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WORLDVIEW AND WORLDVIEW CHANGE : READER

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments
*
General Introduction

SECTION ONE: OVERVIEW AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ......... 1

Introduction ................................. 2

Chapters I: The Primitive Horldvlew ...................... 12

Robert Redfteld

2: Human Beings In Culture ........................ 20

Charles H. Kraft

3: World View Theory and Study .......... '...... 33

Michael Kearney

4: A Comparison of Some Worldview Models ....... 65

J. Robert Clinton

SECTION TWO: CLASSIFICATION ................................. 93

Introduction ................................... 94

Chapters 5: The Relationship of Habitual Thought and

Behavior to Language ........................... 99
Benjamin Lee Hhorf

6: Classification ................................ 113

Hlchael Cole; J. Gay; J. A. Gllck;
D. W. Sharp
.

7: Lineal and Nonllneal Codifications of

Reality ...................................... 118
Dorothy Lee

SECTION THREE: SELF AND OTHER ................................ 129

Introduction ........ 4....................... 130

PART I: SELF

Chapters 8: Basic Orientations Provided By Culture ....... 137

A. Irving HallowelI

9: The Concept of the Self Among the Wlntu

Indians .. .■
............................ 159
Dorothy Lee
 10: Lengua Indians and Their "Innermost" .......... 169
Jacob A. Loewen

PART II: OTHER

Chapters: II: The Flaw of the Excluded Middle ............... 186

Paul G. Illebert

12: Religion and Magic ............................ 198

James P. Spradley

4 13: Kamwe Guinea Corn Complex ..................... 2)7

Marguerite G. Kraft

SECTION FOUR: SPACE ......................................... 223

Introduction .................................. 224

Chapters: 14: Space Speaks .................................. 231

Edward T. Hall

15: Kamwe Mountain Orientation .................... 244

Marguerite G. Kraft

16: Cultural Factors In Spatial Orientations ..... 250

A. Irving HallowelI

17: Temporal and Spatial Equivalents In

Chamula Ritual Symbolism ...................... 259
Gary H. Gossen

SECTION FIVE: TIME ........................................... 271

Introduction .................................. 272

Chapters: 18: The Voices of Time ........................... 277

Edward T. Hall

19: Time In the Biblical and Greek Worlds ........ 286

Henri M. Yaker

20: Concepts of Time Among the Tlv of Nigeria ____ 299

Paul Bohannan

21: Images of Time ................................ 310

Michael Kearney

SECTION SIX: CAUSALITY ...................................... 319

Introduction .................................. 320
 Chapters: 22: The Primitives Indifference to
Secondary Causes ............................. 327
Lucian Levy-Bruhl

23: African Traditional Thought and

Hestern Science .............................. 345
Robin Horton

24: Being and Value In a Primitive Mor 1d ........ 368

Dorothy Lee

25: The Buddhist Principle of Causation ......... 379

Junjlro Takakusu

SECTION SEVEN: VALUES ........... 390

. Introduction .... I........................... 391

Chapters: 26: Horld View and Values ....................... 404

James Spradley

27: Value Systems ................................ 419

Philip K. Bock

28: Dominant and Variant Value Orientations ..... 438

Florence R. Kluckhohn
Fred L. Strodtbeck

29: Value Conflicts and Folk Psychotherapy

In South Texas ............................... 471
HI 11 lam Hadsen

SECTION EIGHT: CHANGE ...................................... 487

Introduction ................................. 488

Chapters: 30: Cultural Barriers to Change ................. 493

George M. Foster

31: Variations In Value Orientations as

a Factor In Cultural Change .................. 504
Florence R. Kluckhohn
Fred L. Strodtbeck

32: Transforming Culture with God .............. 512

Charles H. Kraft

33: Culture and the Phenomena of Conversion ..... 523

Donald R. Jacobs

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34: Factors Influencing the Advocacy of

Change ........................................ 539
Charles H. Kraft

SECTION NINE: STUDY ........................................ 545

Introduction................................. 546

Chapters 35: Ethnographic DiscoveryProcedures ............ 551

James P. Spradley

36: Themes as Dynamic Forces In Culture......... 576

Morris Edward Opler

37: Classification (Part 2) ..................... 587

Michael G. Cole; J. Gay;
J. A. Gllck; D. W. Sharp

38: Experimental Design In the Study of ....... 612

Cultural Change
George Sptndler
Walter Goldschmidt

39: The Study of Values by Social ............... 627

• Anthropologists
Raymond Firth

Bibliography ...............:................................... 640*

Vita ....................... ;................................... 667

Index .......................................................... 668

 GENERAL INTRODUCTION

THE PROJECT IS BORN

In the fall of 1981, I enrolled In a class entitled “ Horldvlew and

Horldvlew Change" given at Fuller Theological Seminary's School of
Horld Mission. My exposure to the concept of worldview had included
discussions both In and out of the classroom with Dr. Charles H. Kraft,
who became my mentor for this project, .and Dr. Paul G. Hlebert, faculty
members of the School of Morid Mission. As a bare novice. I intended,
.with all seriousness, to grapple with what I Instinctively knew (even
then) was a most crucial perspective in cross-cultural relationships,
to say nothing of cross-cultural analysis. Now, as then, I consider
worldview to be the most Important Issue for communicating across
cultural barriers. As a Christian communicator who has served both as
a missionary and a pastor, I can only wonder at "what might have been"
If I had encountered this subject 15 years ago at the beginning of my
ministry.

This present project was born In the class to which I referred

above. The course had no text and as it progressed Dr. Kraft
challenged me to create what could be used as a reference textbookfor
future worldview courses. I accepted the challenge with a mixtureof
excitement and llp-bltlng anxiety. A number of times during this
project, the excitement has been far less noticeable than the
ltp-btting. Now that It Is complete, a measure of’the expected
excitement Is here, but not without the additional awareness that I
have only now qualified as a novice. The scholars whose articles and
essays appear In this Reader (as well as others of their peers).
Including the man who has tolerantly, yet warmly, guided my progress
with this book, are the giants who have been (and are) grappling
Innovatlvely with the. subject of worldview. My own contribution Is
minimal In comparison, yet It Is my hope that through this project
others, whose potential to contribute to the field of worldview far
exceeds my own, will be helped along their way toward their
contributions.

FORMATION AND STRUCTURE

Bibliographical Sources

The first step In this project involved my fellow class members.

As each of them searched for bibliographic sources for their assigned
topics of study, I was provided an invaluable supply of resources to
Investigate. Some of the chapters of this Reader were Included because
of their recommendations. With few exceptions. I have perused each
resource listed In their bibliographies. Many I have read carefully
and not a small number have been read several times.
The Outline
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The book Is divided Into nine sections, with sections two through
seven dealing with universal categories of worldview. Each section
contains an Introduction of my own writing and a collection of
chapters, the selection of which Is explained below.

The outline, for the most part, was established by the list of
topics assigned to the class, those topics helping to formulate the
sections of this Reader. Some alterations, however, have been
necessary. The first section “ Overview and Historical Perspective" was
not a part of the original list of topics, but It has been added here
to provide background and direction for the project. The subject of
"Other" In section three was originally separate from the subject of
"Self" and was divided Into two parts, those of "personal universe" and
"non-personal universe." The Introduction to Section Three ("Self and
Other") notes that distinction. The discussion of emlc and etjc In
that same Introduction will help explain why these two categories were
not used. (Emlc and t k k are further explained In the Introduction to
Section Nine on "Study.") One of the original topics was
"Intercategory Relationship." This has not been used as a section of
the Reader. It has, however, been Included as part of the Introduction
to Section One. Certainly, further research Is needed In this area.

The order of the outline Is not entirely arbitrary. Aside from

the ob'vlous position of Section One, "Classification" (Section Two),
and "Self and Other" (Section Three) are set early In the Reader
because o f their overwhelming significance for understanding what
worldview Is. That Is especially the case with "Self and Other" since
this Is the arena of worldview. In the case of "Classification," a
universal process Is Identified In which the relationship of Self and
Other Is primary. The order of sections four through six Is somewhat
more arbitrary. Section Seven ("Values") Is placed after the previous
sections to highlight the fact that the subject of values Is both a
legitimate topic on Its own and a part of the other topics. Section
Eight (“ Change") was the filial topic dealt with In class. Section Nine
("Study") was added here for the purpose of stimulating others to
consider how one Investigates both the field of worldview and '
Individual worldviews.

REGARDING THE CHAPTERS

Selection

The rationale for each chapter Is addressed In the Introductions

to the sections, but at least three general “rules" guided the
choices. The first was simply that certain materials seemed most

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helpful to me as I ventured through my quest to understand worldview.
Secondly, certain sources expressed concepts that were at variance to
other sources. If not In contradiction to them. Such a variety, at
times, seemed appropriate for. the topic being pursued. At other times
a third factor seemed proper, specifically that some sources wére
complementary, expressing similar views. In any case, the final
selection was mine and mine alone, and was a difficult task. It almost
goes without saying that every reader who reaches Into the variety of
sources Indicated by the bibliography will find material that will seem
more useful or more appropriate than those I have selected. It also
goes without saying that such an opinion will probably be Justifiable,
since every reader Is at a different point In his or her journey
through this field.

Format and editing

Each chapter Is begun with an Introduction. In a few cases, the

author's original Introduction was used. In most chapters a short
Introduction of my own Is provided, and Is Indented to separate It from
the text. All footnotes are listed at the end of each chapter, and are
those provided by the author. All explanations that seemed necessary
are Inserted In the text In brackets [] and Include the words,
"Editor's note."

Because of the amount of material Included In this Reader, each

chapter was examined for editing possibilities. In a few cases,
nothing could be edited. In my Judgment, without losing something
significant. All editing was done with extreme care In order to
preserve both the meaning and the texture of the original material.
Editing was simply a necessary, though regrettable, procedure.

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 SECTION ONE

OVERVIEW AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

 INTRODUCTION TO SECTION ONE

The purpose of this section Is to provide an Introduction to the

Reader as a whole. This sectional Introduction, therefore, will deal
primarily with the definition and nature of worldview. A brief
discussion of worldview as an analytical model has also been Included.
The chapters that follow will deal with these Issues and inore.
Kearney's article, In particular, provides a glimpse of the historical
development of this concept.

TOWARD A DEFINITION OF WORLDVIEW

The Basic Ingredients

Any definition of worldview must Include at least three factors:

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(1) worldview as a matter of perception; (2) self as the percelver; and

(3) other as that which Is perceived.

Worldview as a matter of perception. Human beings perceive the

world In which they live, and each person's perception Is distinctly
his or her own. Just as four individuals at an Intersection can
witness a single collision, yet report four different versions of the
Incident, so the perception of reality In general depends on the
vantage point of the IndlvjduaI. He assume, of course, that there Is a
reality, that something Is there to be perceived, and furthermore that
this something Is outside of ourselves. The perception of reality,
however. Is the Internalization of It, and Involves a process of
decoding In which one's mind, operating through the grid of one's
biases, constructs a model of reality. This decoding process has been
Illustrated with outside reality as "R“and the Internalized reality as
"r" (cf. C. Kraft I979:23ff and Hlebert I976:4ff).

Of course. In our minds there Is only the “

r" which is reality ("R") as
we see and understand It.

What, then, Is the bias through which reality Is perceived? An

appropriate response to this question must begin with community. "All
humans participate In all-encompassing overall perspectives held by and
pledged allegiance to by the communities of which they are a part"
(Kraft 1979:28). from a community perspective that Is passed from one
generation to the ñexL'There ~ls foriñeüa vTew o f T e a llty thaT~consl sts
of the mode T V and fheor Ies_oftha t reality organized Into paradigms
(the broad community perspective), and which collectively form a
worldview (see Barbour 1974 and Kuhn 1970).
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Self as the percelver. A more extensive discussion of Self will be

given In Section Three (Self and Other). Suffice It to say at this
point, however, that worldview Is perception on the part of Self. How
others see the world, or even see me, Is not In the first Instance the
Issue for worldview. Rather, what Is Important Is my perception of the
world. Including my perception of how others view me, and even my own
perception of me. Self Is the point of departure for worldview. It Is
the reality of a Self as distinct from all that Is Not Self, as well as
the centrality of Self, that allows us to assume the reality of
worldview Itself.

The Other that Is perceived. The Self perceives Its environment

which is made up of Not Self or
relationship to Self and Indeed
This topic Is explored later In
a look at more than one kind of
them.
Other. Other Is perceived to be In
because It Is In relationship to Self.
Section Three of this Reader, Including
Other and waysto differentiate between

NORLDVIEH:__ SINGULAR OR PLURAL

The Corporate Nature of Worldview

The preceding discussion about definition has repeatedly pointed to

the group as the decisive factor In the formation of worldview. It Is
from the group that one acquires the systemlzatlon of reality.
Including the Identity of the Self. In one sense the group Is Other
for every Individual. Yet there Is also a kind of "Group Self' In
which every member of that group participates, and which both frames .
and constitutes a part of the Individual Self.

]he corporate worldview defined. It Is, consequently, appropriate

to speak of a corporate worldview. If the theories, paradigms, and
models of reality are collectively distinctive to that group, the group
Is said to have a worldview. The corporate worldview Is thus the
distinctive picture of reality that Is owned by members of a group,
affording them a sense of homogeneity. Lack.of this worldview, then.
Identifies those outside of the group as Other.

Varieties of worldview. The term worldview may be applied In a

variety of ways. One may speak of an Individual worldview, a societal
worldview, a national worldview, even a supranational worldview.
Beyond that, there Is the term “universal worldview" that appears In
Redfleld’s writing (see Chapter One). Redfleld refers to common human
experiences and "a common basis for all humanity" (Redfleld 1952:273).
Since the criterion for a corporate worldview Is the existence of
common perspectives, the term as Redfleld uses It, may be applicable.
In this Reader, however, worldview Is seen as a universal phenomenon
but a universal worldview Is not appropriate concept.

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The broadest use of the word would be "supranational worldview."

The terra "western worldview” Is one s,uch example. Mb 111. also, writes
about the African worldview (Mbltl 1969) and It is not uncommon to
refer to an Eastern worldview./ The people to which each term refers
commonly own certain perspectives that are distinctive to them. Those
In the West, for example, operate from a naturalism in which science Is
king. The Western worldview Is rationalistic and conceptual In
nature. On the other hand, Eastern thought Is deeply rooted in the
mystic world (cf. Hlebert 1976:371-372).

The next level Is that of national worldview. Hhlle nations are

composed of a variety of groups. It Is possible for those groups to
co-own certain perspectives on the world that distinguish them as a
nation or people from other nations or peoples. It Is thus legitimate
to refer to a French worldview, or a British worldview, or a Chinese
worldview. The latter serves to demonstrate that this Issue Is not a
geographic one. Chinese people are found In a variety of countries,
yet all share common perspectives.

Another level of worldview to be considered Is the societal or

cultural worldview. In certain settings this may be more appropriately
labeled a tribal worldview; In other settings, an ethnic or even
community worldview. It must be noted that the smaller the scale, the
greater the sense of homogenelty. A society may be quite small,
numbering only a few hundred, or It may consist of millions, but
regardless of size It Is a society because of the perspectives shared
by Its members.

It Is also appropriate to refer to an Individual worldview. Just

as groups of people have different worldviews, because they have
distinctive perspectives. Individuals have distinctive ways of
perceiving reality and may be said to have an Individual worldview.

The Variation HI thin

A societal or cultural worldview Is owned by Individuals who are

distinctive and whose worldviews are distinctive A societal
worldview, therefore, permits an allowable variation of perspectives.
The same is true to an even greater extent on the national or
supranational level. A variety of societies, each with a distinctive
worldview represent the allowable variations. In the United States,
there Is a significant difference In the way Southern Californians view
reality from that of the people In the Appalachians, yet both are
allowable variations within the national worldview The supranational
Western worldview Is shared both by British and Americans. As long as
there are commonly owned perspectives on reality, these variations are
part of the broader worldview.

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There are, however, limits to the variations of perception that are

allowable. When a given model of reality contradicts the basic shared
paradigms of a worldview, then It Is not part of the broader
worldview. For example, the "Moonles" (members of the Unification
Church) or the Hare Krishna followers have adopted perspectives (and
resulting behavior) that considered by large segments of American
society to be outside of the allowable range of variation.

DefinítIons

The following are samples of definitions that share some common

elements, but serve to supplement each other as well.

1. Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary has the following entry:

world view n: Weltanschauung

then, under Weltanschauung:

a comprehensive conception or apprehension of the world

esp.from a specific standpoint.

2. Redfleld: By worldview...meant that outlook upon the

universe that is characteristic of a people...
It Is the picture the members of a society have
. of the properties and characters upon their stage of
action...the way the world looks to that people
looking out...the way a man. In a particular soc lety
sees himself In relation to all else... It Is, in
short, a.man's Idea of the universe (1952:30).

3. Kearney: The worldview of a people Is their way of looking at

reality. It consists of basic assumptions and Images
whlch’provlde a more or less coherent, though not
necessarily accurate, way of thinking about the world
A worldview comprises Images of Self and all that Is
recognized as Not Self, plus Ideas about relation­
ships between them... il982:51>.

4. Kraft: Cultures pattern perceptions of reality Into

conceptualizations of raaiify rag nr should be ,
wFat Is to be regarded as actual, probable. possTFle
and Impossible. These conceptualizations form what
Is termed tRiT "worldview" of the culture. The
worldview Is the central systemlzatlon of concep-'
tlons of reality to which the members of tfifc culture
assent (largely unconsciously) and from which stems
their value systems (1979:53).
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5. Hlebert: Fundamental cognitive, affective, and evaluative

assumptions that underly a culture 0982: personal
Interview).

Worldview Schizophrenia

The previous discussion of allowable ranges of variation within a

given worldview occasions a further matter, that of worldview
schizophrenia. In many cultural or subcultural situations the
processes of change have resulted in the internalization by at least
some of the members of the group of a second value system (worldview)
that conflicts markedly with the system with which they grew up. Such
is the plight of vast numbers of people brought up In traditional
societies to explain most of what goes on around them as the result of
the Influence of supernatural beings.or powers, and who then assimilate
(often through western schooling) a western naturalistic paradigm for
explaining many or most of the same events.

For western Christians, then, committed to the reality and active

Involvement of supernatural beings In everyday life, yet trained to
Interpret life natural Istlcally, the same sort of "worldview
schizophrenia”exists producing deep level conflict In his/her
perception of, and response to, life. The "supernaturalistic
worldview” is expressed on Sunday morning perhaps. In some cases
prayer is assigned as a bedtime ritual for children, but Dad has not
said a prayer for years. "Business and religion don't mix"; but when
tragedy strikes, It Is met with an “ Oh God" and a petition for His
intervention. Expectations, however, have nothing to do with Go<|, but
with medicine, technology, lawyers, or friends, and all of the small
crises come under the heading of "God helps those who help
themselves." The two kinds of Input send conflicting signals and
result In a "mixed bag" approach to behavior.

WORLDVIEW AS AN ANALYTICAL MODEL

An analysis of a people and their culture may be done from one of

two perspectives. The etlc (outsider) perspective describes the
behavior and explains the events of a society In terms Important to the
social scientist. The Interests of the researcher and his/her research
tradition determine the way In which the culture Is described. The
emlc (Insider) perspective, however, seeks to see the world In the
terms and categories of the people themselves. Hlebert's discussion of
these two models Illustrates the difference with reference to disease.
The etlc model of the western researcher explains Illness In scientific
terms through the use of such concepts as germs and infection. The
emlc model, however, explains the same events In terms of evil spirits
(Hlebert 1976:50.54). It should be noted, of course, that an animistic
researcher who described disease In a western society using the
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spirit categories appropriate to his/her tradition would be engaging In

an etlc description.

The concept of worldview, though an etlc (analytical) construct Is

widely used by those most concerned with discovering emlc realities.
Seeking emlc reality, though not a guaranteed method for overcoming
ethnocentric biases on the part of the researcher, can be useful In
avoiding ethnocentric conclusions. An example Is the use of the term
"bride price." The term Is the result of early etlc (and ethnocentric)
observation by Western researchers who sought to describe the wealth
exchange that In some societies Is part of a marriage agreement. The
term betrays the early Western Image that such a custom Involved the
buying and selling of human beings. Through etlc eyes the
negotiations, the haggling, and the ever-increasing amounts Involved
are Interpreted as evidences of greed. Such an Interpretation often
results In a condemnation of the practice. An emlc perspective,
however, though It might (with members of community) Identify greed In
any given exchange event, would not Interpret the system as embodying
any concept of buying or selling unless, of course, this was the way
the custom Is Interpreted by insiders. It Is In the pursuit of the
emlc perspective that worldview as an analytical model recognizes that
the outsider's ethnocentriclty is as unrelated to the Insiders
viewpoint as the color of an object Is to Its size.

Let It never be said, however, thit ethnocentriclty does not

Interfere with the worldview model. As Is all too evident to the
"worldvlew-ologlst." the pursuit of worldview as a field of study n
wrapped In ethnocentric^packaging. There Is first the assumption that
something ca IleJIworldvtew exists at all"! BeyorufThat, theTernT11se’ If
demonstrates the western character of the subject. "Worldview" assumes
that relating to the world or universe Is done by viewing. Why Is a
visual term used? Why not use alternatives like "world-hearing" or
"world-tasting"? Certainly to a blind person "hearing" is more
appropriate than "viewing"; or for the Infant whose world Is sampled by
taste, "viewing” Is no more appropriate than "tasting." All persons
experience the world around them In a variety of ways other than
viewing. Perhaps a term like "world-knowing" or “ world-experiencing"
would be appropriate, removing the concept from the confines of the
physical senses. Even the term “ world" could be changed. “ Other" Is
obviously more compatible with the theory of worldview.

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UNIVERSAL HORLPVIEH CATEGORIES

Establishing the Categories

Categories have been a 0art of this discussion from the outset with
a repeated reference to Self and Other. Because of the nature of
worldview It Is possible that these two are the only categories that
are totally universal In scope (cf. Kearney 1982:120). There are,
however, other categories that are probably universal, and that appear
to be the result of the Interaction between the two major categories.

Kearney speaks about the selection of categories as arbitrary to a

great extent, even going so far as to say that It may not matter a
great deal that those categories end up being as long as there Is some
place to start the process of schematizing reality. The categories
listed below, arbitrary or not, reflect both Kearney and Kraft,
following Kearney 0975; 1982) slightly modified by Kraft whose course
outline Is reflected In the section titles In this reader. Sections 2
through 7 deal with the universal categories that both men recognize as
worthy of investigation.

Categories and Category Relationships

Categories . In the general Introduction the sections of the Reader

were noted. The Section titles In Part II are the categories that are
here proposed as universal In scope. They are listed below:

Classification
Self
Other
Space
Time
Causal Ity
Values

Relationships. Kearney speaks of relationship as being a universal

feature of worldviews (see Kearney 1983:106 ff.) Kraft and the members
of our class agree. This Relationship has not, however, been Included
as a separate section of this Reader since we understand relationship
to apply to interaction between the categories. The following chart
(developed by Kraft and presented In class) attempts to clarify this
understanding. Note that the features listed correspond to the titles
of Section 2-7 of this Reader.

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Classification
Self
Other
Space
Time
Causal 1ty
Values

The diagram Is Intended to Indicate that each category not only can,
but does relate to each of the others. In any given system, however,
the relationships between certain of the categories may be more
frequent and/or more significant than those between others.

To illustrate the nature of the relationships between each of the

above categories, I suggest the following:

Classification as related to. . .

Self. Any classification or listing of Items In

which Self either occurs or Is divided Into
constituent parts Illustrates the Interaction
of the classification and the Self categories.
Such listings could consist of Items such as:
Self, Other, Group, etc. or of some set of
constituent elements of Self such as: private
Self, public Self, group Self, etc.
Other. Other can be Internally divided Into such cate­
gories as personal and nonpersonal, human and *
non-human, animate and Inanimate.
Space. There Is astrological space. Inner space,
empty space, full space. It may be
personal, Impersonal, public, private, open, or
forbidden.
Time. Examples of time classifications Include
seasonal time, calendar time, clock time.
Concepts of history, of past, present, and future
and the like are also classifications of time.
Causal 1ty Classifications of causality may be expressed
In terms such as natural, unnatural, luck,
cause and effect, fate, God, spirits and humans.
Values. The various values are themselves classifica­
tions. They Include such values as youth and
age, good and bad, rich and poor, large and small.
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Self as related to . . .

Other. Self gathers Identity from such Others as

community and Is part of such Others as the
world. Self controls some kinds of Other
and Is controlled by some. Self uses, owns,
and even serves other Others.
Space. Space may be occupied by Self. It may belong
to Self or conquered by Self.
Time. Time Is a kind of arena in which Self exists.
Causal 1ty. Self Is In control of certain Causes, and has
no control over other Causes. Self may seek to
Influence certain Causes, and to avoid the
Influence of other causes.
Values. Self is valued. Individualism and group Identity
result from certain valuings of Self. Self
receives value from Other and assigns value to
Other.

Other as related to . . .

Space. Personal and many kinds of Impersonal Other occupy

space. Space Is assigned or denied to Other.
Time. The use of certain Others Is governed by time.
Personal Others use time. Certain times may be
associated with particular Others.
Causal 1ty. Certain others are Causes that act upon people.
Other Others may be used by people to affect
causes.
Values. Other acquires value and Is valued. Values affect
the response of people to Other. •

Space as related to . . .

Time. Space conceived of as distance Is often measured

in time categories (e.g. light years). In
European languages, at least, time Is measured
as If It were space (e.g. long, short, wasted,
spent).
Causal 1ty. Causes such as God and mana are often located in
and seen as controlling specific spaces.
Values. Some space is sacred, some is valued as pleasur­
able or as Identified with discomfort. Space
Itself may be valued and thus sought after or
defended.
 Time as related to . .

Causal Ity. The passing of time may be seen as a cause.

Values. Time Itself Is may be valued. The use of It Is In
accord with values.

Causal Ity as related to . . .

Values. Results may be caused by values. Some

processes that affect cause are valued more
or less than others.

SUMMARY '

Worldview, as defined In this project Includes (I) a perception of

<2) Self versus (3) Other or Not Self. While both the term Itself and
the academic field of worldview Is a western contrivance, It
nevertheless points to an effort to analyze the perceptions of peoples
or Individuals concerning the way the world exists and operates. This
analysis alms at an emlc rather than an etlc perspective.

In the Reader, the following categories are suggested as the

pattern of that analysis:

Classification
Self
Other
Space
Time
Causal Ity
Values

These categories are thus the subjects of the sections In this Reader.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

The selection of Redfleld's essay “

The Primitive World View" as the
lead chapter for this Reader Is based on the significance of Its
timing. The article was Redfleld's statement representing the
discussions at the Seminar for Characterization and Comparison of
Cultures. It was at that seminar In 1952 that the concept of “ world
view" was first formally presented as a part of anthropological
theory. As one of the presiding scholars at that occasion, his paper
contributes to the theory of worldview by providing a look at the
subject at the formation level (cf. Redfleld 1952:30).

“Human Beings In Culture" from Kraft's Christianity In Culture

(1979) offers a needed comparison of three analytical models of which
worldview Is one. He has provided a look at the distinctions, as well

1
 12

as the relationships between them. Kraft develops his overview of

worldview not by a single definition statement, but with his
five-pronged description of worldview functions.

The chapter entitled "World View Theory and Study" by Kearney has
been Included here for two reasons, the first of which is his excellent
historical survey. As few others have done, Kearney has traced the
roots of this mode) with clarity, thus also providing a helpful
literature review. The second contribution Kearney makes is his
discussion of universal categories, most of which parallel those In
this Reader.

The last chapter of this section Is an unpublished paper by J.

Robert Clinton, written for a worldview course at the School of World
Mission, fuller Theological Seminary. His paper Is a summary,
comparing the approaches of Hlebert and Kraft. It was done on the
basis of considerably more exposure to Hlebert than to Kraft and,
therefore, tends to overslmplIfy the latter's position somewhat. This
paper, however. Is very Insightful and worthy of careful study.

( I (
 ( ( (

Chapter One

THE PRIMITIVE WORLDVIEW

by Robert Redfteld

INTRODUCTION

This essay which Is abstract and philosophical in its

tone, provides a look at worldview as distinctive from other
analytical models. He sees worldview as distinguished by the
fact that at Its core Is the view of Self in relation to all
else. He addresses both the distinctions between Self and Not
Self, and the categorizing of the Not Self. At this early stage
of worldview theory, Redfleld refers to a universal worldview
that seems to be related to universal experiences. While this
concept must be seriously questioned, his discussion provides a
strong basis for the subsequent discussion of universal features
In worldview— a discussion that Kearney picks up In his
article. While Redfleld*s perspective Is spmethlng less than
"state-of-the-art" anthropology, this fact should not be allowed
to distract the reader from seeing the valuable contribution
that was made by this essay.

By "world view" Is here meant that outlook upon the universe

that Is characteristic of a people. The phrase names one of a group of
concepts which allow us to describe a way of life and to compare ways

From Redfleld 1952:30-36

 I (

14

of life with one another. Of this group of concepts, the

anthropologist's culture Is' the most familiar, comprehensive, and
flexible. Using It, we may describe a people's way of life In terms of
all the customs and Institutions which distinguish it. Or, as did Ruth
Benedict, we may seek the most fundamental and persistent values of a
people and describe them In terms of these values, their Idea of the
good life. The word "ethos" has been used for this more special
conception. Still others, as Professor F. S. C. Northrop, and also
certain students of the relations between language and culture, seek to
characterize the modes of thought that distinguish one people from
another. And yet a different way of conceiving a people's way of life
appears In studies of what is called "national character": In these a
people Is seen as If it were the personality of a single Individual.
The national character of the French or the Chinese is the kind of
person that is typically found among the Frendh or Chinese.

"World view" differs from culture, ethos, mode of thought, and

national character. It Is the picture the members of a society have of
the properties and characters upon their stage of action. While
"national character" refers to the way these people look to the
outsider looking in on them, "world view" refers to the way the world
looks to that people looking out. Of all that Is connoted by
"culture," "world view" attends especially to the way a man, in a
particular society, sees himself In relation to all else. It Is the
properties of existence as distinguished from and related to the self.
It is. In short, a man's Idea of the universe. It is that organization
of Ideas which answers to a man the questions: Where am I? Among what
do I move? What are my relations to these things?

To i^se the concept Is to assume certain human unlversals. It Is

at least to Imply that In every society all men are conscious of self.
Self Is the axis of worldview. Every man distinguishes himself from
all else. Beyond this first truth may be made other assertions as to
the elements universal In all world views. As we go forward In making
them they cease to be unquestionable assumptions and become hypotheses,
propositions to be tested by looking for world views of which these
things may not be truly said.

I will make some of these assertions. Every world view

distinguishes not only the self from the not-self, but distinguishes
parts of the self from each other: what G. H. Mead meant by "the I
and the Me" is a universal phenomenon; every man looks at a part of
himself that Is able to address one from another, accords the property
of self to them too, and looks upon other human beings as significantly
different from all else that Is not human. Though the degree and kind
of partial Identification of human beings with animals or other
elements of what we In our society call "Nature" differ from world view
to world view, we can assert, I think, that some dlstincltion of the
human from that which is not human is made In all of them. Every world
 15

view Implies some conception of human nature. Further. In every world

view human beings, at least are seen as grouped In classes or
categories, and some of the properties of these categories are
universal: the distinction between men and women, old and young, those
who are near me and have a stronger claim on my sympathies as
distinguished from those who are farther from me and have less claim.
While, of course, the particular arrangement of categories, as to
kindred, neighbors, nationals, or racial or religious groups, differs
very greatly, the existence of some such categories and some of the
qualities of attitude and sentiment which place every self In relation
to whatever categories exist In his society are among the elements
which every world view has In common with every other.

Turning from that part of the universal world view which attends
primarily to the human to that part which Is distinguished. If not
completely,at least partly, from the human, we find ourselves looking
at that which In the language appropriate to the world views we know
best Is often Identified by the two words “ God" and “nature." The
separation of God from nature and of these two together from man Is, I
venture to assert, made In some degree and In some sense In every world
view; on the other hand, the kinds and degrees of separations made of
these things from one another differ very widely among the societies
known to history and ethnology; and I suppose that It Is In
understanding and defining the ways In which these distinctions are
made that we shall come to some ordered comprehension of the range of
variety of world views and of the types of world view. I think that In
every society people look out at some things which are Just things,
being neither wholly human nor wholly of the qualities we call divine,
or spiritual: they are nature not much Identified with the qualities
that characterize human beings nor with those which characterize God.
In working with the ordinary domestic tools, for example, I should
suppose that every people recognizes a part of Its world view In which
things are seen as not the same as either people or divinities,
“spirits." On the other hand, the kind of separation of man. God. and
nature which characterizes much of the world view of Hestern man in
historic times Is.I think, by no means universal. And there Is. I
shall suggest later, something to be said on this point as to the world
views of the primitive peoples.

If we look now still more restrlctedly toward that part of the

Not-Self which Is Not-Man, and of the Not-Man toward that which Is, as
we say, nature— something with apparent physical qualities— I see some
universals hardly to be contravcerted. but I see more matters for
Investigation. The distinctions between earth and sky, between water
and other things, between day and night; the recognition of the
horizon— these, i suppose that every world view Includes some spatial
and temporal dimensions, some conceptions of place and of past and
future. Man Is necessarily oriented to a universe of extension and
duration. Furthermore,the movements of the heavenly bodies set for

( (
 16

everyone measures and metronomes of U f e that vary only within certain

limits. But from such easy generalizations as these one moves Into
unanswered questions. To what extent do all the peoples of the world
group the fixed stars In the same grouping? Holmberg tells us that the
Bolivian Slriono, Inhabitants of a tropical forest, make no groupings
of stars into constellations whatsoever. In such a more special
question as this, we have probably arrived at something as to which It
will prove possible to discover, by comparison of world views,
generalizations true of almost all, or many, or some peoples, but not
of all peoples everywhere. The recognition of the lunation may be, as
I can believe, a universal element of world view, while the recognition
of a series of lunations fitted within the approximate solar year Is, I
am sure, not universal, but only very common.

Before closing these Introductory remarks on the universal

elements of world view, I should admit the effect of certain universal
experiences In setting the world stage of Everyman. Birth and death
are events for everyone; every people looks out upon a universe In
which these events are important elements, and certain aspects of
attitude, as that death Is unavoidable and on the whole undesirable,
must be parts of the way every people look upon their universe. Sexual ,
Intercourse, menstruation, menopause, and sensescence are experiences
only somewhat less commanding of universal attention, and toward these
human experiences too the attitudes of men, while differing widely, as
M. Mead and many others have abundantly shown, Include some elements
which are universal, or at least overwhelmingly usual: the toboo,
slight or severe, attending menstruation Is one of these; the view that
birth Is aTT occasion of hazard Is another.

This sketch of the universal world view could hardly be more

brief. It Indicates a common basis for all humanity In the common
elements of the stage on which each society, each culture, performs
life's drama. I have suggested that these common elements include
among other things recognition of the self and others; groupings of
people, some Intimate and similar to oneself, others far and different;
some usual ways of attending the Inevitable experiences of the human
career; a confrontation of the Not-Man seen In some ordered
relationships of component entitles, this Not-Man including both some
observed features, such as earth, sky, day, and night, and also
Invisible beings, wills, and powers.

As with other phenomena which science seeks to understand, so in

understanding world view we seek the universal to understand the
particular, and we compare the particulars to understand the
universal. The sketch of what Is universal In world view that I have
just given may lead us to some of the categories by which we shall
understand particular world views, and come to classify them and then
perhaps to understand the circumstances that give rise to world view of
one type rather than another. From even this brief sketch I derive
suggestions as to some of these categories. Following a suggestion

(-
 17

made to me by Professor Daniel Boorstln, I attend to the fact of

confrontation as a general Idea useful In understanding world views.
If,, as I said, every world view begins with the distinction of the self
from all else, every world view Is a confrontation of that which Is not
the self and is outside of one's self. Then It might be possible to
consider every world view with regard to two questions: What Is
confronted? What Is the attitude man takes as to his relation to that
which Is confronted?

To the first question, what Is confronted, I have already

suggested the answer that the self confronts both man and that which Is
not man, and that the Not-Man, In our own Western world view (and In
the worid views of many other peoples). Includes nature and God In
varying kinds of separation of Identification. It Is probably true
that a world view in which there Is no element of God Is a peculiarity
of certain world views of secular minds of modern times. The
Existentialism of Sarte Is such an entirely godless world view. But It
may at once be remarked that In the philosophies of Individual literate
and reflective minds world views are encountered which much Increase
the variety of known world views; I. am In this paper~atlendjng^ to those
'fQrJ<rX'ews which chara^^rj^e^w^jfi peoples and Jiave beep^^on the.
whole, deveTopeíjífThoí^^ fosopher\ forworld view y
as developed throughtTi'~syTRmanT'r^ie1^^ specialized \
thinker, the word "cosmology" Is conveniently at hand. I

I think we shall find that the world views of primitive and

ancient peoples differ a great deal as to the emphasized kind of thing
which Is confronted. In her account of the Arapesh of New Guinea,
Margaret Mead has described a people who confront, essentially, their
own human nature. This people recognizes nature in land, water, and
goods, as do all other peoples, and their universe Includes certain
gods or spirits associated with certain parts of this nature. But
these beings are on the fYlnges of their Interest and attention. In
the case of these Melanesians "their whole attention has centered upon
an Internalized struggle between man and his human nature," the
struggle between aggressive and dangerous sexuality on the one hand and
parental and beneficent sexuality on the other. This world view
centers on man; the rest of the universe Is a hazy hinterland; there
are almost no origin myths, and the outlines of the universe are not
defined. A theory of human nature and the application of this theory
In conducting life are the main parts of th_l$ world view. If we were
to represent the Arapesh version of the <fjan-Nature-God^Relationships as
a triangle. we would draw a triangle In whicK the human base was by far
the longest line of the three. Should we compare the Arapesh world
view with that of the Zunl, we should see, In the case of these
Indians, I think, a more nearly equilateral triangle; the Zunl confront
man, nature, and God about equally, regard the relations of the three
as intimate, and see the maintenance of these relationships as the duty
of man. The ancient Hebrews, especially after the development of their
 ( c
18

(deas as to an absolute God, had a world view in which the

confrontation of deity was paramount; man's nature and nature's nature
were subordinated entities; the triangle to represent this world view
would be still differently drawn. And still different from the three
world views I have just mentioned is that of the ancient Mesopotamians
as descrebed by Thorklld Jacobsen. These people conceived of the
universe as “an order of wills," as a great state. All things— salt,
fire, sky, earth, man, and also such notion* as Justice, righteousness,
and the form of the circle— had will, character, and power. All things
were arranged In a vast hierarchy of power. In this world view man
confronts man, nature, and God, as In the world view of the Zunl. Zuni
world view and Mesopotamian world view are more alike than is either
like the world view of the Arapesh. But the Mesopotamian conception of
the universe Is far more systematic and elaborately detailed than is
that of the Zunl. And the nature of the relationship of man to that
which Is confronted differs very markedly In the two cases.

This last assertion brings us to the second question that I have

suggested may be asked of all world views: Hhat Is the attitude man
takes toward that which Is confronted? There are many ways, no doubt,
In which this question could be understood. He may understand It to
ask us as to the relative emphasis on the cognitive and the affective
In man's attitude toward the Not-Man. The passion of the Hebrews, the
more Intellectual attitude of the Greek, Illustrate this difference, as
does the emotional way In which Margaret Mead's Arapesh relate
themselves to their world In contrast to the more cognitive conception
of It which I should say, from my study of the Maya of Yucatan,
characterizes the way of that people In relating themselves to that
which is outside themselves. Second, the question might cause us to
attend to the degree to which and the way In which the universe Is•
conceived as structured, as having a defined order. The Yucatan Maya,
like their ancient forbears, conceive of a universe neatly and firmly
structured In a system of layered quadrilaterals: field, sky, and
village, are four-cornered and oriented to the compass. The
Polynesians, on the other hand, order their universe In terms chiefly
of Its past history: genesis and development are the axes of their
system of cosmic Ideas; they tell the genealogical story of creation
from chaos down to the man who tells the story. And the Arapesh, to
mention once more that helpfully contrasting people, order their
universe very loosely; their universe Is not much structured, either In
terms of time or in terms of space.

Of the ways in which we may ask the question, what is the

relation which man sees between himself and that which he confronts, I
choose, as one that will probably yield Illumination of world views,
that meaning which makes the question ask what that relation calls pn
man to do. The question may then be restated: In the relation seen
between man and what man confronts, what Is the duty or purpose of man
toward that which he confronts? Horld view can be seen as a
 19
characteristic attitude of purpose or obligation toward that which Is
confronted, whether that be human nature or God-Nature. I think It
will be found to be true that there Is no people in history or
ethnology that has not such an attitude of purpose or obligation.
Indifference toward the universe Is probably Incompatible with a
persisting human way of Ufe. I think, further, that It will be found
that this attitude exists whether the Not-Man Is conceived as two
things. Nature and God, or whether the one of thete two prevails over
the other or Is Involved with the other.

The content of this attitude Is, however, one of those things as

to which world views differ Importantly from one another. Just what It
Is that man feels he Is called upon to do In relation to the universe
Is something that we cannot surely predict of a people before we have
come to know that people. The range of possibilities Is probably
suggested by the verbs accept, maintain, become one with, yield to,
obey, appropriate, transform. Man does or feels he may or should do
some of these things with regard to the world around him. It may be
possible to relate world views of primitive, historic, and contemporary
peoples to one another by comparing the verbs called for In describing
the predominating conception held In those world views as to man’s
relationship with his own nature and with the Not-Man___

FOOTNOTES

I . Benedict, Ruth
1934 Patterns of Culture. Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Co.

2. Northrop, F. S. C.
1934 The Meeting of East and West, New York: Macmillan Co.

3. For a possible qualIficat'lbn of this assertion, see Dorothy Lee,

"Notes on the Conception of the Self among the Hlntu Indians,”
Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XLV, No. 3 (1950).

4. Mead, George II.

1934 Hind, Self and Society. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.

5. See, for example, Gladys Relchard, "Human Nature as Conceived by

the Navaho Indians," Review of Religion. VII, No. 4 (1943). 353-60.

6. Holmberg, Alten
1936 Nomads of the Long Bow. Smithsonian Institution,
Institute of Anthropology, No. 10.

( c
 20

7. Mead. Margaret
1940 "The Mountain Arapesh, II: Supernaturalism,"
Anthropological Papers (American Museum of'Natural
History). XXXVII, Ho. 3. 319-451.
'
8. Ibid.. p\ 357.

9. Jacobsen, Thorktld
1946 "Mesopotamia," In The Intellectual Adventure o f Ancient
Man, by H. and H. Á. Frankfort et al. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.

( ( (
 Chapter Two

HUMAN BEINGS IN CULTURE

by Charles H. Kraft

INTRODUCTION

This chapter offers the reader a chance to relate the

subject of worldview to two other anthropological models.
This gives a particular context within anthropology that
helps to sharpen the definition of worldview. Kraft first
discusses the "culture concept" that'deals with patterns of
behavior and related symbols or Items. Even that early In
the chapter, he seems to be straining at times not to use the
word "worldview". His second model Is "cultural validity"
(another term, and a good choice at that, for cultural
relativism) that emphasizes the values, objectives, and fo­
cuses of a given culture as the Interior for evaluating that
culture. His third model Is worldview, which he approaches
by describing Its five-fold function. I will let that part of
the chapter speak for Itself, except to note the one-word
form, worldview, as opposed to "world view" as most authors
write It. This one-word form seems In some symbolic way to
suggest that this field of study has become more than a con­
cept In the process of formation but has In fact arrived.

From Kraft 1979:45-57.

 THE CULTURE CONCEPT

The word "culture" (Ger. KuJJtur) has been employed In Germany

from at least as early as the beginning of the nineteenth century...to
designate the total nonbloloqlcalIy transmitted heritage of man.
This usage has become customary in the behavioral sciences and,
increasingly, In informed popular thought.

