56. Patrick Kagwanja and Evanson Ndirangu interviews.
57. Anthony Kahindi Mbiiru interviews.
58. Priscilla Njeri Makumi interviews.
59. Ibid.
60. Joseph Maingi Kubai interview. This informant is referring to some Christians who are too
preoccupied with the next world. Other Christians believe that African customs, such as
seeking compensation for pregnancy, are not Christian and therefore should be avoided.
253
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259
AR C H I V AL M AT E RI AL
UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI ARCHIVES:

File BAR/l/2/2. Barlow Papers.
File LAMB/l/2/9. Lambert Papers.
File LAMB/1/6. Lambert Papers.
PROFESSOR G. MURIUKI’S PRIVATE COLLECTION:

Githui, Leonard wa Kariithi. “Uhinduri wa mltaarire ya Aglkuyu.”
Unpublished Ms., 1933. Handwritten.
KENYA NATIONAL ARCHIVES:

File KNA/DC/NYI/3/1. Political Record, Nyeri 1916-2. File
KNA/NYI/3/6. Native Affairs, 1921-1923.
261
I ND E X
abortion, abort, 222, 252 abstention, 207

from beer drinking, 211, 212 from intercourse, 208,209, 211
accommodation (sleeping place), 105, 169, 211 accusation(s),
accuser(s), 75, 126, 140, 141 adjudication, adjudicate, 125, 128, 180
admonition(s) 64, 132, 139, 149, 156, 162, 167, 199, 245 adultery, 66,
68, 92, 94, 227 age-group (riika, mariika), 22, 23, 26 age-mates, 81
agents of control. See also behaviour control, sanctions, 225
agreement(s), 41, 47, 52, 78, 127, 134, 163, 165
agreement, mutual. See mutual agreement
aggressiveness, aggressive, 144, 158, 176, 182, 197, 204
ailments: diagnosis of, 60
alarm(s), 24, 26, 37, 117, 118, 132, 179
ancestor(s), 16, 28, 33, 134, 145, 161
anger, angering, 48, 60, 97, 120, 126, 144, 180, 181, 217, 218, 225,
236 of ancestral spirits or God, 28, 29, 32, 33, 232 of parents,
33, 143, 157, 162
animals, domestic. See also goats, rams, 67, 84, 104, 114, 116, 120, 130-132, 134, 136, 140,
143, 169, 188, 211
as form of wealth, 36, 59, 146, 173, 181,183, 189,199, 238, 245
as gifts, 134, 135, 153
herding of, 59, 64, 83, 86, 119, 120, 154, 178, 191 payment of (as
punishment), 120, 211
placing in custody of, 59, 77-79, 85, 111, 116, 130, 131, 136, 185
animals, wild, 175, 178, 213, 237, 248 protection against, 83, 177,
178 annoyance, 33, 119, 120, 143 appointments, 93, 154
keeping of, 74, 78, 98
appreciation, 109, 133 apron,
pubic, 216, 251 Arab traders, 40
263
Index
arbitration, arbitrator(s), arbitrate, 30, 126, 133, 138, 139, 158, 167
arrogance, arrogant, 143
arrow(s), 57, 111, 201
arson, 132, 158
askari, 40
assault, 74, 157, 158, 161, 179, 182, 215
athamaki, muthamaki. See also leader(s) 41, 126, 128, 139, 154, 174
Athi. See Ndorobo
attach, attachment, 37, 87, 107, 238, 258
authority, 23, 25, 27, 40-42, 51, 52, 54, 57, 128, 142, 143, 157, 209, 219, 224-226, 232, 239
change in attitude towards, 107, 222, 224-227 supernatural, 224 avarice, 147
baby, 147, 211

birth of a, 108, 113, 131
babysitter, 69, 179 ban, public,
26, 63, 81, 207-209 ban: self-
imposed, 207, 211 banning, 133
Barlow, A.R., 18, 38, 51, 54, 206
barter: of food crops. See also trading, 122, 185, 189
bed: demolishing of, 217
beer, 54, 61, 65, 86, 104, 111, 116, 140, 157, 169, 171, 185, 195, 206, 212, 213, 220, 223, 228,
242, 249
beer drinking: ceremonies involving, 206, 211 beer drinking: permission to, 211 beg, begging,
63, 100, 104, 112, 157, 199, 208 behaviour. See also conduct, sexual behaviour courteous,
good, 25, 26, 29, 65 bad, illicit, 41, 58, 63, 64, 66, 86, 142, 147, 157, 203 behaviour control. See
also agents of control, sanctions, 225 benefits, material, 200. See also riches, wealth
benevolence, 76
benevolent person. See muuma andu
bewitching. See also witchcraft, 76, 149, 159
Blakeslee, Virginia, 53, 54
blessings: by old people, 35, 155
blessings: of God, 32, 155, 232
blood: drawing of, 111
blood: shedding of, 92
blood relationship. See also clansmen, clanswomen, kinship, family relationship, 108
boldness. See bravery
boundary marks, 32, 48, 133, 134, 137, 180
Boyes, John (King of the Wakikuyu), 40
bravery, 81, 115, 171, 172, 173-177, 179-182, 196 204
bravery: excessive, 182
breakfast: giving of, 104, 186
264
Index
bribe(s), 77, 93, 166

bride-wealth, 135, 224
British administration See also Colonial Government, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45, 169, 172
building sites, 109
bullying, bully, 70, 176, 179, 198
bury, burial, 36, 248
Cagnolo, C., 18, 39, 41, 54, 58, 100, 126, 172, 174, 175, 205, 206
calamities. See also famine, 40, 55
capital punishment, See also punishment, 42
carcass, 111
cash economy, See also wages, 91, 94, 122 castor oil, 131
cattle, 29, 31, 83, 85, 107, 112, 117, 134, 173, 177-179, 181, 185, 212, 219 caution, 214, 215
Cavicchi, Edmondo, 18, 125, 174,175, 191 celebration(s), 119 ceremonial drinking, 208
ceremony(ies). See also religious ceremonies, rituals, 21-24, 34, 54, 81, 86, 122, 157, 160-163,
191, 195, 206, 207, 212, 242, 252
charity, 76, 77, 102, 111, 123, 199
chastity, 66, 220, 221
cheating, 98, 165
cheerfulness, cheerful, 102, 205
chiefs, 40-42, 239
chiefs: oppression by, 47, 52, 169, 251 child labour, 51
children, 21, 23, 25, 31, 33, 71, 80, 84-86, 98, 114, 119, 122, 123, 129, 143, 149, 157, 166-168,
195, 199, 205, 207, 209, 212, 214, 216, 219, 221, 222, 244, 252
as evidence of welfare and blessing, 29, 34-36, 154, 231, 238, 253 as proof of marriage,
134
education and guidance of, 15, 17, 21, 26, 52, 58, 59, 62, 64, 120, 145, 166, 187, 191,
196, 206, 210, 218, 219, 223-229, 236, 251, 253
dishonesty, honesty among, 58, 72-73, 80, 84, 85-87
illegitimate, 157, 230
spacing of, 211, 252
Christan demands/vows: vs. demands/vows in Gikuyu culture, 91-93, 224, 226-229, 244 Church
of Scotland Mission, 51, 54
circumcision. See also female circumcision, 22, 62-64, 83, 119, 175, 191, 196 civilization,
western, 38, 39, 49-51, 53, 54, 91, 100, 221 civilize, 18, 54, 55, 221
clan(s), 21, 22, 24, 26, 32, 33, 36, 42, 46, 48, 49, 134, 135, 164, 173, 214, 247 clan
forefathers/spirits, 32, 134
clansmen, clanswomen. See also blood relationship, kinship, family relationship, 22, 26, 99,
106, 107, 122, 127, 131, 141, 142, 157, 158, 214, 249
cleansing: after a misdeed, 54, 160, 162
code of behaviour. See moral code
265
Index
Colonial Government, 41, 45, 86, 170

combat, physical, 173, 176, 177-179, 182, 192
communal work, 109, 142, 242
community life, 130, 147
compassion, compassionate, 82, 88, 102, 103, 106, 202
compensation, 22, 44, 75, 83, 84, 120, 125-127, 132, 141, 157, 163, 166, 197, 210, 229, 247,
249, 253
compromise, 138, 229
compulsory labour, 52, 53
conduct: modes of. See moral code
conduct, exemplary, 144
confession, confess, 126, 147, 160, 162, 163, 211
confidence. See also self-confidence, 60, 69, 138, 196, 198, 199, 202, 203, 207, 223
conscience, 49, 74, 75, 138
consequence(s), 39, 43, 53, 68, 71, 74, 94, 114, 137, 155, 156, 197, 226, 229 Consolata
Mission, 53
contemptuousness, contempt, 44, 89, 118, 122, 169, 190, 246 contentment, content, 36, 50, 75,
145, 146, 150, 249 cooperation, cooperate, 42, 59, 88 cordial, cordially, 103, 105, 110, 124,
165, 196, 197, 213
Council of Elders. See also elders, 23, 24, 26, 27, 42, 48, 125-127, 138, 141, 167
counsel, counselling, 32, 74, 76, 77, 81, 102, 106, 108, 113, 126, 134, 199, 225, 226, 228, 229
counsellor(s), 126, 165
courage, courageous, See also njamba, 10, 11, 32, 72, 81, 115, 144, 152, 171, 175, 176, 178,
180-182, 188, 189-191, 194-204, 215, 231, 249
court(s), 41, 42, 45, 48, 49, 138, 139, 141, 148, 167-169, 174
court fees, 126
Court’s Ordinance (1897), 41
courtesy, courteous, 17, 25, 26, 54, 61, 145, 248
covetousness, covetous. See also jeaslousy, 60, 68, 92, 145-147, 150, 159, 249
coward(s), cowardice, cowardly, 26, 81, 152, 173, 177, 182, 188, 190, 192, 197, 202
cow(s), 87, 95, 130, 147, 148, 152, 181, 229
cow(s): as gifts, 106, 173
crafty. See cunning
crime(s). See offence(s)
criminal(s). See also malefactors, offenders, wrongdoers, 140, 147, 178 criminal(s), habitual, 26,
136, 161, criminal(s), habitual: killing of, 163, 164 criticism, 30, 51
of parents, 143 crop
husbandry, 218 crown lands,
43, 45 Crown Lands
ordinance
- 1902, 43
266
Index
- 1915, 43
cultivate, cultivation, 44, 45, 48, 107, 117, 163, 174, 187, 188, 207, 218
cultivation: assistance in. See also Mutual help, 24, 87, 88, 133, 151
cultivation rights, 22, 46, 47-49, 245
cunning, 110, 144, 180
curse(s), 32, 76, 94, 243
curse: invoking of, 65, 115, 150, 160, 226
curse: of a dying person, 104, 113
customary law, 41, 46-48, 79, 103, 138, 209
damage, 44, 132

to reputation, 210, 213
dances(s), dancing. See also kibaata dances, 61, 66, 81, 86, 134, 143, 186, 206, 207, 209, 210,
215-217, 227, 242 danger, 72, 101, 178, 211, 249 exposure to, 178,179, 182
day of judgement, 55. See also final judgement, second coming, supernatural judgement death,
33, 36, 65, 76, 92, 110, 113, 126-128, 140, 146, 149, 154, 159, 160, 162, 164, 178, 179, 182,
190, 202
immanent: saving people from, 106, 107
untimely: as punishment, 160, 249 death-bed
pronouncements, 161 debate(r), 125, 138, 139,
174 deception, 58, 133, 150 defeat, 28, 72, 128,
129, 137, 141, 159, 184 in litigation, 137-141, 180
defence, 22, 24, 43, 1001, 172, 175, 177, 179,
207 defendant, 126
defilement, defiling, 100, 160, 211 deliberation(s), 29, 125, 126, 134, 164, 173, 180
demand(s), 27, 37, 38, 43, 50, 79, 91, 93, 100, 135, 136, 142, 151, 157, 162, 167, 169, 195, 197
desperate, desperation, 36, 74, 200
despondent, despondency, 184, 202, 220, 230
destitution, destitute, 36, 109, 118,119, 184, 196, 200
determination, 31, 40, 175, 176, 183, 200
dignity, 139, 170, 174, 175
diligence, diligent, 17, 30, 32, 35, 36, 52, 60, 64, 80, 86-88, 90, 98, 101, 114, 115, 145, 149,
152, 175, 176, 182, 183, 186, 187-192, 197-201, 203, 212, 217-219, 231 disagreement(s), 95,
133 disapproval, 99, 127, 229
discipline, 15, 26, 32, 69, 70, 81, 120, 196, 206, 207, 216, 225, 226, 237, 253
discontentment, discontent, 146, 147, 150
disdain, disdainful, 79, 168-170, 220
dishonesty, 58, 89, 138
disinheritance, disinherit, 127, 128
disobedience, 58, 64, 83, 143, 157, 159, 165, 225
dispute(s). See also tension, 26, 42, 45, 48, 49, 72, 75, 79, 125, 129, 133, 136, 137-139, 160,
267
Index
164, 165, 173, 179-182, 203