A major reason for the development of this understanding of the

concept Is the fact that a whole academic discipline has devoted itself
largely to the study of culture. It would seem to be beyond dispute
that anthropology's "most significant accomplishment...has been the
extension and clarification of the concept of culture" (Kroeber
1950:87). Certainly "the concept of culture is...the anthropologist's
most significant contribution to the missionary endeavor" (Luzbetak
1963:59). It is, to my way of thinking, an equally significant
contribution to further development in theological understanding.

In this respect, we can seek enhancement in understanding

through the application of the culture model to at least three areas of
concern. The first (and most difficult) of these areas is the
Influence of culture on ourselves. If, as here contended, we are all
thoroughly immersed in and totally Influenced (though not totally
determined) by our culture, it behooves us to look for and to analyze
the ways in which such Immersion affects us. Second, we need to
understand how the culture in which our hearers live and move affects
them. And third, we need to discover how God in his interactions with
human beings relates to the cultures In which they (though not he) are
Immersed.

Culture is seen by anthropologists as:

the Integrated system of learned behavior patterns which are

characteristic of the members of a society and which are not the
result of biological inheritance (Hoebel 1972:6)

Kroeber and Kluckhohn have summarized the culture concept as follows:

Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and

for behavior acquired and transmitted by symbols, constitut­
ing the distinctive achievement of human groups, Including
their embodiments, in artifacts; the essential core of cul­
ture consists of traditional (l.e. historically derived and
selected) ideas and especially their attached values; culture
systems may, on the one hand, be considered as products of
action, on the other as conditioning elements of further ac­
tion (1952:357).
 23

Perceiving of reality In this way has become fundamental and

germinal to the behavioral-science perspective. This perspective sees
the relationship between culture and human beings as In many respects
similar to that between water and fish. Humans are understood to be
totally. Inextricably Immersed in culture. Each human Individual Is
born Into a particular soclo-cultura I context. From that point on
persons are conditioned by the members of their society In countless,
largely unconscious, ways to accept as natural and to follow rather
uncritically the cultural patterns of that society.

Each of us Is thus shaped In the nonblologtcal portion of our

being by the culture Into which we are born. He are shaped by a
culture transmitted to us by the adults In our life. Humans thus may
be regarded as culture-shaped and culture-transmitting beings. But we
not only are shaped by and partlcpate In the transmission of our
culture; we also Influence It and contribute to Its reshaping. Indeed,
as far as the behavioral sciences can tell, humans originally created
culture. This ability to produce, bear, and transmit culture provides
the sharpest distinction observable by naturalistic behavioral
scientists between humans and animals.

Our culture Is that In terms of which our life Is organized. It

may be looked at as the rules guiding our lives (Spradley 1972:18-34)—
rules developed from millions of agreements between the members of our
society. He remain largely unconscious of the vast majority of these
rules or patterns. Hlth respect toothers, such as certain of
those governing our language, courtesy, eating, defecating, and the
like, our elders have chosen to Invest a considerable amount of energy .
In making us aware of the rules by which we are expected to conduct
these aspects of our lives.

It Is comparatively Irrelevant whether or not we are conscious

of the rules and patterns that govern our lives. The Influence of
these patterns upon our lives Is all pervasive. He are not as free as
we may Imagine ourselves to be^- Keeslng and Keeslng Instructively
discuss the "rules" or cultural agreements governing one aspect of
American courtship behavior as follows:

Consider the problem that a single American girl continually

encounters of where to place herself on the roughly forty
Inches of front seat of an American car when a male Is driv­
ing. Does she sit in the middle? Close up? Against the
door? Clearly there Is a code here, and clearly It Is based
on communications and shared understandings about the girl's
relationship to the driver. In long-standing American court­
ship ritual, she Is supposed to begin somewhere In the mid­
dle; and as the relationship becomes more Intimate, she
acknowledges this by moving closer and closer to him. If
she Is angry, she moves against the door, expressing coolness
 24

and dtstantness. If the driver is Ineligible for courtship,

she sits In a neutral position; to move against the door
would communicate the wrong thing. How soon the girl moves
over, and how far, clearly expresses something about what
kind of girl she Is as well as what her relationship to the
driver Is. Such codes are learned but not written; and
constantly tested and compared but seldom talked about. They
are premises and rules and meanings we draw on to communicate
and to understand one another, yet we are rarely conscious of
them (1971:21-22).

A large number of similar examples fill the pages of such books as The
SI lent Language and The Hidden Dimension by E. T. Hall and Body
Language by J. Fast.

Not only Is our physical behavior governed by such cultural

patterns. Our mental behavior Is likewise pervasively Influenced by
our culture. Our culture shapes both our acting and our thinking.
Those of us who have been brought up within a variety of Euro-
American culture think, reason, and perceive of the world around U9 In
ways that are more similar to the ways of other members of
Euro-American culture than to the ways of any member of a culture of
New Guinea or Africa___

Culture, therefore, provides the model(s) of reality that govern

our perception, although we are likely to be unaware of the Influence
of our culture upon us. For the way we understand things seems to us
to be "just natural" or “human nature.” It's Just natural to eat three
meals a day. Isn't It? It's only human nature for teenagers to rebel
against their elders. Isn't It? The answer to both questions Is, of
course. No.

But we wouldn't know this unless we had been exposed to

Information concerning a multitude of other cultures___ There are a
variety of culturally governed logics or conceptual frameworks. There
are, therefore, a variety of culturally governed logical behaviors.
And many of these perceptions, conceptualizations, and logical
behaviors will differ markedly from our culture.

Unless we have been exposed to such Information from other

cultures and have learned to appreciate the fact that they view reality
through very different cultural glasses than our own, we tend
(unconsciously) to look down our noses at their behavior. That
behavior seems strange to us. Irrational or even wrong. Our customs
seem to us to be the right ones because they are (to us) the "natural"
ones.

To view other people's ways of life In terms of our own cul­

tural glasses Is called ethnocentrIsm. Becoming conscious

I
 ( ( (

25

of, and analytical about, our own cultural glasses Is a pain­

ful business. We do It best by learning about other people's
glasses. Although we can never take our glasses off to find
out what the world Is "really like," or try looking through
anyone else's without ours on as well, we can at least learn
a good deal about our own prescription (Keeslng and Keeslng
1971:21).

An antidote to an ethonocentrlc "monocultural" perception of

reality Is to develop what may be termed a "cross-cultural
perspective." This Is a perspective that always takes Into account the
fact that there are a variety of culturally governed perceptions of any
given segment of reality....

CULTURAL VALIDITY

"Cultural validity" (ordinarily referred to as "cultural

relativism") maintains that an observer should be careful to evaluate a
culture first In terms of Its own values, goals, and focuses before
venturing to compare it (either positively or negatively) with any
other culture. This doctrine was developed to combat the prevailing
ethnocentric tendency to evaluate other cultures to their disadvantage
by always focusing on areas of life in which the evaluator's culture
has specialIzed. Westerners thus tend to evaluate as "primitive" all
cultures that do not show a degree of technological development
comparable’to that of western cultures. The cultural-validity model Is.
based on the recognition that certain cultures have specialized (often
"warped" themselves) in one area of life while others have specialized
in other areas of life (e.g., technology for certain cultures, solid
family structures for others). Comparisons between cultures tend,
therefore, to be made unfalvly on the basis of whatever criteria the
one who does the comparing deems most Important.

Anthropologists have found that "It Is objectively impossible to

distinguish world-wide levels of cultural progress" (Beals and Holjer
1959:720). They have concluded that cultures are to be regarded not as
assignable to some level of overall superiority or Inferiority with
respect to other cultures but, rather, as more or less equal to each
other In their overall ability to meet the needs felt by their
memebers. In this sense It is felt that any given culture shapes a way
of life that must be seen as valid for those Immersed In It. Cultures
are therefore both as good as each other and as bad as each other In
shaping that way of life. None is anywhere near perfect, since all are
shaped and operated by sinful human beings. But none In Its healthy
state Is to be considered invalid. Inadequate, or unusable by God and
humankind (see Turnbull, 1972, for a description of an unhealthy
culture)....
 1 í

26

This doctrine Is, on the cultural level, what persona)

acceptance (the Golden Rule)'Is on the Individual level (Mayers 1974).
It recommends that, rather than moralizing about the good or bad In the
given culture (or In the glvern individual), one should accept the
validity of that culture (or Individual), whether or not one’ s own set
of values predisposes one to approve of the behavior of that culture
(or individual). A belief In the validity of other cultures does not
obligate one to approve of such customs as cannibalism, widow burning,
Infanticide, premarital sex, polygamy, and the like. But It does
insist that one take such customs seriously within the cultural context
In which they occur and attempt to appreciate the importance of their
function wthln that context.

Nor does acceptance of cultural validity commit one to change

one’s behavior in the direction of the values or practices of another
culture. On the contrary, a commitment to accept the validity of any
culture on Its own terms carries with it the obligation for persons to
take their own culture Just as seriously as they take others___

While much of the thinking public in the western world converted

(at least nominally) to the relativistic viewpoint, the western church
(reinforced by ethnocentric theological thinking that is often
Insensitive to the validity of other cultures), along with a large
percentage of the rest of the population, has for the most part
retained the evolutionary position. Much of the Christian populace,
for example, has simply continued to assume that such features of our
society as monogamy, democracy, our type of educational system.
Individualism, capitalism, the "freedoms,” literacy, technological
development, military supremacy, etc. are all products of our
association with God and therefore can be pointed to as indications of
the superiority of our culture over all other cultures. A balanced
comparison of our culture with other cultures, however, shows us to be
strong only at certain points, while very weak at others. We are
strong in technological areas and. as a concomitant of this,
militarily. Our system of government, borrowed from the pre-Christian
Greek city-states, seems to us to be superior to other forms of
government but is showing Increasingly an inability to cope effectively
with a multitude of the problems facing It. Monogamy, too, came to us
from our pre-Christian cultural forebears. It is very difficult to
support the contention that such cultural strengths as these (if they
be strengths) are the result of the Influence of Christianity In our
culture. It is easier, and perhaps more accurate, to suggest that when
individuals and groups within our culture commit themselves to Christ
they frequently (not always) use these and other features of our
culture In a more Christian way than those who do not have such a
Christian commitment.

When one turns to the weaknesses of our culture, the myth of our
cultural superiority falls to pieces. For example, we have poured so
 27

much of our resources Into technological development that we have

created social disorientation and disruption at every level of our
society. Many families fall apart because they are unable to compete
with our so-called educational system. The latter, for the sake of
some Imaginary "better“future (defined In technological and
materialistic terms) Indoctrinates our youth against the past In
general and their parents In particular (Including any religious
commitment they may have). Our quest for freedom and Individualism
mitigates against the development of close friendships, neighbor IIness,
and stable marriages. Our extreme competitiveness, expressed
Interpersonally, Intergeneratlonally. economically, vocationally,
politically, and even between churches, Is ripping our society apart.
The naturalistic worldview at the center of our culture, the
depersonalization of our people, the uncontrolled competitiveness
between the various segments of our society, the choice usually to
value the unknown and untried above the known but Imperfect— these and
so many other features of our society point not to Its superiority but
to Its sickness.

Anthropologists can point to any number of other cultures that,

though weak where we are strong, are strong where we are weak. None of
these has achieved nearly what ours has technologically or medically.
But we have not achieved what they have In social organization. Many
of them have achieved a balanced approach to life that Is seriously
lacking In our own culture. And the cultural equilibrium and Its
concomitant Increase of Individual security produced by such a balance
make such cultures look strikingly superior to ours overall. They seem
to meet the psychological and personal needs of their members more
effectively than Euro-American cuiture does. Though they have their
own problems, one wonders If they are as serious as ours In fundamental
areas of life.

The point Is not simply to castigate our culture or to produce

In us any envy of cultures that seem to have achieved a better balance
than ours has. The point Is to suggest that our feelings of cultural
superiority are completely unwarranted and utterly untenable In the
face of the mass of anthropological data coming to us concerning the
six thousand or more other cultures of the world. True, these cultures
often show serious difficulty In areas where ours shows strength. But
this fact merely supports a major point that the doctrine of cultural
validity Is attempting to make: that no culture, especially not ours,
can be regarded as superior In every way to every their culture___

A cross-cultural perspective on our culture and the Influence of

Christianity in It gives no support to the assumption that through the
Influence of Christianity ours has become the most Ideal culture In the
world. Christianity has Indeed had an Important Impact on our culture
but so has human slnfulness--and the latter appears to be winning out.
culturally as well as individually. For this reason and because the

\
 28

Christian knows that God Is continually at woik In every culture (not

Just ours) at all times (Acts 14:17), It behooves us to accept a good
bit of the doctrine of cultural validity. He need to recognize that
cultures are essentially equal (.rather than superior or Inferior to
each other) with respect to at least three things: (I) their adequacy
for those Immersed In them. (2) the pervasiveness of the expression of
human sinfulness manifested in and through them, and (3) their
potential usefulness as vehicles of God's Interaction with humanity.
In fact, the Christian goes beyond the atheist at least In recognizing
that cultures are not only relative to each other but are also relative
(although In this case Inferior) to the supracultural (Smalley 1955:60).

HORLDVIEH

Cultures pattern perceptions of reality Into conceptualizations

of what reality can or should be, what Is to be regarded as actual,
probable, possible, and Impossible. These conceptualizations form what
Is termed the "worldview" of the culture. The worldview Is the central
systematization of conceptions of reality to which the members of the
culture assent (largely unconsciously) and from which stems their value
system. The worldview lies at the very heart of culture, touching,
Interacting with, and strongly Influencing every other aspect of the
culture.

The worldview of any given culture presumably originated In a

series of agreements by the members of the original group concerning
their perception of reality and how they should regard and react toward
that reality. This, like all other aspects of culture, has undergone
constant change so that It now differs to a greater or lesser extent
from the original worldview and from other extant worldviews that have
developed (In related cultures) from that common-ancestor worldview.

A worldview Is Imposed upon the young of a society by means of

familiar processes of teaching and learning. In this way each
youngster reared In a given culture Is conditioned to interpret reality
In terms of the conceptual system of that culture If a person's
culture conceives of the relationship between the universe and humanity
as a dominance-submission relationship In which persons simply submit
uncomplainingly to circumstances without seeking togain dominance over
them, those persons will ordinarily learn to perceive their
relationship to the universe In these terms. If a person's culture
conceives of disease as the result of the activities of personal
malevolent spirits, that person will ordinarily learn to perceive any
disease In his or her experience to be so caused. However one's
culture conceives of the division of time or space one will ordinarily
come to perceive of them in these terms.

( ( (
 < (
(

29

The position (model) here espoused sees the worldview of a

culture or subculture as the "central control box" of that culture.
With respect to the organization or patterning of the culture, the
worldview may be seen as the organizer of the conceptual system taught
to and employed by the members of that culture/subculture. With
respect to the behavior or performance of the participants In the
culture/subculture, the worldview may be thought of as that which
governs the application of the culture's conceptualizations of their
relationships to reality. These facts and some of their Implications
may be represented In the visualization of this model In Figure 1.

I C U ilU R M fA tltR N IM G iSH U C K JM » 1 CUIIURA1 PtltfORMANCI I0tMAVK)Rl

Fig. 1. Worldview In relation to cultural patterning and

cultural performance.

Everything In the patterning and the performance of culture ties Into

this central conceptualization. The centrality and consequent
Importance of the worldview become very clear when one considers the
centrality to life of the functions served by the worldview of a
culture. A people's worldview Is their basic model of reality.

Five major functions may be described:

1. The first function Is the explanation of how and why things

got to be as they are and how and why they continue or change. The
 r

30

worldview embodies for a people, whether explicitly or Implicitly, the

basic assumptions concerning ultimate things on which they base their
lives. If the worldview of a people conditions them to believe that
the universe Is operated by a number of Invisible personal forces
largely beyond their control, this will affect both their understanding
of and their response to "reality." If, however, a people's worldview
explains that the universe operates by means of a large number of
Impersonal, cause-and-effect operations which, If learned by people,
can be employed by them to control the universe, the attitude of these
people toward "reality" will be much different___

2. The worldview of a people serves an evaluatlonal— a judging

and val Ida 11ng— function. The basic Institutions, values, and goals of
a society are ethnocentrleally evaluated as best and, therefore,
sanctioned by the worldview of their culture or' subculture. Other
people's customs are judged to be Inferior or at least inappropriate.
And for most of the cultures of the world the ultimate ground for these
sanctions Is supernatural. Their God or gods are seen to value these
customs more than those of any other peoples. And even when no
external supernatural Is postulated (as In communism and naturalistic
American Ideology) a sort of "Internal supernatural" is generally
present In the virtual deifying of such concepts as communism or "the
American way of life___ " As with its explanatory function, the
evaluatlonal function of a people's worldview is Integral to every
aspect of the life of the social group. All important and valued
bahavlor, whether of the In-group or of other groups, whether
classified as economic, political, "scientific," social, educational,
or whatever. Is judged In terms of a culture's worldview assumptions,
beliefs, values, meanings, and sanctions.

3. The worldview of a group also provides psycho logical

reinforcement for that group. At points of anxiety or crisis in life
It is to one's conceptual system that one turns for the encouragement
to continue or the stimulus to take other action. Crisis times such as
death, birth, and Illness; transition times such as puberty, marriage,
planting and harvest; times of uncertainty; times of elation— all tend
to heighten anxiety or In some other way require adjustment between
behavior and belief. And each tends to be dealt with in a reinforcing
way by the worldview of a society. Often this reinforcement takes the
form of ritual or ceremony In which many people participate (e.g.,
funerals, harvest celebrations, initiation or graduation ceremonies).
Frequently there are also Individual worldview-required reinforcement
observances such as prayer, trance, scientific experimentation, or
"thinking the matter through" for the purpose of squaring a prospective
decision with one's conceptual underpinning. In such ways the
worldview of a group provides security and support for the behavior of
the group in a world that appears to be filled with capricious
uncontrollable forces.
 31

4. The worldview of a culture or subculture serves an

Integrating function. It systematizes and orders for them their
perceptions of reality Into an overall design. In terms of this
Integrated and Integrating perspective, then, a people conceptualizes
what reality should be like and understands and Interprets the
multifarious events to which they are exposed. A people's worldview
"establishes and validates baste premises about the world and man's
place In It; and It relates the strivings and emotions of men to them"
(Keeslng and Keeslng 1971:303).

Thus In Its explanatory, evaluatlonal. reinforcing, and

Integrating functions, worldview lies at the heart of a culture,
providing the basic model(s) for bridging the gap between the
"objective" reality outside people's heads and the culturally agreed
upon perception of that reality inside their heads. The worldview
formulates for the members of a social group the conceptualizations In
terms of which they perceive reality. It filters out for them most
glimpses of reality that do not conform to the beliefs concerning the
way that reality should be. It provides for Its adherents

a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, perva­

sive, and long-lasting moods and motivations In men by
formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and
clothing these with such an aura of factual Ity that the moods
and motivations seem uniquely realistic (Geertz 1966:4).

5. A group's worldview does not completely determine the

perception of all Its members at all times. Though there Is
¡characteristically a very high degree of conservatism to such
conceptualization, there Is change In this as well as In all other
areas of culture. People do on occasion shift In their perceptions of
reality. They come to see things In ways slightly or drastically
different from the ways that their worldview has conditioned them to
perceive of them. They change one or more of their conceptual models
and reinterpret their perceptions. And such shifts In perception,
especially If engaged In and reported by socially influential persons,
may be accepted by other members of the social group. This results In
groups altering their conceptual structuring, their models of
real Ity....

Ordinarily such conceptual transformation takes place slowly.

Sometimes, though, the pressure for rapid change Is great.
Particularly In the face of such pressure we observe a fifth function
of a people's worldview, which relates directly to the more
disintegrative aspects of culture change. That function may be labeled
adapta M o n a L Wallace suggests that Inherent In worldviews Is the
ability to reduce "Internal structural contradictions" that occur In
the process of culture change (1966:27). People, by adjusting their
worldviews, devise means for resolving conflict and reducing cultural

Í
 32

dissonance. That Is, In circumstances of cutural distortion or

disequilibrium there Is resilient quality to worldviews by means of
which people reconcile hitherto apparently Irreconcilable differences
between old understandings and new ones. If a society gets Into
Ideological difficulty “It may be far easier to reinterpret values than
to reorganize society* (Wallace 1966:29).

Where mutually contradictory cognitions (Including percep­

tions, knowledge, motives, values, and hopes) are entertained,
the Individual must act to reduce the dissonance. While,
theoretically, he can do this by changing the real world in
some respect, so as to modify the data coming In, he may also
achieve the same effect by modifylng'his perceptions of self
and of the real world In such a way that one horn of the di­
lemma Is no longer recognized (Wallace 1966:29).

In extreme cases this adaptation to changing perception calls

for major replacement and what Wallace calls "revitalization." But
short of such drastic “cultural surgery* the adaptatlonal quality of
worldviews Is constantly In evidence In all sorts of culture-change
situations, whether these be mild or Intensive.

FOOTNOIES

1. See Kroeber and Kluckhohn 1952 for an exhaustive discussion of the

history and contemporary usage of the term.

2. See Kluckhohn 1949, chapter 9, "An Anthropologist Looks at the

United States,”for a fine discussion of both the weaknesses and the
strengths of our culture.

3. It Is technically Incorrect to personalize culture In this way. It

Is not culture that does such and such a thing; it Is the people who
operate culture who do whatever Is done. For brevity, however, and
because it Is traditional, we engage In a convenient fiction and speak
of cultures as If they did things on their own.

4 See Redfield 1953, chapter 4, for a more detailed discussion of

world view.

5. See Malinowski 1925 and Keeslng 1958 for a similar discussion of

religion. They use the term "religion" to designate that part of
culture that I (and. Increasingly, contemporary anthropological
orthodoxy) label “world view-"

( < (
 Chapter Three

WORLD VIEW THEORY AND STUDY

by Michael Kearney

Kearney's own Introduction Is adequate to set the

scene, as It were, for this article. It should be noted,
however, that those unortented to the theory of anthropology
may find this somewhat laborious, since they have yet to read
Jhe authors to whom Kearney refers. Yet to the serious stu­
dent of worldview, the historical perspective so ably un­
folded here will be invaluable In locating and evaluating
additonal sources for the study of worldview. What Is
accomplished by this article Is nothing less than a compre­
hensive overview of worldview as a field of study with re­
spect to the variety of scholars and perspectives that make
up the field. For that reason I have chosen not to edit this
article. It is reproduced here In Its entirety. Including
the references cited.

INTRODUCTION

World view Is not a well-established field of study In the sense

that It appears in course catalogs, or that there are recognized
schools of world view theory or many scholars specializing In it. And
yet. rather paradoxically, literature about world view and

From Kearney 1975:247-270.

 i (

34

world-view-related subjects permeates anthropology. The major-problem

that I faced In preparing this review was to find a meaningful
definition and organization of this material. I take world view (55)
to be virtually synonymous with cognitive anthropology In the basic
sense of "cognition" Indicated In Its etymology: co- + gnoscere.
"to get a knowledge of." This notion of world view as culturally
specific cognition Is different In several Important ways from what
usually goes under the label of "cognitive anthropology," viz
ethnosclence and ethnosemantlcs. First, as Werner (107, p. 155) points
out, "In ethnosclence, culture Is viewed through language. It Is the
study of that part of human knowledge which Is represented In
language." World-view study. In contrast, makes heavy use of nonverbal
behavior. Second, ethnosemantlcs as traditionally practiced Is
overwhelmingly concerned with analysis of folk taxonomies. Stúrtevant
underscores this point In saying that a "culture itself amounts to the
sum of a given society's folk classifications, all of that society's
ethnosclence. Its particular ways of classifying Its material and
social universe" (97, p. 100). But a true ethnosclence would, of
course, also attend to additional concepts. For example, an
ethnosclentlfIc analysis of Western science (taken as a sophisticated
folk science) would. If done In the traditional ethnoscientlflc manner,
be confined to the taxonomies and principles of classification, and
would not deal with concepts such as the General Theory of Relativity,
the role of genetics In evolution, or the Image of Limited Good. And
much less— and this Is the third distinction betweeen world view study
and ethnosclence— would It be concerned with underlying Implicit
assumptions about such things as causality, time, or human nature.
From this perspective then, Werner's (106) equating of ethnosclence
with ethnoeplstemology also seems Inappropriate. I point out these
distinctions between world view study and ethnosemantics/ethnoscience
as a way of Indicating the type of material included in this review.
And since to my knowledge this Is the first major revipw of world view
studies, I have not limited It to mention of only the most recent Items.

Each of the Items reviewed herein generally falls within one of

three broad groups: A section on General S tudies reviews works that
deal with complete world views, while a section on Specific Categories
covers literature that focuses on some lesser aspect of world view as a
knowledge system. Finally, since world views are culturally organized
systems of knowledge, a fundamental problem that must be examined Is
the extent of cross-cultural differences In how people come to know
about the world: a third section on Culture and Rationality thus
examines recent literature relevant to this problem.

GENERAL STUDIES

Several general trends are apparent In general world view

studies and theory Inr recent years. In 1966 Foster (31) noted that the

i
 35

then current world view theorists tended to see It as for the most part
consciously expressable by reflective Informants, as largely equivalent
to cosmology, and as tending to fade Into values (cf Dundes 27). He
then suggested, following Hallowell (44), that a formulation of world
view should express the Implicit conception of the natural and social
universe which exists at a subconscious cognitive level such that
Informants are not normally able tó articulate It. Parallel to this
shifting of world view into the unconscious Is the search for units of
analysis. This concern begins most explicitly with Redfleld (92,93),
who suggested that any world view must contain notions about the self,
the other (as opposed to self and containing a human and nonhuman
distinction, each with further divisions), time, space, the natural and
supernatural, and the sacred and profane fcf Hendelson (75) regarding
Redfleld's concept of world vlewj. Bouldlng (10), In constructing a
cybernetic model of Images and behavior, and Hallowell (43), In a
number of papers on OJIbwa world view, arrived at a similar list of
categories or Images. And Kluckholn & Strodtbeck (57), In building a
model of vaJue-orlentatlons, selected a set of existential categories
comparable to those of Redfleld and Bouldlng: temporal, activity,
relational, man-nature, and human nature. Jones (52) proposes a set of
world view dimensions for classification and analysis (see below),
while Dundes (26) shows how operational units can be taken from "folk
Ideas." In developing a model of world view that would be both
cross-culturally open-ended and yet serve as a scheme for
cross-cultural comparison. I (55) was led willy-nilly to select a
minimal tet of universal cognitive categories which could be taken as
necessary dimensions of any functional human world view. The route to
this selection was mainly via Kant, Durkhelm, and Piaget; they are:
self, other, relationship, classification, space, time, and causality.
The advantage of such units is that In their presumed universality they
are the skeleton of a cross-culturally applicable model.

Much thornier than the question of valid or useful operational

units Is that of world view Integration. Studies of Isolated
categories (see section on Specific Categories) do not face this
problem of overall Integration* In the more holistic configurational
studies the approach to Integration of complete world views Is thematic
(cf Levine 61. pp. 375-76). Redfleld, Hallowell, Bouldlng, and Jones,
while dealing with more discrete categories or dimensions, are not
greatly concerned with mutual Interaction among .them, and Kluckholn &
Strodtbeck actually deny that their categories covary In any
significant way.

There Is a nascent trend away from Intuitive analyses of world

view Integration to more formal ones employing to some degree
principles of formal logic. The bias here Is to see world view as
essentially existential propositions which can be subjected to rational
criteria of consistency and contradiction (see section on Cultural and
 36

Rationally^elow). Precursors to this approach are apparent In

Soroklns's (96) "loglco-meanlngful Integration"; In Redfleld’ s work In
Yucatan, where he examined Inconsistencies which "present a dilemma
with regard to attitude or overt behavior" (91, p. 137); and In
Festlnger's (29) "cognitive dissonance," and In relationships that
* Hoebel (45) points out among some of his existential postulates.
Foster (31) also anticipates a logical approach to world view by saying
that once the core of It Is abstracted it can be used to predict
behavior and test lesser hypotheses that follow as logical
corollaries. In a similar sense, I (55) have explored the sorts of
"logical" Implications that pertain among various categories of a world
view. For example, given certain assumptions In a world view about
time, certain assumptions about space, causality, etc. should be
expected and others not expected, due to Internal logical
Implications. But it is also apparent that there are often
relationships among such categories which, though Intelligible, are
nondlscurstve and not of a logical nature, but nevertheless integrated
structurally, l.e. by homologous or Isomorphic replications as Maquet
(70) discusses In reference to myth. Foucault (35), although
disassociating himself from structuralism, typifies such an approach In
Ills search for "analogies" (or better, "homologies") that appear In the
structuring of the natural history, linguistics, and economic theory In
17th to 19th century French knowledge, and which all derive from an
unconscious "eplsteme." “ Logic" and “logical" are frequently used by
structuralists, but rarely in a formal sense, and 1 therefore prefer to
use "structure" and "structural" In such Instances and retain "logic"
for use In the formal sense. To Indicate the complementarity of these
two types of Internal organization operative In world view I have
coined the term "loglco-structural Integration" (55; see below).

Jones (52) presents a model of torld view which grew out of his
participation In a conference on world view sponsored by the
Henner-Gren Foundation in 1968. Jones likens his model to a Cartesian
coordinate system which defines "belief space." the coordinates— he
calls them dimensions, in Independent parallel usage to my
terminology— consist of linear, bipolar continua arrayed between
contrasting wide-range vectors, e.g. SlmplIclty/Complexity.
Statlc/Oynamlc, Soft Focus/Sharp Focus, etc. These wide-range vectors
are In effect deep structure and synonymous with world view.
Narrow-range vectors are more superficial and event-specific and
synonymous with "beliefs." The essence of a world view thus "Is a set
of very wide-range vectors In...belief space" (52, p. 83). These
wide-range vectors are "attitudes" (which have emotion and feeling
associated with them) and It would therefore seem consistent to refer
to them as existing In attitude space.

Jones offers his scheme as a "metamodel" but does not attempt to

present a universal set of dimensions. His own application of the
model Is thus admittedly relativistic with an ad hoc selection of
 ( (
(

37 •

particular vectors which he finds useful. His vectors are difficult to

categorize. They are definitely not cognitive categories In my sense
of the term, but rather more akin to the categories with which
personality tests are typically coded; there Is, In fact, a sizeable
concern for affect In this model. Jones offers this list of wide-range
vectors as hypotheses to be tested, whereas It would be more
appropriate to offer them for application, since they are quite
Incapable of being tested In a Popperlan sense of falsification, much
less of being proven. They can, of course, be used to order behavioral
data and as a possible basis for predicting behavior. Jones is,
however, more concerned with the reverse situation, viz "reading back"
from behavior to the latent beliefs and attitudes, that Is, to
particular configuraltons of vectors that generate the behavior. But
this discussion Is flawed by falling to consider how external
envloronmenal conditions constrain or otherwise affect the production
of behavior Irrespective of the underlying vectors. Perhaps the most
intriguing aspect of Jones's scheme Is his discussion of the
interaction of various vectors In producing behavior. Although done
loosely, this Is an attempt to demonstrate how the shape of particular
vectors and thler respective dimensions have Implications for what can
be expected In others, and thus represents an Intuitive counterpart to
logico-structural Integration.

It Is unfortunate that Jones extensively employs "belief" as

virtually synonymous with world view: "Whatever else a world view may
be. It Involves beliefs..." (52, p. 79). Rodney Needham (77) has
recently argued persuasively that belief Is not at all a cross-
cultural ly universal aspect of human nature. However, Jones Is saved
here from what otherwise appears as a devastating flaw by using
"belief" Inappropriately. What hejrefers to as a belief Is really more
accurately called a proposition (Kearney 54, p. 44;55). Jones (52, p.
80): "It Is In this sepse of the term 'belief'— as an hypothesis
Introduced by an observer to explain somebody else's behavior— that I
shall talk about a world view as consisting of a set of beliefs."
Elsewhere he uses "belief" to refer to notions existing In the native's
mind, or what I prefer to call "assumptions" or "Images" (55). These
latter "beliefs" he holds are beliefs by virtue of their being capable
of being proved either true or false, and therefore In this respect
also differ from Needham's (77. pp. 74-75) notion of belief. Given my
general cognitive definition of world view (see above), Jones's model
would seem to lie on the periphery of the field and to have perhaps
greater applicability to kindred but less cognitive areas such as
personality, ethnoaesthetlcs, and style.

Ong (83) argues that oral-aural or "nonwriting" cultures tend to

make much more of auditory metaphors such as voice and harmony in
referring to the world than modern technological societies that see It
more as an event which they refer to with visual and spatial metaphors
such as "world view." In nonwriting cultures the world Is conceived as
 r (

. 38

"something dynamic and relatively unpredictable, an event-world rather

than an object-world, highly personal, overtly polemic, fostering
sound-oriented traditionalist personality structures less Interiorlzed
and sollpslsttc than those of technologized man" (83, p. 634). This
hypothesis Is Interwoven with a mild critique of world view theory as
being a product of a writing culture and therefore prone to distort the
sense of actuality typical of oral-aural nonwriting cultures. While
the first argument Is reasonable, this second one amounts largely to
setting up a straw man, for despite the visual metaphor of "world
view," there Is little attention to visual Imagery per se In world view
studies of "oral-aural cultures." As regards the dichotomy of writing
versus oral-aural cultures, Ong's argument here Is similar to ■
McLuhan's: . It Is due to the effects of printing. What we are
presented with here then Is a new wrinkle on the old dvillzed-
uncivlllzed dichotomy. But It Is difficult to get much explanatory
mileage out of a typology that divides all of humanity Into only two
groups; yet at some level of generality literateness must have an
effect on a society's personality and sense of reality, and this Is
what Ong argues here and In an earlier work. (82). In support of this,
he notes that Opler and Carothers separately reported cross-cultural
clinical findings in personality studies which correlate with the
presence and absence of writing In the respective cultures. Ong's
argument becomes tenuous, If not paradoxical, when he maintains that
sight Is more abstract than hearing and thus more "objective," and that
the sense of vision comes to play a more Important role In the
technological cultures, and that “specialization in visually based
concepts thus appears to be a sign of progress because they afford
preferred Information of a sort otherwlse. unavallable" (83, p. 644).
It would be Interesting to relate his characteristics of the two
culture types to studies In the cognitive styles of blind people as
compared to sighted people of-the same cultures.

I now wish to turn to what to me Is the most exciting,

stimulating, creative, Inconsistent item concerning world view that has
appeared recently: Mary Douglas's Natural Symbols (24). The general
strategy of this work Is to reveal the relationship between various
types of cosmologies and the social forms that generate them. This
plan clearly falls within the realm of world view study, for, as
Douglas says, each cosmology--each world view— "has Its hidden
Impllcatons. These are its unspoken assumptions about the nature of
ultimate reality: (24, p. 173). Thus there is here a concern with both
the loglco-structural Integration of cognitive categories and the
Integration of these categories with social forms. As regards the
second type of Integration, which Is her main concern, her stance Is
strongly Durkhelmian, following him In arguing that "social relations
of men provide the prototype for the logical relations between things"
(24, p. II).
 39

Now what must be pointed out about this cosmological-soda)

Integration Is that two distinct issues are Involved— for the most part
they are not sufficiently separated In structuralist studies. The
first raises no controversy among structuralists, that Is, the
parallelism between symbol systems, their underlying cognitive
categories, and their corresponding social forms. But apart from this
Is the second, more difficult problem of the origin of such forms
cross-culturally. Of the Durkhelm-Douglas position, we may ask how can
social relations (groups of men) be primary? Social relations are
predicated on social structure which Is Itself a cognitive structure.
How then can relationships exist prior to the necessary structure that
sustains them? A more reasonable assumption Is that the two develop
hand-ln-glove. Such an approach broaches more Interesting problems and
Is consistent with the explanatory paradigm current In genetic
psychology and In structuralism In general. The recourse to social
determinism raises the overwhelming question of what shapes social
forms. And since Douglas In particular and the Durkhelmlan paradigm In
general Implicitly eschew any sort of technoenvlronmental
considerations, It would be better to assign social structure a purely
cognitive status and not posit prior causes when there Is no attempt to
explore them. Douglas's main argument for the correspondence of her
cosmological types to their respective social structures Is cogent, and
the question of social determinism Is not pertinent to this level of
Integration. Actually, toward the end of the book Oouglas seems to
abandom this position, such that In the ninth chapter she sees world
view categories— "hidden Implications" In her words— as being "the
foundations on which social reality Is constructed" (24, p. 173). And
In the tenth and last chapter she In effect recants that she does not
"subscribe to a theory of society as Infrastructure, the basic
phenomenon, with culture as superstructure, mere epI phenomenon" (p.
190). This of course she must do to be consistent with an argument she
develops here: that we must opt for meaningful ritualism If we are to
avoid the trend to anomie that results from the Ideology of
antlrltualIsm* Social determination Is Incompatible with enlightened
"autonomy of mind."

Bernstein's (6) social determinism of linguistic code, from

which Douglas borrows. Is more plausible; he makes linguistic codes
appear more as eplphenomena of the family types that generate them.
However, he does recognize some feedback of the code In maintaining
social form. It Is this correspondence of linguistic and family type
that Inspires one of Douglas' most creative Insights. This Is to take
Bernstein's suggestions that certain religious attitudes correspond to
his various family types, and generalize these attitudes to more
comprehensive cosmologies.

Collaborating with Berstein, Douglas takes his two parallel

oppositions of pos it Iona I-persona I family types and restricted-
elaborated linguistic codes, and by rotating one of the dimensions 90
degrees to the other creates a fourfold typology of general

)
f
 40

cosmological Ideas. The elements compared In this typology are

cardinal virtues, cardinal sins, the Idea of self, and art forms, of
which the Idea of self Is more basic to Douglas's subsequent theories.
In my own model, mainly through a re-examlnatlon of Durkhelm's social
derivation of logical categories. I was driven to see the relationship
of self to other as the core of world view, much as Redfleld saw self
and other as being the axis of world view. It is therefore reassuring
to find that Douglas assigns comparable Importance to the relation of
self and society (society being a major domain of the other). As she
says In a later elaboration of this model, "To find what Is Implicit In
each cosmology we shall follow the same thread that has unravelled the
rest of the argument, the relation of self to society. By this thread
we shall find how the grand building blocks of the cosmos are balanced
together and so fathom the gaps between them" (24,p.174).

Again Berstein Is deriving cosmology— perpetuated In speech

styles— from the control system within the family. Therefore, to
generalize his model, Douglas looks to more general "systems of control
and the hidden assumptions which validate them" (24,p. 81). In
Douglas's general scheme, linguistic code and family control are
extended to the strength of social classlfIcation— the symbolic
system— and the strength of group control over the Individual,
respectively. She calls the dimensions of this more generalized scheme
grid and group. Represented diagrammatically, grid ranges vertically
down from strong coherent systems of shared classification to a zero
point of anomie, and through It to purely private autistic thought. On
the horizontal axis, social control (group) Increases to the right of
zero, whereas personal autonomy and control over others Increases to
the left. It Is exasperating that In this scheme the group dimension
Is.graphically portraved such that It Is a mirror image of the way in
which Berstein's analogous dimension of family control system Is
printed (24,pp.49-50). It should be noted, however, that even If
parallelism In presentation has been observed, the second scheme would
still not superimpose on the first since all types must lie above the
line of group which runs through the zero point below which by
definition society does not exist.

Douglas, says. "Our problem Is to find some relation between

cosmological Ideas and characteristics of social relations. I shall
argue that several systems which spread In different patterns across
the diagram are liable to develop recognizable trends In the way that
the universe is constituted" (24. p. 84). To be successful, this
scheme then depends on the correct Identification of four social types
and the correct Identification of their coi responding cosmologies.
(Hhat appears as fourfold table Is thus really eightfold.) The link
between them Is that any control system to work must be reasonable and
legitimated, and this Is only possible by Its being predicated upon
Implicit assumptions about the nature of man and the world.
(Bernstein's particular creative Insight Is to show that there are

<
I
 I (
(

consistencies between the media of control and the cha'racter of the

control system (24, p. 80).] In the course of demonstrating how these
various cosipologles fit with given social types, Douglas, to use my
terms, examines some cross-culturally common patterns of loglco-
structural Integration among the categories of self relationship
("relation" of self to society), causality, and to a lesser extent,
time. I was pleased to find that all of the categories she deals with
are present In my model.

Interwoven with Douglas's soclocosmologlcal types are

applications of this scheme to broader theoretical Issues. As I see It
there are three. The first two are traditional theological and
metaphysical problems treated anthropologically, namely debates
regarding ritual and magical efficacy, and debates between dualism and
monism. The third takes Issue with the deprivation-compensation theory
of mi IlennlalIsm.

The crux of her reassessment of beliefs and values concerning -

the efficacy of ritualism Is the taking of ritual as a restricted
code. Now since restricted code Is Identified with particular types of
social structure and systems of control, they can be used as Indicators
to predict the occurrence of ritualism. The native belief that ritual
Is effective Is based on assumptions about the efficacy of magic, and
cosmology therefore enters the picture. This sociological approach to
the Incidence of ritualism thus cross-cuts the simple-minded dichotomy
of primitive and civilized, for It lumps together as ritualists tribes
with high classification and London Irish working-class families, and
as ant Ir1tualists Pygmies of the Iturl Forest and modern theologians
who favor dispensing with "meaningless rituals" and "empty conformity"
In favor of personally meaningful, rational commitment. The theology
of Martin Luther thus has more In common with that of the Iturl Forest
Pygmies than with traditional, conservative Christians.

As for dualist cosmologies, Douglas considers them as products

of "small group" type societies. Thus strong distinctions between
insldé versus outside, purity within versus corruption without, members
versus strangers, good versus bad people, and a corresponding concern
with witchcraft flourish In small, well-bounded groups with Intense,
unavoidable Interaction and vagueiy defined roles. And similarly,
philosophical controversies over the relation of spirit to matter, or
mind to body, she sees as symbolic dialogs about the relation of the
self to society.

Pointing out several Instances of societies suffering strong

deprivation and not responding with revivalism, e.g. poor London Irish,
Douglas argues that compensation theory is Inadequate to explain such
phenomena. They are generated not as reactions to deprivation but
rather by the dynamics of "strong grid" societies, such as those of New
Guinea with their Ingerent opposition between Big Men and their
mi 1 leñarian-prone followers.
 Natural Symbols Is rather like a symphony with recurrent
variations on a theme. But' unlike Lévi-Strauss1s quasi-musical
compositions. Douglas Is attempting to do positivistic anthropology.
The entire piece would therefore benefit from making more explicit the
theoretical connections underlying these themes which permit us to
assume that ritualism Is a restricted code and "high classification."
These equations might be more credible If the societies taken as
examples In the first scheme derived from Bernstein (family control
versus speech code) were related to Douglas's more general scheme of
grid versus group and vice versa. For example, would It be reasonable
to make predictions about family control and code among the Tallensl (a
prototype high classification society) or In New Guinea societies
characterized as "strong group?" The Pygmies are taken as a highly
antlrltualIstic society, but there Is no data given as to where they
would fall on the grid-group diagram,-or about'their family type and
linguistic code. The Pygmy argument Is that their social structure Is
fluid, that they "move freely In an uncharted,, unsystematized,
unbounded social world" (24, p. 34) and that therefore" It would be
Impossible for them to develop a sacramental religion, as It would be
Impossible for the neighboring Bantu farmers, living In their confined
villages In forest clearings, to.give up magic" (pp. 34-35). Since the
reasoning for the development of Oouglas's soclocosmologlcal model Is
based on Bernstein's relation of family type and linguistic code. It
seems reasonable to expect that they could also be Included In her
model. If not, then could we expect presumably anomalous cases such as
restricted linguistic code and low grid, or personal family and strong
group to occur? As she does make clear the thread that links her model
with Bernstein's Is that both are based on the ways and degrees to
which self Is controlled by and controls others. I would be more
satisfied to see Just how these various levels of control correspond In
specific societies. But as she herself says at one point, "I regret
that I am not able to develop more fully the parallel between the
positional home and the primitive ritualist" (24, p. 56). But I think
that In most Instances convincing demonstrations could be made for such
correspondences. For example. In Ixtepejl (54), which appears as an
Instance of a small group, low classification society, I have little
doubt that a restricted linguistic code prevails and that the family Is
certainly more positional than personal (although contro‘1 of children
Is attained as much by deception and other means as by simple appeal to
status. Futhermore, this prevalence of deception In socialization Is
also a powerful disposition towards a cosmology of witchcraft, and
therefore Is consistent with Douglas's sociological argument for It In
this sociocosmological type.) Bernstein has In fact suggested such a
cosmological correspondence with the positional home in a personal
communication to Douglas (see 24, pp. 56-57).

Foster's (30) "Image of Limited Good" has stimulated the most

comment in recent world view 11terature.Isee (33) and (42) for
 43

references to the main applications and critiques]. Acheson (2, 3)

argues that Foster an other anthropologists working In western Mexico
have mistakenly overemphasized cultural and cognitive Influences—
specifically the Image of Limited Good— as barriers to economic
development compared to what he considers to be more Important economic
conditions. But It Is evident upon reading Foster closely <30, 32-34)
that he does give primary emphasis to material and economic conditions
as basic determinants of limited good thinking. Gregory (42) offers
the concept of "circumstantially balanced reciprocity" (a set of
culturally patterned expectations) as a more valid explanation of
peasant economic and social behavior. His examples are almost
exclusively economic, and the model therefore appears to lack the broad
applicability of Foster's which deals with such diverse things as
medical beliefs, friendship, folklore, etc. Gregory also neglects to
mention Foster's "dyadic contract”which dovetails theoretically with'
the Image of Limited Good, and In Its symmetric and asymmetric forms
accounts for most If not all of the forms of reciprocity Gregory deals
with. . It Is common to hear Limited Good thinking referred to as a
zero-sum game model (e.g. 5, 33). This Is somewhat Inapproprlata since
Foster's model stresses the corollary desirability of maintaining
equilibrium In economic and social relationships generally [with the
single possible exception of macMsmo (30, p. 30)]." Limited good
thinking thus leads to a strategy that seeks to minimize social
distinctions In the Ideal closed corporate peasant community In which
the poor as well as the rich are equally viewed as a threat to the
Individual and the community. This Is quite different than zero-sum
game strategy In which the aim Is to maximize one's position to the
detriment of others', l.e. to Increase social differentiation. Two
variations of Foster's model are Dunde's (27) "principle of unlimited
good" and Kearney's (53) "Image of decreasing good."

Kearney's (54) monograph on a Zapotee community In Mexico

presents five basic propositions that describe a rather pessimistic,
but no doubt realistic world view, resulting from a violent,
destructive history and disrupted ecosystem. This study, reviewed by
Gossen (41), pays particular attention to native conceptions of self,
time. Interpersonal relations, and the geographic environment. For an
assessment of the paranoid aspects of this material and a formulation
of a general concept of "paranoid world views" see Kearney (56).

T. C. Blackburn (7), working from a large corpus of Chumash oral

narratives, convincingly demonstrates how "existential and normative
postulates" can be derived from such material. The underlying problem
here Is how closely oral narratives reflect, or possibly distort,
actual social and psychological conditions. Blackburn disagrees with
the position that Inversion of themes In tales Is a safety valve,
arguing Instead that both Inversion and exaggeration are ways of
emphasizing culturally Important norms and postulates. The Internal

)
 44

consistency and explanatory power of Blackburn's postulates strongly

suggests that they are reasonably valid, although of course they óannot
be tested against observable behavior since the aboriginal conditions
to which they pertain have been obi Iterated. Although he does npt
refer to them In my terms, many of his postulates can be grouped Into
the various categories that I have proposed; postulates having to do
with "entropy'' and "unpredictability" are statements about Lime;
postulates about "spatial proximity," “ a closed and finite universe,"
and “centricity" have to do with space; and postualtes about “ power,"
"determinism," “ affectability," "equilibrium." and "mutability" refer
to native concepts of causal Ity. Blackburn's study also hints at the
logical Integration of various of the postulates.

SPECIFIC CATEGORIES

Discussed below are-a number of recent works that deal with the
various world view categories that I have Isolated as necessary and
universal dimensions of world view (see above).

Classification

Of these categories, classification Is the first to appear

significantly In anthropological literature after It was established as
a focus of study by the early works of Durkhelm, Mauss, and Boas.
Contemporary enthnosclence Is the main heir of this tradition, but In
concentrating on relatively small domains of culture content, It
generally has not been relevant to world view. There Is, however, no
reason why ethnosemantlc strategies cannot be applied to larger taxa
such as those that comprise what we usually refer to as cosmology.
Furthermore, analysis of such large domains can offer considerable
Insight Into other world view categories. For example, assuming the
existence within a native system of thought of such domains as "animate
vs Inanimate," “real vs unreal," or "natural vs supernatural." the
attributes and contents of these domains can reveal Implicit attitudes
about causality, self, space, time, etc. This Is especially true if
the notion of classification Is extended beyond the mere principle of
class Inclusion to employ other principles of relatedness such as
enumerated by Casagrade & Hale (16) (see below).

In "Cultural knowledge. Language, and World View," Werner (107)

takes the unpopular position that lexicon has Important Implications
for world view (Whorf, for example, gave much moie Importance to
grammar): "The argument has thus shifted from grammar proper to the
categorizations available In the lexicon. Therefore, cultural
Information, knowledge, or world view resides largely or even
exclusively In the organization of the lexicon" (107, p. 159). The
thesis therefore Is that categorization Is a lexical problem, and
accordingly the task Is to find the “linkages" between words In
taxonomies op the assumption that these linkages will reveal aspects of
world view.

I
 Here Werner goes beyond the traditional ethnosemantic approach
to lexicons by showing the limitations of taxonomic (genus-species)
definitions, which must be supplemented with propositions which link
terms according to other relationships. "For example, the taxonomic
definitions of the Ptolemaic a Planet is and the Copernlcan a Planet is
do not mention the centrality of earth or sun respectively" (107, p.
168). For an illustraton of such nontaxonomlc linkages of entities
(words) In folk definitions which reveal what Werner calls "atomic"
propositions of world view (read cosmology) see Casagrande & Hale
(16). Their lexical linkages Include, In addition to class Inclusion
(taxonomic), such types as spatial, attributive, grading, and
contingency.

Werner distinguishes between language dependent versus language

Independent parts of world view. His conception of the former, i.e.
"some system dealing with some part of the knowledge about the
sociophysical universe" (107, p. 163) lends Itself to logico-structural
analysis in that It Is: I. a set of propositions Including axioms,
existence theorems, and deductions; 2. some ordering or linkage of
propositions; 3. ful I definitions including primitive concepts or
"atomic" propositions mentioned above. He Is here talking about how
propositions articulate overtly In the native system, and therefore he
Is actually speaking of cosmology rather than world view, which of
course subsumes cosmology per se. This Is not to say that the world
view might not be a fully conscious one In which the various
assumptions and their linkages are all explicit. But they most often
are not. For example, proponents of the Copernlcan Revolution were
quite consciously aware that their new cosmology Involved not only new
assumptions about space and spatial relations, but also new assumptions
about the nature of motion which their new spatial Images
necessitated. But they were not much concerned about the Impact of
these new assumptions on their Image of time. Assuming that It was
changed, but Implicitly, i.e. not expressed in language, the question
arises of how we are to deal with the linkages between the explicit
propositions of space and motion and the implicit proposltons
(assumptions) about time. Can we regard these linkages as logical when
they lie outside of language, that is, outside of cosmology? There Is
not space here to consider this problem at length, and I will only
Indicate that I believe such linkages are often not of a logical
(propositional) nature, but that they do display structural properties
such as analogy, homology, Isomorphism, and other types of
replications. It Is for this reason that I prefer to see the
systematic aspects of entire world view In terms of logico-structural
integration In which the logical aspects apply mainly to cosmology,
which Is overt, whereas organization among covert assumptions and
images Is primarily of a structural nature. One Implication of this is
that for world view assumptions to be contradictory they must first
rise to consciousness as propositions. F o r a general review of
literature dealing with classification, see Sokal (95).
r
y

46'

Time and Space

Of the various categories, time seems to receive the most

attention. Of partlcualr Interest Is a recent collection of essays
edited by Yaker, Osmond & Cheek (114),; within It the articles of most
Interest from a wrold view perspective are those by Aaronson (1), De
Grazia (23), Glósela (40), Mann, Slegler Í. Osmund (69), Maxwell (72),
Plttendrlgh (89), and Yaker (113), Maltz (68) posits that calendars and
other time-related symbols result from man’ s need to resolve conflict
between social norms and ecological experience. Hhat Time Is this
Place? by Lynch (65) Is an authoritative essay of how Images of tíme
are formed by social and geographic environments, and poses many
practical innovations to social planners, such as suggesting— on the
basis of cross-cultural, psychological, and sociological studies of •
temporal Images— that the calendar and other scheduling conventions be
altered to promote human biological and mental well-being. This book
Is thus a complement to hls Image of the Clty (64), which similarly
explores Images of spatial and geographic environments. He provides
numerous examples of the Interplay between temporal Imagery and
resultant behavior affecting this Imagery, and most Interesting as
regards world view Integration Is hls discussion of the relationships
between images of time and self (65, pp. 124-25, 131) which Is
comparable to Geertz’ s (38) excellent analysis of the Interplay of time
and self In Ball, a theme which Meyerhoff (76) also discusses. Both
Lynch (65) and Yaker et al (114) have extensive bibliographies of
anthropological, psychological, sociological, and philosophical studies
of time. There are a number of Items of Interest In the collection of
papers from the Eranos Yearbook, Man and Time, edited by Joseph
Campbell (14); also containing considerable comparative material Is the
long essay with the same title by Priestly (90).

Ohnukl-Tierney (80) presents a brief analysis of Ainu temporal

concepts conceived as contrast sets In binary opposition.
Leon-Portl1la*s (60) recent study of ancient Mayan temporal concepts
and their relation to world view, religion, and space is of special
interest since perhaps no other people have ever had such a fascination
with time. Both Leon-PortlI la’s book and Its appendix by Villa Rojas
(100) on concepts of space and time among the contemporary Maya deal
primarily with cosmological (explicit) materials. For discussion of
Mayan temporal and spatial concepts see Brlcker (12). In African
Religions and Philosophy, a general continent-wide synthesis. Mbit!
(74) devotes a chapter to the "concept of time," which he presents as
the key to an understanding of traditional African thought and religion.

Matson (103), In an introduction to proxemics, says that the

systematic study of symbolic and expressive aspects of space has barely
begun. Boulding (11, p. vili) maintains that "the study of spatial
 47

linages Is of peculiar Importance, not only because they are of

themselves perhaps the most significant part of the total [Image]
structure, but also because they seem to be accessible in a way that
other parts of the Image are not." Perhaps the best recent
ethnographic study is by Ohnuki-Tlerney (81), who examines the close
relationship between Ainu subsistence activities carried out In
different regions of the landscape and the various spatial and
directional concepts which are reflected in architecture and
gardening. Whereas the Ojlbwa <Ha 11 owe 11, 43), for example, use winds
and associated cardinal directions as spatial referents, the Ainu use
the opposition between shore and mountains; such binary oppositions are
pervasive In Alnue world view as OhnukITIerney (79) has analyzed It.
In Natural Symbols (see above), Douglas (24) shows how In social
structural types she characterizes as "small group" there Is much
concern symbolically and spatially with Inside and outside, whereas In
"strong grid” societies the cosmos Is a unified physical realm; e.g.
among the Are'are of New Guinea, "There Is no word to signify
territorial boundary; there Is no Inside nor outside of a local
territory" (24, p. 155). I shall not here further enumerate recent
studies on spatial Imagery since most relevant literature Is mentioned
In one or more of the numerous papers In Downs & Stea's (25) recent
book on cognitive mapping, a concept "which encompasses those cognitive
processes which enable people to acquire, code, store, recall, and
manipulate Information about the nature of their spatial environment"
(25, p. xiv).

Causal Ity
•
While reference to concepts of causal Ity per se are almost
nonexistent In world view literature, there Is often reference to
native notions of "power" (T. C. Blackburn 7, DeAngulo 22). Nelson
(78) describes concepts of power In a Hexlcan village that are shaped
by social structure; living In a hierarchical society, villagers see
power as an arbitrary force associated with position rather than
accomplishment. Being near the bottom of the social hierarchy, the
self Is consequently seen a$*Inadequate and Incapable of changing the
world. By far the best extant scheme for the cross-cultural
examination of variations In concepts of causality Is provided In
Piaget's (84) 17 types of causal relations. One may question the
cross-cultural validity of the ontogenetic sequence In which Piaget
orders these 17 types, while at the same time making use of the list to
Identify causal principles Inherent In various areas of native
thought. A second hook by Piaget (88) sums up recent work on the
development of causal thinking in children and Is relevant to
cross-cultural study In that It addresses the problem of the
development of causal concepts In the history of science. Compared
with Piaget's earlier work In genetic epistemology, this recent one
typifies a far greater concern with cosmology and with what I have been
referring to as loglco-structural Integration of world view categories.

)
 48

l.e. the mutual Interdependence of causal concepts with those of space,

time, matter, self, etc.

Se l f

References to the category of self are scattered throughout this

review, but one additional Item worthy of mention is Heldman's (105)
study of self In relation to a general paranoid outlook on the world In
Burma.

CULTURE AND RATIONALITY

The most enduring and fundamental problem In anthropology

concerns the nature of human nature, especially the nature of the human
mind and the ways Its working Is affected by culture, society, and
language. (Because of space limitations I have excluded review of
recent relevant psycholIngulstlc and soclolingulstic literature.)
Historically two basic views of human thought have been argued for :
(a) that It varies cross-culturally In very Important ways; (b) that It
functions essentially the same in all cultures. The first view was
formerly more In vogue, most notably as Levy-Bruhl's preloglcal-logical
distinction. Today mental absolutism Is most commonly proclaimed, but
mental relativism Is still forcefully argued, although In far more
sophisticated forms than a simple primitive-scientific dichotomy.

All the various positions regarding the absoluteness or

relativity of thought are variations of two more general and
complementary questions: how are things similar and how are they
different? Thus at some general level of contrast, any relativist must
Inevltalby be an absolutist. The Interesting question then is, what
are the presumed unlversals underlying the things that vary? It is
possible to take the various authors who have addressed themselves to
the nature of the mind cross-cultura Ily and arrange them along such a
continuum, which Is admittedly really multidimensional. At one
extreme, for example, ae Lévi-Strauss's binary structures and Piaget's
Invariant ontogentlc stages, and at the other the cultural-linguistic
relativism of. say, Whorf or HIttgensteln. Ihe general difference
similarities, viz unlversals, are important, while Whorf and
Wittgenstein wish to point out what significant differences exist.

The collection of papers In R a M o nahty. edited by Bryan R.

Wilson (108), debate various positions having to do with the comparison
of scientific procedures of Western society with thought and actions of
people In presclentlfIc societies. In his Introduction to the volume
Wilson briefly develops the argument that "advanced" societies are
advanced because of the explicit Incorporation of "rational and
empirical orientations" Into technology and social organization.

t
 1 (
(

49
\
Although the underlying thought processes (not specified) are not
necessarily different than those of presdentlfIc peoples, the Impress
of this Instrumental rationality does result In a more controlled
environment, and must therefore also reflect to at least a greater
degree that empirical environment which they are controlling. In other
words, scientific man In order to work his machines should "have come
to embrace a similar logic to that which machines (Including social
’machines') Incorporate, and by which his life Is In so many ways
regulated" (109, p. x111). This Implies that those areas of thought
not susceptible to empirical verification, e.g. some religious
assumptions, are least affected. HI Ison suggests that a measure of
rationality Is the internal consistency of such superempirlcal
assumptions and the consistency of these assumptions with general
secular and scientific assumptions of the particular society.
Obviously the problem of how to Judge which assumptions are consistent
and Inconsistent is the basic Issue; In other words, what Is
rationality? Hllson does not tell us. He does, however, argue for a
relativistic view of rationality which Is more technological than
socially determined.

Winch (111) argues for a mild rationalistic relativism:

"Intelligibility takes many and varied forms"; there Is no."norm for
Intelligibility in general" [quoted by MacIntyre (66, p. 66)]. Social
structure is partly responsible for shaping relativistic meanings In
that "criteria of logic are not a direct gift of God, but arise out of,
and are- only intelligible in the context of, ways of living or modes of
social life as such" [quoted by MacIntyre (66, p. 66)]. "It will seem
less strange that social relations should be like logical relations
between propositions once It Is seen that logical relations between
propositions themselves depend on social relations between men" (HI,
p. II). However, he does not specify what he means by logical
relations other than to maintain that they are given by a
HI ttgenstelnian "sort of agreement between men and their actions." He
does agree with Collingwood that attaining this sort of understanding
Is the proper job of the historian and social scientist, and that a
system of ideas by virtue of their complex Internal relations do not
readily lend themselves to broad generalizations.

Gellner (39) takes Issue with Winch's argument that to

understand the concepts of a society as well as the natives understand
them Is to understand the society: "Concepts are as liable to mask
reality as to reveal It, and masking some of It may be a part of their
function" (39, p. 18 note). Gellner's main contribution Is to
demonstrate how refinements of a Mallnowskian contexualist analysis of
apparently inconsistent native concepts may actually reveal how they
fulfill vital social functions. He offers as one elegant example the
concepts of baraka and agurram among Moroccan Berbers (39, pp. 43-46).
"It Is precisely the logical Inconsistency of baraka which enables It
to be applied according to social need and to endow what Is a social
 50

need wtth the appearance of external, given and Indeed authoritative

reality”(39, p. 46). Assertions or doctrines may be Illogical, but
the conduct of a society enduring through time cannot by definition so
easily be Illogical. Gellner shows how Evans-PrItchard misses this
point In analyzing Nuer religion in such a way as to save them from
appearing to confound duallstlc and immanentlst theologies, and from a
levy-Bruhl-type preloglcal mentality which among other things might
appear to confuse the Identity of human twins and birds. Gellner
attacks the popular philosophical position (employed, for example, by
Leach In his Political Systems of Highland Burma) that the use of an
assertion Is Its meaning (e.g. Leach Interprets myth in terms of Its
corresponding ritual). "On the contrary. Its use may depend on Its
lack of meaning. Its ambiguity. Its possession of wholly different and
Incompatible meanings in different contexts, and on the fact that, at
the same time. It as It were emits the Impression of possessing a
consistent meaning throughout..." (39, p. 45). This argument should be
closely read by anyone attempting loglco-structural analysis.

Jarvle (50) argues that both cargo cult fantasies and their
corresponding actions are rational because they are goal directed, and
thus he opposes both Firth's opinion that they are not and Mair's
opinion that religion tn general Is not rational. He further suggests
that anthropologists of the Frazerlan rationalist movement have falsely
labeled native fantasies as Irrational becausé the anthropologists have
compared native techniques with Western science when they are
Incomparable. Only the explanatory theories of natives and Westerners
can be compared, but the the social anthropologist's slogan “study the
ritual, not the belief" has deterred them from doing this. Native
technology so compared with Western science is thus deemed Irrational
as Is also the thinking assumed to lie behind it. But as Jarvle points
out, the natives explain their technology (and magic) magico-
religiously and It Is.rational In these--lts own— terms. The core of
Jarvle's argument here (I have not mentioned them all) is to show that
in its own context native thought Is rational (viz Internally
consistent), and he Is therefore arguing that rationalism, as he
defines It, Is universal.

MacIntyre (66) also attacks Winch's (111) and Evans-PrItchard's

Wi ttgenstelnian-lIke relativism by arguing that native beliefs and
concepts are susceptible to absolute criteria in addition to those
Implicit in the practice of their bearers. He also follows Gellner in
asserting that Internal criteria are not necessarily coherent, and that
(conscious?) awareness of these contradictions stimulates questioning
of these Internal criteria. MacIntyre also quarrels with the
suggestion that meaning Is revealed through observation of consistent
use of the user's criteria, and gives examples (contra Winch and
Evans-Prltchrd) of how such Is at times Impossible. He holds out for
the possibility of making another set of cultural criteria intelligible
in terms of one's own, but says that this may well preclude the
 SI

capacity to believe In the alien assumptions. MacIntyre also considers

why Internal contradictions that are tolerable at one point In history,
•e.g. Inconsistencies in Chrlstlanlty, become Intellectually Intolerable
at others. His discussion here parallels Kuhn's (58) analysis of how
strains build up In normal science and Is also similar to Douglas's
(24) analysis of what Is Involved In the secularization of religion.

In a second essay Winch (112) faults Evans-Prltchard's attempt

to distinguish between scientific thought which Is logical versus
logical thought which is not necessarily scientific (both are rational)
by recourse to the criterion of accord with reality. The fault,
according to Winch, Is that Evans-Prltchard does not realize the extent
to which a conception of reality Is determined by Its use In language,
as Wittgenstein discusses In his Philosophical Investigations.
Following this he offers an Interesting discussion of why some logical
contradictions Inherent In a native thinker's thought do not become
apparent to him. In the second part of this pkece Winch responds to
MacIntyre's (66) criticism of his extreme relativism and goes beyond
his own earlier position that cross-cultural Intelllglbl11ty Is
theoretically possible by extending our own notions of rationality and
Intelligibility to Include greater Intellectual dimensions such as good
and evil which enfluence the meanings and actions of a man "trying to
contemplate the sense of his life as a whole." He suggests that there
are ultimate universal features common to human life and that these
allow for a tempered absolutism conditioned by such unlversals as
birth, ‘death, and sexual relations which provide a point of departure
for analysis of alien thought and Institutions.

In a second paper, "The Idea of a Social Science," MacIntyre

(67) develops the distinction between action resulting from reason and
rules (Internal) versus "causal" (external) forces, a distinction which
Winch (110), in his book with the same title as MacIntyre's paper, used
to distinguish the social and natural sciences. MacIntyre shows the
complexity of this distinction and points out that these two sources of
action are not so Independent as Winch believes, and that Winch’ s
exclusion of external-causal ‘
Explanations would hamstring social
science explanation.

Horton (48), In comparing "African Traditional Thought and

Western Science," first examines the similarities that underlie them
and then features which distinguish them, and says In effect that the
similarities are more significant than the differences. The
fundamental difference Is that whereas traditional thought Is closed to
alternative basic assumptions. Western science Is relatively more open
to such alternatives. Most Interesting Is his discussion of the
Integration of time in each style of thought.

Jarvle & Agassi (51) In "The Problem of the Rationality of

Magic" develop the thesis that the ritual acts of magic are only

( (
 52

rational as action directed at a goal, or what they call rationality

“In the weak sense," but not rational as a belief system, which to be
rational must be well founded beyond reasonable doubt, open to 1
criticism, etc. which constitute rational Ity "In the strong sense" (51.
p. 173). A section of this paper Is devoted to criticizing the ''Oxford*
theory," especially Beattie's "crypto-Durkhelmlan" (!) theory of magic
as socially expressive, as well as Evans-PrItchard and Llenhardt, who
along with Beattie confuse the two senses of rationality. This paper
and a section on "Haglcal versus non-maglcal attitudes to words" In
Horton (48; see above) are good and apparently Independent complements
to Wax & Wax's (104) "The Magical World View."

In "Some Problems about Rationality," Lukes (62) delineates five

major positions regarding the cross-cultural status of rationality. He
himself argues for two types of criteria; a set of "universal
constraints to which thought Is subject" and context-dependent
criteria, lie maintains both types are necessary to analyze and
understand a given system of thought. Hollis (46) discusses the
difficulties Inherent in determining whether or not natives are
rational In Luke's universal sense, and discusses also the pitfalls
Inherent In establishing "bridgeheads" among different systems of
thought in spite of the unlversals. In another essay Hollis (47)
considers the problems In distinguishing between literal and
metaphorical native utterances. "If any piece of literal nonsense can
be taken metaphorically, than anthropology rapidly becomes Impossible.
For there Is no way of telling which of rival accounts of ritual
beliefs Is the right one--the literal nonsense of which one
anthropologist Interprets In one way can always be given a different
metaphorical sense by another anthropologist" (47, pp. 223-24).
(Apropos of this cf Fernandez (28), who discusses metaphoric
predication as a hypothesis about the world or some part of it.]
Following Langer (Philosophy In a New Key). Hollis distinguishes
between practical and expressive symbolism, but disagrees with her that
the second Is logical "In the strict sense" (although agreeing that the
first is). He distinguishes between logic In the strict sense and a
priori universal criteria of rationality which account for Internal
coherence. Thus, even though ritual beliefs are expressive, they are
nevertheless rational by universal criteria of Internal coherence,
though not necessarily by the criterion of fit with reality.

Beattie (4) also adopts this position (following Leach.

Evans-PrItchard. and others) that Ideas and practices have to do with
ritual differ from scientific or practical concerns in that they are
largely expressive and'symbolIc, In addition to being concerned with
possible practical ends. He also sets Frazer straight by arguing that
the thinking of the savage "was not as crude as Frazer thought It was;
he knew better than Frazer did (and, apparently, than Jarvle and Agassi
do) that when he was making magic he was performing a rite, not
applying the laws of nature..." (4, p. 245). The first section of this

( <
 ( (
(

53

paper ts mainly a rebuttal of Jarvle & Agassi's criticism of the

"symbolist view" (see above). In the second section Beattie discusses
Luke's paper (see above), supporting his absolutism but elaborating on
Luke's outline of the symbol 1st approach to Irrationality. Lukes says
the symbolists In treating rites as expressive do not deal with their
Inherent irrationality. Beattie replies:

It was that while we may ragard such beliefs as Irrational

In the sense that they are of the same order as the empiri­
cally-grounded and testable hypotheses of science (or "com­
mon sense"), they are by no means Irrational In the sense
that they lack coherent organization or a rationale. The
associations and classifications which they Involve, like
those In music, drama and the other arts, may make perfectly
good sense— though not "scientific" sense— when they are
understood (Beattie 4, p. 257).

Here beattle follows Hollis (47, p. 235) In distinguishing between

"logical connections" In the strict sense versus "rational connections
which refer to any kind of Intelligible relation between beliefs. This
distinction parallels that Inherent In my concept of "loglco-structural
Integration" (see above). Beattie continues with a mild critique of
Horton's emphasis on the similarities between traditional African
thought and science (see above)., a position he essentially agrees
with. He ends by again stressing the necessity of observing the dual
(practical and expressive) nature of ritual, each aspect of which
requires Its own mode of analysis.

These 12 essays together are a comprehensive Introduction to the*

main problems and anthropological-philosophical positions concerning-
the nature of thought cross-culturally. For a review of this volume
which attends more to the underlying philosophical crosscurrents see
Leaf (59).

Notably absent from the Wilson volume (108) Is any mention of

relevant experimental psychological literature. These essays.
Illuminating as they are, are essentially armchair arguments which are
Irresolvable without empirical cross-cultural testing, which of course
largely remains to be done. Further cross-cultural experiments In
cognition such as those admirably pioneered by Cole et al (19) (see
also 18 and 20), and a cross-cultural application of the experimental
techniques employed by Hason & Johnson-LaIrd (102), should go a long
way to resolving questions of "primitive mentality." Piaget's attempt
to make explicit the forms of logic that spontaneously arise In the
child also promise a way beyond current Impasses. The Piagetian
strategy has been to assume that the various mathematical and logical
formalisms that he has borrowed approximate cognitive processes of
Swiss children (Inhelder 49, p. 26; Mays 73; Piaget 85, 86). Turner
(99. p. 351) notes that "Piaget's hypotheses regarding the structure of
 í

54

time and other basic categories are suggestive of new approaches In the
anthropological analysis of cultural categories and cosmological
systems." But succsssful utilization of Plagetlan approaches In world
view study will depend on adapting them to cross-cultural research.
Piaget (87) himself has recently spoken to the need for comparative
studies to test the presumed universality of the mental functions and
their stages and rates of development that he has identified. For
reviews of extant cross-cultural Plagetlan research see Carlson (15)
and Dasen (21).

Wallace (101) assumes that invariable logical principles

(Boole's "laws of thought") underlie all native and formal logics, viz
the principles of identity, contradiction, and the excluded middle, to
which might be added the principles of the syllogism, tautology, etc.
He maintains that the evidence for logical pluralism Is unconvincing,
and that presumed different logics are but variants which differently
emphasize class products as opposed to relative products, or have
varying preferences for probabilistic versus true-false truth values,
or are based on mistaken assumptions about the Irrationality of
non-Western thinking (101, p. 538). Smedslund (94) also maintains that
there are logical universals, e.g. the elementary notions of number,
which are necessary since certain basic operations cannot be dealt with
In any other way. Lurla (63) reports on Investigations in the USSR
that found differences In the logical operations of categorical thought
in a community before and after reading Instruction and technological'
development, and differences In syllogistic reasoning between
traditional and modernized villages. In both cases there was a
difference In ability to think In abstract logical terms concerning
situations that were not of Immediate ecological relevance.

Bronowskl (13) summarizes the work of Godel, Turing, Tarski, and

other logicians who demonstrate the limitations of all formal axiomatic
systems to generate deductive, unambiguous, complete descriptions of
nature without Internal contradictions. Any attempt to formalize and
analyze world view In terms of Integrated propositions and corollaries
must take these limitations Into account. A deeper implication of this
is that even though we suppose that nature obeys precise, complete, and
consistent laws, there Is no conceivable way that they can be
completely modeled in an abstract language. This condition weakens
arguments that appeal to a fit with reality as a criterion of
rationality (see above); If natural laws cannot by completely
formalized, then what Is to be taken as the standard of camparison? It
Is intriguing to speculate that the limitations of logical thought have
been compensated for through evolution by what might be called
metaphoric thought, which operates more according to structural
principle?, which by nature are ambiguous and ambivalent. Hard
evidence for such a complementarity of logical and structural thought
comes from the recent flurry of split brain research (Bogen 9, Gal in &
Ornsteln 36, Gazzaniga 37; see also T. R. Blackburn 8). The evidence
 55

for differences In hemispheric dominance cross-cultura Ily, reported by

Harsh (71). Is perhaps the first neuroanatomlcal Isolation of aspects
of world view.

Of primarily historical Interest Is Cazeneuve's (17) recently

synopsis of the work of Levy-Bruhl as naively denying psychic unity, a
criticism most appropriate to his early works, e.g. Morale et la
science des moeurs (1903), which was a critique of the postulate that
human nature Is invariable plus the attempt to Isolate rational thought
In Its most pure form and explain deviations from It sociologically.
Cazeneuve also explicates Levy-Bruhl's use of the much misinterpreted
term " p r e l o g l c a l b y which. In his later works, he did not Intend to
represent a prior evolutionary stage nor a system of logic different
than ours; primitives are only preloglcal In that they do not obey the
rules of logical thought as consistently as peoples of rational
societies; the main characteristic of preloglcal thought Is Its
indifference to contradiction. By the time of his posthumously
published Carneys (1949). he abandoned the term and disavowed any
generic difference whatsoever between primitive and rational thought.
Mystical participation with reality, which figures so strongly In his
earlier works as a characteristic of preloglcal thought, he now
attributes In varying degrees to both primitive and Western societies.

CONCLUSION

The current status of world view theory and study Is the

culmination of a development history that can be seen as consisting.of
four phases. The formative period Is typified by the work of cultural
historians such as Burckhardt, Spengler, and 011 they which Influenced
Boaslan configurationalIsts such as Benedict, Kroeber, and Saplr,
Benedlt's Patterns o f Culture (1934) best represents this period In
anthropology In what might be called a transitional period, typified
by the early work of Tax (98) and HalloweTl (see Culture and Experience
43), and the later work of Redfleld (see above) there appears a more
explicit concern with worfd view per se, generally dealt with
descriptively. A more analytic treatment of world view occurs In what
I would call the propositional period In which authors such as Foster
(30), lloebel (45), Kearney (54), and Kluckholn 8> Strodtbeck (57)
Inductively derive more discreet propositions modeling various aspects
of world view. Currently we are apparently moving Into a phase of
world view study which can be called systematic. In which there Is
greater concern to explore the kinds of dynamic relationships that
Integrate the various Isolated propositions of particular world views
among themselves, their social and geographic environments, and their
associated cultural behaviors. Preliminary essays of such an
Integrated holistic approach are apparent In Douglas's Natural Symbols
(24) and Kearney's concept of loglco-structural Integration (55).
 56

I do not claim that my model of world view Is In Itself capable

of always predicting logical or structural symmetries among different
types of behavior. Environments obviously shape behavior In different
areas of life In ways often contrary to Idealogies, ideas, or world
view. This model assumes, however, that there Is an Inherent'economy
of basic cognjtlve orlentatlons— world view— which tend to result In
loglco-structural uniformities in all spheres of cultural behavior.
Where environmental forces shape behavior contrary to these
orientations, the world view also In part determines the response.
Furthermore, assuming that these cognitive orientations are the single
feature common to all the various environment-organism relationships
present wTthln a given society, the modeling of these orientations is
thus the most readily available way of building conceptual bridges
among the otherwise Isolated domains studied by cultural
anthropologists.

1
 APPENDIX

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3. Acheson, J. M.
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14. Campbell, J., Ed.

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 59
28. Fernandez, J.
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44. Hallowel, A. I.
I960. OJIbwa ontology, behavior, and world view.
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1970. African traditional thought and Western science.
See Ref. 108, 131-71
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1969. Some aspects of Piaget's genetic appraoch to
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¡970. Explaining cargo cults. See Ref. 108:50-61
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¡970. The problem of the rationality of magic. See Ref.
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1972. Horld views: Their nature and their function.
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1972 The Hinds of Ixtepe.11: Horld View and Society
In a Zapotee Town. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Hlnston
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1976 Horld View. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Hlnston
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1961. Variations In Value O r ientations. Evanston, III.:
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1970. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Unlv.
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108). Am. Anthropol. 75:393-95

1
 ( ( (

61

60. Leon-Portllia, M.
1973. Time and Reality In the Thought of the Maya, Boston:
Beacon Press
61. Levine, 0. N.
1968. Cultural Integration. Int. Encycl. Soc. Scl.
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1970. Some problems about rationality. See Ref. 108,
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1971. Towards the problem of the historical nature
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1960. The Image of the City, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press
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1972. What Time Is this Place? Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press
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See Ref. 108, 62-77
67. Ibid. The Idea of a social science. 112-30
68. Maltz, D. N.
1968. Primitive timereckoning as a symbolic system
Cornell J. Soc. Relat. 3(2):85-lll
69. Mann, H., Siegler, M . , Osmond, H.
, 1971. The psychotypológy of time. See Ref. 114, 142-78
70. Maquet, J.
1974. Isomorphism and symbolism as "explanations" In the
analysis of myths. In The Unconscious In Culture,-
ed. I. Rossi. New York: Dutton
71. Marsh, J. F. Jr.
1971. Are There Two kinds of Thinking? Final Report on the
Thought Race and Opportunity Project Contract
No. PEP' BOO 5135, to the Office of Economic
Opportunity, Research and Evaluation, Executive .
Office of the President, Washington, D.C. 20506
72. Maxwell, R. J.
1971. Anthropological perspectives on time. See Ref. 114,
36-72 '
73. Mays, W.
1953. An elementary Introduction to Piaget's logic
See Ref. 85, Ix-xvl
74. Mbit!, J. S.
1969. African Religions and Philosophy. New York:
Praeger
75. Mendel son, E. M.
1968. World view. Int. Encycl. Soc. Scl. 16:576-79
76. Meyerhoff, H.
1968. Time In Literature. Berkeley: Unlv. Calif. Press
 (

62

77. Needham, R.
1972. Belief, Language, and Experience. Oxford: Blackwell
78. Nelson, C.
1971. The Halting village: Social Change In Rural Mexico.
Boston: Little, Brown
79. Ohnukl-Tlerney, E.
1968. A Northwest Coast Sakhalin Ainu World View. PhD
thesis. Unlv. Wisconsin, Madison, 425 pp.
80. Ohnukl-Tlerney, E.
1969. Concepts of time among the Ainu of the Northwest
coast of Sakhalin. Am. Anthropoi. 71:488-92
81. Ibid 1972. Spatial concepts of the Ainu of the northwest coast
of southern Sakhalin. 74:426-57
82. Ong. W. J.
1967. The Presence of the World. New Haven: Yale
Univer. Press
83. Ong. H. J.
1969. World as view and world as event. Am. Anthropoi.
71:634-47
84. Piaget, J.
1930. The Child's Conception of Physical Causality.
Transí, from French by M. Gabaln. London: Routledge I
Kegan Paul
85. Piaget, J.
1953. Logic and Psychology. Manchester Unlv. Press
86 . Piaget, J.
1968. Judgement and Reasoning In the Child, Transí.
from French by M. Warden, New York: Humanities Press
87. Piaget, J.
1973. The necessity and significance of comparative
research In genetic psychology. In The Child and
Real Itv. 143-61, New York: Grossman
88 . Piaget, J.
1974. Understanding Causality, Transí, from French by
D. Miles and M. Miles. New York: Norton
89. PIttendrlgh, C. S.
1971. On temporal organization In living systems. See Ref.
114, 179-218
90. Priestly, J. B.
1964. Man and Time New York: Dell
91. Redfleld, R.
1941. The Folk Culture of Yucatan. Unlv. Chicago
Press
92. Redfleld, R.
1952. The primitive world view. Proc. Am. Phil. Soc.
96:30-36 .
93. Redfield, R.
1953. The Primitive World and Its Transformations.
Ithaca: Cornell Unlv. Press
 63

94. Smedslund, J. ^
1969. Meanings, Implications and unlversals: Towards
a psychology of man. Scand. J. Psychol. 10:1-15
95. Sokal, R. R.
1974. Classification: Purposes, principles, progress,
prospects. Science 185:1115-23
96. Sorokin, P. A.
1937-41.Socia l and Cultural Dynamics. New York:
Am. Book Co. 4 vols.
97. Sturtevant, W. C.
1964. Studies In ethnosclence. In Transcultural Studies In
Coqnltlon, ed. A. K. Romney. R. G. D'Ándrade.
Am.Anthropol.. spec. publ. 66. No. 3. Part 2:99-131
98. Tax, S.
1941. World view and social relations In Guatemala.
Am. Anthropol. 43: 27-42
99. Turner, T.
1973. Review of J. Piaget's Genetic Eplstemoloqy and
le StructuralIsme. Am. Anthropol. 75:351-7
100. Villa Rojas . A.
1973. The concepts of space and time among the
contemporary Maya. Appendix to Ref. 60, 113-59
101 . Wallace, A. F. C.
1968. Cognitive theory. Int. Encycl. Soc. Scl. 2:536-39
102. Wason, P. C ., Johnson-Lalrd, P. N.
1972. Psychology of Reasonlnq Structure and Content.
London: Bates ford
103. Watson, 0. M.
1972. Symbolic and Expressive Uses of Space: An
Introduction to Proxemlc Behavior. Readlnq. Mass.:
Addlson-Wesley, Module 20
104. Wax, R ., Wax, M.
1962. The magical world view J. Scl. Study Religion
1:179-88
105. Heldman, II. H.
1969 Cultural’ values, concept of self, and projection:
The Burmese case. In Mental Health Research
In Asia and the Pacific, ed. H. Caudill, Tsung-YI Lin.
Honolulu: East-West Center Press
106. Werner, 0.
1969. The basic assumptions of ethnosclence. Semiótica
I :329-38
107. Herner, 0.
1970. Cultural knowledge, language, and world view.
In Cognition: A Multiple View, ed. P. L. Garvin, New
York: Spartan
108. Wilson. B. R.. Ed.
1970 RationalIty. New York: Harper & Row
109. Ibid. A sociologist's Introduction, vil-xvll
 64

110. Winch, P.
1958. The Idea of a Social Science. London: Rout Iedge &
Kegan Paul
111. Winch, P. # .
1970. The Idea of a social science. See Ref. 108,'
1-17. Abridged from book of same title (See Ref. 110)
112. Winch. P.
1970. Understanding a primitive society. See Ref.108,
78-111
113. Yaker, H. M.
1971. Time In the biblical and Greek worlds. See
Ref. 114, 15-35
114. Yaker, H. M . , Osmond, H., Cheek, F., Eds.
1971. The Future of Time: Han's Temporal Environment. New
York: Doubteday 1

( I (
 ( ( (

Chapter Four

A COMPARISON OF SOME WORLDVIEH MODELS

by J. Robert Cl Inton

This chapter presents a valuable comparison of two worldview

models. Clinton studied (and now teaches) at Fuller Theological
Seminary's School of World Mission where the subject of worldview
Is a constant concern and the course entitled "Worldview and
Worldview Change" Is taught every year either by Or. Charles H.
Kraft or by Dr. Paul G. Hlebert. This chapter brings Into
Interaction the models of Hlebert and Kraft. Clinton wrote his
paper for the course as taught by Hlebert without having had
opportunity to take Kraft's version of the course. He does not,
therefore, show as complete a grasp of the latter's system as would
be desirable. Since, furthermore, both men are constantly
deepening their understandings, a paper done In 1980 Is well out of
date by now. Nevertheless, Clinton describes and constructively
criticizes both models as he understood them at the time of writing.

INTRODUCTION: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Normally, my approach to writing a research paper Involves the

development of some clearly stated theme. This Involves refinement of
the theme Into component concepts, researching the Ideas, defining
terms or creating new metalanguage to fit the thematic concepts and

From Cl Inton 1980

 (

66

suggesting conclusions drawn from my study. However, my approach to

this paper Is different___ for several reasons:

* I have been frustrated with the nature of the worldview course and
feel I have many loose ends that need to be Integrated.

* I have sensed In the student presentations a lack of definitive

approach to analysis along with a corresponding lack of methodology
for displaying findings; each seems to be floundering as to use of
worldview models; boundaries in categories are rather Intuitive or
arbitrary. '

* My expectations coming Into this course have not yet been

realized. I was hoping for some model which I could apply.

A summary of what I have learned will force me to resolve some of

these... I feel 'that an integrated summary of the course can lead me
to a model from which to operate.

My Approach to Summarizing the Course

In Section I, I will summarize two worldview models which I have

studied during this course: *

* Hlebert's Layered/Relatlonal Model

* Kraft's ple/core model.

I will try to describe these models, explain what I understand or do

not understand about them, and seek to compare features— showing .
similarities and differences. I will seek for each model to suggest
what the model has taught me. problems I see with the mode), and
perhaps some suggested Improvements along -the lines of definitions
needed or taxonomies clarified.

‘In Section II. I would like In eclectic fashion to synthesize a

worldview model. I see this worldview model not as a conceptual model
reflecting reality (It may or may not be truthful and descriptive of
absolute reality) but as a heuristic device to stimulate and force
thinking that may be helpful in problem solving of worldview concepts.
The standard then for judging this model follows along Laudan's 1
analysis: Is this model helpful In solving problems; not Is it true or
not true In comparison to other models.
 67

Kearney (1975:266,267) describes the historical development of

worldview theory as represented by four stages.

KEARNEY'S 4 STAGES IN DEVELOPMENT OF WORLDVIEW THEORY

Stage Label typified by the work of Example In Literature

1 FORMATIVE Cultural historians such Benedict's Patterns

as Burckhardt, Spengler, of Culture (1934)
and DI 1they which In­
fluenced Boaslan con-
fIguralIsts such as
Benedict. Krober, Saplr

2 TRANSITIONAL Tax, Hal towel 1, Hallowel1's Culture

Redfleld which had a and Experience
more explicit concern
with descriptive
analysis of worldview
per se; moved toward
analytic treatment

3 PROPOSITIONAL Foster, lloebel, Foster's "Peasant

Kearney, Kluckholn, Society and the
Strodtbeck; which Image of Limited
attempted to Induc­ Good"
tively derive more Kearney. The Winds
discreet propositions of Ixtepe 11: World
modelIng various View and Society In
aspects of worldview a Zapotee Town

4 SYSTEMATIC Douglas, Kearney's Douqlas's Natural

present work; which Symbols
seeks to explore the
kinds of dynamic Kearney's proposed
relationships that can text. Worldview
integrate the various based on his concept
Isolated propositions of loglco-structural
of particular world­ Integration
views; an attempt at
an Integrated hoiIstlc
approach to worldview

)
 68
The models described In this section are models which are moving
from the PROPOSITIONAL stage to the SYSTEMATIC stage. They are
attempts to explore the kinds of dynamic relationships that can
Integrate the various Isolated -propos11Ions.