open. See also tension, state of, 137, 141 disregard, 11, 30, 44, 65, 83,
91, 111, 129, 156, 160, 166, 169, 222, 226, 227-229 distortion, 150
District Commissioner, 39, 42, 240 divination, diviners, 28, 33, 80, 107, 211 divorce. See also
wife; ‘throw away’, 135 dowry. See bride-wealth
drunkenness, drunkards, drunkenness, 208, 213 increase in, 220 duel, 173 duty, 23, 39, 49, 59,
64, 70, 84, 86, 87, 90, 99, 101, 151, 156, 160, 195, 203, 205, 225 dying, 100, 104, 113, 149,
220, 222
ears, piercing of, 62, 149, 196

eat, eating, 84, 90, 97, 99, 100, 103-105, 119, 121, 122, 132, 150, 158, 186, 191, 192, 201, 212,
213, 214, 247
education, 15, 16, 21, 38, 39, 42, 54, 58, 91, 123, 200, 216, 227, 235 as inculcating maturity, 60
educational disparity: between parents and children, 226
elders. See also Council of elders, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 31, 57, 61, 63, 65, 72, 79, 84, 95, 96, 104,
125, 128, 133, 134, 139, 141, 149, 150, 153, 158, 165, 173, 179, 180, 185, 206, 212, 214, 215,
224, 229, 232, 242, 249
as intercessors in prayer, 29 loss of
authority of, 15, 16, 25, 41-43 eldership, 23
elections, local, 85 Eliot, Sir Charles, 44, 45,
172 eloquence, 174
embarrass, embarrassment, 71, 72, 74, 83, 119, 120, 144, 154, 195, 197, 210, 223, 242, 252
embezzle, 75
Emergency, State of (1952-1960), 86, 97
emulate, 93, 201, 202, 228
encouragement, moral, 81, 235
endurance. See also perseverance, steadfastness, 62, 175, 183, 191, 192, 196
envious, envy See also covetousness, 30, 68, 102, 147, 149, 159
equilibrium (in society), 30, 42
equilibrium (in society), restoring of, 39, 126, 128
equity, 30, 127, 136, 139, 144, 165, 247
esteem, 82, 98, 173, 212
European farmers, 40, 174
evidence, 27, 28, 29-31, 38, 51, 66, 100-102, 126, 130, 131, 133-142, 151, 174, 175, 180, 184,
186, 187, 190, 192, 202, 237
evidence, convicting, 160
evidence, factual, 133
examinations, 73, 175
excellent, excellence, excel. See also njamba, 105, 128, 176, 187, 192, 201
exhaustion, 36, 184, 192, 194
expectation: fulfilment of, 59, 60, 70, 77-80, 85, 145
268
Index
expedition(s), 26, 42, 81, 82, 89, 183, 184, 187, 193, 194
expedition, Count Teleki’s, 174
expedition(s), punitive, 40, 171, 239
exploitation, exploit, 11, 41, 49, 79, 81, 94, 96, 101, 150, 197 extort, extortion, 60, 67, 79, 145,
147, 168, 237
facts, 17, 71, 126, 136, 151, 181, 182 distortion of, 71, 136 fairness, 30, 128, 165, 247
falsehood, 58, 129, 133
family relationships. See also blood relationship, clansmen, clanswomen, kinship, 141
famine, 24, 28, 40, 44, 80, 90, 107, 109, 132, 149, 150, 153, 159, 187, 189, 214, 249
father-in-law. See in-laws
favouritism, favourite, 72, 82, 86, 87, 165
feasts, 195, 201, 207
of meat, 126, 131, 132, 158, 200, 201, 214,
247 female circumcision, 216, 258 fidelity, 81, 98, 197
fidelity, sexual, 61, 66, 68
final judgement (Christian doctrine), 169. See also day of judgement, second coming, super-
natural judgement financial aid, 69 financial matters, 72, 73 financial gain/prosperity, 49, 52, 97
fine(s): as punishment, 27, 120, 127, 207, 247 firewood, 25, 90, 106, 143, 171, 192, 193
firmness, 196, 197, 225 flatter, 110, 144
fondling (rubbing breasts) See ngulko
food, 34, 51, 63, 78, 80-82, 87-89, 93, 97, 99, 100, 103-109, 113, 117, 119, 121, 122, 131, 132,
143, 145, 147, 153, 157, 169, 171, 174, 185, 187-189, 191, 195, 199, 211, 213, 214, 217, 238,
244, 246
foolishness, fools, foolish, 33, 123, 124, 126, 140, 170, 178, 179, 182, 198, 203, 202, 204, 205,
214, 243
forbearance, forbear, 144, 145, 176, 197, 218
force of might, force of right, 128, 129, 135, 136, 139, 169, 179
forced labour. See compulsory labour
forefathers. See ancestors
forgive, forgiveness, 94, 129, 136, 156, 159, 161-163, 166-168 Fort Hall. See Murang’a
freedom, 31, 206, 207 of choice, 128 of speech, 125, 128 friendship, 59, 67, 78, 117, 241, 242
gain, material, 75, 198, 202
generosity, generous 10, 11, 16, 46, 60, 64, 67, 76-78, 80, 87, 98, 99-103, 106-123, 144, 145,
154, 165, 176, 190, 198, 231, 245, 246
genial. See cordial
gentleness, 110, 144, 196, 197
Gichugu, 37
gift(s): given in courtship, 134, 135 gift of food See itega
gift: propitiatory. See also ram of propitiation, 158 Gikuyu
as the ‘house of the digging stick’, 28, 187, 218 changes in way of life of, 11, 17,