A. HIEBERT'S LAYERED/RELATIONAL MODEL

Figure I Indicates Hlebert's funnel model having S levels of

analysis moving from more generic and Implicit factors to more detailed

analysis

\ 0 E E P LEVEL / \ ASSUMPTION LEVEL / \ SURFACE LEVEL

FIGURE I HIEBERT'S LAYERED MOOEL FOR ANALYZING HORLDVIEH

Description of the Analysis Levels— Overa 11

This Is a layered model, that Is, each level Is dependent upon and
Is an outworking of the previous level. The deep level consists of the
philosophies of reality and the processes which flow from and measure
the reality. The assumption level consists of the assumptions of
existence and the normative assumptions which are allowed by the
processes of the deep level. The surface level consists of the
structured systems organized In the culture which tend to represent and
enforce the existential and normative assumptions.

Deep Level factors

Level I consists of generic factors reflecting philosophies of

reality. Illebert lists three major generic FOUNDATION factors:

( (
 c < (

69

* EPISTEMOLOGY

-Ideal Ism
-naive realism
-critical realism

* ANALOGY

-organic or vi talIsttc
-mechanical or mechanistic
-statlc/changlng

* SCALE

-empirical, this worldly

-transemplrlcal, this worldly
-other worldly

Level 2 Includes the PROCESS factors which flow from and measure
the allowable realities of level 1. PROCESS factors Include:
*

* CATEGORIZATION

-sets/fuzzy sets
-IntrInslc/extrInslc sets

* TAXONOMIES. OOMAINS, AND SYSTEMS

-Scales:
. Interval
. ordinal
. nominal
. ratio

-Grids, Reference Points, Linkages

-Systems and sub-systems

Assumption Level Factors

Level 3 Is made up of assumptions of what Is or what Is not. The

CATEGORIZATION AND TAXONOMIES AND DOMAINS will prescribe what Is
possible In terms of existence and proscribe what can not be possible
In existence. From these possibilities will arise assumptions
concerning existence. The assumptions may be tacit or verbalized.
Illebert suggests categories about which assumptions may be analyzed or
grouped:
 <

70

people

society

universe

4 ontology

* grids which include:

-time
-space
-scales
-roles/statuses
-societal categories

* causality

* change or lack of change In states

It appears from the placement of the levels that level 4 flows from
level 3. However, In my own mind levels 3 and 4 should actually both
be adjacent to level 2 as the assumptions which are normative
assumptions are also prescribed by the deep level processes and flow
from them. Hlebert suggests categories which are Indicative of the
normative assumptions reflecting values and allegiances. His NORMATIVE
ASSUMPTIONS reflecting VALUES/ALLEGIANCES Include:

* Ideal person

* good wor1d

* ultimate destiny

* limited good

4 priorities and goals

4 purlty/pollutlon

Surface Level factors

Hlebert suggests that the basic assumptions— existential and

normative— are the basis upon which the EXPLICIT BELIEF AND VALUE
SYSTEMS are outworked. Common cultural domains often studied at this
level Include economic, social, political, religious, etc.
 71

Definitions of Terms In Hlebert's Model

I have not Included definitions for the terras In Hlebert's model In

this description of the model. I shall attempt to Include definitions
for this model In the glossary appended to this paper.

Some Unclear Things Concerning the Model (for me)

At level 2 It seems unclear to me why there are the two major

categories of CATEGORIZATION and TAXONOMIES. DOMAINS, and SYSTEMS. It
seems to me that taxonomies, domains, and systems are themselves
categories. Why Isn't there Just one major factor— CATEGORIZATION
which Involves a number of sub-categories depending on what Is being
categorized.

At level I. I do not see any fundamental process for organizing the

FOUNDATIONS Into three major domains. I am also not clear on the
relationships between domains. I Include In the appendix a grid by Dr.
Hlebert which does relate the 2nd and 3rd domains. ANALOGY and SCALE.
However. I do not see how one would relate EPISTEMOLOGY to that grid.
[Editor's note: This grid Is not Included here since It can be
examined In Chapter II of this Reader.]

Under level 3. STATES. Involving categories of existential

assumptions It seems reduntant to list ontology since the entire STATE
level 'of analysis Is ontologically oriented. I also am confused by the
entry Grids which subcategorized Into: time, space, scales,
roles-statuses, and societal categories. It seems tom e that grids a/e
Involved In deep level PROCESSES and prescribe or proscribe the
assumptions of time, space, etc.

It would seem to me that level 4, normative assumptions concerning

VALUES/ALLEGIANCES does not contain true categories or domains but
examples of some major concepts available In anthropological literature
where people have attempted value analysis. I am not aware of any
anthropological analyses on*'ALLEGIANCES.

Concerning level 5, the classroom model was only Introductlve. I

am not clear whether belief and value are being used synonymously or to
represent two different major domains. I am also not clear whether the
Idea of systems Is referring to structural patterns or Institutions or
what.

Hhat 1 Have Learned From This Model

I have found this mode! an excellent heuristic device which has

stimulated my thinking I list several Iterns which resulted from my
Interacting and thinking through this model.

/
 72

I. THIS MODEL HAS AIDED ME IN UNDERSTANDING THE DEFINITION OF

WORLDVIEW IN A MUCH BROADER SENSE THAN BEFORE.

My previous understanding, of the definition of worldview focused on

the content rather than the process (that Is. Worldview refers to the
assumptions sharred...rather that what and how It Is viewed). This
model suggests worldview as a perceptual process whereby one "views”
life, both knowledge and experience, In terms of complex factors
Involving more than Just a set of core assumptions. Further, the
factors operate at different levels within the perception process.
That Is. some factors are known and stated overtly. Others can not be
verbalised and probably are not even necessarily recognizable by the
rank and file of the “worldvlewers.M

The following definition Is suggested to me by this model:

Worldview refers to the Integrated perception of life,

both its knowledge and experience more or less shared
by the members of a culture,

* which flows from tacit reajlty philosophies, that result

In,

* perception grids which prescribe and/or proscribe the

assumptions about what Is or what ought to be In the
culture.

These assumptions (which may be tad I or overt) are usually

presumed to be true without prior proof or logical reasoning
and are built Into the infrastructure of the culture's
explicit belief and value systems which tend to both guard
and confirm these assumptions.

2. THIS MODEL SUGGESTS A LAYERED (relational process) BETWEEN LEVELS

OF ANALYSIS.

3. THIS MOOEL SUGGESTS THAT INTEGRATION, THAT IS, A HOLISTIC APPROACH

TO WORLDVIEW, IS DONE AT DEEP LEVEL ANALYSIS AND INVOLVES INTEGRATION
THROUGH USE OF PROCESSES (perception grids) FLOWING FROM FOUNDATION
GENERIC FACTORS DEALING WITH PHILOSOPHIES OF REALITY.

This model moves from Kearney's PROPOSITIONAL STAGE of worldview

theory to his SYSTEMATIC STAGE by integrating through
real Ity/perception models.

4. OEEP LEVEL FACTORS WILL RARELY BE VERBALIZED IN THE CULIURE BUT

MUST BE DISCOVERED (utilizing concepts like expressive modes, latent
meanings, etc.)

( ( (
 ( ( (

73

For example most Americans utilize bounded set grids throughout

much of life yet few would recognize the concept or be able to
verbalize It or to suggest other ways of perceiving which are viable.

5. CHANGE AT WORLDVIEW LEVEL MUST TAKE PLACE AT DEEP LEVEL AND FLOW
(layered fashion) OUTWARD UNTIL THEY RAMIFY ALL THE WAY TO SURFACE
LEVEL INVOLVING EXPLICIT BELIEF AND VALUE SYSTEMS.

This does not mean that change does not take place at surface level
In Isolation from FOUNDATION factors nor that such changes can't ramify
backward to change the reality generic factors. It does mean that when
we speak about baste change at worldview level we are talking about
changing perception factors which will ayer Into other factors.

6. DISPLAY MODELS FOR WORLDVIEW SHOULD BE ORGANIZED TO EMPHASIZE THE

INTEGRATION OF WORLDVIEW. THIS PROBABLY MEANS SEVERAL DISPLAYS ARE
NEEDED SUCH AS,

* A display running from deep level to surface level In which

FOUNDATION factors are traced separately through PROCESS
categorles/grlds to ASSUMPTIONS to SYSTEMS. There should be
an Indication of how the factors are layered. Perhaps this Is
best seen In contrast by showing what might be If different
traces were existing.

* A display from surface level to deep level tracing the components

of an Individual system back through layers to multiple
assumptions, grids, and reality factors which affect It.

* A display involving Integrating grids which allow the

relationships of existential an4 normative assumptions to be
seen and explored.

* A display suggesting change related Information. Such a

display could trace surface level system Iterns that are felt
to be outside the Biblical range/varlatlon model back to
assumptions, processes, and reality factors that are layered Into
them. Ramifications of change could be explored theoretically
along the layered traces.

Some Suggestions to Improve This Model

I would suggest some changes to this model to Include the following:

* Change the name of the SCALE domain of the FOUNDATION level to some
other label. To me this label Is confused too easily with the
scale generic factor under the TAXONOMIES, DOMAINS AND SYSTEMS
domain.
 ( (

74

FIGURE 2: MODIFIED LAYERED/RELATIONAL WORLDVIEW MODEL

EXPLICIT
1 ASSUMPTIONS SYSTEMS
1 PROCESSES
FOUNDATIONS
1 A. STATE A. BELIEF
(existential SYSTEMS
assumptions)
•EPISTEMOLOGY 1 ‘
CATEGORIZATIONS
-Ideal 1sm I •SELF specify
Instl- 1
--real Ism •OTHER tutlons
and/or 1
. naive . -SETS •RELATIONSHIP structures
. critical . fuzzy •CLASSIFICATION
-other . Intrinsic •SPACE
. extrinsic •TIME
•ANALOGY •CAUSALITY
-organic or -SCALES
vitalIstlc . Interval B. VALUES B. VALUE
-mechanical or ' . ordinal (normative SYSTEMS
mechanistic ■ . nominal assumptions)
-statlc/changtng . ratio specify In-
-vlew/event design taxonomy stltutlons
I -GRIDS for this and/or
•SCOPE 1 (Include ethos structures
-this worldly -REFERENCE concepts as
. empirical POINTS wel1 as defini­
. transempirlcal tive concepts)
-other worldly -LINKAGES
C. ALLEGIANCES C.ALLEGIANCE
1 (normative SYSTEMS
assumptions)
I specify In-
design taxon- stltutlons
omy for this and/or
I (include ethos structures
concepts If
1 they fit)

V evel I LEVEL 2_______ / \ LEVEL 3_______ A LEVEL 4 /

DEEP LEVEL QUASI-OEEP LEVEL SURFACE LEVEL

 75

* Utilize one domain. CATEGORIZATION, under the PROCESS level.

Eliminate systems and subsystems (replace with specific names of
systems or subsystems Intended) since this tends to be confused
with the systems under EXPLICIT BELIEF AND VALUE SYSTEMS.

* Merge existential and normative assumptions Into a single level of

analysis having three major domains. This would Indicate the
direct layering effect of PROCESS domains upon assumptions.

* Utilize Kearney's domains for categories under STATE assumptions.

* Design an entire new logically related taxonomy both for VALUES and
ALLEGIANCES.

* Specify the structured nature of Belief and Value systems by

Indicating Institutions and/or structures through which Belief and
Value systems are explicit In cultures.

B. KRAFT'S PIE/CORE MODEL

Kraft's Typologies of Horldvlew

Kraft's early typologies of worldview begin with the following

model of worldview categories:

Horldvlew Categories
 76

1. Classification and Relationship - eg., flora, fauna, kinship,

colors, activities, splrlts-humans-anlmals, humans-materlal.
2. Time - e.g., orientation toward, structuring of history,
measurement
3. Space - e.g., proxemfcs, measurement
4. Person-Group - e.g., group-orlentatlon, Individual orientation,
self-concept, view of others, status-role.
5. Causality - e.g., God, spirits, fate, magic, luck,
cause-effect, origins, power
6. Values - e.g., evaluating and prioritizing cultural and
linguistic focuses

Figure 2 Indicates how I would Incorporate these changes Into the

model. I leave the needed taxonomies out as I do not at this time have
suggestions for them.

Kraft has also Included a second Item of Interest Involving a surface

level and a deep level of patterns and processes.

Surface Fixed Behavior (ritual and habit) - alternative behavior

Level largely absent. Creative Behavior - behavior channeled
but alternatives allowed/encouraged.
Creative Behavior - behavior channeled but alternatives
a Ilowed/encouraged.

Deep Culturally Asslqned Patterns Personally Performed Processes

Level H E A R I N G S

Allegiances Commltlng/PIedging Allegiance

Values Evaluating
Priorities - Focus Prioritizing
Preferred Motivations
Motives

Interpretations Interpreting

Assumptions Assuming
Presuppositions
Themes

( I
 I.

SELF
 77
This approach was not discussed In class to any extent so that I am
extrapolating (hopefully "reading back" and not "reading Into") when I
try to Interpret this model.

Altering the Pie Categories

Once during a particular class discussion Kraft drew the Pie

Category diagram on the board with the following helpful
classifications. [See Figure 3 which follows.]

How I Interpret Kraft's Approach

I Interpret Kraft's typologies In Model 4. I am unclear as how to

reflect surface level versus deep level patterns and processes. [See
Figure 4 which follows.]

From this model I see worldview defined as follows:

Horldvlew refers to the central assumptions (l.e.,

wide-range themes) that are more or less shared by the
members of a culture or sub-culture which,

4 are presumed to be true without prior proof or logical

reasoning,

4 allow people to Interpret their life experiences and

4 integrate the people's life and experience Into an

explanatory whole.

Terminology for the Model

The terms for this model were never defined In class. There seem
to be some overlap In definitions between Kraft's and Hlebert's
models. I will try to Include definitions for Kraft's terminology In
the glossary.

Some Suggestions for This Model ^

4 Hlebert's suggestion that boundary Interactions take place In the

pie model and hence should be considered In analysis implies that
micro-analysis integration should begin with a study of the
Influences of the pie categories with each other. The two
dimensional pie-core model does not allow for a pictorial display
of multiple boundaries of the categories. However, this suggestion
does point out that micro-integration analysis (boundary layer
studies) and macro-integration (wide range core theme) analysis are
both neceSsary to see the Integration In the model.
 • c - - ? (

■
ü

78

Figure 3 - The Basic Ple/Core Model

Arrows Indicate Boundary interaction between categories (suggested

by Hiebert). Thematic Gates through which higher level worldview
themes flow to form a core of themes (l.e. themes which proliferate all
or many categories are recognized at core level).

i
 79

Figure 4 - Modified Ple/Core Approach to Worldview

According to tills figure worldview then lies In the core of themes.

Integration for this model Involves the Identification of

wide-range themes at core level which proliferate (Infrastructure-1 Ike)
throughout the categories.
 80

* I suggest that the two dimensional pie-core model be rotated so as

to form a sphere and that boundaries on the surface be Irregular,
i.e. smaller or larger depending on the broad Influence of the
category. , '

* for analysis purposes a two dimensional matrix can be used to

systematically analyze the spherical boundary layers.

* I suggest that the classification and relationship categories be

separated (I have already done this In drawing the model In
figure 4).

* I suggest that the values category be dropped altogether (I have

already done this In figures 3 and 4) as it Is In essence contained
In the core themes.

* I would suggest that the Individual taxonomies need to be developed

for each category.

figure 5 Incorporates the suggestion for rotating the two-dimensional

pie-core model Into a spherical model. A top view of the sphere is
given and a cut-away side view.

figure 6 gives the suggested two-dimensional matrix for analyzing

boundary layer Integration.

figure 5 - Sample Spherical Model Utilizing Irregular Boundaries.

Left Is a top view. Right is a cut-away view.

 ( ( (

81

Hhat I Have Learned From This Model

Here are some things I saw of value that were stressed In this
model.
* Integration (micro-level) should be Investigated between domains
within categories as well as between categories (or as In Hlebert's
model between levels of analysis).

* The spherical model allows for or at least Is a more suggestive

model for studying worldviews In conflict. It Is easy to Imagine
two nerfe ball models pressing In on one another. Areas of tension
under worldview dissonance could be studied. Or to utilize two
spherical porous atom-1 Ike models could be seen Interacting at
various levels of analysis.

Figure 6 - Two Dimensional Matrix for Multiple Boundary Analysis

INFLUENCING
CATEGORY
ft
O
8 §
55
8

HOW SEEN IN
i
o
OTHER
CATEGORIES

SPACE

TIME

CAUSALITY

PERSON/GROUP

RELATIONSHIP

CLASSIFICATION
 82
I
* Affect Is Included In this model In the concepts of,

- commlttlng/pledglng allegiance
- evaluating
- prioritizing
- motivating
- Interpreting
- assuming

I believe that this model could be of value to me in a greater way if I

could but understand the surface and deep level behavioral analysis.

'D. A Comparison of the Models

Figure 10 Is a chart comparing the models on several Horldvlew

aspects. The entries are only suggestive. The aspects are arbitrary.

Figure 10 - Summary Chart

HORLPVIEH ASPECT M 0 11 E L _
Hlebert's Kraft's
Integration best weaker
‘perception ‘boundary
grids interaction
‘boundary ‘core
Interaction themes
focus on H.V. as per­ H.V. as set
H.V. Definition ception proc. of core themes
basic unit assumption core theme
01 splay most complte show some
possibilities ramification ramification
nets flow frm posslbltes
model
affect/ more cogn. better
cognltlve some affect balance of 2
analytic ‘best poss. ‘not clear
technique to develop prbly more
‘need spec, descrptve
work deep ‘intuitive
level at core
w.v. of grp group group
or Individual
change oriented some
toward
practical/ both both
theoretical
 83

Displays

I am suggesting that Integration analysis should be the focus of

worldview study particularly with misslologlcal application In mind.
Ramification nets Indicating relationship between aspects and change
are needed by Christian workers. I believe the Hlebert model (In
modified form) Is by essence best suited for Integration and seeing
ramification possibilities. I repeat here (for completeness sake) my
previous suggestions for display. I have changed the label on one
category and added a new category.

figure II - Suggested Array of Displays for Worldview Analysis

Type Brief Description

DEEP ro This display would run from deep level to

SURfACE surface level In which FOUNDATION factors are
traced separately through PROCESS categories/
grids to ASSUMPTIONS to SYSTEMS. There should
be an Indication of how the factors are layered.
SURFACE TO This display goes In the opposite direction from
DEEP the first. It seeks to trace the components
of an Individual system back through the layers
to multiple assumptions, grids, and reality
factors which affect It.
BOUNDARY Within a given level of analysis Integration
INTERACTION should be attempted between domains and sub-
domains. How do existential assumptions flow
Into normative assumptions and to behavioral
vectors and vice-versa?
RAMIFICATION The layering affect between levels should be
NETS/CIIANGE traced utilizing both ramification nets
INFORMATION and Integration grids. How do potential
changes flow? What will be affected? Such a
t display could trace surface level system Items
that are felt to be outside the Biblical range/
variation model.
WORLDVIEW Display of worldview aspects In tension— both
DISSONANCE Internally and/or arising from worldviews In
conflict needs to be shown or Indicated.
Change strategy for long-term reality changes
can be devised as a result of this display.
 84

SECTION II. A MODIFIED MODEL AS A HEURISTIC DEVICE

Static

The basic mode) I will use when concentrating on worldview per se

will be a modified Hlebert model. I will try to utilize Kraft's Ideas
on patterns and processes (deep and surface level behavior) at
integration grid level and boundary Interaction level.'

Notice I have added an Integration grid level between the deep

level and quasl-deep level. I see this as utilizing perception grids
to show Interactions between levels of analysis and between aspects
within levels. I also Include ramification nets as part of the
Integration level. I want to Include Integration as a level of
analysis because I feel this should be the actual focus of worldview
analysis.

I have called this model static because It Is basically working on

a photographic model (a snapshot look) Internally at a culture. It Is
not focusing on the dynamics of the culture In conflict with other
cultures though some of that naturally shows up In the analysis. But
It Is a Mallnowskian Trobrland Island focus primarily and forms a
starting point to modify later from dynamic analysis standpoint.

Dynamic

The basic model I will use for worldview change (i.e. worldviews In
conflict) will be a spherical model formed from a rotation of the basic
model. I will use worldview tension (worldview dissonance concept)
matrices as discovery techniques for multiple boundary analysis of the
various worldviews. The sphere models can be thought o f a s elastic
with give and take on the part of both worldviews or as atomic In which
worldview aspects of the sphere Interlace all the way from explicit
systems level to deep level.

Modified Model

The modified model I will use as my basic model is given in Figure

12 (next page).

/
 85

Figure 12. Basic Model for Worldview Analysis

ASSUMP­ EXPLICIT SYSTEMS

INTEGRA­ TIONS
PROCESSES TION
FOUNDA­
TIONS INFRA-STRUCTURE EXTERNAL
LEVEL | STRUCTURES
LEVEL
A. STATE
“I
--------- -------------------------------
A. BELIEF I ECONOMIC
B. VALUES SYSTEMS 1
SOCIAL
EPISTE­
MOLOGY POLITICAL

ANALOGY CATEGORI­
ZATION RELIGIOUS
WORLD­ C. ALLE- 8. VALUE
SCALE GIANCES SYSTEMS TECHNOLOGI-
CAL
•
EDUCATIONAL
• AESTHETIC
C. ALLEGIANCE etc.
SYSTEMS

\Level 1 Level 2 /\Level 3 Level 4________ Level 5_____/ \ Level 6' /

DEEP LEVEL ANALYSIS QUASI-DEEP LEVEL ANALYSIS SURFACE LEVEL

ANALYSIS
 86
GLOSSARY

These are first attempts to Identify, describe, and/or define many of

the concepts associated with the models being compared In this paper.
It Is assumed that at best these are only working definitions whifch can
serve as a base for further refinement.

The basic format for a glossary entry Is as follows:

word (model), IdentlfIcatlonal label; description or definition,

/synonym/

• Where H and K are entries In the model slot indicating that the
term Is associated with Hlebert's model or Kraft's model.

a 11 eg Ianee (K) - a term In the patterns and processes taxonomy; a

recognition of the process whereby Individuals and/or groups commit
themselves to beliefs or courses of action drawn-from the common
pool of assumptions.
al leqlances (H) a domain in the assumption level of analysis
In layered model; Allegiances Is the overall category
of normal assumptions dealing with what and to what extent
the people commit themselves.
allegiance systems (H) - a domain category under the explicit
level of^analysis; which describes the Infrastructure of
allegiance assumptions In the cultures Institutions,
complexes, rites, etc.
analogy <H> - a deep level domain at Foundations level of analysis;
which describes the analogies used by a culture to reflect
Its perceptions of reality.
assumption (H.K) - a general term referring to a proposition
either tacit or explicit which explains how or why a
certain thing Is or happens In a culture's life and
experience.
assumptions (H) - a quasl-deep level of analysis In the modified
layered worldvtew of Hlebert; which contains 3 assumption
domains: STATE. VALUES, ALLEGIANCES.

belief systems (H) - a domain category under the explicit systems

level of analysis; which describes the Infrastructure of
belief assumptions (existential assumptions) In the
cultures Institutions, traits, etc.

categorizations <H) - the domain in the process deep level of

analysis; which deals with the perceptual approaches
flowing from Foundations and containing sub-domains such
as: SETS, SCALES, GRIDS, REFERENCE POINTS, LINKAGES.
 87

causal Ity (H) - a sub-domain In the quast-deep assumption level

of analysis; dealing with the set of assumptions which
explain why things happen the way they do.
causal!ty (K) - a category In the pie model; deals with the way
the culture-explains why things happen,
changing analogy (II) - a generic label under the analogy domain
classification (K) - a category In the pie model; deals with the
way people classify flora, fauna, kinship, colors, etc.
classification (II) - a sub-domain In the' quasí-deep assumption
level of analysis; dealing with the set of assumptions as
how a culture organizes the content of its culture.
core (K) - the center section of the Kraft ple/core model; which
contains the wide-range themes which are the heart of
worldview according to Kraft,
critical realism (H) - a generic factor In the epistemology domain;
referring to the basic philosophical approach which recognizes
two realities an absolute reality (out there) and a perception
of that reality (In the mind) with varying degrees of
approximation between the two.

deep Jeye[ (H) - a label referring to the foundation and process

levels of analysis; Indicative of the fact that analysis
of these levels deals with Implicit, tacit, latent meanings,
etc. and requires special analytical techniques to unearth,
determine (II) - a technical term used In describing layering
between levels of analysis and used to mean rigidly
prescribing or proscribing what will be allowed.
display models - a general term referring to the graphic and
organizational methodology for presenting and exposing
the findings of worldview analysis; displays should
particularly focus on the integration of worldview factors.
doma In - a label denoting a major classification grouping to which
a set of generic factors or sub-domains redate.

empirical (H) - an Item under the generic factor “this worldly";

which refers to dlrect’ observatlon by senies and leading
to knowledge based on experimentation and observation,
epistemology (H) - a deep level domain In the foundations level
of analysis; which describes philosophical approaches to
reality; lllebert gives 3 examples and leaves the door open
toothers: Idealism, naive realism, critical realism.
<H> - 4 generic label In the analogy domain; which
refers to a mechanism to Interpret Immediate experience In
terms of perception developed on past experience (a
selective process deemed relevant to person experiencing
the Immediate event); It serves also as the basis upon
which predictions are made: l.e., which Is possible or
probable In terms of experience not yet encountered.

(
 88

explicit systems (II) - the descriptive label for the surface

level of analysis; which deals with the common cultural
domains such as economic, social, political, institutions,
etc.
extrinsic set (H) - a generic label under the sub-domain SETS
which refers to sets whose membership is specified logically
or In some external way not related to the essence of
Items In the set.

formation - according to Kearney, the label describing the Initial

stage In the development of worldview theory typified by
attempts to configurate overall patterns of cultures;
Benedict, Krober, et al were key figures during this stage
of development.
foundations (H) the deepest analysis level; dealing with
reaíIty domains: epistemology, analogy, scale.
fuzzy set (H) - a generic label under the SET sub-domain; which
describes sets which have fluid membership depending upon
a given situation; cannot utilize cartesian concepts.

generic - a label used to describe a whole group or class;

relating to or characteristic of a whole group or class
of Items belonging to a domain or sub-domain,
generic factors - refers to the actual classification categories
making up domains or sub-domains.
good world (H) - a normative concept In anthropological literature
describing the “Idear1 of this world or other world or both.
It Is a projection of basic assumptions about the "good"
In a metaphysical sense,
grids (H> - a sub-domain In the process deep analysis level;
referring to matrlx-llke techniques for analyzing and relating
various generic factors In terms of their deterministic
features upon perception.

Ideal person - a normative concept In anthropological literature de­

scribing the personification of the "good" or "Ideal" as perceived
within a culture.
Ideal Ism (H) - a generic factor In the epistemology domain; referring to
the basic philosophical approach which views reality as Illusory.
Absolute reality Is not perceived in the everyday world.
Interpretation (K) - ascribing meaning to Ideas and events In terms of
basic assumptions and past experience; can takes place at both
a group and a personal level of analysis.
Interval scale (H) - a generic label under the subdomain of scale.
Intrinsic set (H) - a generic label under the sub-domain SETS; In this
set. membership Is based on the essence of the thing belonging.
 89

layered (H) - a descriptive term referring to the concept that levels of

analysis are integrated with each other.That Is, the reallgy domains
determine or shape the categorizations In the process level. From
the categorizations are drawn the assumptions of the quasl-deep
level of analysis. These In turn are Incorporated, guarded, and
confirmed In the Infrastructures of the explicit systems.
levels of analysis (H) - a descriptive term used to Indicate major
aspects of analysis In Hlebert's layered worldview model. 4 levels
are labeled: Level I dealing with Foundations analysis; Level 2
dealing with Process analysis; Level 3 dealing with Assumption
analysis; Level 4 dealing with explicit systems analysis.
1Imlted good - a normative concept In anthropological literature first
given by Foster and Indicating' that the resources In a peasant
community were finite. Therefore, If anyone accrues or uses
wealth he does so at the expense of others. Hence, the norm In
the community Is not to acrue or use too much. Violations are
sanctioned by the community.
IInkages (H) a subdomain under Categorizations; which allows for the
recognition of some degrees of commonality between domains,
processes, level of analysis while at the same time does not
overlook the essential differences.

mechanical or mechanistic analogy (H) - a generic factor under the

analogy domain; Indicating that the ultimate operation of the
universe is dependent upon Innate forces which can be described
In' terms of principles, etc.

nominal scale (H) - a generic label In the Scale sub-domain

ordinal scale (H) - a generic label In the Scale sub-domain

organic or vitalIstlc analogy (H) - a generic label In the analogy
domain; refers to perceiving the universe as personalized forces
operating with a falrty well defined structure usually defined
according to or on the basis of some living organism analogy.
other (H) - a sub-domain in the assumption guasl-deep level of analysis;
which refers to the set of existential assumptions regarding all
other beings.
other worldly (H) - a generic label In the Scope domain; which
recognizes the perception of entitles and events occurring In some
realm other than this universe.

person/qroup (K) - a category In the pie model; refers to the

orientation of the culture— whether It Is Individualistic or
group oriented In Its decisions, relationships, etc.
pur Ity/pollutlon (H) - Hlebert's categories under value/alleglance;
which project In environmental terms the normative assumption of
"good" and "ideal."
 90

prlor 11>es and goals (H) - Hlebert's categories under value/allegiance

which describes the process In time where the "Ideal" or "good"
are projected and allocation of resources are determined to lead
toward that "ideal" or "good."
processes (H) - a deep analysis level; flows from the Foundation level
and Is concerned with perceptual categorizations which proscrlve
and prescribe the assumptions In the culture.
propositional - according to Kearney, the label describing the 3rd stage
In the development of worldview theory; typified by attempts to In­
ductively derive discreet propositions of various aspects of
worldview theory. Foster and Kearney (early work.) were key figures
In this stage.

quasl-deep level (H) - a label referring to the assumption level of

analysis; Indicative of the fact that assumptions may be tacit and
or overt hence requiring both deep level and surface level analysis.

ratio scale (H) - a generic label In the Scale sub-domain

reférenc¿~polnts (H) - a generic label In the Scale sub-domain
relationship (H) - a sub-domain In the assumption level analysis;
referring to the set of all existential assumptions determining how
things relate.
relationship <K) - a pie category describing how a culture relates Its
content.

scale (H) - see Scope for definition, /worldscale/

scales (H) - a sub-domain In the process deep analysis level; deals with
mental maps for measuring; contains generic factors such as
Interval, ordinal, nominal, ratio.
scope (H) - used synonymously with Hlebert's term Scale and Horldscale
to designate the domain In the Foundations level which deals with
generic reality factors: "this worldly (empirical or
transemptrlcal)" or "other worldly"
se[f (H) - a sub-domain In the assumption level of analysis; which con­
tains the set of all existential assumptions reflecting on one's
view of self.
shape (H) - used In describing layering between levels of analysis to
mean heavily Influence (but allowing some diversity).
space (H) - a sub-domain In the assumption level of analysis; refers to
the set o.f all existential assumptions concerning space,
space (K) - a pie category referring to how a culture views space
states (H) - the domain In the assumption level of analysis in Hlebert's
layered model; which deals with existential assumptions concerning
sub-domains such as people, society, universe, etc.
static analogy (H) - a generic label In the analogy domain
surface level (H) - a label referring to the analysis level dealing
with explicit systems.; Indicative of the analysis techniques used
to un^¿rth the systems.

i
 91

systematic - according to Kearney, the present stage In the development

of worldview theory typified by attempts to discover dynamic
relationships which will Integrate the Isolated propositions of
world view. This Integrated holistic approach to worldview Is seen
In Douglas' work on Natural Symbols and Kearney's own present work
In loglco-structural Integration of worldview,
taxonomy - an orderly classification of a group of definable Items from
a given scientific data bank Into semantic categories suggested by
relationships among the Items being classified.
this worldly (H) - a generic label In the Scope domain; which recognizes
entities and events as occurring In "this world" and universe.
U m e (111 - a sub-domain In the assumption level of analysis; referring
to the set of all existential assumptions regarding time.
time (K) - a category In the pie model referring to the way the given
culture views time,
transemplrlcal (H) - an Item under the "other world" generic label;
which refers to things beyond Immediate sense experience. Knowledge
Is based on Inference or on transemplrlcal experiences such as
dreams, visions, Intuitive leaps, etc.
transitional - according to Kearney, the label describing the second
stage In the development of worldview theory typified by a more
explicit concern to describe worldview and attempt Initial analysis
of It. Tax, Hallowelt, Redfleld et al were key figures during
the transitional stage.

uJJlmate destiny (II) - a category In Hlebert's value/al leglance level of

analysis which seeks to define the end result of all life and
experience Including cosmic forces.

value systems (II) - a domain category under the explicit systems level
of analysis; which describes the Infrastructure of value assumptions
In the cultures Institutions, behavior patterns, forms, traits,
complexes, etc.
vajues (11) - the domain In the assumption level of analysis dealing with
normative assumptions; Sub-domains Include categories reflecting
the culture's concepts of what ought to be.
view analogy (II) - a generic factor In the foundations level of analysis

worldscale (II) - See Scope for definition, /scale/

worldview (ID - refers to the Integrated perception of life, both Its
knowledge and experience, more or less shared by the members of a
culture,
‘which flows from tacit reality philosophies that result In,
‘perception grids which prescribe and/or proscribe the
assumptions about what Is or what ought to be In the culture.
These assumptions (which may be tacit or overt) are usually presumed
to be true without prior proof or logical reasoning and are built
Into the infrastructure of the culture's explicit belief and
value systems which tend to both guard and confirm these assumptions
 92

worldview (K) - refers to the central assumptions (l.e., wide-range

themes) that are more or 'less shared by the members of a culture or
sub-culture which
*are presumed to be true without prior proof or logical reasoning
‘allow people to Interpret their life experiences and,
‘Integrate the people's life and experience Into an explanatory
whole.
worldview change - a general term Indicating a change In perception of
life, knowledge, and/or experience; It should be qualified In two
ways:
(1) by levels, that Is. It Is a worldview change at: Foundation,
or Process, or Assumption, or Explicit level (or some combina­
tion).
(2) by ramifications— In what way does the world view change at
the specific level ramify via layering or boundary
Interaction.
 SECTION TWO

CLASSIFICATION
 94

INTRODUCTION TO CLASSIFICATION

The subject of classification presupposes that people classify.

Tables, for example, are not Just tables. Some, like the one I am
using as I write these words, are called "dining tables" In spite of
the fact that they are used for a multitude of other purposes ranging
from group discussions to coloring pictures to folding clothes. A boat
may be a pleasure Item or an occupational must, depending on whether
one Is a weekend sailor or a commercial fisherman. Some classifica­
tions are so firm that deviation or reclassification Is hardly possible
as is the case with the London Bridge which will always be a bridge
even though It now sits In the middle of the Arizona desert as a
tourist playground.

The purpose of this section, then. Is (1) to establish that

classification is a universal factor of worldview, and (2) to examine
how and why people classify things as they do, including the part that
presuppositions play In the classification process.

CLASSIFICATION MAKES A DIFFERENCE

The significance of classification Is noted above, but Is even more

clearly illustrated In blcultural settings. While In Papua New Guinea,
for example, I was frequently reminded that a car was considered to be
an unquestioned necessity for the Europeans, but to many of the
nationals In the Southern Highlands bush in the mid to late 1970's, It
seemed to be primarily an item of prestige. Metal drums were shipping
Items or storage Items for the missionary, but cooking Iterns (stoves,
to use the missionary's term) for the local residents.

Variations of classification In blcultural settings are not limited

to culturally borrowed Items, but also occur with that which Is
familiar to both groups. Again, In Papua New Guinea pigs are
classified by local people as domesticated animals. European
expatriates, however, shake their heads at the "folly" of having pork
so available yet not Included In the diet, because he sees pigs
primarily as a food source, secondarily as Iterns of exchange, and never
as domestic animals. Locally, however, a pig Is always a domestic
animal, secondarily for food, and primarily an Item related to wealth
and exchange. A dog may be, depending on the culture, a pet never to
be eaten or an animal used for both wealth and food.

Such examples Illustrate varied usages, but also point to the fact
of differential classification. Classification applies to everything
in one's worldview. Flora,-fauna, kinship, colors, activities, and the
spirit world are just some of the areas that are classified. The
classification process Involves all of the Other In one's life, and
 95

even Includes the Self, placing Self In a category with whatever Is

considered to be like Self.

THE HHY AND MOM OF CLASSIFICATION

Language and Worldview

Mow and why are things classified as they are? To answer that
question, two related topics are addressed first: worldview and
language. Mow do these two relate to each other, as well as to the
process of classification?

Edward Saplr opened up this subject In the 1920's. Before him. It

was .commonly accepted that language resulted from one's perception of
reality and the logic that underlies the process of classification.
Saplr chose to reverse that picture by taking the position that
perception (what we now call worldview) and logic are the result of
language. Me saw language as determinative In nature In that It gives
definition to reality. Saplr's student, Benjamin Lee Hhorf, Is the
author of one of the chapters In this section and Includes a quote from
Saplr In the Introduction to his article.

The determinism advocated by Saplr and his followers has been, and
will continue to be, critiqued, especially by those who opt for
language as descriptive. The discussion of which comes first, language
or worldview, however. Is fruitless. Regardless of which position one
chooses, he must realistically recognize the validity of the other.
Language Is. in varying degrees, both determinative and descriptive In
Its relationship to worldview.

A discussion of determinism would be better focused on the

relationship of parent to child. The culture and worldview of the
parent Is transmitted to the child, and the means by which this Is done
Includes language as a mirror of his culture. The language and culture
categories that result fronr-the worldview of one generation are thus
passed on to the next. In a later section of this Reader dealing
with worldview change (see Section 8). the process of modification will
be discussed. Suffice It to say at this point that what Is passed on
to each generation Is the parents' modified version of the worldview
that their parents passed on to them.

PresupposItIons

The Issue of presuppositions Is basic to understanding the subject

of classification, and Is also very much a part of the previous issue
of language and worldview as related to classification. Regardless of
what one thinks Of the Saplr-Whorf hypothesis, that Is language as
 96

determinative, one can easily understand that language is

unquestionably tied to presupposition. Language does not Just happen
in a vacuum, but Involves the presuppositions to which language gives
expression.

This point is Illustrated by the following diagram which Kraft

included in the class presentations:

Surface Language------------------- Cul ture

level

Oeep
level

One's presuppositions or worldview Is a deep level matter while

language and culture are surface level Issues. Such an approach
recognizes that the underlying presuppositions (worldview) are the .
dynamics behind language and culture.

One critic of Saplr and Whorf Is Noam Chomsky who stresses

similarities, rather than differences, In the use of language*. This
contrasts with the Saplr-Hhorf Idea that language produces basic
presuppositions, Chomoky says that human beings have a common
structuring at the deep level on the basis of which they create
different "rules" for transforming that common language capacity Into
different surface structures (cf. Hesselgrave 1978:259, discussion of
Chomsky).

Obviously, Kraft's model also refers to a deep level and a surface

level, but places presuppositions, rather than language, at the deep
level. Kraft emphasizes the fact that worldviews are less different
from each other than Is the case with surface level structures. The
fact, then, that human beings move from a relatively small number of
worldview types to a much larger number of cultural variations at the
surface level Is evidence of the creativity humans possess.

The deep level, whether labeled as presuppositions or worldvjew. Is

thus the basis of the classification process. For example, the
worldview universal of distinguishing between Self and all that is Not
 97

Self results In the classification of things, relationships,

activities, etc., as one or the other.

Kearney has said that a person's ability to classify arises "out of

the mind's Interaction with the external world." To this he adds:

What I would like to suggest Is that this presumed category

of thought [the notion of class! Is neither a priori. nor...
an ability that derives from without, but rather that It results
from the necessary awareness of Self versus the empirical Other...
The cleaving of exlstance Into these two realms Is thus the
first Instance of classifying and results from the necessary
opposition and Integration of Self and Other (Kearney 1982:116).

Kearney has thus referred to what he considers to be the starting place

for the process of classification, and In doing so, he has gone
straight to the heart of the Issue of presuppositions as well. The
concept of Self in relationship to Other Is perhaps the most basic
presupposition of all and thus the most basic category of classifi­
cation shared by human beings.

SUMMARY

There Is little question that the way people classify the elements
of their world makes a difference. The process of classifying Is
universal, but the classifications themself are distinctive to the
people In question. Perhaps the classifications are distinctive
because the uses of language are distinctive to each group, or perhaps
language usages result from distinctive classifications. In either *
case, language Is a tool through which one generation transmits a
worldview to the next. Classification Is thus a process that Involves
both the surface level of language and the deeper level of worldview,
and begins with the basic .recognltlon that a Self Is distinctive to
Other.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

The chapter by Whorf, "The Relation of Habitual Thought and

Behavior to Language," Is one of the most unique of this whole Reader.
Whorf was working and studying In the field of Insurance adjustment
when he developed a faclnation for language and what appeared to be
related behavior. It might seem that such an article should be
Included under a section on values and resulting behavior, but as
Whorf's observations and analysis are unfolded, It becomes apparent
that we are Involved with classification.

"Classification" by Cole and his co-authors Is a very practical

study which, like Whorf, focuses on the relationship of language to
 98

behavior. The overall purpose of the authors was to investigate the

cultural context of learning and thinking (hence the title of their
book). Their results Involve research methods as much as
classification, so part of the original essay has been included'ln the
section entitled "Study" (Section 7).

The third chapter by Dorothy Lee, “Lineal and Non-lineal

Codifications of Reality." provides a look at the imagery of
classification language. She has presented a case study of the
Trobrland Islanders and their non-lineal pattern of codification, but
her essay also contains significant theoretical contributions to the
topics of classification and worldview. (Also, see Chapter 17 of this
Reader entitled "Temporal and Spatial Equivalents In Chamula Ritual
Symbolism" which Illustrates classification.)
 Chapter Five

THE RELATION OF HABITUAL THOUGHT AND BEHAVIOR TO LANGUAGE

by Benjamin Lee Whorf

Hhorf hardly mentions the words "classify" or “classi­

fication" In this essay, yet the very occasions that prompted
him to change the focus of his Investigations from Insurance
claims to linguistics Illustrate the fact that people classify
reality as they perceive It. From this essay, one can detect
Hhorf's Saplrlan perspective on language as determinative. This
discussion demonstrates that language and classification are
inescapably linked.

Note to the reader: Whorf uses the term "SAE" by which

he means "Standard Average European." In a portion of this
article that has not- been Included here, Hhorf explains that he
sees little difference between the way English, French. German,
or other European languages, 'class Ify reality. So he groups
them all under the above label In contrast to languages In other
faml Iles such as llopl.

Human beings do not live In the objective world alone, nor

alone In the world of social activity as ordinarily understood,
but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which
has become the medium of expression for their society. It Is
 100

quite an Illusion to Imagine that one adjusts to reality

essentially without the use of language and that language Is
merely an Incidental means of solving specific problems of
communication or reflection. The fact of the matter Is that the
"real world11 Is to a.large extent unconsciously built up on the
language habits of the group--- He see and hear and Otherwise
experience very largely as we do because the language habits of
our community predispose certain choices of Interpretation.'

— Edward Saplr
i

There will probably be general assent to the proposition that an

accepted pattern of using words Is often prior to certain lines of
thinking and forms of behavior___ It Is not so much In uses of
language as In its constant ways of arranging data and Its most
ordinary everyday analysis of phenomena that we need to recognize the
influence It has on other activities, cultural and personal. i

THE NAME OF THE SITUATION AS AFFECTING BEHAVIOR

I came In touch with an aspect of this problem before I had

studied under Or. Saplr, and In a field usually considered remote from
linguistics. It was In the course of my professional work for a fire
Insurance company, In which I undertook the task of analyzing many
hundreds of reports of circumstances surrounding the start of fires,
and in some cases, of explosions. My analysis was directed toward
purely physical conditions, such as defective wiring, presence or lack
of air spaces between metal flues and woodwork, etc., and the results
were presented In these terms. Indeed It was undertaken with no
thought that any other significances would or could be revealed. But
in due course It became evident that not only a physical situation qua
physics, but the meaning of that situation to people, was sometimes a
factor, through the behavior of the people. In the start of the fire.
And this factor of meaning was clearest when It was a LINGUISTIC
MEANING, residing In the name or the linguistic description commonly
applied to the situation. Thus, around a storage of what are called
"gasoline drums," behavior will tend to a certa In .type, that Is, great
care will be exercised; while around a storage of what are called
"empty gasoline drums," It will tend to be dlfferent--careless, with
little repression of smoking or of tossing cigarette stubs about. Yet
the "empty" drums are perhaps the more dangerous, since they contain
explosive vapor Physically the situation Is hazardous, but the
linguistic analysis according to regular analogy must employ the word
'empty,1 which Inevitably suggests lack of hazard. The word ‘ empty' Is
used in two linguistic patterns: (1) as a virtual synonym for 'null

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101

and void, negative, Inert,' (2) applied In analysis of physical

situations without regard to, e.g., vapor, liquid vestiges, or stray
rubbish, In the container. The situation Is named In one pattern (2)
and the name Is then "acted out" or "lived up to" In another (1), this
being a general formula for the linguistic conditioning of behavior
Into hazardous forms.

In a wood distillation plant the metal stills were Insulated

with a composition prepared from limestone and called at the plant
"spun limestone." No attempt was made to protect this covering from
excessive heat or the contact of flame. After a period of use, the
fire below one of the stills spread to the "limestone," which to
everyone's great surprise burned vigorously. Exposure to acetic acid
fumes from the stills had converted part of the llmstone (calcium
carbonate) to calcium acetate. This when heated In a fire decomposes,
forming Inflammable acetone. Behavior that tolerated fire close to the
covering was Induced by use of the name "limestone." which because It
ends In "stone" Implies noncombustibility.

A huge Iron kettle of boiling varnish was observed to be

overheated, nearing the temperature at which It would ignite. The
operator moved It off the fire and ran It on Its wheels to a distance,
but did not cover It. In a minute or so the varnish Ignited. Here the
linguistic influence Is more complex; It Is due to the metaphorical
objectifying (of which more later) of "cause" as contact or the spatial
Juxtaposition of "things"— to analyzing the situation as 'on' versus
'off the fire. In reality, the stage when the external fire was the
main factor had passed; the overheating was now an Internal process of
convection In the varnish from the Intensely heated kettle, and still
continued when 'off' the fire___

A tannery discharged waste water containing animal matter Into

an outdoor settling basin partly roofed with wood and partly open.
This situation Is one that ordinarily would be verbalized as 'pool of
water.' A workman had occasion to light a blowtorch near by, and threw
his match Into the water. But the decomposing waste matter was
evolving gas under the wood cover, so that the setup was the reverse of
'watery.' An Instant flare of flame Ignited the woodwork, and the fire
quickly spread Into the adjoining building___

Such examples, which could be greatly multiplied, will suffice

to show how the cue to a certain line of behavior is often given by the
analogies of the linguistic formula in which the situation Is spoken
of, artd by which to some degree It Is analyzed, classified, and
allotted Its place In that world which Is "to a large extent
unconsciously built up on the language habits of the group." And we
always assume that the linguistic analysis made by our group reflects,
reality better than It does.
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102

GRAMMATICAL PATTERNS AS INTERPRETATIONS OF EXPERIENCE

The linguistic material In the above examples is limited to

single words, phrases, and patterns of limited range. One cannot study
the behavior compulsiveness of such material wlhout suspecting a much
more far-reaching compulsion from large-scale patterning of grammatical
categorTéT, such as plurality, gender and similar classifications
'TáñTmate, Inanimate, etc.), tenses, voices^ and other verb forms,
classifications of the type of "parts of speech," and the matter of .
whether a given experience Is denoted by a unit morpheme, an Inflected
word, or a syntactical combination. A category such as number
(singular vs. plural) Is an attempted Interpretation of a whole large
order of experience, virtually of the world or of nature; It attempts
to say how experience Is to be segmented, what experience Is to be
called "one" and what "several." But the difficulty of appraising such
a far-reaching Influence Is great because of Its background character,
because of the difficulty of standing aside from our own language,
which Is a habit and a cultural non est dlsputandum, and scrutinizing
It objectively. And If we take a very dissimilar language, this
language becomes a part of nature, and we even do to It what we have
already done to nature. He tend to think In our own language In order
to examine the exotic language. Or we find the task of unraveling the
purely morphological Intricacies so gigantic that it seems to absorb
all else. Yet the problem, though difficult, Is feasible; and the best
approach Is through an exotic language, for In Its study we are at long
last pushed willy-nilly out of our ruts. Then we find that the exotic
language Is a mirror held up to our own---

The whole Investigation here to be reported may be summed up in

two questions; (1) Are our own concepts of 'time,' 'space,' and
'matter' given In substantially the same form by experience to all men,
or are they In part conditioned by the structure of particular
languages? (2) Are there traceable affinities between (a) cultural and
behavioral norms and (b) large-scale.Iingulstlc patterns? (I should be
the last to pretend that there Is anything so definite as "a
correlation" between culture and language, and especially between
ethnological rubrics such as 'agricultural, hunting,' etc., and
linguistic ones like 'Inflected,' synthetic,' or 'Isolating.')

[Editor's note: Hhorf provides, at this point, a variety of

linguistic comparisons between SAE and the Hopl language. The
discussion Includes numeration, nouns related to physical qualities,
terms as cyclical concepts, verbs related to temporal form, and more.
Hith these comparisons Hhorf Is supporting his hypothesis that concepts
of time, space, and matter are partly conditioned by language
structure. I have chosen, however, to omit them In order to Include
his following discussions.]
 103

HABITUAL THOUGHT IN SAE AND HOPI

The comparison now to be made between the habitual thought

worlds of SAE and Hopl speakers Is of course Incomplete. It Is
possible only to touch upon certain dominant contrasts that appear to
stem from the linguistic differences already noted. By “ habitual
thought" and "thought world" I mean more than simply language, l.e.
than the linguistic patterns themselves. I Include all the analogical
and suggestive value of the patterns (e.g., our "Imaginary space" and
Its distant Implications), and all the give-and-take between language
and the culture as a whole, wherein Is a vast amount that Is not
linguistic but yet shows the shaping Influence of language. In brief,
this ."thought world" Is the mlcroscosm that each man carries about
within himself, by which he measures and understands what he can of the
macrocosm.

The SAE microcosm has analyzed reality largely In terms of what

It calls "things" (bodies and quasibodies) plus modes of extenslonal
but' formless existence that It calls “substances" or "matter." It
tends to see existence through a binomial formula that expresses any
existent as a spatial form plus a spatial formless continuum related to
the form, as contents Is related to the outlines of Its container.
Nonspatlal exlstents are Imaginatively spatlallzed and charged with
similar Implications of form and continuum.

the Hopl microcosm seems to have analyzed reality largely In

terms of EVENTS (or better "eventing"), referred to In two ways,
objective and subjective. Objectively, and only If perceptible
physical experience, events are expressed mainly as outlines, colors,
movements, and other perceptive reports. Subjectively, for both the
physical and nonphysical, events are considered the expression of
Invisible Intensity factors, on which depend thélr stability and
persistence, or their fugltlveness and proclivities. It Implies that
exlstents do not "become later and later" all In the same way; but some
do so by growing like plant s, some by diffusing and vanishing, some by
a procession of metamorphoses',’some by enduring In one shape till
affected by violent forces. In the nature of each existent able to
manifest as a definite whole Is the power of Its own mode of duration:
Its growth, decline, stability cyclicity, or creativeness. Everything
Is thus already "prepared" for the way It now manifests by earlier
phases, and what It will be later, partly has been, and partly Is In
act of being so "prepared." An emphasis and Importance rests on this
preparing or being prepared aspect of the world that may to the Hopl
correspond to that "quality of reality" that ’ matter* or ’stuff has
for us.
 104

HABITUAL BEHAVIOR FEATURES OF HOP I CULTURE

Our behavior, and that of Hopi, can be seen to be coordinated In

many ways to the IIngulstlcally-condltloned microcosm. As In my fire
casebook, people act about situations in wavs which are like the wavs
they talk about them.. A characteristic of Hopl behavior Is the
emphasis on preparation. This includes announcing and getting ready
for events well beforehand, elaborate precautions to Insure persistence
of desired conditions, and stress on good will as the preparer of right
results. Consider the analogies of the day-counting pattern alone.
Time Is mainly reckoned “ by day" (talk, -tala) or "by night" (tok),
which words are not nouns but tensors, the first formed on a root
“light, day," the second on a root "sleep." The count Is by ORDINALS.
This Is not the pattern of counting a number of different men or
things, even though they appear successively, for, even then, they
COULD gather Into an assemblage. It Is the pattern of counting
successive reappearances of the SAME man or thing. Incapable of forming
an assemblage. The analogy Is not to behave about day-cyclIdty as to
several men ("several days"), which Is what WE tend to do, but to
behave as to the successive visits of the SAME MAN. One does not alter
several men by working upon Just one, but one can prepare and so alter
the later visits of the same man by working to affect the visit he Is
making now. This Is the way the Hopl deal with the future--by working
within a present situation which is expected to carry Impresses, both
obvious and occult, forward Into the future event of interest. One
might say that Hopl society understands our proverb 'Well begun Is half
done,’but not our ‘ Tomorrow Is another day.' This may explain much In
Hopl character.

The Hopl preparing behavior may be roughly divided Into

announcing, outer preparing. Inner preparing, covert participation, and
persistence. Announcing, or preparative publicity. Is an Important
functon in the hands of a special official, the Crier Chief. Outer
preparing ts preparation involving much visible activity, not all
necessarily directly useful within our understanding. It Includes
ordinary practicing, rehearsing, getting ready. Introductory
formalities, preparing of special food, etc. (all of these to a degree
that may seem overelaborate to us), Intensive sustained muscular
activity like running, racing, dancing, which is thought to Increase
the Intensity of development of events (such as growth of crops),
mimetic and other magic, preparations based on esoteric theory
Involving perhaps occult Instruments like prayer sticks, prayer
feathers, and prayer meal, and finally the great cyclic ceremonies and
dances, which have the significance of preparing rain and crops. From
one of the verbs meaning "prepare" is derived the noun for "harvest" or
"crop": pa1twanl ‘ the prepared' or the 'In preparation.'2

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Inner preparing Is use of prayer and meditation, and at lesser

Intensity good wishes and good will, to further desired results. Hopl
attitudes stress the power of desire and thought. With their
"microcosm" It Is utterly natural that they should. Desire and thought
are the earliest, and therefore the most Important, most critical and
crucial, stage of preparing. Moreover, to the Hopl, one's desires and
thought Influence not only his own actions, but all nature as well.
This too Is wholly natural. Consciousness Itself Is aware of work, of
the feel of effort and energy. In desire and thinking. Experience more
basic than language tells us that. If energy Is expended, effects are
produced. WE tend to believe that our bodies can stop up this energy,
prevent It from affecting other things until we will our BODIES to
overt action. But this may be so only because we have our own
linguistic basis for a theory that formless Items like "matter" are
things In themselves, malleable only by similar things, by more matter,
and hence insulated from the powers of life and thought. It Is no more
unnatural to think that thought contacts everything and pervades the
universe than to think, as we all do, that light kindled outdoors does
this. And It Is not unnatural to suppose that thought, like any other
force, leaves everywhere traces of effect. . Now, when WE think of a
certain actual rosebush, we do not suppose that our thought goes to
that actual bush, and engages with It. like a searchlight turned upon
It. What then do we suppose our consciousness Is dealing with when we
are thinking of that rosebush? Probably we think It Is dealing with.a
"mental Image" which Is not the rosebush but a mental surrogate of It.
But why should It be NATURAL to think that our thought deals with a
surrogate and not with the real rosebush? Quite possibly because we
are dimly aware that we carry about with us a whole Imaginary space, ,
full of mental surrogates. To us, mental surrogates are old familiar
fare. Along with the Images of Imaginary space, which we perhaps
secretly know to be only Imaginary, we tuck the thought-of-actually
existing rosebush, which may be quite another story, perhaps Just
because we have that very*convenient "place" for It. The Hopl
thought-world has no Imaginary space. The corollary to this Is that It
may not locate thought dealing wtlh real space from the effects of
thought. A Hopl would naturally suppose that his thought (or he
himself) traffics with the actual rosebush— or more likely, corn
plant— that he Is -thinking about. The thought then should leave some
trace of Itself with the plant In the field. If It Is a good thought,
one about health and growth, It Is good for the plant; If a bad
thought, the reverse.

The Hopl emphasize the Intensity-factor of thought. Thought to

be most effective should be vivid In consciousness, definite, steady,
sustained, charged with strongly felt good Intentions. They render the
Idea In English as 'concentrating, holding It In your heart, putting
 (

106

your mind on It, earnestly, hoping.' Thought power Is the force behind
ceremonies, prayer sticks, ritual smoking, etc. The prayer pipe Is
regarded as an aid to "concentrating" (so said my Informant). Its
name, na'twanpl, means 'Instrument of preparing.'

Covert participation Is mental collaboration from people who do

not take part In the actual affair, be it a job of work, hunt, race, or
ceremony, but direct their thought and good will toward the affair's
success. Announcements often seek to enlist the support of such mental
helpers as well as of overt participants, and contain exhortations to
the people to aid with their active good will.1 A similarity to our
concepts of a sympathetic audience or the cheering section at a
football game should not obscure the fact that It Is primarily the
power of directed thought, and not merely sympathy or encouragement,
that Is expected of covert participants. In'fact these latter get in
their deadliest work before, not during, the game! A corollary to the
power of thought Is the power of wrong thought for evil; hence one
purpose of covert participation Is to obtain the mass force of many
good wishers to offset the harmful thought of 111 wishers. Such
attitudes greatly favor cooperation and community spirit. Not that the
Hopl community Is not full of rivalries and colliding Interests.
Against the tendency to social disintegration In such a small, Isolated
group, the theory of "preparing" by the power of thought, logically
leading to the great power of the combined. Intensified, and harmonized
thought of the whole community, must help vastly toward the rather
remarkable degree of cooperation that, In spite of much private
bickering, the Hopl village displays In all the Important cultural
activities.

Hopl "preparing" activities again show a result of their

linguistic thought background In an emphasis on persistence and
constant insistent repetition. A sense of the cumulative value of
Innumerable small momenta Is dulled by an objectified, spa 11 a 11zed view
of time like ours, enhanced by a way of thinking close to the
subjective awareness of duraton, of the ceaseless "laterlng" of
events. To us, for whom time Is a motion on a space, unvarying
repetition seems to scatter Its force along a row of units of that
space, and be wasted. To the Hopl, for whom time is not a motion but a
"getting later" of everything that has ever been done, unvarying
repetition is not wasted but accumulated. It Is storing up an
Invisible change that holds over Into later events.* As we have
seen, It Is as If the return of the day were felt as the return of the
same person, a little older but with all the Impresses of yesterday,
not as "another day," l.e. like an entirely different person. This
principle Joined with that of thought-power and with traits of general
Pueblo culture Is expressed In the theory of the Hopl ceremonial dance
for furthering rain and crops, as well as in Its short, piston-llke
tread, repeated thousands of times, hour after hour.
 107

SOME IMPRESSES OF LINGUISTIC HABIT IN HESTERH CIVILIZATION

It Is harder to do Justice In few words to the linguistically

conditioned features of our own culture than In the case of the llopl.
because of both vast scope and difficulty of objectlvlty— because of
our deeply Ingrained familiarity with the attitude to be analyzed. I
wish merely to sketch certain characteristics adjusted to our
linguistic binomial Ism of form plus formless Item or “substance," to
our metaphoricalness, our Imaginary space, and our objectified time.
These, as we have seen, are linguistic.

From the form-plus-substance dichotomy the philosophical views

most traditionally characteristic of the “ Western world" have derived
huge support. Here belong materialism, psycholphyslcal parallelism,
physics— at least In Its traditional Newtonian form— and duallstlc
views of the universe In general. Indeed hfere belongs almost
everything that Is “ hard, practical common sense." Monistic, holistic,
and relativistic views of reality appeal to philosophers and some
scientists, but they are badly handicapped In appealing to the "conxnon
sense" of the Western average man— not because nature herself refutes
them (If she did, philosophers could have discovered this much), but
because they must be talked about In what amounts to a new language.
"Common sense," as Its name shows, and "practicality" as Its name does
not show, are largely matters of talking so that one Is readily
understood. It Is some times stated that Newtonian space, time, and
mattef are sensed by everyone Intuitively, whereupon relativity Is
cited as showing how mathematical analysis can prove Intuition wrong.
This, besides being unfair to Intuition, Is an attempt to answer
offhand question (I) put at the outset of this paper, to answer which
this research was undertaken. Presentation of the findings now nears
Its end, and I think the answer Is clear. The offhand answer, laying
the blame upon Intuition for our slowness In discovering mysteries of
the Cosmos, such as relativity. Is the wrong one. The right answer Is:
Newtonian space, time, and matter are no intuitions. They are recepts
from culture and language. That Is where Newton got them.

Our objectified view of time Is, however, favorable to

historicity and to everything connected with the keeping of records,
while the Hop! view Is unfavorable thereto. The latter Is too subtle,
complex, and ever-developing, supplying no ready-made answer to the
question of when "one" event ends and "another" begins. When It Is
Implicit that everything that ever happened still Is, but Is In a
necessarily different form from what memory or record reports, there Is
less Incentive to study the past. As for the present, the Incentive
would be not to record It but to treat It as "preparing." But OUR
objectified time puts before imagination something like a ribbon or
scroll marked off Into equal blank spaces, suggesting that each be
filled with an entry. Mritlng has no doubt helped toward our
linguistic treatment of time, even as the linguistic treatment has

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guided the uses of writing. Through the give-and-take between language

and the whole culture we get, for instance:

1. Records, diaries,,bookkeeping, accounting, mathematics

stimulated by accounting. '
2. Interest in exact sequence, dating, calendars, chronology,
clocks, time wages, time graphs, time as used in physics.
3. Annals, histories, the historical attitude, interest In the
past, archaeology, attitudes of Introjection toward past periods, e.g.,
classicism, romanticism.
Just as we conceive our objectified time as extending in the
future In the same way that It extends In the past, so we set down our
estimates of the future in the same shape as our records of the past,
producing programs, schedules, budgets. The formal equality of the
spacelike units by which we measure and conceive time leads us to
consider the "formless Item" or "substance" of time to be homogeneous
and In ratio to the number of units. Hence our prorata allocation of
value to time, lending Itself to the building up of a commercial
structure based on tlme-prorata values: time wages (time work
constantly supersedes piece work), rent, credit. Interest, depreciation
charges, and Insurance premiums. No doubt this vast system, once
built, would continue to run under any sort of linguistic treatment of
time; but that It should have been built at all, reaching the magnitude
and particular form It has in the Western world, is a fact decidedly In
consonance with the patterns of the SAE languages. Whether such a
civilization as ours would be possible with widely different linguistic
handling of time Is a large questlon--ln our civilization, our
linguistic patterns and the fitting of our behavior to the temporal
order are what they are, and they are In accord. We are of course
stimulated to use calendars, clocks, and watches, and to try to measure
time ever more precisely; this aids science, and science in turn,
following these well-worn cultural grooves, gives back to culture an
ever-growing store of applications, habits, and values, with which
culture again directs science. But what lies outside this spiral?
Science Is beginning to find that there Is something in the Cosmos that
Is not In accord with the concepts we have formed in mounting the
spiral. It Is trying to frame a NEW LANGUAGE by which to adjust Itself
to a wider universe.

It Is clear how the emphasis on “saving time" which goes with

all the above and Is very obvious objectification of time, leads to a
high valuation of "speed," which shows Itself a great deal In our
behavior.

Still another behavioral effect Is that the character of

monotony and regularity possessed by our Image of time as an evenly
scaled limitless tape measure persuades us to behave as If that
monotony were more true of events than It really is. That Is, It helps
to routlnlze us. We tend to select and favor whatever bears out this

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109

view, to "play up to" the routine aspects of existence. One phase of

this Is behavior evincing a false sense of security or an assumption
that all will-always go smoothly, and a lack In foreseeing and
protecting ourselves against hazards. Our technique of harnessing
energy does well In routine performance, and It Is along routine lines
that we chiefly strive to Improve It— we are, for example, relatively
uninterested In stopping the energy from causing accidents, fires, and
explosions, which It Is doing constantly and on a wide scale. Such
Indifference to the unexpectedness of life would be disastrous to a
society as small, Isolated, and precariously poised as the Hopl society
Is, or rather once was.

Thus our linguistically determined thought world not only

collaborates with our cultural Idols and Ideals, but engages even our
unconscious personal reactions In Its patterns and gives them certain
typical characters. One such character, as we have seen. Is
CARELESSNESS, as In reckless driving or throwing cigarette stubs into
waste paper. Another of different sort Is GESTURING when we talk.
Very many of the gestures made by English-speaking people at least, and
probably by all SAE speakers, serve to Illustrate, by a movement In
space, not a real spatial reference but one of the nonspatlal
references that our language handles by metaphors of Imaginary space.
That Is, we are more apt to make a grasping gesture when we speak of
grasping an elusive Idea than when we speak of grasping a doorknob.
The gesture seeks to make a metaphorical and hence somewhat unclear
reference more clear. But. If a language refers to nonspatlals without
Implying a spatial analogy, the reference Is not made any clearer by
gesture. The Hopl gesture very little, perhaps not at all In the sense
we understand as gesture.

It would seem as If kinesthesia, or the sensing of muscular

movement, though arising before language, should be made more highly
conscious by linguistic use of Imaginary space and metaphorical Images
of motion. Kinesthesia is marked In two facts of European culture:
art and sport. European sculpture, an art In which Europe excels. Is
strongly kinesthetic, conveying great sense of the body's motions;
European painting likewise. The dance In our culture expresses delight
In motion rather than symbolism or ceremonial, and our music Is greatly
Influenced by our dance forms. Our sports are strongly Imbued with
this element of the "poetry of motion." Hopl races and games seem to
emphasize rather the virtues of endurance and sustained Intensity.
Hopl dancing Is highly symbolic and Is performed with great Intensity
and earnestness, but has not much movement or swing.

Synesthesia, or suggestion by certain sense receptions of

characters belonging to another sense, as of light and color by sounds
and vice versa, should be made more conscious by a linguistic
metaphorical system that refers to nonspatlal experiences by terms for
spatial ones, thought undoubtedly It arises from a deeper source.
 o
no
Probably In the first Instance metaphor arises from synesthesia and not
the reverse; yet metaphor need not become firmly rooted In linguistic
pattern, as Hopl shows. Nonspatlal experience has one well-organized
sense, HEARING— for smell and taste are but little organized.
Nonspatlal consciousness Is a realm chiefly of thought, feeling, and
SOUND. Spatial consciousness Is a realm of light, color, sight, and
touch, and presents shapes and dimensions. Our metaphorical system, by
naming nonspatlal experiences after spatial ones, Imputes to sounds,
smells, tastes, emotions, and thoughts qualities like the colors,
luminosities, shapes, angles, textures, and motions of spatial
experience. And to some extent the.reverse transference occurs; for,
after much talking about tones as high, low, sharp, dull, heavy,
brilliant, slow, the talker finds It easy to think of some factors In
spatial experience as like factors of tone. Thus we speak of "tones"
of color, a gray "monotone," a "loud" necktie, a "taste" in dress: all
spatial metaphor in reverse. Now European art Is distinctive In the
way It seeks deliberately to play with synesthesia. Music tries to
suggest scenes, color, movement, geometric design; painting and
sculpture are often consciously guided by the analogies of music's
rhythm; colors are conjoined with feeling for the analogy to concords
and discords. The European theater and opera seek a sythesis of many
arts. It may be that in this way our metaphorical language that Is In
some sense a confusion of thought Is producing, through art, a result
of far-reaching value— a deeper esthetic sense leading toward a more
direct apprehension of underlying unity behind the phenomena so
variously reported by our sense channels---

To sum up the matter, our first question asked In the beglnlng

Is answered thus: Concepts of "time" and "matter" are not given In
substantially the same form by experience to all men but depend upon
the nature of the language or languages through the use of which they
have been developed. They do not depend so much upon ANY ONE SYSTEM
(e.g., tense, or nouns) within the grammar as upon the ways of
analyzing and reporting experience which have become fixed in the
language as Integrated "fashions of speaking" and which cut across the
typical grammatical classifications, so that such a "fashion" may
Include lexical, morphological, syntactic, and otherwise systemlcally
diverse means coordinated In a certain frame of consistency. Our own
"time" differs markedly from Hopl "duration." It Is conceived as like
a space of strictly limited dimensions, or sometimes as like a motion
upon such a space, and employed as an Intellectual tool accordingly.
Hopl “ duraton" seems to be Inconceivable In terms of space or motion,
being the mode In which life differs from form, and consciousness In
toto from the spatial elements of consciousness. Certain Ideas born of
our own time-concept, such as that of absolute simultaneity, would be
either very difficult to express or Impossible and devoid of meaning
under the Hopl conception, and would be replaced by operational
concepts. Our "matter" Is the physical subtype of "substance" or
"stuff," which Is conceived as the formless extensional Item that must
 Ill

be Joined with form before there can be real existence. In Hopt there
seems to be nothing corresponding to It; there are no formless
extensional Items; existence may or may not have form, but what It also
has. with or without form. Is Intensity and duration, these being
nonextenslonal and at bottom the same.

But what about our concept of "space,“which was also Included

In our first question? There Is no such striking difference between
Hopl and SAE about space as about time, and probably the apprehension
of space Is given In substantially the same form by experience
Irrespective of language. The experiments of the Gestalt psychologists
with visual perception appear to establish this as a fact. But the
CONCEPT OF SPACE will vary somewhat with language, because, as an
Intellectual tool,* It Is so closely linked with the concomitant
employment of other Intellectual tools, of the order of “time" and
"matter.“which are linguistically conditioned. We see things with our
eyes In the same space forms as the Hopl, but our Idea of space has
also the property of acting as a surrogate of nonspatlal relationships
like time, one of which may even be called 'space.' Space as sensed by
the Hopl would be comparatively "pure." unmlxed with extraneous notions.

As for our second question: There are connections but not

correlations or diagnostic correspondences between cultural norms and
linguistic patterns. Although It would be Impossible to Infer the
existence of Crier Chiefs from the lack of tenses In Hopl, or vice
versa, there Is a relation between a language and the rest of the
culture of the society which uses It. There are. cases where the
"fashions of speaking" are closely integrated with the whole general'
culture, whether or not this be universally true, and there are
connections within this Integration, between the kind of linguistic
analyses employed and various behavioral reactions and also the shapes
taken by various cultural developments. Thus the Importance of Crier
Chiefs does have a connection, not with tenselessness Itself, but with
a system of thought In which categories different from our tenses are
natural. These connectolns-are to be found not so much by focusing
attention on the typical rubrics of linguistic, ethnographic, or
sociological description as by examining the culture and the language
(always and only when the two have been together historically for a
considerable time) as a whole In which concatenations that run acrdss
these departmental lines may be expected to exist, and. If they do
exist, eventually to be discoverable by study.
 112

FOOTNOTES

1. He have plenty of evidence that this Is not the case.

Consider only the Hopl and the Ute, with languages that on th'e overt
morphological and lexical level are as similar as, say, English and
German. The Idea of “ correlation" between language and culture. In the
generally accepted sense of correlation. Is certainly a mistaken one.

2. The Hopl verbs of. preparing naturally do not correspond

neatly to our "prepare"; so that na1twanl could also be rendered ‘ the
practlced-upon, the trled-for,1 and otherwise.

3. See. e.g., Ernest Beaglehole. Notes on Hopl economic life

(Yale University Publtcatlns In Anthropology, no. 15, 1937), especially
the reference to the announcement of a rabbit hunt, and on p. 30
description of the activities In connection with the cleaning of Toreva
Spring— announcing, various preparing activities, and finally,
preparing the continuity of the good results already obtained and the
continued flow of the spring.

4. This notion of storing up power, which seems Implied by much

Hopl behavior, has an analog In physics: acceleratltpn. It might be
said that the linguistic background of Hopl thought equips It to
recognize naturally that force manifests not as motion or velocity, but
as cumulation or acceleration. Our linguistic background tends to
hinder In us this same recognition, for having legitimately conceived
force to be that which produces change, we then think of change by our
linguistic metaphorical analog, motion, Instead of by a pure motionless
changlngness concept, l.e. accumulation or acceleration. Hence It
comes to our naive feeling as a shock to find from physical experiments
that it Is not possible to define force by motion, that motion and
speed, as also "being at rest," are wholly relative, and that force can
be measured only be acceleration.

5. Here belong "Newtonian" and “

Euclidean" space, etc.
 c ( (

Chapter Six

CLASSIFICATION

by Michael Cole, J. Gay, J. A. Gllck, D. H. Sharp

This article revolves around the study of the Kpelle

language of Liberia. The authors, realizing the Imprac11b111ty
of undertaking a complete linguistic analysis, have chosen to
focus onthe Kpelle noun system and the way It demonstrates the*
classification of objects In the natural world. Just as In
Hhorf's article, there Is an effort to discover the relationship
between language and behavior.

Beyond Its value for the topic at hand, the essay also
deals with the Investigative procedures that were followed
to ascertain the general domains to which various objects
belong. For that reason, I have Included only the first part of
the article under "classification." The remainder Is Included
In the section on "study." (See Chapter 37).

INTRODUCTION

The approach we have adopted In this chapter represents our

effort to combine techniques that have traditionally been used by the
linguist, anthropologist, and psychologist In the study of
classification. To begin with, we Investigate basic classes and their

From Cole 1971:59-64

 ( (

114

relationships for the very general domain of "things" as coded In the

Kpelle language, using two techniques borrowed from linguistic
anthropology and one from psychology. Each of these techniques relies
on face-to-face Interactions between a trained observer, or
experimenter, and an Informant (sometimes we will use the term
Informant, sometimes sub.lect). Each takes verbal behavior as Its sole
datum.

Once the basic categories have been determined for a variety of

situations In which people talk about things, we turn to the task of
determining the relation between the way things are classified In
verbal behavior and the classlfIcatons that occur when objects are
presented for classification.

THE SEfj CHART: CLASSIFICATION'OF "THINGS"

He began our study of classification with the term sen, roughly

translatable as “thing," the most general noun In the Kpelle language.
Our first approach was to attempt to elicit specific examples of sen In
order to obtain a taxonomy for the term. Our hope was that this
taxonomy would provide an organization of visually and spatially
definite objects In the Kpelle language on the basis of which we could
then undertake studies of the cognitive uses of this domain. This work
was carried out by John Kellemu, who was himself raised In the
traditional Kpelle town of Parakole and who has retained much of his
concern for Kpelle culture, despite his sixteen years of Western
education.

In seeking a technique that would elicit a semantic

classification scheme (If such existed), we finally settled on a
watered-down version of the technique arising from the work of Metzger
and Williams (1966). The basic question we used to elicit subclasses
of the general term sen was of the form __________kaa a ___________,
which can by translated __________ Is a _________ . In some uses of
this question, the first slot was filled by the name of an object and
the second with a question word, as, for example, “ banana Is a what?"
answered by, for example, "banana Is a food." In others the object •
name was In the second slot and a question word In the first slot, as,
for example, “ a what Is food?" answered by, for example, "a banana Is a
food." A possible ambiguity lurks In this second formulation, but we
were able to establish our usage as "what Is an example of food?"
rather than "what Is the meaning of food?"

This question was repeated In many ways, using many terms. In

order to find examples of class Inclusion and subordination. At some
point In the questioning procedure, the elders would be unable to name
a special case for a particular term, Indicating that we had reached a
minimal species. An example of this Is the series of questions and
answers: "what Is a thing?" "a tree Is a thing," "what Is a tree?" “ a
I

115

corkwood tree Is a tree," "what Is a corkwood tree?" No answer Is

given to the last question, indicating that the informant has reached
the lowest level of generality.

At other points It seemed that the Informants had leaped over

several levels of generality. For example, In the exchange "what Is a
thing?" “ a corkwood tree Is a thing," clearly several levels exist
between "thing" and "corkwood tree." In order to verify the existence
of these Intermediate levels, Kellemu reversed the questioning order
and asked "a corkwood tree Is vthat?" and If the subject said merely "a
corkwood tree Is a thing," asked "a corkwood tree Is what else?" This
question generally elicited other examples of the general term In
questlop.

Kell emu began developing a first approximation to a classifi­

cation scheme by close questioning of a small group of Kpelle elders.
He suggested what seemed to him appropriate class headings and
subclasses. The men agreed on most of the categories but refined and
modified Kellemu's original Intuitions. The revised framework was then
used as the basis for questioning other Kpelle elders. They were not
asked If the structure was correct, but rather the terms that had
emerged from the Informal Interviewing were used In the first and
second slots of the basic question ______ Is a ________ to
determine the correctness of the classification scheme which had been
set up. Informally as a first approximation.

Where there was disagreement among several Informants, Kellemu

opened the question to group discussion. In some cases the men were *
able to resolve the questions In unambiguous fashion. In others they
continued to disagree. He checked the resulting chart of class
relations by opening It to generaldiscussion In which the meanings of
the particular terms were discussed In terms of their place In the
organization of classes.

After this phase of the Inquiry was complete, Kellemu went over
the entire set of results very carefully with Yakpalo Doy, John Gay's
Kpelle Informant. Between them they found many more examples of each
class, so that the lowest level on the chart was as complete as
possible. They did not change the organization of classes at this
stage, but maintained the basic structure elicited by the elders.

The subclases of sen elicited and constructed by John Kellemu

are given In outline form In Table 1 (at the end of the chapter). This
table shows the ordered system from the most general term down to the
most specific objects. Although we were seeking a taxonomy of the
domain of things. Table 1 can best be considered an approximate
taxonomy, because the table includes certain ambiguities In that
several subclasses are members of more than one main class .

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 116

In many. If not all cases, the ambiguities in classification

arose because of the enormous complexity of classifying, subclassi­
fying, and cross-classifying such a large domain of objects. As a
consequence of the diversity,of things being classified, the basis, of
classification often shifted In subtle ways.

The following example may serve to make these difficulties

understandable. Suppose that someone asked an American college student
for a classification of things, lie might answer all things are living
or Inanimate. How then would he classify such things as a farm, or the
earth, or food? Clearly, the choice would depend on ad hoc criteria
made up for the purpose. At several points In working out the various
subsets of things and their relations, kellemu encountered the problem
of shifting criteria of classification leadlqg to the overlapping
categories In Table 1. For example, a banana is a town thing insofar
as It Is a kind of food, but a forest thing Insofar as it grows on a
tree In the forest.

As a consequence of these difficulties, we were not content to

accept the organlztlon of kpelle nouns as represented In the sen chart
of Table 1 as a definitive picture of kpelle noun classes and their
organization. In addition to the ambiguities arising from shifting
bases of classification, we were also concerned about the propriety of
the technique we applied to elicit the chart; how much of John
kellemu's kwlI education Is contained In the structure of the sen
chart? How much acquiescence (as contrasted with lexical knowledge)
did he elicit from his Informants? Mould alternative classification
schemes emerge If other eliciting techniques had been used?

Because an accurate assessment of the basic categorlal structure

of material used in our learning studies was critical to a correct
interpretation of cultureal differences, we undertook the detailed
study of noun classes presented here.
( ( (

117

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 I

Chapter Seven

LINEAL AND NONLINEAL CODIFICATIONS OF REALITY

by Dorothy Lee

Lee Is dealing with Images of reality. The image is an

assigned description, on the part of the observer, of reality as
he perceives It. and as such Is part.of the subject of
classification. Perception of reality is addressed in terms of
"cultural lens," which could easily be called "worldview lens,"
or just simply "worldview," if the former term appears too
redundant. The overall Impact of Lee's observations o q our
subject of classification Is to supply a thought-provoking
Illustration of the "how" and "why" of classification, as well
as to call attention to the Interre- 1ationshIp of the language
of classification to values. Beyond these few words, the best
introduction is provided by Lee herself.

INTRODUCTION

The following study Is concerned with the codification of

reality, and more particularly, with the nonlineal apprehension of
reali'ty among the people of the Trobriand Islands, in contrast to our

Frpm Lee 1950:89-97. .

 119

own lineal phrasing. Basic to my Investigation Is the assumption that

a member of a given society not only codifies experienced reality
through the use of the specific language and other patterned behavior
characteristic of his culture, but that he actually grasps reality only
as It presented to him In this code. The assumption Is not that
reality Itself Is relative; rather, that It Is differently punctuated
and categorized, or that different aspect» of It are noticed by. or
presented to the participants of different cultures. If reality Itself
were not absolute, then true communication of course would be
Impossible. My own position Is that there Is an absolute reality, and
that communication Is possible. If, then, that which the different
codes refer to Is ultimately the same, a carefbl study and analysis of
a different code and of the culture to which It belongs, should lead us
to concepts which are ultimately comprehensible, when translated into
our own code. It may even, eventually, lead us to aspects of reality
from which our own code excludes us.

It Is a corollary of this assumption that the specific phrasing

of reality can be discovered through Intensive and detailed analysis of
any aspect of culture. My own study was begun with an analysis of
linguistic formulation, only because It Is In language that I happen to
be best able to discover my clues. To show how these clues can be
discovered and used as guides to the apprehension of reality, as well
as to show what I mean be modification, I shall present at first
concrete material In the field of language.

DIVERSITY OF CODIFICATION

That a word Is not the reality, not the thing which It

represents, has long been a commonplace to all of us. The thing which
I hold In my hand as I write, |s not a pencil; I c a H It a pencil. And
It remains the same whether I call It pene 11. moly\H, Blelstlft, or
slwlqoq. These words are different sound-complexes applied to'the same
reality; but Is the difference merely one of sound-complex? Do they
refer to the same perceived reality? Pene 11 originally meant little
tall; It delimited and named the reality according to form. Molyv|
means lead and refers to the writing element. Blelstlft refers both to
the form and to the writing element. S M g o g means palntlng-stlck and
refers to observed function and form. Each culture has phrased the
reality differently. To say that pencil. for example, applies
primarily to form Is no Idle etymologic statement. When we use this
word metaphorically, we refer neither to writing element nor to
function, but to form alone; we speak of a pencil of light, or a
styptic pencil.

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 120

When I used the four words for this object, we all knew what
reality was referred to; we knew the meaning of the word. We could
visualize the object In my hand, and the words all delimited It In the
same way; for example, none of them Implied that It was a continuation
of my fist. But thé student of ethnography often has to deal with
words which punctuate reality Into different phraslngs from the ones
with which he Is familiar. Let us take, for Instance, the words for
"brother" and "sister." We go to the Islands of Ontong Java to study
the kinship system. We ask our Informant what he calls his sister and
he says aye; he calls his brother kalnga. So we equate aye with
"sister" and kalnga with "brother." By way of checking our Information
we ask the sister what she calls her brother; It turns out that for
her, aye Is “ brother," not "sister" as we were led to expect; and that
It Is her sister whom she calls kalnga. The same reality, the same
actual kinship Is present there as with us; but we have chosen a
different aspect for naming. We are prepared to account for this; we
say that both cultures name according to what we would call a certain
type of blood relationship; but whereas we make reference to absolute
sex, they refer to relative sex. Further Inquiry, however, discloses
that In this, alas, we are wrong. Because In our own culture we name
relatives according to formal definition and biologic relationship, we
have thought that this formulation represents reality; and we have
tried to understand the Ontong Javanese relationship terms according to
these distinctions which, we believe, are given In nature. But the
Ontong Javanese classifies relatives according to a different aspect of
reality, differently punctuated. And because of this, he applies
kalnga as well‘ to a wife's sister and a husband's brother; to a man's
brother's wife and a woman's sister's husband, as well as to a number
of other Individuals. Neither sex nor blood relationship, then, can be
basic to this term. The Ontong Javanese name according to their
everyday behavior and experience, not according to formal definition.
A man shares the ordinary details of his living with his brothers and
their wives for a large part of the year; he sleeps In the same large
room, he eats with them, he Jokes and works around the house with them;
the rest of the year he spends with his wife's sisters and their
husbands, in the same easy companionship. All these Individuals are
kalnga to one another. The aye, on the other hand, names a behavior of
great strain and propriety; It Is based originally upon the relative
sex of siblings, yes, but It does not signify biologic fact. It names
a social relationship, a behavior, an emotional tone. Aye can never
spend their adult life together, except on rare and temporary
occasions. They can never be under the same roof alone together,
cannot chat at ease together, cannot refer even distantly to sex In the
presence of each other, not even to one's sweetheart or spouse; more
than that, everyone else must be circumspect when the aye someone of
the group Is present. The aye relationship also carries special
obligations toward a female aye and her children, Kalrnja means a

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121

relationship of ease, full of shared living, of Informality, gaiety;

aye names one of formality, prohibition, strain. These two cultures,
their and our own, have phrased and formulated social reality In
completely different ways, and have given their formulation different
names. The word Is merely the name of this specific cultural
phrasing. From this one Instance we might formulate the hypothesls— a
very tentative one— that among the Ontong Javanese names describe
emotive experiences, not observed forms or functions. But we cannot
accept this as fact, unless further Investigation shows It to be
Implicit In the rest of their patterned behavior. In their vocabulary
and the mophology of their language. In their ritual and their other
organized activity___

NONLINEALITY IN TROBRIAND LANGUAGE

I have discussed at length the diversity of codification of

reality In general, because It Is the foundation of the specific study
which I am about to present. I shall speak of the formulation of
experienced reality among the Trobrland Islanders In comparison to our
own; I shall speak of the nature of expectancy, of motivation, of
satisfaction, as based upon a reality which Is differently apprehended
and experienced In two different societies; which Is, |n fact, for
each, a different reality. The Trobrland Islanders were studied by the
late Bronislaw Malinowski, who has given us the rich and circumstantial
material about them which has made this study possible. I have given a
detailed presentation of some Implications of their language elsewhere;
but since It was In their language that I first noticed the absence of
lineality, which led me to this study, I shall give here a summary of
the Implications of the language.

A Trobrland word refers to a self-contained concept. What we

consider an attribute or a predicate is to the Trobrlander an
Ingredient. Where I would, say, for example, "A good gardener," or "The
gardener Is good," the Trobrland word would Include both "gardener" and
"goodness"; If the gardener loses the goodness, he has lost a defining
Ingredient, he Is something else, and he Is named by means of a
completely different word. A taytu (a species of yam) contains a
certain degree of ripeness, bigness, roundedness, etc.; without oneof
these defining ingredients. It Is something else, perhaps a bwanawa or
a yowana___

Events and objects are self-contained points In another respect;

there Is a series of beings, but no becoming. There Is no temporal
connection between objects. The taytu always remains Itself; It does
not become over-ripe; over-ripeness Is an Ingredient of another, a
different being. At some point, the taytu turns Into a yowana, which
contains over-ripeness. And the yowana, over-ripe as It Is, does not
put forth shoots, does not become a sprouting yowana. When sprouts
appear. It ceases to be Itself; In Its place appears a silasata.
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122

Neither Is there a temporal connection made--or, according to our own

premises, perceived— between events; In fact, temporality Is
meaningless. There are no tenses, no linguistic distinction between
past or present. There Is no arrangement of activities or events into
means and ends, no causal or teleologtc relationships. What we
consider a causal relationship in a sequence of connected events, is to
the Trobrfander an Ingredient of a patterned whole. He names this
ingredient u'ula. A tree has a trunk, u'ula; a house has u'ula, posts;
a magical formula has u'ula, the first strophe; an expedition has
u'ula, a manager or leader; and a quarrel contains an u'ula, what we
would call a cause. There Is no purposive so as to; no for the purpose
of; there Is no why and no because. The rarely used pela which
Malinowski equates with for, means primarily to jump. In the culture,
any deliberately purposive behavior— the kind of behavior to which we
accord high status— Is despised. There Is noautomatlc relating of any
kind In the language. Except for the rarely used verbal It-dlfferents
and lt-sames, there are not terms of comparison whatever. And we find
In a^n analysis of behavior that the standard for behavior and of
evaluation is noncomparative.