269
Index
38, 93, 225 encounter with western culture, 38, 53, 200, 220, 227 loss of land. See land
alienation migration, 37, 51, 188 mobility, 37, 226 Gikuyu agriculture, 28, 174 Gikuyu
culture, 37, 38, 53, 54, 93
Gikuyu morality. See also sexual morality, 30, 32, 38, 43, 48, 53-55, 61, 91, 92, 224, 225-227,
230-232
Gikuyu religion, 27-33, 54, 55, 232
Gikuyu religion: influence of missionaries on, 15, 53-55
Gikuyu reserve
Githui, Leonard, 17, 178
giving: as a spontaneous act, 103
goat: ‘of companionship’ 153
goat(s), 28, 65, 72, 79, 87, 96, 107, 111, 114, 119-122, 127, 131, 132, 134, 157, 158, 160, 174,
185, 189, 192, 197, 201, 212, 215, 247, 249
God
as creator and upholder of life, 27-30
as dispenser of justice, 27, 28, 30, 31, 54, 55, 57, 113, 149, 154-156, 159, 160, 209,
210, 224, 232 as forgiving wrongs, 94
as giver of good gifts, 28, 32, 60, 75, 79, 146, 166, 196, 202, 210 conversion to, 54
disregard of, 227
goodwill, 67, 90, 102, 110, 113-115, 125, 130, 132, 144, 151, 152, 161, 219, 249
gossips, gossiping, 26, 69, 76, 142, 157, 208, 226
gratitude, 26, 35, 79, 80, 82, 113, 116, 117, 121, 133, 153
greed, greedy, 48, 58, 67, 68, 75, 84, 92, 96-98, 145, 150, 180, 205, 212-214, 222
grievance(s), 17, 31, 45, 135, 158, 205
guest(s), 100, 103-105, 108, 111, 112, 140, 197, 213 status of, 99
guilt(y), 72, 126, 136, 140, 141, 155, 160, 163, 167, 168, 197 Gumba, 37, 238
handing over ceremony. See itulka hardships. See also suffering, 191, 195
harmony, 29, 30, 33, 34, 69, 70, 76, 77, 98, 130, 132, 152, 219, 249 headman, 73, 169, 249
help, non-material, See also cultivation: assistance in, mutual help, 83, 101, 102, 106, 108,
109-111, 117, 123, 178
home life: loss of, 51, 52, 97, 222, 226
homeless, 87
honesty, 11, 16, 30, 57-61, 66, 67-73, 75-82, 84-86, 90, 91, 94, 96,
98, 138, 141, 145, 164, 242, 243
honey, 84, 107, 108, 131, 143, 158, 162, 249
hospitality, 22, 27, 66, 69, 78, 88, 99, 100, 102, 103-106, 111-113, 115, 117, 121, 122, 153, 158,
197, 245
house of the digging stick’. See under Gikuyu human relationships, 47, 94, 96, 98, 218
humiliation, 157, 199 humility, 26, 65, 196
hunger, hungry, 36, 105, 107, 113, 122, 184, 186, 190, 192 hypocrisy, 133, 145. 229
270
Index
identification, 130
of animals, 133
idler(s). See also indolence, laziness, loiterers, 132, 184, 188, 189 ill effects. See also
misfortune, 141 immorality, immoral, 15, 83, 160, 223 impatience, 138, 186
Imperial British East Africa Company, 40
improve, improvement, 102, 174, 183, 189, 195, 199, 200, 202, 245
incompetent, 101, 228
indecent, 27, 212, 215, 228
indisputable, 129
individualism, 39, 122, 123
indolence. See also idlers, laziness, loiterers, 89, 90, 189
inducement, 53, 153, 200, 216
industrious, 61, 75, 86, 88, 174, 182, 183, 185, 244
initiation(s). See also rites of passage, 22, 23, 63, 80-82, 86, 92, 108, 143, 154, 163, 195, 206,
208-210, 216, 227, 242
initiative, 30, 43, 48, 87, 90, 101, 102, 146, 183, 189, 190, 197, 245, 253
injustice, 31. 49, 52, 147, 149, 160, 168-170, 181
in-law(s), 25, 66, 69, 72, 108, 135, 212, 245, 247
innocence, innocent, 75, 126, 136, 140, 141, 168
insult(s), 66, 69, 110, 138, 139, 176, 181, 182, 199, 204
integrity, 17, 22, 23, 24, 30, 32, 33, 42, 59-61, 67, 68, 86, 139, 160, 209, 210, 231
intelligence, intelligent, 57, 58, 62, 81, 138, 139, 174
intemperance, intemperate, 206, 208, 212, 214, 224
interpretation, 136, 164
investigation(s), 30, 71, 141, 197
irl and iruri ( wealth, honour, prosperity, good fortune), 34-36, 237
irresponsible, irresponsibility, 15, 157
itega, 80, 108, 116, 122, 123
Itotia, J., 28, 35, 59, 60, 102, 145
itulka (handing over ceremony), 23
jealousy. See also covetousness, envy, 75, 150 joint ventures, 59, 245
judgement, See also final judgement, supernatural judgement, second coming, 72, 126, 127,
136, 137, 139, 141, 159, 169, 229, 232 judicial procedure, 125
justice. See also kihooto, 24, 27, 29-32, 42, 45,72, 76, 78, 79, 111, 112, 118, 124, 125-127, 129-
139, 141, 144-146, 151-153, 155, 156, 159-161, 164- 166, 168-170, 174, 178, 180-182, 198,
203, 231, 232, 237, 246, 247 justice: concept of, 125, 128, 129 justice: obstruction of, 138, 181,
justice: triumph of, 129 justice: undermining of, 132 justice: upholding of, 30
Karuri, 40 Kenya Colony, 45

Kenya Land Commission (1934), 45, 46 Kenyatta, Jomo, 17, 27-29, 31, 38, 47, 48, 58, 60, 101,
271
Index
206 Kiambu, 13, 24, 37, 39, 49, 149, 174, 240 kibaata dances. See also dances, 23
kihooto, 76, 78, 84, 111, 112, 118, 128-130, 132-139, 142-144, 151, 153, 155, 157, 160, 161,
163, 164, 168, 176, 177, 179-183, 203, 247 killing(s), 40, 120, 133, 147, 149, 159, 179 ritual,
159 kindness, 32, 67, 103, 111, 115, 123
kinship. See also blood relationship, family relationship, clansmen, clanswomen, 21, 25, 59, 222
kinsmen, 127, 232 labour policy, 49, 51
Lambert, Harold E., 30, 39, 42, 49, 125-128, 174, 242
land: as a gift of God to the Gikuyu, 31
land alienation, 31, 40, 43, 44, 46, 47-49, 51, 240
land dispute(s), 26, 48, 49, 133, 165,
land ownership, 45, 48, 130, 180,
land tenure, traditional, 46-48
land tillage, 32, 87, 114, 121, 187, 189, 191, 199, 200, 218, 219,
law-abiding, 165
lawsuit (s), 72, 86, 137, 141
laziness, lazy. See also idlers, indolence, loiterers, 27, 52, 86, 88-90, 99, 101, 112, 152, 184,
188-190, 192, 245
leaders, leadership. See also athamaki, 16, 23, 40, 43, 70, 71, 77, 85, 93, 128, 139, 169, 174,
196, 202
Leakey, Louis S.B., 17, 18, 21, 27, 28, 34, 37, 41, 48, 58-60, 101, 127, 128, 172, 173, 206,
liberality, 100, 102, 112, 123 life: safeguarding of, 28, 106, 113, listen: ability to, 139
litigation, litigate, litigant, 30, 31, 42, 49, 72, 126, 136-138, 141, 168, 174, 176, 179-182, 203
livelihood, 28, 37, 146, 174 livestock, 34, 41, 173, 177, 178, 185, 189, 198, 218 loss of, 40, 113,
159, 160, local community, 23, 51, 64, 161, 169, 175 as agents of control, 226, 232 loiterers.
See also idlers, indolence, laziness, 69, 89 long life: as blessing of God, 154, 160, loyal, loyalty,
86 Lugard, F.D., 44, 174, 205 lying, 60, 73, 150 lynch law, 128
Maasai, 24, 28, 29, 34, 37, 40, 81, 82, 159, 171-173, 175, 177, 183, 184, 188, 192, 194, 200,
201, 206, 219 MacDonald, J.R.L., 171 magistrate(s), 137, 136, 168
malefactor(s). See also criminal(s), offenders, wrongdoers, 149, 153, 159, 178 malice,
malicious, 30, 60, 75, 78, 80, 81, 115, 129, 137, 145, 147, 149, 150, 158-160 man’s hut
(thingira), 83, 148, 149, 216
marriage, 22, 23, 36, 38, 47, 48, 55, 61, 66, 92, 93, 107, 122, 128, 134, 135, 151, 153, 155, 157,
158, 161, 163, 169, 194, 208, 210, 214, 216-219, 222, 229, 245, 247 masculinity, 176 matatu
driver, 73
maturity, mature, 60, 61-64, 68-70, 76, 77, 94, 98, 136, 144, 145, 162, 164, 170, 198, 210, 217
Mau Mau, 31, 37, 86, 160, 237
meanness. See also stinginess, 112, 118, 120
meat: division of, 77, 214
mediation, mediate, 165, 197, 198
272
Index
mediation: by elders, 179

medicine man, 58, 60, 75, 211
meekness. See also humility, 198
Meinertzhagen, Richard, 171, 249
men, 22, 23, 38, 41, 51, 60, 66, 68, 80, 84, 88-90, 100, 101, 107, 120, 135, 142, 143, 148, 151,
167, 170, 173, 176, 194, 198, 202, 217, 241, 245, old, 96, 139, 199, 212,
young, 26, 43, 50, 51, 68, 69, 81, 83, 86-88, 96, 103, 133, 134, 158, 184, 187, 205, 206,
208, 209, 211, 216, 221, 223, 227, 229, 248, 251, 253 menses, 62, 211, 217
ceremony connected with, 252
mental health, 145
mischief, 40, 63, 113, 119, 120, 132, 147, 166, 211, 216, 226, 246 misfortune. See also ill
effects, 49, 67, 75, 91, 102, 113, 149, 156, 160, 166, 183, 246, 248 moderation, 111, 207, 212,
231 in drinking, 204, 212 in eating, 214 in giving, 124 in speech, 72
modern, modernity, modern way of life, 39, 55, 92, 97, 121, 122, 164, 168, 221, 222, 224-227,
229, 232
modest, modesty. See also shame, thoni, 25, 60, 64-66, 212, 243
money, 41, 50, 53, 69, 73, 74, 77, 85, 92, 94-98, 121-123, 140, 147, 148, 153, 168, 197, 228,
curse of, 94, public, 96
money economy. See cash economy monogamy, monogamist, 93, 229, 244 moral code, 29, 32,
55, 65, 85, 91, 130, 226, 232 moral constraints, 222 moral misconduct, 55 moral obligations,
226
moral rectitude. See also uprightness, 152, 154 moral standards, 15, 39, 98,
compromise in, 224, 229, 230, 232
moral teaching: lack of, 224, 227 morality,
sexual. See sexual behaviour mother-in-
law. See in-laws Murang’a, 24, 37, 40
murder, murderer(s), 22, 28, 30, 42, 58, 68, 95, 120, 127, 128, 132, 140, 141, 146, 158, 159,
161
Muriuki, Godfrey, 101, 235, 236
mutual agreement, 47, 127
mutual confidence, 69
mutual defence, 101
mutual help. See also cultivation, assistance in; help, non-material, reciprocation: of a favour,
52, 101, 245
mutual indebtedness, 122
mutual respect. See also respect, 59, 69, 108
mutual trust, 69, 79, 153
muuma andu, 76, 77, 111, 154
names, Christian, 93
naughtiness, naughty. See also mischief, 58, 133
273
Index
Native Councils, 41, 42, 180