These Implications of the linguistic material suggest to my mind

an absence of axiomatic lineal connection between events or objects In
the Trobrland apprehension of reality, and this Implication, as I shall
attempt to show below. Is reinforced In their definition of activity.
In our own culture, the line Is so basic, that we take It for granted,
as given In reality. We see It in visible nature, between material
points, and we see It between metaphorical points such as days or
acts---

In.our academic work, we are constantly acting In terms of an

Implied line. When we speak of applying an attribute, for example, we
visualize the process as lineal, coming from the outside. If I make a
picture of an apple on the board, and want to show that one side is
green and the other red, I connect these attributes with the pictured
apple by means of lines, as a matter of course; how else would I do
It? When I organize -my data, I draw conclusions from them. I trace a
relationship between my facts. I describe a pattern as a web of
relationships. Look at a lecturer who makes use of gestures; he Is
constantly making lineal connections In the air. And a teacher with
chalk In hand will be drawing lines on the board whether he be a
psychologist, a historian, or a paleontologist---

The line’Is found or presupposed In most of our scientific

work. It Is present In the Induction and deduction of science and
logic. It Is present In the philosopher's phrasing of means and ends
as lineally connected. Our statistical facts are presented lineally as
a graph or reduced to a normal curve. And all of us, I think, would be
lost wlthoyjt diagrams. We trace a historical development; we follow
the course of history and evolution down to the present and up from the
 123

apd; and It Is Interesting to note. In passing, that whereas both

evolution and history are lineal, the first goes up the blackboard, the
second goes down....

When we see a IIne of trees, or a circle of stones, we assume

the presence of a connecting line which Is not actually visible. And
we assume It metaphorically when we follow a 1Ine of thought, a course
of action or the direction of an argument; when we bridge a gap In the
conversation, or speak of the span of life or of teaching a course , or
lament our Interrupted career. We make children's embroidery cards and
puzzle cards on this assumption; our performance tests and even our
tests for sanity often assume that the line Is present In nature and,
at most, to be discovered or given visual existence.

But Is the line present In realtly? Malinowski, writing for

members of our culture and using Idioms which would be comprehensible
to them, describes the Trobrland village as follows: “ Concentrically
with the circular row of yam houses there runs a ring of dwelling
huts." He was, or at any rate, he represented the villages as two
circles. But in the texts which he recorded, we find that the
Irobrianders at no time mention circles or rings or even rows when they
refer to their villages. Any word which they use to refer to a
village, such as a or this. Is prefixed by the substantival element
kway which means bump or aggregate of bumps. This Is the element which
they use when they refer to a pimple or a bulky rash; or to canoes
loaded with yams. In their terms, a village Is an aggregate of bumps;
are they blind to the circles? Or did Malinowski create the circles
himself, out of his cultural axiom?

Again, for us as well as In Malinowski's description of the

TrobrIanders, which was written necessarily In terms meaningful to us,
all effective activity Is certainly not a haphazard aggregate of acts,
but a lineally planned series of acts leading to an envisioned end.
Their gardening with all Its specialized activities, both technical and
magical, leading to a rich ha/vest; their kula Involving the cutting
down of trees, the communal dragging of the tree to the beach, the
rebuilding or building of large sea-worthy canoes, the provisioning,
the magical and ceremonial activities Involved, surely all these can be
carried through only If they are lineally conceived. But the
Trobrlanders do not describe their activity lineally; they do no
dynamic relating of acts; they do not use even so Innocuous a
connective as and. Here Is part of a description of the planting of
coconut: "Thou-approach-there coconut thou-brlng-here-we-plant-coconut
thou-go thou-plant our coconut. Thls-here lt-emerge sprout.
He-push-away this we-push-away thls-other coconut-husk-flber tpgether
sprout lt-slt together root." We who are accustomed to seek lineal
continuity, cannot help supplying It as we read this; but the
continuity Is not given In the Trobrland text; and ail Trobrland
speech, according to Malinowski, Is "Jerky," given In points, not In

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connecting lines. The only connective I know of In Trobrland Is the

geja which I mentioned above; a kind of preposition which also means
"to Jump." I am not maintaining here that the Trobrlanders cannot see
continuity; rather that lineal connection Is not automatically made by
them, as a matter of course. At Malinowski's persistent questioning,
for example, they did attempt to explain their activities in terms of
cause or motivation, by stating possible "results" of uncooperative
action. But Malinowski found their answers confused, self­
contradictory. Inconsistent; their preferred answer was. "It was
ordained of old"— pointing to an Ingredient value of the act instead of
giving an explanation based on lineal connection___

It is because they find value In pattern that the Trobrlanders

act according to nonllneal pattern; not because they do not perceive
lineality.

But all Trobrland activity does not contain value; and when It
does not. It assumes lineality, and Is utterly despicable. For
example, the pattern of sexual Intercourse Includes the giving of a
gift from the boy to the girl; but If a boy gives a gift so as to win
the girl's favor, he Is despised. Again, the kula pattern Includes the
eventual reception of a gift from the original recipient; the pattern
Is such that It keeps the acts physically and temporally completely
disparate. In spite of this, however, some men are accused of giving
gifts as an Inducement to their kula partner to give them a specially
good kula gift. Such men are labeled with the vile phrase: he
barters. But this means that, unvalued and despised, lineal behavior
does not exist. In fact, there are villages In the Interior whose
Inhabitants live mainly by bartering manufactured articles for yams.
The Inhabitants of Omarakana, about whom Malinowski's work and this
study are mainly concerned, will barter with them, but consider them
pariahs.

This Is to say that It Is probable that the Trobrlanders

experience reality In nonllneal pattern because this Is the valued
reality; and that they are capable of experiencing lineally, when value
Is absent or destroyed. It Is not to say, however, that this. In
Itself, means that lineality Is given. Is present In nature, and that
pattern Is not. Our own Insistence on the line, such as lineal
causality, for example. Is often based on unquestioned belief or
value. To return to the subject of procreation, the husband In our
culture, who has long hoped and tried in vai-n to beget children, will
nevertheless maintain that Intercourse causes conception; perhaps with
the same stubbornness and embarrassment which the Trobrlanders
exhibited when maintaining the opposite---

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125

LINE VS. PATTERN

When we in our culture deal with events or experiences of the

elf, we use the line as guide for various reasons, two of which I shall
take up here. First, we feel we must arrange events chronologically In
a lineal order; how else could our historians discover the causes of a
war or a revolution or a defeat? Among the Trobrlanders, what
corresponds to our history Is an aggregate of anecdotes, that Is,
unconnected points, told without respect to Chronological sequence, or
development, or causal relationship; with no grammatical distinction
made between words referring to past events, or to present or
contemplated ones. And In telling an anecdote they take no care that a
temporal sequence should be followed. For Instance, they said to
Malinowski: "They-eat-taro, they-spew-taro, they-dlsgusted-taro"; but
If time, as we believe, Is a moving line, then the revulsion came first
In time, the vomiting was the result, coming afterward. Again, they
say, "This-here...rIpes...fal1s-down truly glves-blrth...sIts seed In
belly-hls"; but certainly the seed Is there first, and the birth
follows In time. If time Is lineal.

Secondly, we arrange events and objects In a sequence which Is

climactic. In size and Intensity, In emotional meaning, or according to
some other principle. We often arrange events from earlier to later,
not because we are Interested In historical causation, but because the
present. Is the climax of our history. But when the Trobrlander relates
happenings, there Is no developmental arrangement, no building up of
emotloanl tone. His stories have no plot, no lineal development, no
climax. And when he repeats his garden spell, his list Is neither
climactic, nor anticlimactlc; It sounds merely untidy to us:

The belly of my garden lifts

The belly of my garden rises
The belly of my garden reclines
The belly of my garden 1s-a-bushhen's-nest-ln-llftlng
The belly of my garden Is-an-anthl11
The belly of my garden llfts-bends
The belly of my garden 1s-an-lronwood-tree-ln-llftlng
The belly of my garden lles-down
The belly of my garden burgeons.

When the Trobrlanders set out on their great ceremonial kula

expedition, they follow a preestablished order. First comes the canoe
of the Tolabwaga, an obscure subclan. Next come the canoes of the
great chiefs. But this Is not climactic; after the great chiefs come
the commoners. The order derives meaning not from lineal sequence, but
from correspondence with a present, experienced, meaningful pattern,
which Is the recreation or realization of the mythical pattern; that
 126

which has been ordained of old and is forever. Its meaning does not
lie In an ltem-to-ltem relationship, but In fitness. In the repetition
of an established unit.

An ordering of this sort gives members of our society a certain

sthetlc disphoria except when, through deliberate training, we learn to
go beyond our cultural expectation; or, when we are too young to have
taken on the phrasings of our cuiture. When we manipulate objects
naively, we arrange them on some climactic lineal principle. Think of
a college commencement, with the faculty arranged In order of rank or
length of tenure or other mark of Importance; with the students
arranged according to Increasing physical height, from shortest to
tallest, actually the one absolutely Irrelevant principle as regards
the completion of their college education, which Is the occasion for
the celebration. Even when the sohplsticated avoid this principle,
they are not unconscious of It; they are deliberately avoiding
something which is there.

And our arrangement of history, when we ourselves are personally

Involved, Is mainly climactic. My great grandmother sewed by candle
light, my grandmother used a kerosene lamp, my mother did her studying
by gaslight, I did It by a naked electric celling light, and my
children have diffused fluorescent lighting. This is progress; this Is
the meaningful sequence. To the Trobriander, climax in history Is
abominable, a denial of all good, since it would imply not only the
presence of change, but also that change Increases the good; but to him
value lies In sameness. In repeated pattern. In the incorporation of
all time within the same point. What Is good In life Is exact Identity
with all past Trobrland experience, and all mythical experience. There
Is no boundary between past Trobrland existence and the present; he can
indicate that an action Is completed, but this does not mean that the
action Is past; It may be completed and present or timeless---

As we see our history clImactlcally, so do we plan future

experiences climactlcally, leading up to future satisfaction or
meaning. Hho but a very young child would think of starting a meal
with strawberry shortcake and ending It with spinach? We have come to
Identify the end of the meal with the height of satisfaction, and we
identify semantically the words dessert and reward, only because of the
similarity of their positions In a climactic line. The Trobrland meal
has no dessert, no line, no climax. The special bit, the relish, Is
eaten with the staple food; It Is not something to “look forward to."
while disposing of a meaningless staple.

None of the Trobrland activities are fitted Into a climatic

line. There is no Job, no labor, no drudgery which finds Its reward
outside the act. All work contains Its own satisfaction. We cannot
speak of S--R here, as all actlón contains Its own Immanent
"stimulus." The present Is not a means to future satisfaction, but
 127

good In Itself, as the future Is also good In Itself; neither better

nor worse, neither climatic nor antlclImactlc, In fact, not lineally
connected nor removed. It follows that the present Is not evaluated In
terms of its place within a course of action leading upward to a worthy
end. In our culture, we can rarely evaluate the present In itself. I
tell you that Sally Is selling notions at Hoolworth's, but this In
Itself means nothing. It acquires some meaning when I add that she has
recently graduated from Vassar. However, I go on to tell you that she
has been assistant editor of Vogue, next a nursemaid, a charwoman, a
public school teacher. But this Is a mere Jumble; It makes no sense
and has no meaning, because the series leads to nothing. You cannot
relate one Job to another, and you are unable to see them discretely
simply as part of her being. However, I now add that she Is gathering
material for a book on the working mother. Now all this falls In line.
It makes sense In terms of a career. Now her Job Is good and It makes
her happy, because It Is part of a planned climactic line leading to
more pay. Increased recognition, higher rank---

CONCLUSION

Are we then right In accepting without question the presence of

a line In reality? Are we In a position to say with assurance that the
Trobrlanders are wrong and we are right? Much of our present-day
thinking and much of our evaluation, are based on the premise of the
line apd of the line as good. Students have been refused admittance to
college because the autobiographic sketch accompanying their
application showed absence of the line; they lacked purposefulness and
ability to plan; they were Inadequate as to character as well as
Intellectually. Our conception of personality formation, our stress on
the significance of success and failure and of frustration In general.
Is based on the axiomatically postulated line. How can there be
blocking without presupposed lineal motion or effort? If I walk along
a path because I like the country, or If It Is not Important to get to
a particular point at a particular time, then the Insuperable puddle
from the morning's shower Ijs not frustrating; I throw stones Into It
and watch the ripples, and then choose another path. If the
undertaking Is of value In Itself, a point good In Itself, and not
because It leads to something, then failure has no symbolic meaning; It
merely results In no cake for supper, or less money In the family
budget; It Is not personally destructive. But failure Is devastating
In our culture, because It Is not failure of the undertaking alone; It
Is the moving, becoming, lineally conceived self which has failed.

Ethnographers have occasionally remarked that the people whom

they studied showed no annoyance when Interrupted. Is this an
Indication of mild temper, or might It be the case that they were not
Interrupted at all. as there was no expectation of lineal continuity?
Such questions are new In anthropology and most ethnographers therefore
never thought of recording material which would answer them. However,
 128

we do have enough material to make us question the line as basic to all

experience; whether It Is actually present In given reality or not, it
Is not always present In experienced reality. He cannot even take It
for granted as existing among those members of our society who are not
completely or naively steeped In their culture, such as many of our
artists, for example. And we should be very careful, in studying other
cultures, to avoid the unexamlned assumption that their actions are
based on the prediction of a lineal reality.

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SECTION THREE

SELF AND OTHER

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130

INTRODUCTION TO SELF AND OTHER

This section (and thus this Introduction) Is divided Into the two
parts: (I) Self, and (II) Other. We -treat these topics as one section
because there Is no neat way to consider each by itself. To discuss
the one necessitates a discussion of the other. The two are, however,
conceptually separable and mutually exclusive. And it Is this fact
that occasions the very distinctiveness of each. Whatever bears the
label "Self" would need no such label If no "Other" or "Not Self" was
perceived.

I. Self

"Self Is the Axis of Worldview"

One of the Joys of being a parent Is the opportunity to relive

snatches of my childhood experiences through the windows of my own
children's lives. I recall that as a child I would ride in my father's
1954 Packard with the large rear window. I remember being fadnated
that no matter where we went or which way we turned, the moon would
follow us. Recently I heard an echo from the past when my daughter,
who had been staring ever so quietly out of the rear window of our car,
announced excitedly, "Daddy, the moon Is following me!"

In the simple response of a child, there is truth to be observed,

for, In fact, all people view the world outwardly from the Self and
relate everything In the world (Including the moon) to themselves. As
reflective, observing, categorizing beings, people relate to the
universe with Self as the focal point of that relationship. In any
discussion of worldview, therefore, the point of departure Is the
realIty of the Self.

It Is that Issue to which Redfleld turns his attention In "The

Primitive Worldview" (see chapter one). The subsection title above Is
taken from that discussion. Immediately preceding that definition of
Self, Redfleld makes this observation:

World view differs from culture, ethos, mode of thought, and

national character. It Is the picture the members of a society
have of the properties and characters upon their stage of action.
While "national character" refers to the way these people look to
the outsider looking In on them, "world view" attends especially to
the way a man, In a particular society, sees himself In relation to
all else. It Is the properties of existence as distinguished from
and related to the Self. It Is, In short, a man's idea of the
universe. It Is that organization of Ideas which answers to a man
the questions: Where am I? Among what do I move? What are my
relations to these things (Redfleld 1952:270)?
 131

The Self Defined

What is Self? The question can be answered from at least two

perspectives. The first Is the locus of Self. Where the Self Is
perceived to "have Its abode" Is subject to variation, and can have an
effect on behavior. The second, and perhaps the more Important
perspective. Is the matter of the Self being defined by relationship.

The locus of Self. In many, perhaps most, worldviews, Self Is

Identified as related both to the physical and non-physical. Some
definitions of Self point to words like "soul," "psyche," and
"spirit." Other definitions locate Self In relationship to the body or
parts of the body. Westerners have traditionally spoken of the "heart"
while others refer to the liver or the area of the torso. "Self" Is
used with concepts like hurting himself, feeding herself, or looking at
one's self. Indicating that Self Is coterminous with the body (cf.
Kearney 1983:102 ff; also Lee 1953:143).

The conception of the locus of Self can affect one's behavior. Two
Illustrations are appropriate. Throughout the history of the church,
there has appeared a strong Identity of Self as totally exclusive of
the physical, driving men to abuse the body In order to benefit the
true Self or soul. Physical abuse has also been a part of non-
Chrlstlan belief systems. In the Nembl area of Papua New Guinea, grief
Is traditionally displayed by the amputation of a finger (or fingers).
This act demonstrates to the departed spirit a desire to suffer the
loss of a part of one's Self just as the departed spirit has lost a
part of Self by no longer Inhabiting Its body. In both Illustrations,
Self Is described as nonphysical, but Is, In fact, seen as at least
partially located In the physical.

Definition by relationship. The discussion of the locus of Self,

while undeniably important. Is also extremely difficult. As Indicated
earlier. Self Is ultimately defined In terms of relationship to Other.
From a philosophical standpoint, one might question whether a
distinctive Self can exlst'aslde from a distinctive Other. However
else philosophers may try to define Self. It Is at least definable as
that which perceives and relates to Other, Including a perception and
re 1a ttonsil Ip to Self as If It, too, were Other.

II. Other

The Concept of Other

The basic definition of Other Is simply all that Is Not Self.

That, on the other hand, Is not a simple statement. One need only to
glance around at what Is tangible and material, as well as at what Is

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 132

tangible and non-material, to experience the enormity of the myriad of

elements that constitute the Not Self. In short, anything perceivable
by Self Is Other.

A good Illustration of differential perceptions of Other Is found

In (Hebert's three-tiered taxonomy for the analysis of religious
systems. Although It Is part of Hlebert's chapter In this section, It
Is also reproduced here for the sake of convenience. (See next page.)

Hlebert's discussion of this taxonomy points to the western world-

view's Impotency In dealing with a three-tiered approach to Other due
to the absence of the- middle level. Within western society, there are,
of course, certain Ideas that are usually seen as deviations from a
"normal" two-tiered perspective. These Include such things as
astrology, numerology, witchcraft, and a variety of superstitions which
hardly fit Into a bottom, natural world level. The two-ttered western
model lacks the structure to deal with these, except in a vague way.
It may be appropriate to suggest that In a western perspective of
Other, these kinds of elements may constitute a "hidden middle."

Other as Personal and Nonpersonal

In several class discussions, Kraft has explored the categories of

"personal universe" and "nonpersonal universe." Other as "personal
universe" includes people, spirits, dietles, angels and demons; in
other words, all that Is perceived to have qualities of personhood.
Any beings or powers, both corporeal and noncorporeal that either act
with, or are conceived to act with, rational qualities Is included in
this category. Other as "nonpersonal universe" Is primarily conceived
with the natural world, referring to all to which personhood Is
attributed.

The classification of Other under these two categories Is

especially appropriate since worldview Is concerned with the einlc point
of view, and with this distinction the emlc Other may be reflected.
Marguerite Kraft's description of Kamwe guinea corn (Chapter 12 that
follows) Is a good example. If guinea corn Is classified as
nonpersonal, it Is the etlc point of view which Is being reflected.
While the Kamwe recognize guinea corn to be food, they also personalize
It. Since guinea corn and certain spirits are seen as very much a part
of each other, to address one Is to address the other. An emlc point
of view thus calls for guinea corn to be classified as “personal" Other.

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133

AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE

ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS

ORGANIC ANALOGY MECHANICAL ANALOGY

Based on concepts of living "
being relating to other
living beings. Stresses life,
personality, relationships,
functions, health, disease,
choice, etc. Relationships are
essentially moral In character.
Based on concepts of Impersonal
objects controlled by forces.
Stresses Impersonal, mechanistic
and deterministic nature of events.
Forces are essentially amoral In
character.

HIGH RELIGION HIGH RELIGION OTHER WORDLY

BASED ON COSMIC BASED ON COSMIC
BEINGS: 1 FORCES:
cosmic gods I kismet some other worlds
angels fate and in other times.
UNSEEN OR demons Brahman and karma
SUPERNATURAL spirits of Impersonal cosmic
Beyond Im­ other worlds forces
mediate sense
experience. ¿ |
Above natu-
ral explan­
ation. Know- . 1
ledge of FOLK OR LOW I MAGIC AND
this based RELIGION lASTROLOGY
on infer- local gods and i mana
ence or on goddesses astrological
supernatu- ancestors and ■ forces
ral experl- ghosts charms amulets
enees. spirits and magical
demons.and rl tes THIS WORDLY
evil spirits evil eye, Sees entitles and
dead saints evil tongue events as occurring
In this world and
universe.
SEEN OR FOLK SOCIAL FOLK NATURAL
EMPIRICAL SCIENCE SCIENCE
Directly Interaction of interaction of
observable S living beings natural objects
by the such as humans, 1 based on natural
senses. possibly anl- forces
Knowledge mals and plants | .
experiment­
ation and
observa­
tion (Hlebert 1982:39)
 í (

134

These two categories of Other are, however, unquestionably the

product of a western analytical approach. While suggesting that these
categories may be useful, Kraft carefully points out that except In
western analysis, they may be Inapplicable. Certain worldviews might
relate well to such a distinction while others would not. In' some
cases such a distinction may be "set In concrete"; In others, there may
be more varlabl11ty.

SUMMARY

Self and Other are two categories that are clearly distinguishable,
yet neither can be considered In the absence of the other. Self Is the
axis around which the Other of one's worldview revolves. It Is In fact
this centrality of, or focus on, the Self as the point from which
reality is viewed that makes worldview theory tick. While Self can be
defined partly In terms of Its locus, no definition Is possible apart
from the relationship of Self and Other.

The category of Other Involves a myriad of elements, Including both

the empirical and the supernatural, as well as the "this worldly" and
the "other worldly." These classifications of Other combine to
Illustrate the Inadequacy of the western worldview to Identify with
most non-western perceptions of Other. It also may be useful, at least
for analytical purposes, to consider Other as personal and nonpersonal,
i.e., as possessing or not possessing the characteristics of
personhood. Regardless of how Other Is classified or analyzed, It must
always be understood as It relates to Self.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

I. SELF

The chapter by Hallowell entitled "Basic Orientation Provided by

Culture" Is but a portion of a much longer essay bearing the title "The
Self and Its Behavioral Environment." The portion reproduced for this
Reader lists five orientations that culture provides for an Individual,
by means of which It structures the core of his behavioral
environment. While these five orientations correspond to some of the
other worldview categories In this Reader, they are approached from the
perspective of Self.

Dorothy Lee's case study of the Wlntu Indians of northern

California provides a unique contribution to the subject of Self. This
chapter contains an example either of an exception to, or an
unmistakable variation of the distinctiveness of Self and Other, as
there Is a clear sense of Self being identified with, and blended Into,
the Identlty of Other.
 135

The third chapter In this section Is an Invaluable study by Loewen

that relates Self to the value system. The article contains some
examples of western Insensitivity to the worldview of the Lengua
Indians and the major role their "Innermost" plays In their lives.
This research was conducted In an area of Paraguay where Mennonlte
missionaries had settled.

II. OTHER

All of the chapters that discuss Other have been chosen because of
their contribution to our understanding of the nonwestern Other.

Hlebert's chapter "The Flaw of the Excluded Middle" leads the

chapters concerning Other. It provides the reader with an excellent
schematic of Other as seen by western versus non-western societies, as
well as the Implications of that difference.

"Religion and Magic" by Spradley serves as an expanded discussion

of Hlebert’ s middle level. Interestingly enough one of the two ongoing
Illustrations In this chapter Is from a western setting, that of the
belief system of Jehavah's Witnesses In Chicago. Rather than
disproving Hlebert's contention that westerners lack the middle level.
It simply Identifies a western deviation from the norm, and Illustrates
that Spradley's perception of Jehovah's Witnesses and an African tribal
bel 1ef*system are In some ways equivalent.

The fadnatlng chapter by Marguerite Kraft on guinea corn serves §s

an Illustration of Hlebert's earlier article. The mlsslologlcal
Implications fairly leap off the page. Her discussion Is unfortunately
all too short, leaving the reader with a knawlng appetite for more on
guinea corn.
 r

Chapter Eight

BASIC ORIENTATIONS PROVIDED BY CULTURE

by A. Irving Hallowel1

The content of this chapter Is part of a larger essay

'In which Hallowel1 seeks to develop...“a frame of reference by
means of which it may be possible to view the Individual In
another society In terms of thé psychological perspective
which has culture constitutes for him..."(Hallowel1 1955:79).
The orientations that he thus addresses are seen as that
which structures the core of behavioral environment. The
reader will notice that the five orientations Hallowell lists
correspond to the worldview basic universal categories that
make up several of the sections of this study. This chapter
is unique In Its emphasis, however. In that It relates these
categories to Self.

t The first two paragraphs of the text that follows serve

as a "wrap up" for the earlier part of the larger essay, but
are Included here as Introductory remarks.

The traditional approach of cultural anthropology, having as one

of Its primary goals a reliable account of differential modes of life
found among the peoples of the world, has not been directly concerned

From Hallowel1 1955:83-110.

 138

with the behavior of Individuals. It has been culture-centered, rather

than behavior-centered. In consequence. It has been found convenient
to organize the presentation of the descriptive ethnographic data
collected In terms of a more or less conventional series of topics
(language, religion, technology, social organization, etc.). No matter
how reliable such data are, or whatever their value for'comparative and
analytic studies of culture, of necessity the material Is presented
from the standpoint of an outside observer. Presented to us In this
form, these cultural data do not easily permit us to apprehend. In an
Integral fashion, the most significant and meaningful aspects of the
world of the Individual as experienced by him and in terms of which he
thinks. Is motivated to act, and satisfies his needs. The language of
a people, as objectively described and analyzed in terms of Its formal
categories. Is not the language that exists for the individual uses It
as a means of communication. In reflective thought, as a mode of verbal
self-expression. He may, indeed, be quite unconscious of Its objective
characteristics. It Is an Integral part of himself and his world. It
is neither "objective" nor "subjective." The same holds true, In
principle, for other cultural phenomena when viewed from the standpoint
of the Individual within his cultural setting. Because culture can be
objectively described and for certain purposes treated as If It were a
sul generis phenomenon, It Is sometimes Implied, or even argued, that
it is In fact phenomenologically autonomous. To do so is to
misunderstand totally the basic conditions of human psychological
adjustment. Any Inner-outer dichotomy, with the human skin as a
boundary. Is psychologically Irrelevant. As Murray points out, with
reference to this problem considered onto-genetically— "much of what Is
now Inside the organism was once outside. For these reasons, the
organism and Its milieu must be considered together, a single
creature-environment Interaction being a convenient short unit for
psychology."

The concept of behavioral environment enables us. to take

cognizance of this fact, to appraise and reorder culturally given data
to bring Into focus the actual structure of the psychological field of
the Individual. At the same time It enables us to approximate more
closely to an "Inside" view of a culture, the kind of naive orientation
we unconsciously assume towards our own culture, but which Is so
difficult to achieve In the case of another. More specifically,
viewing a culture from the "Inside" can best be achieved If we organize
our data In a manner that permits us, as far as possible, to assume the
outlook of the self In Its behavioral environment.

BASIC ORIENTATIONS PROVIDED BY CULTURE

From this standpoint culture may be said to play a constitutive

role In the psychological adjustment of the Individual to his world.
 139

The human Individual must be provided with certain basic orientations

In order to act Intelligibly In the world he apprehends. Such
orientations are basic In the sense that they are peculiar to a human
level of adjustment. They all appear to revolve around man's capacity
for self-awareness. If It be assumed that the functioning of human
societies depends In some way upon this psychological fact. It Is not
difficult to understand why all human cultures must provide the
Individual with basic orientations that are among the necessary
conditions for the development, reinforcement, and effective
functioning of self-awareness. It Is these orientations that may be
.said to structure the core of the behavioral environment of the self In
any culture. Whereas cultural means and content may vary widely,
common Instrumental functions can be discerned.

Self-Orlentatlon.— Animals below man, for instance, even though

they may be highly capable of acting In a complex behavioral
environment that Includes many classes of objects other than
themselves, Including other animals of their species, do not have to
become self-oriented In order to function adequately In a social
group. On the other hand, one of the common functions of culture Is to
provide various means of self-orlentatlon for the human being.

It Is quite generally recognized that language plays and

essential role In this self-orlentatlon. But only certain features of
language have been emphasized, to the exclusion of others, while the
generic function of all languages In providing linguistic means of
self-orlentatlon has not been sufficiently stressed.

• Despite wide variations In linguistic structure Boas called

attention years ago to the fact that "the three personal pronouns — I,
thou, and he— occur In all human languages" and emphasized that "the
underlying Idea of these pronouns is the clear distinction between self
as speaker, the person or object spoken to. and that spoken of." If
this be accepted, we have an unequivocal Indication that languages all
have a common soclopsycholoql£aI function. They provide In the human
Individual with a linguistic means of self-other orientation in all
contexts of Interpersonal verbal communication. A personal existence
and sphere of action Is defined as a fundamental reference point.

Although we do not have parallel Investigations In other

societies, In Western culture we have had a number of studies which
Indicate the mastery of our system of personal and possessive pronouns
at a very early age. According to Gesell, for example, the child
begins to use self-reference words— mlne, me. you, and I. In that
order— at two years, whereas at eighteen months self and "not self" are
not clearly differentiated. •

)
 140

As compared with the mastery of a pronominal system we know very

little about the aqulsttlon and use of kinship terms in ontogenetic
perspective. In many nonliterate societies such terms are among the
major linguistic means that orient the Individual In a self-other
dimension In relation to his roles In the social order.

Then there Is the universal phenomenon of personal names. The$e

are related to self-orlentatlon In so far as they ai'e personal and
serve as a linguistic device for self-tdentificatlon and unequivocal
Indentiflcatlon of the self by others. The fact that in some cultures
the Individual knows his name although It may not be customary for him
to use It freely for self-ldentlficatlon Indicates the need for more
detailed studies fo the variable aspect of personal naming In relation
to self-orlentatlon. But the ubiquitous fact of personal naming must
be considered to be In the same functional category as the pronominal
pattern.

In this connection It would also be Interesting to know more

about the role which personal names play In the sexual orientation of
the self. Certainly in many cultures— although how widespread the
custom Is I do not know— the panel of names available for boys Is not
the same as for girls. Names are sex-linked. Under these
circumstances, knowing one's own name Is equivalent to knowing one's
own sex. Awareness of one's sexual status Is likewise Implied In the
use of certain kinship terms In many cultures, so that,* in acquiring
the proper use of kinship terms, the child likewise becomes sexually
oriented. There are other aspects of language that should be
considered In relation to self-orlentatlon. but these Illustrations
must suffice.

Whatever the Idiosyncratic content of the self-image may be and

whatever weight it may be given In psychodynamic analysis, the content
of the self-image Is, in part, a culturally constituted variable.
While one of the constant functions of all cultures therefore Is to
provide a concept of self along with other means that promote
self-orlentatlon, the Individuals of a given society are self-oriented
In terms of a provincial content of the self-image.

This by no means Implies that we should expect to find a single

linguistic term or a concept even roughly equivalent to "self," "ego,"
or "soul" In all cultures. The absence of any such single term and the
correlative fact that the self-image may present subtleties foreign to
our mode of thinking Is one of the reasons such a topic, approached
from outside a culture, poses Inherent difficulties. On the other
hand, there are analogies familiar to the anthropologist. Art.
religion, and law, for example, have been Investigated In societies In

( I
which abstract term for such phenomena do not exist. It also has been
found that too rigid a priori definitions and concepts, consciously or
unconsciously modeled after those of our own Intellectual tradition,
may even lead to a denial that comparable phenomena exist In other
cultures, only because the phenomena observed fall to meet all the
requirements of the definitions and concepts employed by the observer.
In any case, we must not expect to find concepts of the self among
nonliterate peoples clearly articulated for us. To a certain extent it
is necessary to approach the whole subject naively, to pursue It
obliquely from different angles, to attack the conceptual core of the
problem In terms of Its pragmatic Implications and In the full light of
related concepts in a single cultural matrix. We already know from
available data, for Instance, that such concepts as reincarnation,
metamorphosis, and the notion that under certain circumstances the
"soul" may leave the body, must be relevant to variations in the
self-image which different peoples have. But we know much less about
the way In which such concepts become psychologically significant for
the Individual in relation to his motivations, goals, and life
adjustment.

Object Orientation.— A second function of all cultures is the

orientation of the self to a diversified world of objects In Its
behavioral environment, discriminated, classified, and conceptualized
with respect to attributes which are culturally constituted and
symbolically mediated through language. The role of language In
object-orientation Is as vital as in self-orientation. The late Ernst
Cassirer laid special emphasis upon this point. "Language," he said,
"does not enter a world of completed objective perceptions only to add __
to Individually given and clearly delimited objects, one In relation to
the other, 'names' which will be purely external and arbitrary signs;
rather, It Is Itself a mediator in the formation of objects. It Is, in
a sense, the mediator par excellence, the most Important and most
precise Instrument for the conquest and the construction of a true
world of objects." It Is this objectifying function of speech that
enables man to live and act In an articulated world of objects that Is
psychologically incomparable with that of any other creature.

Object orientation likewise provides the ground for an

intelligible interpretation of events in the behavioral environment on
the basis of traditional assumptions regarding the nature and
attributes of the objects Involved, and implicit or explicit dogmas
regarding the "causes" of events. A cosmic and metaphysical
orientation of the self supplies a conceptual framework for action In
an orderly rather than a chaotic universe. It Is not necessary, of
course, that the individual be aware of the underlying metaphysical
principles Involved, any more than It Is necessary that he be aware of
the grammatical principles of the language that he speaks. But the
former are as open to Investigation as the latter. It Is for this
reason that considerable cognition has been created by the application
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of the natural-supernatural category to nonliterate peoples In

approaching their religion or world view. This dichotomy simply
reflects the outcome of metaphysical speculation In latter-day thought
In Western culture. Instead of assuming a priori that this dichotomy
Is really meaningful In other cultures, It might be more profitable to
discover the metaphysical principles that actually exist. At any rate,
If we assume the outlook of the self as culturally oriented in a
behavioral environment with cosmic dimensions and Implicit metaphysical
principles, a great deal of what Is ordinarily described as "religion"
Is seen to Involve the attitudes, needs, goals, and affective
experience of the self In Interaction with certain classes of objects
In the behavioral environment. These classes of objects are typically
other selves— spiritual beings, deities, ancestors. The relation of
the self to them may. Indeed, be characterized by the same patterns
that apply to Interpersonal relations with other human beings. In any
case, the Individual must be quite as aware of his status in relation
to other-than-human beings, as he Is In relation to his human
associates. He must learn to play his proper role In response to their
roles as culturally defined.

In other words, the "social" relations of the self when

considered In Its total behavioral environment may be far more
Inclusive than ordinarily conceived. The self In its relations with
other selves may transcend the boundaries of social life as objectively
defined. This Is a fact of some psychological importance since It Is
relevant to the needs, motivations, and goals of Individuals under
certain circumstances. At the same time, the social relations of the
self In this more Inclusive sense may not be directly relevant In a
sociological frame of reference where the aim of the observer is to
define the lineaments of "social structure" In the usual sense. That
Is, the social structure, defined as a result of such an Investigation,
may not be the phenomenon apprehended by the self, nor represent the
most salient aspects, for the Individual, for the greater society of
selves apprehended In the behavioral environment. In some cultures the
social orientation of the self may be so constituted that relations
with deceased ancestors or other-than-human selves become much more
crucial for an understanding of the most vital needs and goals of the
Individual than do Interpersonal relations with other human beings.

Spatlotemporal Orientation.— Since the self must be prepared for

action, a thlfd basic orientation that all cultures must provide is
some kind of spatlotemporal frame of reference. Animals have to find
their way about In space, but they do not have to be oriented In an
acquired schema that Involves the conscious use of culturally
constituted reference points and the awareness of one's position In
space. Just as a culture provides the means that enable the Individual
to Identify himself and to define his position with reference to his
behavior In a scheme of social relations. It likewise provides him with
the means for defining his position In a spatial frame of reference
 143
i
that transcends Immediate perceptual experience. Getting lost or
becoming spatially disoriented Is apt to be an emotionally distressing
situation for an Individual In any culture. The capacity to move
freely and intelligently from place to place, to conceptualize the
spatial location of one's destination, and to be able to reach It, as
well as to be able to return back home. Is a commonplace of everyday
human living.

Just as personal names mediate self-ldentlfIcatlon and personal

reference. In the same way names for places and significant
topographical features are a universal linguistic means for
discriminating and representing stabilized points In space which enable
the self to achieve spatial orientation. Place names become focal
points In the organized directional schema made available to the
Individual through knowledge and experience. Such stable points of
reference are not only a guide to action, once known they can be
mentally manipulated In relational terms at a more abstract level, as
In maps for example. Place names likewise become Integrated with the
temporal orientation of the self. For self-awareness Implies that the
Individual not only knows where he Jy, but where he was at some
previous moment In time, or where he expects to be In the future. The
identification of the self with a given locus— be It a dwelling, a
camp, a village, or what not— also depends upon the linguistic
discrimination of place. Other selves, living or dead, and selves of
an other-than-human category likewise can be assigned a characteristic
spatial locale through the device of place-naming. Place-naming Is
another common denominator of cultures.

Orientation In time Is coordinate with spatial orientation and,

however simple the means or crude the temporal Intervals discriminated
may be, the self Is temporally as well as spatially oriented In all
cultures. Temporal disorientation Is abnormal In any culture If Judged
In relation to the traditional temporal schema. Of course. In a
culture without names for days of the week self-orlentatlon In time Is
not possible In terms of (his particular schema. On the other hand. If
"moons" are named it Is assumed that the Individual knows his "moons..."

The deeper psychological Implications of the relation between

temporal orientation and the emergence and functioning of self-
awareness In the human being are nowhere more clearly apparent than In
the Integral connections between memory processes and the development
of a feeling of self-identity. This Integral relation Is one of the
necessary conditions required If any sense of self-contlnulty Is to
become salient. Human beings maintain awareness of self-continuity and
personal Identity In time through the recall of past experiences that
are Identified with the self-image. If I cannot remember, or recall at
will, experiences of an hour ago, or yesterday, or last year that I
readily Identify as my experiences, I cannot maintain an awareness of
self-continuity In time. At the lowest functional level, however.

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recall neither implies volition nor any capacity to organize the memory
Images of past events In any temporal schema. Even If we should grant
animals below man a very high capacity for recall, without some
symbolically based and culturally derived means, It would be Impossible
to organize what Is recalled In relation to a temporal schema,'on the
one hand, and a self-image, on the other. Consequently, In order for a
sense of self-continuity to become a functionally significant factor In
self-awareness, the human Individual must be temporally oriented as
well as self-oriented. If we wish to postulate a sense of self­
continuity as a generic human trait, a culturally constituted temporal
orientation must be assumed as a necessary condition. This seems to be
a reasonable hypothesis In view of the fact that self-ldentlfIcatlon
would have no functional value In the operation of a human social order
If, at the same time, It was not given a temporal dimension. Who I am,
both to myself and others, would have no stability. It would make It
Impossible to assume that patterns of Interpersonal relations could
operate In terms of a continuing personnel. From this standpoint, I
believe It can be deduced that psycholpathologlcal phenomena that
affect the maintenance of personal Identity and continuity must of
necessity be considered abnormal in any society. For In order to play
my designated roles I not only have to be aware of who I am today,, but
be able to relate my past actions to both past and future behavior. If
I am unable to do this there Is no way I can assume moral responsi­
bility for my conduct. I am not quite the same person today as I was
yesterday If the continuity of my experience Is constricted through the
Impairment of memory or, as In the case of some Individuals with
"muí tiple" personalities, different sets of memory Images become
functional as a "new" personality manifests Itself. Fugue states. In
some Instances, are unconsciously motivated devices for breaking the
sense of self-continuity, for disconnecting the self from past actions
felt to be morally reprehensible.

There Is still another Important aspect of the relation between

the temporal orientation of the self and the maintenance of self­
continuity. Tills Is the time-span of recalled experiences that become
self-related. Cultural variables are Involved here. Hliat we find In
certain Instances Is this: not only Is a continuity of self-assumed,
self-related experiences are given a retrospective temporal span that
far transcends the limits beyond which we know reliable accounts of
personal experience can be recalled. The earliest experience of the
human being cannot become self-related and recalled as such because the
Infant has not yet become an object to himself, nor has he Incorporated
any working temporal schema which makes possible the differentiation of
experiences of this period from later ones. Besides this, past
experience as recalled Implies a spatial as well as a temporal frame of
reference---

From modern observation, we also are aware of the distortion of

early memories that can occur through repressive amnesia and the

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145

phenomena of pseudo-memory. One Instance of the latter. In the form of

de¿a_yue turned up while I was collecting Rorschach protocols among the
Northern OJIbwa. Having been presented with Card I this subject
hesitated a long while before he would say anything at all. Then he
went Into -a long disquisition the main point of which Involved the
statement that when he was a baby and still on a cradle board (l.e.,
long before he was able to talk) he had once looked up through a smoke
hole of the wigwam and seen exactly what he now saw before him on the
Rorschach card.

Facts such as these Indicate plainly enough that self-related

experience as recalled need hot be true In order to be psychologically
significant for the Individual or his associates. Since reliable
knowledge regarding the vagaries of memory Is such a recent acquisition
In our own culture, It Is easy to understand how, through the long span
of human history, the door has been left wide open to varying emphases
In different cultures upon the nature and the time span of past
experiences that can be self-related. Although less directly related
to the self, there Is the correlative problem of how far It Is possible
for any reliable knowledge of past historical events to exist In
communities of nonliterate peoples. Events of the past, whether
connected with the self or not, cannot assume conceptual reality unless
they are Incorporated In the psychological field of present awareness.
This Is only made possible through symbolic means; past events have to
be represented In some fashion In order to become salient. Even though
, some temporal orientation that permits the ordering of past events In
sequence may exist, with no written records or other checks, knowledge
of such events can only be communicated through the recalled memories,
of Individuals, and the repetition of narratives that embody these.
And, Just as retrospective self-related experience may be culturally
defined as reliable, even though It may date from the womb or earliest
Infancy in the same way myth and legend may be accepted as "history.”
Thus a temporal dimension* transcending the life-span of living
individuals can be given to significant events that pertain to the life
histories of mythological as well as human figures of importance In the
traditional belief of a people.

One common type of past experience that may become particularly

Important when Integrated with certain concepts of the nature of the
self Is dreaming. Once we recognize the fact that self-awareness Is a
generic human trait, that a self-related experience of the past depends
upon a memory process (recall) and that the human Individual Is at the
same time exposed to some culturally constituted self-image, there Is
nothing psychologically abstruse about the Incorporation of dream
experience Into the category of self-related experiences. Self-
awareness being as phenomenally real In dreams as In walking life there
Is no Inherent discontinuity on this.score. Assuming an autonomous
soul separable from the body under certain conditions, as In sleep. It
Is possible to Interpret dream experiences as personal experiences,
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146

even though In retrospect the experiences undergone by the self In this

phase may far transcend the self-related experiences of walking life In
unusual spatial mobility, or In other ways. This by no means Implies,
however, that the Individual Ignores or Is unaware of any distinction
between sef-related experience when awake and when asleep. A sense of
self-continuity conceptually Integrated with a self-image, provides the
necessary connecting link. Dream experiences become integrated through
the same kind of memory process through which other experiences become
self-related. But this integration of experience from both sources
does mean that the content of self-related experiences may In different
cultures assume qualitatively distinctive attributes.

A dream of one of my OJIbwa Informants will serve to document

several of the foregoing points In a concrete form.

As I was going about hunting, with my gun In my hand, I came

to a lake. A steep rock rose from the lake shore. I climbed
up this rock to have a look across the lake. I thought I
might sight a moose or some ducks. When I glanced down
towards the water's edge again, I saw a man standing by the
rock. He was leaning on his paddle. A canoe was drawn up to
the shore and In the stern sat a woman. In front of her
rested a cradle board with a baby In It. Over the baby's
face was a piece of green mosquito netting. The man was a
stranger to me but I went up to him. I noticed that he hung
his head In a strange way. He said, "You are the first man
(human being) ever to see me. I want you to come and visit
me." So I jumped into this canoe. Hhen I looked down I no­
ticed that it was all of one piece. There were no ribs or
anything of the sort, and there was no bark covering. (I do
not know what It was made of.)