Native tribunals, 41, 42, 49
natural justice, 30
Ndia, 37
Ndorobo, 34, 37, 48, 236, 238 neutralizing: a wrong committed, 168 Ngai. See God
Ngulko. See also sexual intercourse, relations, 54, 61, 68, 206, 207-210, 216, 217, 223, 227,
245, 248, 251 ngurario, 134, 135, 163
njamba. See also excellence, 81, 115, 175-177, 179, 187, 188, 198, 201, 202 Nottingham, John,
44, 239 Nyeri, 24, 37, 40, 48 nyumba, 21, 22, 26, 81, 135
oathing, oaths, 65, 74, 75, 141, 160, 168, 211, 224, 226, 227, 244 oathing: as an appeal to
supernatural judgement, 42, 75, 160 obedience, obedient, 35, 58, 59, 64, 198, 225, 226
obligation(s), 22, 58, 59, 79, 80, 82, 83, 93, 99, 108, 109, 113, 115, 226, offence(s), offend,
offender. See also crime, criminal, malefactors, wrongdoers, 30, 35, 74, 75,
97, 110, 118, 120, 127, 132, 133, 140, 156, 160-163, 167, 197, 206, 217, 226
oil, body, 63, 79, 133
old age, 139, 154, 155, 212, 222, 248
ornament(s), 66, 100, 132, 153, 248
ostracise, ostracism, 133, 158, 162, 225, 226
outcast: from society, 127, 207
ownership: joy of, 147
of people, land, property, 45, 47, 131, 180
ownership, personal, 48, 130, 131 ownership:
proof of, 133, 199 right of, 48
opposite sex: respect for, 204 optimism, 189, 203
pain, 62-64, 92, 175, 176, 191, 196 parasitic existence, 190 parasitic tendencies, 100 parental
authority, 222, 224-226,
parent(s), 15, 26, 28, 32, 35, 54, 57, 58, 64, 69, 72-74, 81, 83, 85, 86, 92, 97, 98, 131, 134, 135,
143, 157, 162, 166, 167-169, 187, 196, 200, 203, 206, 209, 210, 215-217, 219- 222, 226-229,
231, 232, 249, 251, 252
respect for, 28, 33, 71
patience, patient(ly), 30, 97, 123, 138, 140, 146, 176, 180, 181, 191, 195, 197, 218 payment: of
a good deed, 116
peace, 24, 29, 30, 33, 37, 40, 75, 77, 93, 98, 110, 123, 128, 130, 132, 139, 144, 151, 152, 155,
161, 165, 166, 205, 218, 249
peace of mind, 75, 150
peaceful, 47, 130, 180, 189, 199, 203, 205
peacemaker, 130, 139
peelings: of food consumed, 131
peers, peer groups, 25, 98, 120, 179, 224, 226, 227, 231, 253 perjury, 30, 132 Perlo, Filippo, 53
274
Index
perseverance. See also endurance, steadfastness, 182

philanthropic, philanthropy, 47, 101, 111
plaintiff, 126, 127, 168
pledge(s). See also vows, 65, 91-93, 160, 178
poison, poisoning, 100, 148, 150, 159
polygamy, polygamous, 54, 86, 105, 147, 165, 195, 199, 229
poverty, 45, 46, 86, 99, 177, 183, 184, 190, 194, 195, 199, 200, 217, 245 praise, 26, 67, 115,
116, 146, 191 prayer(s), 23, 29, 31, 159, 194 for rain, 29, 60
pregnancy(ies), 15, 75, 210, 211, 217, 221-223, 229, 253
outside marriage: compensation for, 157, 210, 220, 221, 253
presumptuous, 144, 198 privilege(s), 23, 130, 157, 201, 212, 216
probity, 144, 164, 165, 168 prodigal, prodigality, 100, 111, 112, 123,
231 prohibition(s), 28, 58, 91, 127, 207, 216, 225 promiscuity, 15,
206, 223
promise(s), 72, 78, 79, 91-93, 96, 98, 107, 133, 157, 161, 166, 167 proof. See also evidence,
factual, 133, 134
property, 26, 30, 34, 40, 47, 58, 59, 61, 75, 76, 84, 98, 100, 118, 119, 127. 129-132, 140, 146,
151, 154, 158, 159, 169, 179, 180, 184, 186, 190, 191, 199, 200, 203, 217, 219, 231, 246
division of, 77, 180
protection of, 78, 84, 117, 130, 175, 177, 178, 203 respect for, 67, 157
right to, 178, 203
prosper, prosperity, prosperous, See also welfare, 29-36, 48-50, 52, 69, 102, 113, 128, 130,
132,
145, 146, 166, 183, 217
prostitute, 66, 170
Protectorate (Kenya Colony), 44, 50
puberty, 206
punish, punishment. See also capital punishment, 23, 25-28, 30, 32, 33, 40-42, 55, 75, 91, 92,
101, 114, 120, 129, 131, 132, 136, 142, 143, 152, 154, 156-162, 165, 167-169, 173, 196, 206,
207, 211, 219, 224, 227, 229, 232, 242, 249
as encouragement for good behaviour, 29, 30, 55, 120, 152, 155-157
as means of ridding society of habitual criminals, 56, 163 corporal,
226 fear of, 74, 127 reformative, 156
quarrelling, quarrels, 69, 86, 144, 158, 165, 198, 203, 213
raiding, raids, 26, 29, 40, 81, 117, 119, 172, 173, 176-178, 184, 188, 189, 192, 198, 200,
206, 219 ram,
as compensation, 84
as punishment or sign of repentance, 120, 157. 158 fatted: as gift to
future in-laws, 131, 134, 135, 163, 214
275
Index
of propitiation, 66. See also gift: propitiatory, sacrificial lamb to

conclude a divorce, 135 reason: ability to, 174
use of: in litigation, 198, 203
reason, convincing, 176
reasonableness, 76, 128, 164
reciprocation: of a favour. See also mutual help, 101 reconciliation, 158, 161, 167, 179 reliability,
57, 64, 68, 84, 86, 90, 144 religious ceremonies, rituals, 23, 48, 54, 161 repentance, 157, 158,
162, 168
reputation, 22, 34, 35, 67, 68, 71, 73, 112, 115, 116, 120, 140, 162, 173, 198, 200-202, 206,
210, 213, 215, 226
respect. See also mutual respect, 15, 26, 33, 52, 59, 64-68, 70, 71, 74, 81-83, 99, 116, 128,
131, 133, 139, 144, 151, 153, 164, 166, 197, 201, 211, 219, 222, 224, 225, 244 being worthy of,
71, 84
responsibility, 21-23, 26, 43, 61, 64, 70, 74, 83-85, 95, 113, 127, 145, 162, 166, 170, 196, 202,
209, 211, 215, 235
restoration, 129, 161
retainers, 41, 169
retaliation, 125, 126, 161, 167
retribution, 152, 159, 166
revenge, 126, 159
reward, 32, 129, 150, 152-155, 161, 165, 166, 181, 183, 200, 232 rich people: lack of generosity
of, 123 riches, 185, 219. See also wealth ridicule, 74, 118, 132, 207, 216, 217, 226, 252 public,
71
rites of passage. See also initiation, 21, 64, 98, 145, 191
rogue, 66, 164
role models: lack of, 93
Rosberg, C.J., 44
Ross, W.D.A., 44, 50
Routledge, Katherine, 28, 38, 57, 58, 60, 99, 126, 128, 172, 174, 190, 205 rugongo, 24
ruraacio. See also bride-wealth, 107, 134, 135, 247 sacrificial lamb. See also ram of propitiation,
60, 163
sanctions. See also agents of control, behaviour control, 16, 30, 33, 38, 43, 48, 59, 121, 132,
133, 225, 226, 229, 231, 232
sanctions, traditional: vs. absence of in Christianity, 91
sanctity of marriage, 66
second coming: of Christ. See also day of judgement, 91 self-confidence. See also confidence,
67 self-control, 68, 205, 206, 212, 213, 251 self-esteem, 71, 83, 199 self-help projects, 70, 109,
114 self-pity: discouragement of, 202
self-sufficiency, self-sufficient, 32, 50, 59, 86, 100, 112, 114, 122, 124, 130, 171, 199
276
Index
selfishness, 76, 158 serenity, 148

service(s), 35, 36, 58, 60, 69, 70, 76, 79, 80, 82, 90, 97, 149, 173, 185, 208, 213 quick: as a sign
of hospitality, 104
sexual behaviour/morality. See also Gikuyu morality, 15, 61, 163, 205, 206, 208, 209, 214-216,
222-224, 226, 229, 251, 253 sexual fidelity. See fidelity, sexual
sexual intercourse/relations. See also ngulko, 68, 80, 97, 206-212, 214, 216, 226, 228
shame. See also modesty, thoni, 25, 83, 96
shaving: of heads, 63
single-mindedness, 218
smuggling, 97
snuff. See also tobacco, 119, 156, 201, 208, 248 songs, 31, 87, 142, 151, 173, 177, 184, 191
spending, 73
lavishly, 140
sponsor(s): for circumcision, initiation, 83, 227 spying, 140
stages of cutting: as a means of inculcating maturity, 62 staff: as symbol of virtue, old age, 154,
155
steadfastness, steadfast. See also endurance, perseverance, 144, 196, 217-219
steal, stealing. See also theft, thieves, 28, 58, 60, 63, 67, 68, 73-75, 78, 83-86, 92, 95-97, 107,
127, 131, 132, 140, 197, 219, 248
stinginess, stingy. See also meanness, 26, 27, 64, 76, 103-105, 111-114, 117-124, 158, 231,
242, 246
stoic, stoical, 175, 191 stranger(s), 58, 99, 106
strength, 34, 35, 59, 166, 179, 182, 186, 207, 220, 221 stress, 145, 196 stubborn, 168, 172
suffering. See also hardships, 149, 163, 169, 195 sugar, 121, 123, 219
sugarcane, 64, 83, 120, 131, 133, 169, 187, 195, 246 suicide, 146, 147
few cases of, 60
suitor(s), 65, 66, 135, 245
supernatural forces/powers, 32, 33, 47, 75, 154-156, 160, 224, 227, 232
supernatural judgement, 75, 91, 92, 126, 160, 161, 166
surveillance, superhuman, 156
suspect(s), 72, 140, 141, 160, 197
suspicion, 30, 140, 141, 253
sweet potatoes, 106, 187
sympathy, 81, 101, 102, 106, 109, 110, 113, 131, 165, 190, 219
taboo(s), 53, 118, 209, 212, 224, 225, 227, 228, 232, 246 tax, taxation, 41, 50-52, 75, 242 tea,
105, 121, 221 temper, 126, 128, 139, 176
temperance, temperate, 16, 70, 145, 205-207, 212, 214, 217-220, 222, 224-227, 229-231
tenant(s), 46, 101 tenants-at-will, 45, 100 tension, 93, 137, 141, 142
theft. See also steal, 23. 30, 113, 115, 119, 127, 131, 132, 140, 158, 161, 168 thief, thieves, 26,
58, 67, 76, 83, 114, 128, 131, 132, 148, 158, 159, 176, 178, 179, 203 thoni. See also shame,
277
Index
modesty, 24, 25, 64, 65, 243 title, 139, 208

of honour. See also njamba, 176, 201
tobacco: See also snuff, 156, 157, 194
torture, 42, 165
touch, touching, avoiding (i.e. stealing), 67, 73, 84
trade, trading. See also barter, 40, 50, 87, 89, 188, 189, 199, 207
tradition, 23, 41, 43, 47, 49, 91, 131, 155, 160, 161
traditional morality. See Gikuyu morality
trial by ordeal, 30, 31, 126, 147
trust, 65, 71, 73, 82, 84, 95, 96, 98, 115, 207
trust, mutual. See mutual trust
trustworthy, trustworthiness. See also reliability, 60, 64, 66, 67, 70, 71, 76, 78-80, 84, 86, 87,
90, 91, 94, 98, 130, 136, 145, 153, 166
truth, 58, 74, 129, 130, 133, 136-138, 149, 181, 221
truth: concealing of, 129
truthful, truthfulness, 57, 60, 64, 71, 72, 74, 77, 133, 137, 150, 151, 231
United Missionary Conference (Nairobi, 1901), 54 unreasonableness, unreasonable, 64, 122,