On the northwest side of the lake there was a very high

steep rock. The man headed directly for this rock. Mlth one
stroke of the paddle we were across the lake. The man threw
his paddle down as we landed on a flat shelf of rock almost '
level with the water. Behind this the rest of the rock rose
steeply before us. But when his paddle touched the rock this
part opened up. He pulled the canoe In and we entered a room
In the rock. It was not dark there, although I could see no
holes to let In any light. Before I sat down the man said,
"See, there Is my father and my mother." The hair of those
old people was as white as a rabbit skin. I could not see a
single black hair on their heads. After I had seated myself
I had a chance to look around. I was amazed at all the arti­
cles I saw In the room--guns, knives, pans and other trade
goods. Even the clothing these people wore must have come
from a store. Yet I never remembered having seen this man at i
a trading post. I thought I would ask him, so I said, "You
 147

told me that I was the first human being you had seen. Hhere,
then, did you buy all of these articles I see?" To this he
replied, "Have you never heard people talking about pagltcIgan
(sacrifices)? These articles were given to us. That Is how
we got them." Then he took me Into another room and told me
to look around. I saw the meat of all kinds of animals—
moose, caribou, deer, ducks. I thought to myself, this man
must be a wonderful hunter, If he has been able to store up
all this meat. I thought it very strange that this man had
never met any other Indians In all his travels. Of course, I
did not know that I was dreaming. Everything was the same as
I had seen It with my eyes open. When I was ready to go I
got up and shook hands with the man. He said, "Anytime that
you wish to see me, this Is the place where you will find me."
He did not offer to open the door for me so I knew that I had
to try and do this myself. I threw all the power of my mind
Into opening It and the rock lifted up. Then I woke up and
knew that It was a dream. It was one of the first I ever had.
(The narrator added that later he discovered a rocky eminence
on one of the brances of the Berens River that corresponded
exactly to the place he had visited In his dream.)

My Informant W.B. narrated*thls dream as the equivalent of many

other personal experiences he had told me about that were not dream
experiences. The phenomenal reality of self-awareness Is* as evident
here ds In his other narratives, but he distinguishes this narrative as
a dream. It Is noteworthy, too, that the behavioral environment of the
dreamer Is spatially continuous with that of waking life. This Is
unequivocal, not only because the narrator starts off by saying he was
out hunting and because the topographical features of the county
conform to ordinary experience, but particularly because of the comment
In parentheses at the very end. He recognized later when awake the
®><§ct_sgot he had visited In the dream. He could go back there at
anytime In the future and obtain the special kind of medicine that the
Oli^ogweckwak, beings he met, are famous for. Had he been a pagan,
this Is what he would havedone, he told me. '‘ For he received a special
blessing— this Is the Implication of what they told him on parting, and
of the fact that he was able to "will himself out" of their rocky
abode. The fact that W. B. thought he could act In the future with
reference to a dream experience of the past shows an Implied temporal
continuity of the self In a behavioral environment with a unified
spatlotemporal frame of reference for a_M self-related experience The
anthropomorphic characters that appear In the dream are of particular
Interest because they are not human (anielnabek), yet they are
well-known Inhabitants of the behavioral environment of the Northern
OJIbwa.

What Is of special theoretical Importance for our discussion Is

that whereas most nonhuinan beings of the behavioral environment of the

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Ojlbwa can only be met In dreams. It Is otherwise with memengweclwak.

These beings reputedly have been seen or heard singing in ordinary life
by a number of Indians. This "equivocal" status also demonstrates the
unified structure of the behavioral environment of the Ojlbwa. It Is
Impossible to dichotomize It' In our terms and make psychological sense
from the anecdotal accounts of the OJIbwa themselves. Memengweclwak
are not human beings (Indians); nor are they “spiritual" entitles In
the sense of being perceptually Intangible beings dwelling In a spatial
region remote from man. From the Ojlbwa point of view they are
inhabitants of the same terrestlal region as men and belong to the same
class of perceptually apprehensible objects as a moose, a tree, or a
man. And, like them, they may be “ perceived" in dreams as well as In
ordinary dally life.

Consonant with this conception of these beings anecdotes are

told about Indians who sometimes have met memengweclwak while out
hunting. One of these stories has an Interesting climax. After
following some memengweclwak to one of their rocky dwellings an Indian,
according to his own account, attempted to follow them In. But the
rocks closed as soon as memengweclwak had gone through. As the prow of
his canoe bumped hard against the rocks, the Indian heard memengweclwak
laughing Inside. On the other hand, an old man once told me that he
had seen his fathr enter the rocks. What the Ojlbwa say Is that It Is
necessary to receive a blessing from memengweclwak In a dream first.
This Is the significance that W. B. attributed to his dream experience,
although, being a Christian, he never took advantage of It to become a
manao (l.e., an Indian doctor who uses medicine obtained from
memengweclwak).

It would be possible to demonstrate from other dream material

how the horizon of self-related experience Is enormously broadened
through the Integration of this kind of experience with that of waking
life. The range of mobility of the self In space and time may likewise
be extended throughout the limits of the behavioral environment. In
the case of the Ojlbwa, human beings share such mobility with the
nonhuman selves of their behavioral environment. Furthermore, the
psychological fact that the Individual actually does experience such
phenomena (In dreams) Is one of the main reasons the events of
mythological narrative can assume reality In the context of the same
behavioral environment. Experientially, the world of the self and the
world of myth are continuous. How far this Is actually the case In any
culture Is. I believe, open to empirical Investigation.

In the past decade or so the “

personal document" approach In
anthropology has begun to yield a new dimension to ethnography. A
number of autobiographies of individuals In nonliterate societies have
appeared. But one point has been overlooked. If concepts of the self
and the kind of experiences that become self-related are culturally
constituted, then the content of autobiographical data must likewise be

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considered In a variable framework. This content In some cultures will

not be In accord with the kind of self-related experience that we
consider autobiographical In Western culture. It may contain a great
deal of the fantasy material that we exclude from autobiography and
relegate to dreams or vision. The anthropologist may collect dreams,
It is true; but such data may be separated from autobiographical data
on an a priori basis and never considered as Integrally related to a
self-image. In recent years, the aim of collecting dreams has been
principally Inspired by their value for the analysis of personality.
At another level, however, dreams or other fantasy data may be relevant
to autobiography, If we consider that autobiography involves a
retrospective account of the experiences of the self. It would be
Interesting to know what a systematic phrasing of autobiography with
relation to the self-image of a culture might bring forth. One thing
the Investigator would then encourage would be the searching of the
subject's memory and the recall of all experiences that were
Interpreted by him a self-related.

Temporal orientation Is not only an Important means through

which past experience can be organized In a self-related manner; a
temporal schema Is directly related to future conduct, to contemplated
action, to the destiny of the self. This Implies the notion of
self-continuity as one of the ubiquitous aspects of self-awareness.
The self not only has a past and a present, but a long future
existence. Murdock lists eschatology as a common denominator of
culture. The self may be conceived to be Immortal, Indestructible, or
eternal. Such grandiose attributes of the self-image necessitate a
spatlotemporal frame of reference since deceased selves. If they
continue to exist, must exist somewhere. To understand the orientation
of the self In Its culturally constituted behavioral environment,
future time and a cosmographlc dimension cannot be Ignored.

Motivational Orientation.— A fourth orientation with which a

culture must provide the self may be characterized as motivational.
Motivational orientation Is orientation of the self towards the objects
of Its behavioral environment with reference to the satisfaction of Its
needs. This Is why the self must be groomed for action. The
satisfaction of needs requires some kind of activity. A world of
objects Is not only discriminated; objects of different classes have
specific attributes that must be taken Into account In Interaction with
them; even the valence they have for the self Is culturally
constituted. Some classes of objects may have highly positive
attributes; others may, on occasion, or even characteristically, be
threatening to the security of the self. Consequently, any sort of
activity must be given purposeful direction In order that the pursuit
of appropriate goals may contribute to the needs of the self. Since
the motivational structure of Individuals Includes the entire range of
needs. Interests, wants, and attitudes that underlie the functioning of
a human social order, a motivational orientation Is as necessary for
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150

the maintenance and the persistence of traditional culture patterns as

it Is for the psychological adjustment of the individual.

Motives at the human le'vel are peculiarly complex because they

are essentially acquired rather than innately determined. In
consequence, their range and variety is very great. Many attempts to
reduce human motives to constant biological attributes of the organism,
or physiological determinants, have proved Inadequte. By this means we
can, at best, only speak In terms of a common denominator of needs. In
doing so we not only Ignore the most characteristic feature of human
motives, but also the relation of needs to the self as culturally
constituted---

If in approaching the problem of human needs we take Into

account the needs of the self, then It would seem necessary- to
Investigate variant needs of the self In its behavioral environment.
In this way we may be able to identify and discriminate motivational
patterns In the psychological field of the Individual that may escape
us entirely If we rely exclusively upon any reductionists approach.

It has been frequently pointed out that In the process of self-

objectlfIcatlon the self becomes an object of value for the human
Individual.... Cultures not only share a common function In mediating
self-objectlfIcatlon, It Is one of their concomitant functions to '
constitute the self as a primary object of value in a world of other
objects. While self-love when considered in terms of the
psychodynamics of the Individual may have its own idiosyncratic
patterns and while there are undoubtedly cultural variables to be
considered. It seems difficult to escape the conclusion that some
positive rather than negative evaluation of self Is one of the
conditions necessary for a human level of normal psychological
adjustment. Neither the principle of homeostasis nor an "instinct of i
self-preservation" accounts for the needs of the human Individual at
this level of adjustment. Motivations that are related to the needs of
the self as an object of primary value in Its behavioral environment
are not In the same category as the needs of animals whose behavior Is
motivated In a psychological field In which any form of self-reference
Is lacking.

With this fact In mind, concepts such as self-enhancement,

self-defense, aspiration level become more meaningful In cross-cultural
perspective. The same Is true for a deeper psychological understanding
of concepts such as selfishness, self-love, self-interest. That there
are Important cultural variables Involved and that an examination of
them Is pertinent to motivation Is Implied by Fromm. From the
standpoint of motivational orientation the phenomena characterized as
"ego-involvement," the Identification of the self with things,
individuals, and groups of Individuals, Is likewise of great
importance. The range and character of "ego-involvements" as
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constituted by variations In the structure of different behavioral

environments need detailed examination.

By way of Illustration, a brief consideration of some of the

fore-going concepts In relation to .the Interpretation of the motives of
Individuals In a nonllterate culture may serve to highlight some of the
essential problems.

Among the OJIbwa Indians, a hunting people, food-sharing beyond

the Immediate family circle might appear to suggest unselfishness,
generosity, affection, kindness, and love. Without denying altogether
motives that such terms may suggest, I believe that any Immediate
Interpretation of this sort Is misleading. Nor can It be assumed that
food-sharing Is an Indication that the Individual has become so closely
Identified with other members of his group that there Is an Inseparable
coalescence of Interest. It Is demonstrable that one of the most
potent motivations In food-sharing and hopltallty Is apprehension or
fear of sorcery. Food-sharing Is an act of self-defense against
possible aggression, for sorcery Is a potential danger that Is always
present. It Is necessary to be continually on the alert. Consequently,
food-sharing cannot be Interpreted motivationally without further
knowledge of relevant cultural facts.

Even from an economic point of view, food-sharing may be

Interpreted as a defense against a realistic threat-starvation. In
the aboriginal period and even In this century, there are vicissitudes
Inherent In OJIbwa economy and ecology that are potent with anxiety.
While I may be very lucky In my hunting or fishing today, I am also •
likely to be periodically faced with starvation. For try as hard as I
may, I cannot secure enough to feed my family. Thus a system of mutual
sharing of food bridges lean periods for everyone. When considered In
relation to sorcery It Is not difficult to see how malevolent motives
may be attributed to any Individual who refuses to share food, or who
falls to be hospitable. If I don't share what I have with you, when
you need It, I must be hostile to you. At any rate, you may In turn
become angry and attack me by means of sorcery. On the other hand. If
I always share what I have no one will have reason to sorcerlze me on
that score, and I will suffer from much less anxiety. At the same
time, by playing my expected role, any anxiety that I may have about
what may happen to me In lean periods Is allayed. The psychological
reality of this motivational picture Is supported by a case In which an
Indian overlooked another man when he was passing around a bottle of
whiskey. Later when this Indian became 111, he was certain that the
man he overlooked got angry and sorcerlzed him. His Illness was a
revengeful act In retaliation for not sharing the whiskey. This
pattern of sharing Is so deep-seated that I have seen very small
children, when given a stick of candy. Immediately share It with their
playmates.

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If we consider motives to be Intervening variables which, since

they cannot be directly observed, must always be Inferred, It Is even
more apparent why the self must be given some motivational
orientation. As observers of the behavior of people In another
cultural setting, it is almost Inevltable that we go astray unless we
have some understanding of this orientation. While the positive
evaluation given the self Implies the basic Importance of self-defense
In relation to motivation, the discrimination of the actual motives
that have self-defense as their goal requires some understanding of
culturally constituted threats to the self. The fact that the OJIbwa
live In a behavioral environment where the threat of sorcery exists
Inevitably gives a characteristic coloring to their motivational
patterns related to self-defense. The need for some means of defense
against sorcery becomes highly salient for them so that activities such
as food-sharing, hospitality, and lending, which In another culture
might be placed In another motivational category, must here be
considered In relation to self-defense.

There Is another side to this picture, however, which requires

parallel emphasis. A more ultimate goal than self-defense Is what the
OJIbwa call plmadazlwln: Life In the most Inclusive sense. One hears
them utter this word In ceremonies over and over again. It means a
long life and a life free from Illness or other misfortune. To them It
Is far from a banal or commonplace Ideal. The Ir dally existence Is not
an easy one and there are many things that threaten life. Motivational
orientation toward this central goal Involves a consideration of
culturally constituted means that assist the Individual In reaching
It. Among these, the help of other selves— entities that are willing
to share their power with men— Is the most Important. These are the
pawaganak. They exist In the behavioral environment and they become
primary goal-objects of the self In achieving plmadazlwln. An
essential aspect of the motivational orientation of the self Involves
an attitude of dependence upon these pawaganak. Human beings are
conceived of as intrinsically weak and helpless, so far as what we
would call "natural" abilities are concerned. Consequently, It Is
essential that assistance be secured from other-than-huinan selves.
This assistance is concretely conceived In the form of special
blessings from the pawaganak that confer power upon human beings to do
many things that would be otherwise Impossible for them to do. The
desire for such power thus constitutes the primary need of every OJIbwa
man. For It Is only by securing such power that he can be a successful
hunter, practice curing, resist sorcery or retaliate In kind, and so
on. It makes him feel that he can achieve Life.

The existence of such goal-objects as the pawaganak, towards

which they are so highly motivated. Influences much of the conduct of
the OJIbwa. The fact that from the standpoint of the outside observer
such objects are not In the geographical environment makes no psycho­
logical difference. Goal-objects, through symbolic representation, can

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mediate the satisfaction of certain needs as well as material objects

can. If we wish to translate the need that Is satisfied Into
psychological terminology we can say that the pawaganak are the major
means of self-enhancement In the behavioral environment of the OJIbwa.
They are the mainstay of a feeling of psychological security. This Is
why their native religion meant so much to the OJIbwa. Largely because
of the way In which sorcery was conceived to operate, and for other
reasons, the self could not achieve a basic sense of security through
Interpersonal relations with other human beings alone. Relations with
and dependence of OJIbwa needs, goals, and motivations for an
understanding of the dynamics of personal adjustment Is heightened by
knowledge of what has happened to them In the course of their contacts
with white men and Western culture. Under these conditions the
structure pf their behavioral environment has been radically modified
and the primary needs of the self can no longer be met In the
traditional way. Nor has any substitute been found. Acculturation In
certain groups of OJIbwa has pushed their personality structure to the
farthest limits of Its functional adequacy under these newer
conditions, with dire results.

I have tried to indicate that the motivational orientation that

OJIbwa culture structures for the self Includes dynamic relations with
other-than-human beings. This must be the case In other cultures, too,
although the psychological significance of the nature of these
relationships requires examination. But once we assume the standpoint
of the self rather then the viewpoint of, an outside observer, the
motivational orientation of the self throughout the entire range of Its
behavioral environment must be considered. This Is why I have
emphasized the Importance of the pawaganak as goal-objects In relation
to the satlfactlon of needs of the self that cannot, In this behavioral
environment, be met through human contacts. Once this fact Is
recognized, we can deduce the "Isolation" of the OJIbwa self which, In
turn. Is consonant with "the "atomistic" character of their society.
Especially among males, there Is a latent suspicion based on the
potential threat of magical attack that operates as a barrier to
genuine affective ties, even among blood relatives. This barrier does
not exist In relations with the pawaganak. For even though superhuman
In power, they are not the sources of hostility or punishment. The
only real danger from them Is when they are In the service of some
human being who may Invoke their aid against me because they have
conferred power on him, On the other hand, I am In the same position
In relation to him, through my own blessings. My pawaganak are my best
and most loyal "friends." Mho they are and how much power I have Is my
secret as It Is every other man's, until matters are put to a pragmatic
test. Women do not customarily acquire power In the same way as men,
although stories are told of what women have been able to do when the
occasion has arisen.
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154

Normative Orlentlom.— A normative orientation Is the fifth

orientation with which a culture provides the self. Values, Ideals,
standards are Intrinsic components of all cultures. Some of these may
be implicit, others explicit. In any case, neither the psychological
nor the sociological Importance of this orientation of the self can be
minimized. On the one hand, motivational orientation in man cannot be
fully understood without normative orientation, since values are an
Integral aspect of needs and goals. On the other hand, without
normative orientation, self-awareness In man could not function In one
of Its most characteristic forms— self-appraisal of conduct. For the
individual would have no standard by which to judge his own acts or
those of others, nor any Ideals to which he might aspire.

As pointed out earlier one of the most typical features of a

human social order Is that It Is likewise amoral order. There Is
always the presumption that an Individual Is not only aware of his own
personal Identity and conduct in a spatlotemporal frame of reference,
but that he Is capable of judging his own conduct by the standards of
his culture. Thus normative orientation Is a necessary corollary of
self-orientation. Among other things the Individual must be motivated
to consider whether his acts are right or wrong, good or bad. The
outcome of this appraisal Is, In turn, related to attitudes of
self-esteem or self-respect and to the appraisal of others.

The fact that the human Individual not only Is motivated to

become the moral Judge of self-related acts, but reacts emotionally to
this judgment is peculiarly human. At the conscious level, what the
self feels guilty about or what particular acts arouse apprehension Is
one of the consequences of normative orientation. (As for the
unconscious aspects of this same orientation and the processes through
which values Incorporated In a superego become an Integral part of the
self, any discussion of this problem would divert us Into an aspect of
the psychodynamics of human adjustment that Is not our primary concern
here.) It Is now clear that, in relation to this adjustment process,
differential value systems are one Important variable and that the
orientation of the self In relation to these Is of great Importance.
One broad conclusion seems Inescapable. If the self were not motivated
towards conscious self-appraisal, rationalization, repression, and
other unconscious mechanisms of self-defense would have no ostensible
purpose. On the one hand, the Individual Is self-oriented through
cultural means In a manner which leads to te evaluation of the self as
an object of primary value. Any kind of self-depredation, loss of
self-esteem, or threat to the self Impairs the complex motivational
systems that focus upon the self and Its needs. At the same time,
self-evaluation through culturally recognized norms Is Inescapable.
Awareness of these is necessary because the Individual has to take
account of explidty formulated or Institutionalized social sanctions.
This Imposes a characteristic psychological burden upon the human
 155

being, since It Is not always possible to reconcile, at the level of

self-awareness, Idiosyncratic needs with the demands Imposed by the
normative orientation of the self. For animals without the capacity
for self-awareness no such situation can arise. In man, therefore,
unconscious mechanisms that operate at a psychological level that does
not Involve self-awareness may be viewed as an adaptive means that
permits some measure of compromise between conflicting forces. They
may relieve the Individual of part of the burden forced upon him by the
requirements of the morally responsible existence that human society
demands.

If we view normative orientation as one of the major

orientations of the self In Its behavioral environment, there are some
novel areas of Inquiry that suggest themselves. Just as. In terms of a
given self-image, naturalistic time and space may be transcended In
self-related experience and the self may Interact socially with
other-than-human selves, so In the moral world of the self the acts for
which the self may feel morally responsible may not all be attributed
to waking life, nor to a single mundane existence, nor to Interpersonal
relations with human beings alone. For the selves of this latter
category may be only a single class of beings that exist In the total
behavioral environment as constituted for the self. Consequently, one
fundamental question that arises Is the actual dimensions of the area
within the behavioral environment to which the normative orlentlon of
the self Is directed and the consequences of this In the observable
behavior of the Individual. Hhat does a consideration of the normative
orientation of the self In Its total behavioral environment contribute
to our understanding of the role of values. Ideals, and recognized .
standards to the needs and motivations of the self?

Me have some reports In the literature, for example, Tihere the

moral responslblIty of the self In dreams Is viewed as continuous with
waking life. Lincoln refers to Ashanti dreams of adultery which
subject the Individual to a fine, and to the Kat where adultery dreams
likewise are punishable. Jut much more detailed Inquiry Into these
phenomena would be desirable.

A case of suttee that occurred In India at the beginning of the

nineteenth century and was reported by Sleeman Is of particular
Interest because It brings to a concrete focus all the orientations of
the self that have been discussed here.

The essential facts are these: A married man, a Brahman, died

and his widow and was persuaded not to Join her husband on the funeral
pyre. But on hearing of the death of this man a married woman of about
sixty years of age, of lower caste, who llvefj with her husband In a
village about two miles away, presented herself to members of the
Brahman's family. She said she wished to burn on the pyre with the
deceased man. This was because she had been his wife In three previous

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births and "had already burnt herself with him three times, and had to
burn with him four times more." The Brahman's family were surprised to
hear this and said there must be some mistake, particularly In view of
the difference In caste. The old woman had no difficulty In explaining
this. She said that In her last birth, at which time she resided In
Benares with the Brahman, she had by mistake given a holy man who
applied for charity salt Instead of sugar In his food. He told her
that. In consequence, "she should, In the next birth, be separated from
her husband, and be of Inferior caste, but that. If she did her duty
well in that state, she should be reunited to him In the following
birth." The Brahman's family would not, however, accede to her
request. Among other things, the widow insisted that "if she were not
alowed to burn herself, the other should not be allowed to takp her
place." Hhat happened was this. Despite of the old woman's claims and
denied her plea, she carried out her Intentions nonetheless. She stole
a handful of ashes from the pyre of her "former" husband and prevailed
upon her present husband and her mother to prepare the pyre upon which
she Immolated herself.

This had all happened twenty years before the youngest brother
of the Brahman told the story to Sleeman. The latter requested his
frank opinion. It turned out that, partly In view of prophecy the old
woman made at the pyre and other circumstances, the family of her
"former" husband were, In the end, absolutely convinced that her claim
was true. They defrayed all her funeral expense and the rites were
carried out In accordance with her "real" social status. They also
built her a tomb which Sleeman later visited. He found that everyone
In her village and all the people In the town where her "former"
husband had lived were thoroughly convinced of her claims.

It Is perfectly clear that the motivation of the old woman of

lower caste cannot be separated from a culturally constituted
self-image which Involves the conviction of reincarnation.
Consequently, she could appeal to experiences In a former existence,
through recall, to make her plea Intelligible. From the standpoint of
normative orientation her motives were of the highest in terms of the
values of her culture. Suttee Is a noble and divinely sanctioned act
on the part of a wife. Although suttee. If viewed from outside this
behavioral environment, may be considered as suicide In the sense of
self-destruction, from the standpoint of the self-related motivational
structure of the old woman, any self-destruction was literally
Impossible. She had already lived with her "former" husband during
three births; she had only been separated from him during her present
birth because of an error for which she had now paid the penalty; she
had still other births ahead of her. The time had now come to rejoin
her “ husband." Hhat suttee offered was an occasion for self-enhance-
ment and self-continuity In thorough harmony with the continued
maintenance of self-respect reinforced by the deeply rooted approval of
her fellows. Their behavioral environment was psychologically
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structured like hers so that their motivations and behavior could be

very easily coordinated with hers In terms that were meaningful to them.

The role that normative orientation may play In giving moral

unity to the relations of the self with a]_[ classes of animate beings
throughout Its behavioral environment Is Illustrated by the Ojlbwa. In
the case of certain central values, considered them from the standpoint
of the Ojlbwa self, It Is completely arbitrary to Isolate the relations
of human beings with each other from the relations of the self to other-
than-human selves. And from the standpoint of psychological
understanding it Is likewise unrealistic to Ignore the significance of
the dimensions of the normative orientation of the self.

It has been said that the grammatical distinction between

animate and Inanimate gender In Ojlbwa speech Is arbitrary and hard to
master. It only appears so to the outsider. Actually, It Is precisely
these distinctions which give the Ojlbwa Individual the necessary
linguistic cues to the various classes of other selves that he must
take account of In his behavioral environment. It Is also significant
that he Is not an "animlst" In the classical sense. There are
objects— an axe, a mountain, a canoe, a rainbow— that fall within the
Inanimate class. In addition to human beings and pawaganak all animals
and most plants are classified as animate. So are Thunder, the Winds,
Snow, Sun-Moon (glzls, luminary), certain shells, stones, etc. I once
asked.an old man whether all stones were alive. His reply was, “ Some
are." Another old man Is said to have addressed a stone; another
thought that a Thunder Bird spoke to him.

Many examples could be cited to show that on the assumption that

animals have a body and a soul like man they are treated as If they had
self-awareness and volition. Bears may be spoken to and are expected
to respond Intelligently; the bones of animals that are killed have to
be disposed of with care.' Although the Ojlbwa are hunters and depend
upon the killing of wild game, nevertheless cruelty is not only frowned
upon but may be penalized by subsequent sickness. Gigantic cannibal
monsters exist In the behavioral environment of the Ojlbwa. They have
been seen and even fought with. To kill a wind Igo Is a feat of the
utmost heroism; It is a sure sign of greatness because It Is impossible
to accomplish without superhuman help. But cruelty to a wlndlqo Is not
permitted, and in one case I have recorded this was the reputed source
of a man's Illness.

Greed Is not only disapproved of In human relation. There Is a

story told of a boy who In his puberty fast wanted to dream of "all the
leaves on all the trees." lie was not satisfied with the blessing that
had already been given him by the pawaganak, but Insisted on more
power. He did not live to enjoy the blessings he had been given.
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ISB

The psychological significance of considering the normative

orientation of the Ojlbwa throughout its total range rests upon the
fact that In relations with animals or “spiritual" beings departure
from traditional standards Is subject to the same sanctions tha^t apply
in human relations. Any serious illness is believed to be a penalty
for wrongdoing. The individual Is encouraged to confess anything wrong
he may have done In the past In order to facilitate recovery.
Consequently, It Is possible to find out what the Individual actually
feels guilty about. It is demonstrable that. In addition to guilt
based upon interpersonal relations with human beings, self-related
experiences that transcend these and Involve relations with nonhuman
selves may likewise be the source of guilt.

CONCLUSION

In this chapter I have advanced the hypothesis that by giving

primary consideration to the self and Its behavioral environment all
cultures will be seen to share certain central functions. In order for
self-awareness to emerge and function In human societies, the
Individual must be given basic orientations that structure the
psychological field In which the self Is prepared to act. Thus, while
the content of the behavioral environment of man may differ greatly and
intermesh with the geographical environment In various ways, there are
common functions that different cultural means must serve In order for
a human level of psychodynamic adjustment to be maintained. At this
level self-awareness is a major component of the personality structure
of man. If we asume the point of view of the self in its behavioral
environment, It is likewise possible to gain a more direct Insight Into
the psychological field of the Individual as he experiences It than a
purely objective cultural description affords.
 Chapter Nine

THE CONCEPT OF THE SELF AMONG THE HINTU INDIANS

by Dorothy Lee

This article by Lee Is oriented to linguistic evidences

'of the concept of Self, Throughout her discussion she has
made valuable comparisons between the western concept of Self
and that of the Hlntu Indians. In the second paragraph, Lee •
notes the key Issue, that of the Self Including or excluding
the Not Self or Other. The Hlntu clearly perceive of Self,
but not with the distinctiveness characteristic of a western
concept of Self. Self Is understood to exist, but with an
Identity as part of the composite which Is Other.

The Hlntu Indians of ..Northern California have a conception of

the self which Is markedly different from our own. I have attempted to
arrive at this conception through an Intensive analysis of linguistic
form and structure, as well s a consideration of biographical texts and
recorded mythical material. My study Is Incomplete, since I have no
other record of actual behavior. The ethnography of the Hlntu as we
have It, is an account of a dead and remembered culture. As a
background to the Hlntu material, I present occasionally linguistic
clues to our own conception of the self.

The definition of the self In our own culture rests on our law
of contradiction. The self cannot be both self and not self, both self

from Lee 1959:131-140

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and other; the self excludes the other. Hlntu philosophy In general
has no law of contradiction. Hhere we have mutually exclusive
duallstic categories, the Hlntu have categories which are Inclusive,
but not mutally so; that Is, object A will be included in object B, but
not vice versa. Out of this context, 8 can be distinguished or
emphasized through various linguistic devices. For example. In Hlntu
thought, man Is Included In nature; natural law, timeless order. Is
basic and true. Irrespective of man. However, Independent Judgment,
private experience and free will are not thereby excluded, but function
transiently within the framework of natural law; man actualizes and
gives temporality and concreteness to the natural order upon which he
Impinges — through act of will and personal Intent.

Again, the generic Is primary to the particular and Includes It;

the Individual Is particularized transiently, but is not set In
opposition. And what may seem at first encounter to be suffixes of
mutual exclusiveness, appear upon Investigation to be different kinds
of emphatlcs. Even the equivalents of either and or are emphatlcs.
presupposing Inclusiveness or Increase.

The concept of the self forms one of these non-exclusive

categories. Hlien speaking about Hlntu culture, we cannot speak of the
self and society, but rather of the self In society. As a member of my
society, writing for readers of this cultural background, I am
presenting my study from the point of view of the self and Its
gradually decreasing participation In society; however, I believe that
this Is only due to my cultural bias, and that a Hlntu would have
started from what for us Is the opposite direction, the gradual
distinguishing of the self from society.

In our own culture, we are clear as to the boundaries of the

self. In our commonly held unreflectlve view, the self Is a distinct
unit, something we can name and define. He know what Is the self and
what Is not the self; and the distinction between the two Is always the
same. Hlth the Hlntu, the self has no strict bounds. Is not named and
Is not, I believe, recognized as a separate entity.

There are words which deal with the self alone. I do not
Include among them the nl_: I, since this Is completely dependent for
Its meaning on the conception of the self held by the speaker who Is
using It. There are. however, verbs dealing with being or activities
and other experiences of the self. For example, we have Hmejda:
all-I. This clearly refers to the self. But what does tutuhum
Tímtcada: mother all (tea)-X. or sukuyum 11intcada: mean, in our
terms: my mother Is III, or my dog is III; but the Hlntu Is not
referring to a distinct, related other, but rather to an other In which
he Is Involved. Actually, this phrasing Is used only when speaking of
Intimates; It Is also possible— but I do not know how common — to say In
so many words: my mother alls.

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 Our own linguistic usage through the years, reveals a conception
of an Increasingly assertive, active and even aggressive self, as well
as of an Increasingly delimited self. In Chaucer's English, we find
the reflection of a way of thinking where events happened to the self
much more often than our own usage Implies. In Chaucer we find: "It
reweth nre,' 'thus dreamed me,' ’
mellkes" and 'hlmlikode'; but we say
now: I rue, I dream, I like.

Not only do we think of ourselves as actors here, but we phrase

this "activity" as directed at a distinct other. When I say: I like
him, I cast my statement Into the subject-to-object-affected mold; I
Imply that I have done something to him. Actually, he may be totally
Ignorant of my liking and unaffected; only I myself am certainly and
directly affected by It.

Over the years, the English language has followed an analytic

and Isolating trend and It is possible that In linguistic reference
there has been an Increasing separation of the self from the
encompassing situation. At any rate, delimitation of the self Is
reflected In our Increasing analysis of holistic Anglo-Saxon terms
referring to bodily acts. I beckon Is becoming literary or at least
cultivated; I gape Is being replaced by phrases such as: with my mouth
open. I say: I shake my fist, I bump my head: and how much Is left of
me. the self?

Our language Implies not only that the self Is narrowly

delimited, but that it Is also In control. My Is the pronoun which we
call possessive, whose distinguishing characteristic, we are told, Is.
that of possession or ownership; and possession In our culture means
control: mine, to do with as I wish. And my Is a word very frequently
used. It is difficult to say what exactly Is this self which Is
delimited and In control. We say: my time, my life— In the sense of
zoe as well as of bios— my'experience, my consciousness, my reason, my
emotions, my Identity. As far as the physical aspect Is concerned,
there seems to be a central point to which the my refers the various
fragments. We say: I lift my foot, but there Is no such relationship
between hand and foot; I cannot say: my hand lifts Its foot. The two
are referred to the self; they are related only through the self and
are both subordinate to the self. But the self is not Identified with
the physical aspect of the Individual. I am also In control of my
body, which I dress, I adorn, I abuse.

When It come to the non-physical aspects, we note a reflection

of the dualism of mind and matter and the hierarchy which Is a
corollary of this. ‘ Passions are considered lower: I fa 11 In love, I
f a M Into a passion or a rage. I delve Into my unconscious, which Is
Implicitly underneath; but I analyze my conscious, where I do not need
to excavate, since It Is on my level. I lose and recover my
 162

consciousness or my reason; I never fa 11 Into consciousness or reason.

Neither do I control my will; I exercise It. The self Is most nearly
identified with consciousness and reason and will; and In our culture,
reason and will power and consciousness— particularly self-consclous-
ness— spell mastery and control. So here, too, we find the Implication
that the self Is in control of the other.

Wlntu has no such fragmenting. When I asked my Hlntu Informant

Sadie Marsh what the word for body was, she said kot wlntu, the whole
person. To the Wlntu a person is holistic; he Is psychosomatic, but
without the suggestion of synthesis which this term holds. They have
no word for body or corpse, and the so-called parts of the body are
aspects or locations. Neither do they have a word for the self. In
English, the word has a long history; and the compounds myself and
yourself were In use by the fourteenth century.' The Wlntu language
does not show the presence of a concept of an established separate
self; but the Wlntu can emphasize one 'self,' and through the use of
grammatical devices he can distinguish an individual at will. The
suffix 'a added to p h he, means he himself; yoken added to pi means
he alone. The suffix ken, added to a name or other noun emphasizes the
Individual referred to In contrast to all other Individuals who have
been Included In the expectation. For example, Sadleken hlna means:
Sadie-of-al1-those-expected has-come.
»
A study of the grammatical expression of Identity, relationship
and otherness, shows that the Wlntu conceive of the self not as
strictly delimited or defined, but as a concentration, at most, which
gradually fades and gives place to the other. Most of what Is other
for us. Is for the Wlntu completely or partially or upon occasion.
Identified with the self. For example, the Wlntu do not use and when
referring to Individuals who are, or live or act together. Instead of
analyzing the we Into: John and I, they say John we. using the John as
specification. Only when two Individuals who are not already In
relatedness are brought together, Is the and used.

Quite often relatives are referred to In terms of the plural of

togetherness. For example: sohapulel pel: lib ling— (verb)--together
the-two: the two who sibling-together, l.e. he and his sister; sedet
putahtchupulel bos: coyote they-two grandmother-together lived;
yoqupule]: wash together or wash each other. Notice that except for
the soha, the relationship presented Is Inherently one-dlrectlonal, so
that the togetherness Is viewed from one point of view. In the example
representing an activity, the pulel can be seen as referring to
mutuality; but I think that this Is a concept Introduced from our own
culture. In most cases what we find is spatial and temporal
concurrence; for example: 11 aw I watchupureblnte: the babies are (all)
crying together (according to my hearing); bolpurun piterum tchuhpure:
drlnk-together-whlle they gambled-together.
 163

As with us. the being or existence of the self and activities of

the self In process, are expressed as Identical with the self; though
our own usage, which separates the person from the verb Implies some
separation. So In I_go. the ego Is separated from Its own activity,
go. The Hlntu says harada; I go. or we g o . In one unanalyzed word,
and uses n| (I) or nl terum (we) only If lie wishes to, by way of
clarification or denotation. He uses exactly the same form when he
refers to a part of the body, or even to the clothing which he has on;
for example, I-qo-weak legs: my legs are growing weak. A Hlntu will
say: face-I-am-red. where face refers to place or aspect of the whole
person, lie will say: you-are-rlpped-clothes. or you-are-pretty-dress-
str|ped; and nose-run-I or arm-broke-I. Unlike us, a Hlntu self Is
identical with the parts of his body and Is not related to them as
other, so long as they are physically part of him. But when a hair has
fallen off his head. It Is hjj hair, when a heart has been plucked out
of a man It Is h U heart, when a man has cut off his arm It Is hj¿ arm;
and when a woman Is folding her dress It Is her dress. When they are
physically separated,they are related to him.

When a Hlntu performs an act whose consequences revert upon

himself, he uses a suffix, -na. He phrases holistically, what we
phrase In terms of reversion to the self as a grammatical object. He
say, I feel (cold) and, I feel myself (with my hands); t.e., I Is
stated as separate from the self. The Hlntu says muteda, I-feel. and
mutnada: I-feel-myself .

There are two other suffixes, which also Imply a certain degree
of otherness In which the Individual participates coordlnately, or In
which he Is otherwise Involved. The suffix ma represents thinking
which runs counter to our own, and was very difficult for me to
understand. For a long time I considered It a causative; ba, for
example, I translated as to eat, and bama as to feed, to cause to eat;
peru means to swaHow and peruma: to fish w lth bait;, taqlq means to
hurt and Ugigmabjjite means she made me hurt (I feel). This was all
clearly causative. However, the weight of the accumulated obscure
exceptions finally overpowered my rule. For example, I found phrases
such as the following:

applum heslhamada: apples plthy-ma-am. Yet I have not caused

my apples to be pithy; In fact, Sadie, who said this, had Just
bought the apples.

hlalmas nts Ibesken: stink me you-are: (M a i means to stink

and mas Is the second person of ma) you think that I stink.

kot bahlmastot...tchuqpure: all menstruatlng-for-the-flrst-tlme-

ma-these...helped together; l.e., all the relatives of the
pubescent girl helped; this was said of the male relatives of
the pubescent girl

I
 164

To make the ma comprehensible to members of our society, we have

to translate It either as a causative or as adverb-forming. For
example, tchala means to be good or nice, and tchaluma means to do well
or do carefully: tea luma 11 means be careful I Then, tepumas
tchalumatchupumada: (my) garden nicely qrow-ma-am. may be translated
as: I made my-garden grow nicely, or: l a m doing well In respect to
my garden. Primary In the ma Is the Implication of Involvement or
participation; this may be Interpreted by us as a continuity of
participation In another state or act (I.e .. as an adverb), or as
manipulative. I cannot tel! whether these different meanings are
present for the Hlntu; Sadie told me that tchupumada did not
necessarily Imply that Í was taking care of my garden. I think the
Implication of control Is absent from the suffix.

"The other suffix. II. also appears to express aggressive

action, at first encounter. In our own phrasing, whereas ma could be
manipulative (to get him to do), jj would be out and out aggressive, l_l_
would be translated as: to do to. So, wer means to come. and werlI.
to bring; pi le means to wind, and hunpllewlI menas bound^hlm up. But
then we also have: put tupuwllda: hlm-weed-ll-I This means: I
weeded with him. All similar situations which, wherever possible, we
express as aggressive acts, are given as coordinate relationships among
the Hlntu. -The term for what Is to us possession or ownership Is
formed by means of this suffix, from the three kinds of to be: in a
standing, sitting, or lying position. I have a basket means really I
IIve with or I sit with a basket, and Is expressed with the same form
as that used to say: I live with my grandmother, or I am married to
Harry. The term suklI which I translated at first as to rule, actually
means, to be-wtth-ln-a-standlng-posItlon. and express the true
democracy of the Hlntu where a chief stood-wlth Ills people.

Hhen the l| Is used, as a suffix to a verb, the grammatical

object of the verb Is particularized for the occasion, and all pronouns
and adjectives referring to It are given special suffixes reflective of
the coordinate relationships.

There Is another suffix, me, which also we would translate as

trans111vlzing; and this, I think even the Hlntu would consider as
expressive of control, or at least of separation from the self. A man
speaking of a man‘s possessions. In telling a myth, used the U and the
whole range of particularizing suffixes; a woman telling the same myth,
using the same verbs used the me Instead and left the grammatical
object and Its attributes In Its original generic form. I think the me
does not contain the respect which Is present In the |j; and Its
appearance In the texts I have recorded Is not frequent.

The Hlntu conception of the self then differs from our own In
that It contains the total person and the activities of all its

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165

aspects, and In that It fades out gradually and without distinct

demarcation. It Is not clearly opposed to the other, neither Is It
clearly Identical with or Incorporated In the other. On most occasions
It participates to some extent In the other, and Is of equal status to
the other, an assertion of the self upon the other, the Wlntu see a
coordinate togetherness, with, at most, a stressed point of view. For
example, the phrase I quoted above: put tupuwllda, I weeded with him,
happens to start with the self; It might have been: nls tupuwll, he
weeded wl tli m e .

This gradually fading Involvement of the self In the other can

be seen also In the use of the three relational pronouns which are
translated In English as my. The neto refers to objects which I would
not hesitate to refer to In terms of the distant or aggressslve me, and
which are spoken of In their generic form. Netomen Is used for objects
for which I am also prepared to use ]_K No my, of course. Is used for
body parts, since these are Identical with and not related to the
person.

Finally, net is used for close relatives as well as acts and

states of the self. When referring to close relatives, the net Is
Inseparable from the kinship term. Even when referring to an
unspecified father, where we would say 'the father' the Wlntu says
his-father (or her-father). When speaking of my act or my liking or my
de^th or my destination, the Wlntu separates the my from the following
word. As I can say I act as well as my act, so I can also say,
1-younqer-slster: I have a younger sister; and I-mother : I have a
mother as well as my fathered: he who has been made Into a father by.
me, i.e., through by being born. The relatives of this Intimate group
are treated In the same way as one's acts or state of being.

Linguistic analysis further shows us a different relationship

between the self and reality In general from that which Is basic to our
own culture. The Wlntu never asserts the truth as absolute, as we do
when we say It Is. In one of the common stories about the German, the
Frenchman and the Englishman, the flfst two, pointing to bread, say, 'I
call It Brot,' and 'I call It pain’; but the Englishman says, 'I call
It bread and It Is bread.' The Wlntu never say It Ij bread. They say.
'It looks-to-me-bread' or 'It feels-to-me bread' or 'l-have-heard-lt-to-
be bread,' or, vaguely and tlmelessly, 'accordlng-to-my-experlence-be
bread.' The statement is made about the other, the bread, but with the
Implication that Its validity Is limited by the specified experience of
the speaker.

For us, that which we sense or know according to man-made rules

of logic. Is; and that which Is beyond my apprehension, beyond my
sensing or cognition. Is fiction, that Is, It Is not. The self Is the
measure of all things. Art and metaphysics and religious experience
are barely tolerated on the fringes of our culture. When the fairy
 godfather first appeared In the Barnaby cartoon, he left a trail of
cigar ashes by way of visual proof of his visit. Mysticism Is defined
negatively as loss of self; and no one In ecstasy Is taken seriously,
until he comes to his senses. Only when the self Is logically and
cognitively In control, Is experience valid, and except in the arts and
religion only that which is ultimately open to such experience is true.

To the Wlntu, the cognitive experience of the self Is not

accorded high.status. It must be always documented and Is open to
question. It Is given always through a special derivative stem,
usually with a variety of suffixes which make reference to the sensory
and other sources of Information. However, when the Wlntu makes
reference to natural necessity, to not-experienced reality beyond man's
cognition, he does not document, and he uses the primary form of the
stem. Only with the derivative stem does he use assertive suffixes;
but here he asserts, not truth, but analyzed experience— perception,
cognition, reflection. Inference— which is open to question, which Is
limited by his being, and which need not correspond with the truth.
The "mystical" referent alone Is accepted without question. And this
Is true, independent of man's senses and logic.