142, 158 upright, uprightness, 30, 36, 55, 60, 61, 63-65, 67, 68, 76, 77, 82, 98, 102, 110, 111,
129, 130, 144-146, 150-155, 165, 166, 215, 220, 242, 253
victory songs, 173, 177 vigilance, 156 virgin(s), 209

virtue(s), virtuous, 17, 35, 100, 145, 152, 154, 155, 169, 197, 203, 231, 245 vitality, 29, 186,
225, 230
vow(s) See also pledges, 91-94, 224, 226-229, 244
wages. See also cash economy, 50, 53, 121, 165 war tactics, 171, 172
warrior(s), 22-27, 37, 40, 43, 52, 58, 65, 81, 82, 103, 111, 120, 158, 162, 171, 173, 175, 177,
186-189, 192, 198, 199, 201, 205-211, 219, 224, 232, 245, 248, 251
wealth. See also benefits, material; riches, 31, 34, 36, 41, 97, 98, 101, 113, 118, 145, 150, 173,
177, 185, 190, 199, 203, 217, 231, 232, 236, 242 weapons, 178, 200
well being. 29, 32, 98, 123, 145, 152, 183, 190, 214
welfare. See also prosperity, 21, 22, 35, 52, 54, 86, 90, 111, 113, 114, 123, 146, 151, 157, 161,
176, 195, 212, 214
welfare, personal, 60, 145, 152, 189-191, 199, 203, 226, 238 wife: ‘throw away’. See also
divorce, 135 willpower, 182, 221
wisdom, 23, 29, 32, 61, 76, 81, 89, 123, 124, 128, 136, 138, 144, 196, 198, 218, 248
witchcraft. See also bewitching, 23, 26, 42, 115, 132, 149, 150, 159, 168, 249
witness, witnesses, 135
wife: beating of, 165
women, militant, 176
278
Index
woman’s hut: demolishing of, 135

work: honour of, 203
wrongdoer(s). See also criminals, malefactors, offenders, 32, 155, 156, 167 youthfulness:
enjoying, 208
279
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Hannah Wangeci Kinoti was born in the middle of the Second World War,
the last of the six children of Ruben and Ruth Gathii. Her parents were
among the first converts to Christianity in central Kenya. She imbibed from
them Gikuyu cultural and moral values; at the same time she learned the
Christian faith from them and from their Scottish Presbyterian Church. At
Kahuhia Primary School and Alliance Girls High School she learned
western culture from her teachers, most of whom were European mission-
aries. At Makerere University College (then a constituent college of the
University of East Africa) she read English and Religious Studies, learning
African religion under the distinguished scholar, Professor John Mbiti. For
her doctoral thesis she decided to do research into Gikuyu traditional
morality, which is the subject of this book.
Hannah Kinoti’s research and teaching interests took her to many foreign
institutions, such as Regent College, Vancouver, Canada and the Depart-
ment of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, USA. She wrote
and spoke widely on ethics and religion, always concerned about the spiri-
285
About the author
tual, moral and social well being of the African people. She herself was, as
a friend once observed, an authentic African Christian woman. She was an
Associate Professor in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies,
University of Nairobi when she died suddenly in 2001. Hannah and her
husband, Professor George Kinoti, had five children.
286

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S

Heinz Kimmerle & Ram Adhar Mall

Amsterdam - New York, NY 2010

Hannah Wangeci Kinoti

Edited by G. Wakuraya Wanjohi

The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements

CHAPTER 1: THE CULTURAL SETTING 21

The ideal practice of generosity 111

CHAPTER 4: JUSTICE ( K J H O O T O ) 125

CHAPTER 5: COURAGE ( U C A M B A ) 171

CHAPTER 6: TEMPERANCE ( W J K I N D J R I A ) 205

Views of early writers 205

GENERAL CONCLUSION 231

NOTES AND REFERENCES 235

ABOUT THE AUTHOR 285

Hannah Kinoti’s book African ethics: Gikuyu traditional morality forms an

Kinoti’s remarkable study succeeds in integrating these aspects of morality

The outcome of Kinoti’s unique approach is a valuable book that is well

Professor emeritus J.G. Donders

Professor J.G. Donders has made important contributions to this book.

I would also like to acknowledge the various contributions made to the

Hannah largely owed her education, from primary school to university, to

Nairobi, January 2009

A note on GTkuyu orthography

Rationale for the study

missionaries had insisted on their absolute loyalty to missionary teaching. In

Therefore, the study had four objectives:

A detailed study was made of five virtues, namely, honesty (wihokeku),

Description of the literature

work, in three volumes, is unsurpassed. Leakey worked with several

G'Tkuyu society in the pre-colonial period

Everybody was automatically a member of one Gikuyu clan (muhiriga) or

By the time a regiment retired formally, different individuals within it would

Eldership was a social status with definite responsibilities and privileges.

worked in close consultation with the warrior regiment in power.

a gossiper (wa muhuuhu) rather than to call him a liar (muheenania).14 To

Parents schooled their children in courteous behaviour because public

The various Gikuyu social organizations, therefore, were utilized as a means

Traditionally, organized prayers were not a daily routine. As Kenyatta has

and were in fact chastisements (mahuura) or supernatural sanctions of

also appealed to God’s judgment by requesting trial by ordeal.49

In the same vein, Kenyatta says,

The concepts of irt and irTTri

In terms of moral ideals, the traditional Gikuyu recognized two types of

The Kikuyu-English dictionary defines iri as “Sustenance, substance,

Aromaama kuuraga ni gututigira ngamba cia marimuuthio. (May he sleep where

Murang’a and Kiambu administrative districts. However, since the coming of

In their pre-colonial history of migration and settlement into what finally

In these sentiments, Kenyatta has support from a number of authors who

Cagnolo is somehow taken aback by this headlong progress, for he goes on

The transformation of the Gikuyu into a subject people brought with it

Traditionally, the Gikuyu were egalitarian. The creation of chiefs caused a

agreement.”106 Leakey also emphasized this:

As agents of the colonial government, chiefs became a new and striking

In traditional society, the warriors shouldered the responsibilities of the

Economic and social changes

As a result of an attractive advertisement by the railway authorities inviting

Due to the persistent pressure from “clamorous applicants”124 the process of

Unofficially, however, Eliot was known to be giving land away without

and become wage-earning labourers or to depart. In other areas, the Gikuyu

In 1926, African legal rights to land were recognized. Gikuyu grievances

Members of the Commission regarded this provision for land as generous,

The whole fallacy of such a theory appears to be contained in the word