In other ways, also, we find that with the Wlntu the universe Is
not centered In the self, as It Is with us. Take, for example, the
term which we use for the Individual about whom we are going to speak:
ego: I. If the anthropologist wants to make a kinship chart, he
starts with ego. If I conjugate, I start with I run, and having
started with It, I naturally call It the first person; and rightly so,
since, In present day English, the third person with Its -s suffix Is
derivative. In Wlntu, on the other hand, the third person Is primary,
and the first Is derived. The third person may be represented by the
simple stem of experience; or. If a suffix Is used, this occurs In the
simple stem. The first person Is formed derivatively, through
suffixatlon of -da to the simple stem or to the suffix.

There Is reason to believe, furthermore, that Wlntu words are

formed on the basis of an outward orientation. They are based on
observation, rather than on the kinesthetic experience of the self, or
on Introspection. Take, for Instance, the word for tick, terus■ It Is
derived from th;a; to pound to a pulp. This would mean that tfra Is
not concerned with the pounding experience of the self, or with the
experience of being pounded, but rather with the shape of the resulting
mass. The word for wade which Is fast disappearing among the bilingual
Wlntu means: to-make-a-great-splashlnq-nolse. The word tslqoha:
to-dlsappear-al1-at-once, Is derived from the stem of tslqtea, which
means to be put through a sieve; that Is, to sieve Is concerned merely-
with the observed result of the sieving.

In myths, people are described in terms of the spatial dimension

of their activities, obervatlonally. Extremely rarely Is there a
 167

statement that might be called Introspective; such as 'she was

furious,' or 'he was happy'; and even here, I am not sure that this Is
not an observer's statement. The songs the Hlntu call love songs refer
not at all to the sensations or emotions of love, though they do convey
love to us. For example:

From-llawk' s-scratch-gap
DownhlIl-northward-before-you-go
Oh. look-back-at-me
The sleeping place which you and I hollowed out will remain
forever.

I have recorded a tale which my Informant called a love story.

It describes the pursuit of a man by two women who were In love with
him. I present a sample of the story:

They went to the east side of the house, they went around to
the east side, and after that they went up the hill to the
north, following him running. They went northward at a run­
ning pace over the north flat, wishing to see the man who had
gone down the hill northward (the word for wish also means to
try). And the man was not there lay his tracks going forward.
And they ran. they went at a running pace, they went rapidly.
And at the south-slope-climb, when they came In full view of
.the north, they looked northward but they did not see him.

The Hlntu use of left and right, as compared with ours, shows
again the difference In orientation. When we go for a walk, the hi U s ­
are to our right, the river to our left; when we return, the hills
change and the river, while we remain the same, since we are the pivot,
the focus. Now the hills have pivoted to the left of me. This has
been English practice for many years, since at least the fourteenth
century. To the Hlntu, the terms left and right refer to Inextricable
aspects of Ills body, and are very rarely used. I think that only once
the term left occurs In my te.xts, referring to a left-handed mythical
hero; I cannot remember any occurrence of the term for the right. Hhen
the Hlntu goes up the river, the hills are to the west, the river to
the east; and a mosquito bites him on the west arm. Hhen he returns,
the hills are still to the west, but, when he scratches his mosquito
bite, he scratches his east arm. The geography has remained unchanged,
and the self has had to be reoriented In relation to It.

I said In the beginning of this essay that I should have written

from society as the starting point, or at any rate from what we
consider the not-self I came to this conclusion partly on the basis
of the material which I have presented here, partly through my
experience In recording an autobiography. Hhen I asked Sadie Harsh for
her autobiography, she told me a story about her first husband, based
on hearsay. Hhen I insisted on her own life history, she told me a

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story which she called, 'my story.' The first three quarters of this,
approximately, are occupied with the lives of her grandfather, her
uncle and her mother before her birth; finally, she reaches the point
where she was 'that which was Id my mother's womb,' and from then on
she speaks of herself, also.

In conclusion, I should like to state that the two different

conceptions of the self need not be regarded as mutually
contradictory. I believe that they can refer to the same absolute
truth, and can be said to give us clues to this truth.

4
 Chapter Ten

LENGUA INDIANS AND THEIR "INNERMOST"

by Jacob A. Loewen

This case study of the Lengua Indians In Paraguay Is a

faclnatlng presentation of the Lengua view of Self, beginning
with a discussion of the locus of Self. Loewen's study Involves
'the Interaction of the Lengua with Mennonlte settlers who
relocated to the Chaco to escape the contamination
of modern society. He has found a sharp and even tragic lack .
of understanding on the part of the Mennonites of the Lengua
"Innermost." The hope of the author Is that his study will
be Instrumental in helping the missionaries become more
sensitive to those among whom they work and live.

The paper could easily be placed In the section on

values. Its contribution Is the demonstration of the
relationship between Self and values. This relationship, in
turn, affects community relationships, use of space, concepts
of ownership, and more. Obviously, all this comes to bear on
their evaluation of missionaries and thus Christianity. One
clearly detects the role of the "Innermost" In the establish­
ing and maintaining of the value system.

From Loewen 1975:135-155

 170

THE LENGUA INNERMOST

The Lengua distinguish at least four foci in a man's Inner

life. (1) The -vaihoc (the hyphen before a Lengua noun indicates that
such a stem can never stand without a possessor, generally a possessive
pronominal prefix) is translated as the 'innermost.' It serves as the
mainspring of behavior In a man's life. (2) The -vanmonqcama. which
is most frequently translated 'soul,' 'dream,' or 'shadow,' has very
little to do with behavior; it is really the core of a man's life or
existence. Should it be lost, stolen, or ill, a man will surely die.
(3) The -nenylc. translated 'chest,' can refer both to the chest
anatomy and to Its psychic functions. It carries with It the
implications of deep Involvement of the entire Inner make-up of man.
(4) The - langauc, translated as 'soul of the dead,' Is the disembodied
Inner existence that Is "born" from man's total inner being at the
moment of his death. Most frequently It Is treated as the dead man's
counterpart to a living person's 'soul,' but in actual function it
seems to Include also the functions of the 'Innermost' and the 'chest.'

If we look at these foci In terms of their locus, their habitat

within the body, we notice that the latter, the 'soul of the dead'.Is
the total spiritual counterpart of the person, Including his
recognizable appearance. However, it may also be used occasionally in
a limited sense as the "soul" or essential -core of the dead person.
The chest Includes the whole thorax from the navel up. As alredy
Indicated earlier it is frequently used to refer to the sum total of
the living man's Inner being. The 'soul' resides either in the upper
part of the chest or in the brain, possibly both. The 'Innermost' Is
located In the lower part of man's chest, or in the upper part of his
abdomen, possibly in his stomach.

Linguistic Idioms * 1
From the abundance of -vaihoc 'Innermost' based Idioms in the
Lengua language we can conclude that it definitely Is the seat of the .
emotions. The following Is a list of expressions' that proceed from
and involve man's Innermost (In each pair the idiomatic English
translation Is followed by a literal translation of the Lengua
expression): to love, the Innermost dissolves; to hate, the Innermost
does not dissolve; to be happy, the Innermost spreads out; to think or
thank, the Innermost mentions___

To be sympathetic, the Innermost Is not locked up; to be proud,

the innermost praises (mentions) Itself; to be obedient, the innermost
Is soft or gentle; to be upset, the Innermost Is wavy (turbulent); to
be calm, the Innermost Is clean; to be sick the Innermost Is unclean,
or bad; to be sickly, the Innermost Is rotten; to become well, the
Innermost is restored; to be converted is to change one's Innermost.
There are many other such expressions---
 171

The Function of the Innermost

In some respects the -valhoc compares very favorably with the
conscience of our Western inner life, for like the latter It can
distinguish between good and evil; but It can also be basically good or
evil In character. Thus conversion Is very often spoken of as the
exchanging of a bad Innermost for a good one. The Idiom Is drawn from
a Lengua folktale about a very bad man. who, through the change of his
Innermost, became a very kind and good man.

But we must here Immediately point out that the Lengua term
'Innermost' also carries a much more physiological connotation than the
metaphorical usage of English "heart." This contrast can be
demonstrated In connection with the Lengua expression 'changing or
exchanging one's Innermost’when used to translate the Christian
concept of conversion.

Missionary D. Lepp, as a new missionary, forbade all medicine

men to practice their art at his mission station. As soon as he heard
their chanting he ordered them to desist. After about three months all
the chanting had apparently ceased. When shortly thereafter a number
of women came to 'exchange their Innermosts,’he was delighted. Ills
firmness was now paying dividends In conversions. When however, more
and more groups began coming to 'change their Innermosts,' he began to
be suspicious.

"Why did they want to change their Innermost?"

"Because the missionary was telling them that God wanted them to
do this."

"But why do It now and so many together?"

After some hesitation someone finally volunteered: "You see,

you told all the medicine men to stop singing— well, some of them are
still singing softly. Slpce they do not seem to be afraid of you or of
your God, we are beginning to fear that their medicine and magic may be
stronger than we thought. We are becoming very much afraid of them.
However, we want to remain your friends, so we have decided we would
ask you to give us Lenco Innermosts (the Lengua form of gringo...used
to label the Mennonlte settlers) so that we can become Immune to the
medicine man's magic." This request reveals that the Lengua expected
far more than only a "psychic" change of heart___

At times during the research It seemed as If the Innermost could

to a large extent be equated with the Western concept of personality,
especially since It develops In the social context, rather than through
mother's milk, as In the case of the soul. As such, the Innermost Is
also responsible for making decisions, for "thinking" Is one of Its
main functions. However, "feeling" runs a close second....

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 172

Like the soul, the Innermost can leave the body of the person.
Informants were able to list at least four common reasons: (1) to
accompany the soul when the latter wanders about during dreams or
visions; (2) when It is stolen, or lost, either together wltfi or
separately from the soul; (3) if a person is suddenly and violently
frightened; and (4) at death, when It ceases to exist entirely, or
rather Is absorbed together with the rest of man's Inner being Into the
soul of the dead. This overlap with the soul of the dead will be
treated more specifically under the discussion of lnnermost-1Inked
property. The fourth cause for separation of the Innermost from the
body, of course, was permanent. Loss or stealing can involve absences
extending up to several weeks In length. During dreams, visions, etc.,
it will be separated for only shorter periods, while In the case of
fright It will be absent only momentarily.

It will not be necessary at this point to discuss fully the

function of the soul. Its origin will be discussed In the next section
and further remarks about It will be made In connection with death. Me
only underscore that the soul Is essentially the bearer of life. If
the soul Is lost or stolen, death Is sure to follow In due time, while
Its return to the body means a return of health and life, for this
reason dreaming and visions can be dangerous In at least two ways.
They leave the thorax empty and open for the entry of one of several
kinds of unattached spirits or souls of whom the universe Is filled.
Then, too, the wandering soul Is much more vulnerable to capture and
"getting lost" than when It Is "at home."

When a person finally dies, his living soul, (together with the
other Inner aspects of man's existence) Is transformed Into his soul of
the dead. This soul of the dead Is one of the greatest sources of fear
for Lengua Indians....

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF HAN'S INNER LIFE

Lengua Informants tended to be very vague about the origin of

the soul. However, In several group and also private Informant
sessions the concensus was that the "seed" for the soul comes from the
father. For this reason a father Is charged with taboos at the time of
childbirth. He abstains from certain foods, does not perform hard
physical labor or bathe In cold water at least until the umbilicus has
healed. Some fathers do not bathe In cold water until the mother stops
bleeding. However, even though a child has the "seed" for a soul at
birth. It Is not viewed as having either a developed soul or an
Innermost. And because neither the soul (life) nor the Innermost
(personality) are functional at birth Infanticide Is not viewed as
killing. Thus the question of whether or not a newborn child should
live was an open option. The decision of life or death was based on
other values than that this meant killing a living person. Should a
 ( ( (

173

mother die at child-birth. Infanticide was considered obligatory for

the soul of the dead mother (-.langane) would be greatly angered If she
were deprived of her Infant.

Soul Food '

Mother's milk was viewed as the great food of the soul. In
order to assure that full development of the soul the Lengua viewed
three or four years of breast feeding as Imperative. Because mother's
milk plays such an important part in the development of the soul, the
Lengua have found bottle feeding with other milk than mother's milk to
be very barbarous. A few of the Lengua babies raised this way by
missionary nurses are. even today as grownups, being called "animal
babies." Their full humanity Is still In question.

Just how the Innermost developed and was nurtured Informants did
not seem to be able to answer. The Chulupt, who have a very similar
outlook explain that man's Innermost develops through breast feeding
and attention (love and Instruction) from the mother. We can thus
suggest that breast feeding builds the soul; and mother's attention,
love and Instruction nurture the Innermost. In both cultures fathers
have very little responsibility beyond the taboos at birth.

Be comInq Human
When a child was eight days old It underwent the first of a
series of festivals. This celebration Involved the piercing of the
child's earlobe with a cactus thorn. This marked Its entrance Into the
human race. From now on it was considered to have both an Innermost
and a soul. To kill a child after the piercing of the earlobe was.
considered murder. Once the child's earlobe had been pierced it was
also accorded the respect Of a complete person. Mothers tried as much
as possible to do what the "person" wanted. Out of respect for the
innermost of her child a mother would not force it to take medicine
when it resisted. She’ would try to persuade the child but If It would
not accede, she would not use force. The missionary's threat. "If you
don't give the child medicine It will die," would be met by a shrug and
possibly the slowly spoken words, "But he/she wants to die." This
certainly does not mean a lack of maternal concern for the child, for
mothers have been known to plead In tears with their children, but they
would not resort to force.

Growing Up
To encourage the developing Innermost (self-consciousness) both
boys and girls become the object of a second festival somewhere between
eight and ten years of age. This festival follows the first adult deed
of the youngster, such as the first killing of game or the performing
of a difficult errand all by one's self. At this time the whole
community recognizes the emerging personality and the chief gives the
child a pep-talk to continue In this way, for then he or she will
become a person of great worth and respect.
 174

There Is another "growlng-up" feature for girls, the female

puberty ceremony. At the climax the celebrated girl Is dragged by a
group of youths until she faints. When she Is revived with cold water,
everyone rejoices that "the girl has died and a woman has been born."

IDEALS CONCERNING THE INNERMOST

Simply stated the Lengua Ideal holds that the good person will
have a stable Innermost and he will excercise great respect for the
Innermosts of his fellows. He will not talk or act when his own
Innermost Is "wavy" (unsettled). Negatively stated, he will avoid
those things In speech and action that will disturb his neighbor's
Innermost. Positively stated, he will say or do those things that will
pacify it or keep It calm.

Poljh and the Innermost

This philosophy lies at the base of the use of poljh 'nothing.'
If one asks a Lengua Indian who has obviously come for something, "What
do you want?" he will. Indeed, say "poljh" at least two times for his
own benefit. He Is testing his own Innermost to see whether it is at
peace and whether he will be able to utter his request without losing
his Inner even keel. But he generally says poijh more than twice,
often more than four times.

After having checked out the condition at his own Innermost he

may continue to say poljh. first. If he feels that his own Innermost Is
not at rest. He must not express his purpose when excited. Secondly,
he may also be checking the condition of the Innnermost of the person
to whom he is speaking. If the third and fourth utterance of poljh
already elicit Impatience In the hearer, he knows that he had better
not state the purpose of his coming for fear of agitating his hearer's
Innermost even more. While certainly the Ideal of respect plays an
important part one must not overlook the fact that fear Isalso a major
motivation. Should he disturb his neighbor's Innermost during daytime,
there is much more possibility that the neighbor's angered soul will
come to do him harm when It wanders about at night.

If we again look at the use of pojjh as a test of one's own

Innermost, there Is an Instructive experience reported by one of the
Chaco missionaries.

The Yalvo Sanga Mission herds were being decimated by a tiger

that was killing both sheep and calves. Something needed to be done.
The carcass of a sheep was poisoned with strychnine, and an Indian,,who
was called "Father-of-TIger" because he had single-handedly killed
seven of them, was delegated to hunt down the marauding beast. Early
next morning the hunter shouldered his old muzzle-loader and set out.
 175

Shortly after noon the hunter returned. His clothes were In

shreds, his one arm and leg were caked with blood from some deep gashes
that were visible on them, and the butt end of his gun was chewed up.
Obviously something serious had happened. The missionary hurried out
and asked him, "What happened?" But the Indian only answered with an
unemotional "poljh." lie kept on repeating "poljh" so many times that
the exasperated missionary finally left him. Á full four hours later,
when the hunter's Innermost found Its even keel again, he finally
recounted his experience:

I went to the poisoned sheep and found that the tiger had
been there. So I followed his tracks. Not too far away
In'the bush In a little clearing I found the tiger lying
down. Since one never knows If there Is a deceased shaman's
soul living In the tiger, one must always speak to him before
killing. So I said, "Father Tiger, you have become bad, very
bad. You kill sheep. You kill calves. If you only killed
to eat. we would not be angry, we know that you too get hun­
gry. But you have become bad, you kill many more animals
than you eat. You have become a killer. So I must now kill
you.

I pointed my gun at him while I was still talking, but it

wouldn't go off. Then I noticed the tiger was becoming
, restless, so I said, "Father Tiger, lie still, my gun Is old.
It will not go off. But I must kill you." I tried to adjust
the gun, but It still would not fire. Then the tiger jumped.
I threw myself down and the tiger jumped over me. The tiger .
turned. Jumped, and missed again. The third time he knocked
the gun out of my hand and tore my clothes and clawed my arm
and my leg. Then growling he began to chew the butt of my
gun. I then said to him, "Father Tiger, I must get my gun
and kill you." I reached out slowly, slowly until finally I
was able to grab the barrel of the gun. Then I pulled the
gun out of the tiger's mouth, aimed It and fired. This time
It went off. I had'bllnded the tiger. Then I Jumped on his
back and finished him off with my knife.

The Incredulous missionary Immediately went to Investigate and

found the scene Just as descrI bed— the marks of the tiger's jumping In
the sand, the pieces of wood gnawed from the gun butt and the dead
beast. The account Illustrates dramatically that while his Innermost
was perturbed and excited, the old hunter did not talk. He was a great
hero, who knew how to control his Innermost both In and away from
danger.

The "Navy" Innermost

• Regardless of what the circumstances may be, the Ideal should
not lose his even keel. One missionary related a very humbling

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 176

experience with a Lengua In connection with an Indian's horse that was

always grazing on the missionary's pasture and garden. The missionary
had spoken to the owner of the offending animal a number of times and
had explained that he did not,want the horse there. This was his own
private property. But every day the offending horse was there again.

After several weeks of this the missionary was exceedingly

exasperated and felt that other methods were now legitimate. He got a
club and rather unceremoniously beat the animal as he drove It from his
property. To be sure the horse did not return next day, but one of his
Indian friends came and spoke to him about his deed. "You did not live
like a man: you beat a horse that did not know better. You were
angry. It Is not good for a missionary to be angry." The missionary
realized that In Lengua eyes he had acted very unwisely. After serious
Inner battles he finally went ot the owner of the horse and
apologized. The Indian's face lit up and he said, "It Is good. You
are a man."

TRUTH OR LIES?

Mennonltes, too, believe In "righteous wrath" and that this was

a constant source of frustration and problem for the Lengua was evident
In the universality and the frequency with which Indians made mention
of this situation during the anthropological investigation. One of the
Lengua bitterly remarked that It was Impossible to keep the Hennonlte
Innermost calm. "You tell them the truth and they get angry. So you
tell them the opposite— a lie— and they still get angry. What shall
you finally say to them?" If we take another look at this use of pol jh
or of silence as a protection for the perturbed Innermost of the
neighbor, we find some additional and rather Interesting ramifications
In regard to truth and lies. Consider the experience recounted by one
of the colony leaders, who for a time was administrator of the mission
ranch. It was during the pioneer years and barbed wire was still very
scarce. Only three sides of the mission pasture had a barbed wire
fence. The fourth side was closed off by a barrier of brush, but this
was now all dried up and for that reason cattle often broke through
It. Once out on the open range, the cattle quickly disappeared because
of rustlers. During some busy season the administrator had completely
forgotten about the cattle. When he finally did remember them, he
became quite worried about the cattle might have broken out and If they
had, that they would have been stolen. He at once dispatched a Lengua
to check. When the scout returned, the administrator hurried to meet
him and asked. "Has something happened to the cattle?" The Indian's
answer was "poljh.“

"Have any of the cattle broken out?"

"Poljh."
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Was the brush fence damaged anywhere?"

Oeeply relieved the manager walked toward his tiouse. About half
an hour later an older man came to tell him confidentially that the
cattle had broken out and that they had all strayed from the pasture.
The administrator contradicted him saying that he had Just finished
sending an Indian to check and this man had reported that nothing of
the kind had happened. Then the old man gently Insisted, "But the man
you sent to look, now sends me to tell you that the cows are all
gone." Angrily the administrator retorted, "But why did he lie to me
before?" Then the old man answered, "When he came back you were so
excited that he was afraid you would 'blow a gasket* or something. He
was hoplnq your Innermost would be able to take It now. That's why he
sent me.

It Is not difficult to believe that In their desire to keep the

Mennonltes' tnnermosts from becoming upset the Lengua told lies. In
fact. In discussing this during the ethnographic research, the Indians
confided that It was very difficult to live with the Mennonltes because
of their unstable tnnermosts. "You can tell them a lie to try and keep
them calm, but they get angry. So next time you tell them the truth,
but they still get angry. They even get angry wehn you are quiet and
don't say anything."

The missionaries reported how at one of the early mission

baptisms a Lengua girl raised as an orphan In a Mennonlte home was
being examined for baptism by an assembly of Mennonlte ministers.
Since she spoke German, and knew the appropriate expressions, all were
deeply Impressed with the "wonderful work of God's grace" and decided
to baptize her without consulting the Indian leaders. Three weeks
after the baptism It became apparent that she, though still unmarried
was pregnant. She had been living with several men In a most
profligate manner even at the time of her baptism. When the Mennonlte
ministers scolded the Lengua leaders, who had known the truth, for not
telling them, they answered, "How could we say anything like that?
Your 'Innermosts were spread out widely' as you listened to her
testimony and you would have become very unhappy with the truth. And
besides, you didn't ask us___ "

HURTING THE INNERMOST

Whenever the Innermost of a person Is not respected, hurt

results. Although every phase of Lengua existence Is associated with
the Innermost and therefore It can be hurt at almost any point.
Informants were able to single out at least four major areas In which
hurt were most frequent___
 '178

Gossip
Gossip appeared to be by far the most common source of hurt.
Interestingly enough Christianity has helped Increase both the
Incidence of gossip and the potential for hurt. The former resulted
from the catalogue of specific sins that the missionary work has
Introduced. These now serve as a ready yardstick to measure
short-coming and provide "gossip material" on the behavior of one's
fellow. The potential for hurt was Increased through the downgrading
of spirit fear. Formerly fear was the most powerful emotion. It drove
people to stick together closely. This was $een most clearly In their
village layout. When a village was subject to excessive fear, people
always built their houses In a^drcle, house against house, and then at
night they huddled around the common fire trying to draw courage In
togetherness. As the settlers raised doubts about the validity of
these spirit fears, and faith In the gospel brought about certain
release from former fears, the hurts of the Innermost began to climb In
the value hierarchy. Paralleling the weakening of fear was the
disintegration of clan togetherness. More and more Lengua were
beginning to live with their employers. This Introduced social
distance, personal Insecurity, and Interpersonal rivalry. So that one
must conclude that the culture change has greatly fortified both
Incidence and degree of hurt to the Innermost.

Embarrassment
As a source of hurt, embarrassment could of course be closely
related with gossip, but It also goes beyond. Take the young man who
was observed by a missionary when he left the sleeping quarters of a
girl to whom he was not married. He was Immediately deeply embarrassed
and though no word was spoken the young man Immediately left the
community for a number of months.

In the case of marital infidelity. It was generally the

"Innocent" partner that was embarrassed and who at once left the
community. A missionary Illustrates this well In the following account
of an experience with his Informant and early convert.

At the end of a day of working on translation with the

missionary, the Informant went home. This day he came home a little
earlier than usual and surprised another man having relations with his
wife. Right after the Informant's departure the missionary decided to
take a walk to the Indian camp some 100 meters away from his
residence. When he arrived in the Lengua village he noticed his
Informant was just leaving with a small bundle of his belongings over
his shoulder. The missionary hurried and overtook him.

“
Are you leaving?"

"Yes, I am leaving?"
 ¡79

"llave I hurt you In some way?"

"No, you are not responsible. I am leaving now and I will never
return." With this the Indian began walking resolutely down the trail.

The missionary walked after him and pleaded for the reason.
Suddenly the Indian stopped and said, "It Is of no concern for you.
When I came from your house I surprised another man with my wife. This
man Is a shaman. I am now leaving. I will not return..,."

Such embarrassment was often associated with amorous affairs. A

girl rejected by the man whose belt she took during an evening dance
might Immediately leave the community because of the resulting
embarrassment---

Interestingly enough, even death was viewed as a source of

embarrassment. The sudden death of a member In the family showed that
It lacked power. This was embarrassslng. The bereaved family might
avoid the public, occasionally certain members actually left the area,
embarrassed by this public revelation of their collective lack of power.

Disapproval of Behavior
Ritualized disapproval of behavior could also be linked to
embarrassment, but It generally Involves the “ confession" of wrong
behavior (not one’ s own) at some public gathering. Missionaries have
found this aspect of Lengua culture somewhat objectionable. Either
during an evening gathering around the fire, or at a scheduled public
meeting, a person will begin to confess the shortcomings of his child,
marriage partner, or relatives. While this certainly Is not Ideal, by
our standards. It seems to be an accepted pattern of overt confronta­
tion for the Lengua. Because of the mutual respect for the Innermost,
parents and children, husband and wife, and relatives seldom air their
differences In a face to face encounter. If a problem Is brought Into
the open, It Is almost always In a public setting. But we need to
point out that In such a public airing, the audience serves both as
witnesses and as checks against violent manifestations. If
"confessions”are made. It Is generally done without any overt display
of emotion.... However, because It goes against their theological
grain the missionaries are generally discouraging It.

One of the missionaries reported how recently a husband had

recounted his wife's shortcomings at a church service. As soon as he
sat down the wife got up and said that she had been completely unaware
of what she was doing to her husband and that she regretted this. In
this case the matter was resolved at once.

On another occasion, however, a husband “confessed" his wife's

Intimacies with another man There was no Immediate repentance, and as
a result all three persons eventually left the community, first, the

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man who had been the Initiator In this Illicit affair left, because of
the public disapproval of his deed. Then the wife was overcome by
embarrassment and she left, finally the Innocent husband who had
"confessed" this offense also felt guilty over his lack of control over
his Innermost as revealed In the public confession he had made and so
he also left.

Similarly when a church group disciplines one of Its members, he

generally disappears for a period from three to six months. Once he
has found himself he returns to make amends to the church. There Is a
record of a case of wife stealing In which the culprit returned to face
the church after a period of six months absence. The church listened
to his statement, but did not find "his Innermost genuinely changed."
This man Immediately left the village for another extended period. His
next appearance In the community led to his Restoration to fellowship.
He was today a very respected member of the believing community....

Possibly the most serious reprimand for a Lengua does not

Involve sexual lapses (as In the missionary's value hierarchy), but
stinginess In regards to food. Since the Immigrant settlers do not
share their edibles as the Lengua culture demands they are classified
as stingy. One of the meanest modern Insults for a Lengua Is: “ You
are as stingy as a Lenco."

PI sregard of Person
The fourth major source of hurt could actually Include all the
others already discussed. It Is here used In a more specific sense of
the Indian-white relationship, especially as employees and employers.

The European Immigrants were used to differential treatment— to

each according to desert. With the Lengua they found that approach did
not work. They could not show favoritism or give differential wages.
If one Indian who did especially fine work was singled out for special
reward he generally refused It. If he did accept under pressure, two
types of problems generally developed. First, the employees not so
rewarded were hurt and frequently left this employer. Secondly, even
the rewarded person might leave If he did not receive the same reward
at the end of the following week. To give special reward only
occasionally Involved reflections on the person's worth....

Should a wife and mother want to hurt her husband, she could do
so by mistreating their.chiIdren. Husbands will be deeply hurt by
wives who do not respect the personalities of their children. Such
husbands will generally leave the community. This Is one mechanism
women can use to drive away unwanted husbands....
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181

THE INNERMOST AND PROPERTY

The Lengua culture distinguishes two kinds of property:

communal and private. To the communal category belong food, products
of the garden, game and gathered Items. These are shared with all men
alike. The Insult "stingy" discussed earlier would Imply that a person
would not share communal Items. So strong Is the sharing Ideal In the
area of the communal that Indians frequently find that they have had to
use their stored "seed" to feed some unexpected visitor or relative.

Private property, however, Is private Indeed. It Is intimately

linked with one's Innermost. Because of this people generally give a
living person's private property wide berth; and after his death all of
it Is destroyed or burled with the corpse In the grave. Should any
survivor as much as dare to touch such property the soul of the dead
would Immediately attack the offender. Accounts of the dire results
for people who tried to violate a dead man's private property abound.
Consider the following eye-witness account of a white colonist.

We had not been In the Chaco very long. There were several
Lengua families working for us. They lived on our yard.
Once an old woman died at our place. She had Just purchased
a large cast-iron pot. It was brand new. When they buried
• her all her other property was burled with her. Her dogs
were shot and burned. Onlythis new pot stayed out. Somehow
It seemed too new to bury. It lay there for about three
years. One day a new Indian family came to work for us. The
man liked that pot, but was told Its history. After many
days of looking at It from a distance, this man finally went
and picked It up to look at i^ closely. Immediately l¿
screamed and ran to the bush, straight Into the nearest
prickly.cactus plant. He roiled himself against the cactus
thorns until the blood flowed. Then he ran to the next
cactus...and the next. Finally he came running toward the
house at full speed, but already In the garden he fell down,
screamed very loud and then passed out. The family members
rushed up and began walling. They said, 'He has lost his
soul.' They walled for a long time. When the man finally
came to he told us, 'As soon as I lifted the pot, the soul of
the dead owner appeared to me and was going to kill me.' He
had rolled In the cactus to get the soul of the dead caught
on the thorns, but he had not been successful. Finally run­
ning toward the house his fear was so great that he had lost
his soul, but luckily It had escaped the avenging soul of the
dead. 'Now I will never even look at that pot again.'1

The Innermost and Exchange

While studying Lengua property values and methods of property
exchange, the Investigator created the following setting. He shared
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182

his need of a horse to visit all the Indian villages, but added that he
would like to acquire It like a good Lengua. Since he did not know
how, he wanted the Informant to teach him how to do It In the Lengua
way.

"First," the Indian said, "You must look until you find a horse
your Innermost wants. Then you go to the owner and talk with him about
the horse and frequently look at It. Then the owner will see that your
Innermost Is attaching Itself to his horse. If you also say three
times that you would like to have that horse, the owner will give It to
you."

"Why would he give It?" ,

"Well, he knows that If your Innermost•1 Inks Itself to the

horse, then when you dream at night, your Innermost will accompany the
soul to see the horse. If he were not willing to give It, then your
soul-Innermost would get angry and wait until his soul left the body In
a dream and then It would enter and tear him all up Inside and make him
sick."

"What about price?"

"One does not talk about price. The owner Just gives the horse,
but this Is 'non-thank' giving. That means once the former owner's
Innermost has found Its equilibrium after the loss of his horse, he
will visit you. He will see what good things you have. If you have
sheep, he may say. 'Those are nice sheep, I'd like three of them.'
Then you would give them to him."

"How long can such a former owner come to get things?"

"As long as the horse lives, he may come and get things from
you."

Problems from Innermost-Property Linkage

This Innermost linking has led to all sorts of misunderstanding
between Indians and settlers. A settler hires a Lengua to chop
firewood. Later he notices that the Indian takes home some of this
firewood. This annoys the white colonist who feels that he is paying
for the work and so the firewood Is his. But this doesn't register
with the Indian who explains that it was he, and not the colonist, who
cut the wood, and so the wood Is linked with his Innermost and not
really with the colonist's.

In a way one can say that this type of property concept and
exchange system serves as a damper on "material progress." Asked why
he did not buy four bars of soap In a package because there was a
savings, the Indian replied, "It does not help for me to buy more soap
 183

than I am using now. Visitors come; they see the extra soap. They
Keep looking at It until their Innermost gets linked to It and so one
has to give them a cake.”

One missionary reported that a woman died the day after she
collected her pay for work In the cotton harvest. She had earned a
30-yard bolt of good quality cotton. She received the cloth on Friday
morning and Friday night she suddenly died. Twice the missionary
picked the bolt of cloth out of the grave and gave It to the people,
but each time they threw It back Into the grave. Hhen he picked It up
for the third time, a relative took the bolt and threw It at the
missionary's feet. Finally the missionary himself threw It Into the
grave and It was burled. Fear of revenge by the soul of the dead
appears to be the motive In the great aversion to touch the private
property of others. Of couse, the soul of the dead Is even feared In
Itself. To this fact the burning of the village, the shaving of the
widow's head, and the painting with charcoal of all close relatives
render eloquent testimony.

THE INNERMOST AND CHRISTIANITY

As the reader will already have noticed, there are a good number
of Lengua beliefs concerning the Innermsot that show rather striking
similarity to some very fundamental Christian Ideals. In fact one must
almost conclude that the very central thrust of Lengua Innermost Ideals
stands In harmony with the highest New Testament Ideals on Christian
character and godly living. For this reason these similarities do not
only have the value of points of contact for the Introduction of
Christian teaching, but they actually provide both foundation and
support for behavior "worthy of sons of God” taught In the gospels and
the epistles. This Is not the place for a detailed discussion of
similarities, but It may be instructive to conclude with a few of the
most obvious parallels.

(1) The Lengua emphasis on Intent as primary over deed, finds

reecho at many places In the New Testament such as Christ's emphasis on
the spirit of the law as being more Important than some outward form of
obedience (Matthew 5-7, 23). Related Is Jesus' assertion that "evil
deeds" are "born” In man's heart even before they become overt (Matthew
15:17-20, Mark 7.17-23).

(2) The Lengua Ideals of the mature Innermost and Its respect
for the “self" of others lines up with Jesus' dictum that "to love
one's neighbor as oneself" Is equal to the greatest of commandments
(Luke 10:27). It parallels Paul's Instructions about avoiding behavior
which will harm the faith of a brother (I Corinthians 8-9). In Its
application to self control, especially In one's speech, the Lengua
emphasis Is reminiscent of the book of James and Its teachings on the
control of the tongue (James 3).

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 184

(3) While far from being consistent or universal, one notes

lengua emphases on the avoidance of force, argument and personal
advantage that would be worthy of some of the highest Ideals In
Anabaptist peace principles, the author was even tempted to think that
possibly Lengua methods of child training were actually more effective
In Inculcating respect for the worth of man, and for the peace position
than our own Mennonlte training.

14) The Lengua also exhibit some rather interesting "koinonla"

concepts and practices. Host obvious here Is the unlimited sharing of
the necessities of life; but the submission to group discipline Is
worthy of note-. Haybe In this respect missionaries will need to learn
from Lengua rather than teach them.

FOOTNOTES

1. This Ylst was collected almost exclusively by missionary Dietrich

Lepp from Lanuana Pora Mission.

2. A personal communication from Fernhelm Colony Mayor H. Duerksen.

3. A personal communication from missionary Henry Toews.

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Chapter Eleven

THE FLAW OF THE EXCLUDED MIDDLE

by Paul G. Hlebert

INTRODUCTION.

Western worldview has a blind spot that makes It difficult

for many Western missionaries to understand, let alone answer,
problems related to spirits, ancestors and astrology. Dr.
Hlebert here brings us a reevaluation of these problems from a
Biblical perspective that challenges some of the assumptions of
Western theology and opens the door for a more holistic,
relational and relevant theology of mission (from Mlsslology
1982).

"John's Disciples asked, 'Are you he that should come, or do we

look for another?'" (Luke 7:20). Jesus answered not with logical
proofs, but by a demonstration of power In the curing of the sick and
casting out of evil spirits. So much Is clear. Yet when I read the
passage as a missionary In India, and sought to apply It to missions In
our day, I had a sense of uneasiness. As a Westerner, I was used to
presenting Christ on the basis of rational arguments, not by evidences
of his power In the lives of people who were sick, possessed and
destitute. In particular, the confrontation with spirits that appeared
so natural a part of Christ's ministry belonged In my mind to a separ­
ate world of the miraculous— >far from ordinary everyday experience.

From Hlebert 1982: 35-47.

 187

The same uneasiness came to me early In my ministry In India.

One day, while teaching In the Bible school In Shamshabad, I saw
Yellayya standing In the door at the back of the class. He looked
tired, for he had walked many miles from Muchlntala where he was an
elder In the church. I assigned the class some reading and went with
him to the office. When I asked why Ire had come, he said that a>few
weeks earlier smallpox had come to the village and taken a number of
children. Doctors trained In Western medicine had tried to halt the
plague but without success. Finally, In desperation the village elders
had sent for a diviner who told them that Malsamma, Goddess of
Smallpox, was angry with the village.

To satisfy her and stop the plague the village would have to
perforin the water buffalo sacrifice. The village elders went around to
each household In the village to raise money to purchase the buffalo.
When they came to the Christian homes, the Christians refused to give
them anything, saying that It was against their religious beliefs. The
leaders were angry, pointing out that the goddess would not be
satisfied until every household gave something as a token offering—
even one paisa or penny would do. When the Christians refused, the
elders forbade them to draw water from the village wells and the
merchants refused to sell them food.

In the end some of the Christians had wanted to stop the

harassment by giving a paisa, and to tell God they dtd-not mean It, but
Yellayya had refused to let them do so. Now, said Yellayya, one of the
Christian girls was sick with samllpox and he wanted me to pray with
• him for God's healing. As I knelt, my mind was In turmoil. I had
learned to pray as a child, studied prayer In seminary and preached It
as a pastor. But now I was to pray for a sick child as all the village
watched to see If the Christian God was able to heal.

Why my uneasiness both In reading the scriptures and In the

Indian village? Was the problem, at least In part, due to my own world
vlew--to the assumptions I as a Westerner made about the nature of
reality and the ways I viewed the world? But how do I discover these
assumptions? They are so taken for granted that I am rarely even aware
of them. One way Is to look at the world view of another culture and
then to contrast It with the way I view the world.

ILLS AND REMEDIES IN AN INDIAN VILLAGE

There are many Illnesses In an Indian village. People become

sick with hot diseases such as smallpox and must be treated with cold
medicines and foods; or they have cold diseases like malaria and need
hot foods and medicines. Some need treatment for bolls, cuts and
broken bones, others for mental Illnesses. Women may be cursed with

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 188

barrenness. Individuals or whole families may be plagued by bad luck,

by constantly being robbed or by having their houses burn down. Or
they may be seized by bad temper, jealousy or hate; be possessed by
spirits; or be Injured by planetary forces or black magic.

Like all people, Indian villagers had traditional ways of

dealing with such diseases. Serious cases, particularly those that
were life threatening or had to do with relationships, they took to the
sadhu or “saint". This would be a person of God who claimed to heal by
prayer. Because God knew everything. Including the nature and causes
of the Illness, the saints asked no questions. Moreover, because they
were spiritual, they charged no fees, although those who were healed
were expected to give a generous offering to God by giving it to the
saint.

Other cases villagers took to a mantrakar or magician,

particularly cases In which the villagers suspected some evil human or
supernatural cause. The magician cured by means of knowledge and
control of supernatural spirits and forces believed to exist on earth.
If, for example, any were to venture out on an Inauspicious day when
the evil forces of the planets were particularly strong, they might be
bitten by a viper. To cure this the magician would have to say the
following magical chant (mantra) seven times for each stripe across the
viper's back:

OM NAMO BIIAGAVATE. SARVA PEESACIII GRUIIAMULU NANU DZUCHI .PARADZURU.

HREEM, KLEM, SAM PHAT, SVAIIA.

This combines a powerful formula to counter the evil forces and

a series of powerful sounds (hreem, klem, sam, pliat, svaha) that
further empower the formula. Sometimes the magician used visual
symbols (yentras— see figure I on the following page) or amulets to
control spirits and forces In this world. Because they can divine both
the nature and the cause of the evil plaguing the patient, they need
ask no question, and, like the saints, they receive the offerings of
those who have been helped.

A third type of medical practitioner was the valdyudu or

“doctors" who cured people by means of scientific knowledge based on
the ayyurvedlc or unanl systems of medicine. Because of their skills
In diagnosis, these, too. asked no questions. Villagers report these
valdyudu would feel their wrists, stomachs and bodies and be able to
determine their Illness. They charged high fees for this knowledge was
powerful, but they gave them a guarantee: medicines and services were
paid for only If the patient was healed.

In addition there were village quacks who healed people with

folk remedies. Their knowledge was limited so they had to ask
questions about the Illness— where it hurt and for how long, had they

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189

been with someone sick and what had they eaten. For the same reason
they charged low fees and gave no guarantees. People had to pay for
the medicines before receiving them. (It should not surprise us that
Western doctors were often equated at the beginning with the quacks.)

FIGURE 1

M agical <li.irm i. w hen p ro p c t ly u s e d in a s o u th In d ia n village. Mill j u io in .n u ally hr in f

j I wmii (lie i l n i r r d re su lts. T h e s e c h a rm s co m b in e pow er f u l fig u re s, so u n d s. a n d w o rd *
A: Y a n tia Inr a l ir .u l.u h e . im h id in g w ritin g it o n a lu ass p late. lig h tin g a c a n d le b c lo re it
a fte r it is * ra p |> rd m s trin g , c o v e rin g it w ith re d a n d yellow |>ow dcrs. a n d lying k to th e
h e a d B. Y a n tra fo r a s s u rin g r n n e e p tio n . involving invcriltm g it o n a piece o f p a p e r or
c o p p e r sh e e tin g an d ty in g it to t h e a r m o f th e U n t e n w om an. C! U sed fo r m alaria 1): T o
th e god N a ra s im h a . fo r |>owcr a n d g e n e ra l p ro tec tio n .
 ( (

190

What happened to villagers who became Christians? Most of them

took problems they formerly took to the saints to the Christian
minister or missionary. Christ replaced Krishna or Siva as the healer
of their spiritual diseases. Many of them In time turned to Western
allopathic medicines for many of the Illnesses they took to the doctor
and quack. But what of the plagues that'the magician cured? What
about spirit possession, or curses, or witchcraft or black magic? What
was the Christian answer to these?

Neither the missionary evangelist or doctor had an answer.

These did not really exist, they said. But to people for whom these
were very real experiences In their lives, there had to be an answer.
It Is not surprising, therefore, that many of them returned to the
magician for cures.

This survival of magic among Christians is not unique to India:

In many parts of the world, the picture Is the same. In the West,
magic and witchcraft persisted well Into the 17th century, more than a
thousand years after the coming of the gospel.

AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

In order to understand the biblical texts, the Indian scene and

the failure of Western missionaries to meet the needs met by magicians,
we need an analytical framework. To create this, we need two
dimensions of analysis (see figure 2).

The Seen-Unseen Dimension

The first dimension Is that of Imminence-transcendence. On one

end Is the empirical world of our senses. All people are aware of this
world, and develop folk sciences to explain and control It. They
develop theories about the natural world around them--about how to
build a house, plant a crop or sal) a canoe. They also have theories
about human relationships— how to raise a child, treat a spouse and
deal with a relative. When a Naga tribal person attributes the death
of the deer to an arrow, or a Karen wife the cooking of a meal In terms
of the fire under the pot,they are using explanations based upon
empirical observations and deductions. Western science. In this sense.
Is not unique. It may be more systematic In the exploration of the
empirical world, but all people have folk sciences that they use to
explain many of the ordinary. Immediate experiences of their lives.

Above this level are beings and forces that cannot be directly
perceived but are thought to exist on this earth. These Include
spirits, ghosts, ancestors, demons, and earthly gods and goddesses who
live In trees, rivers, hills and villages. These live not In some
other world or time, but are Inhabitants with humans and animals of
this world and time. In medieval Europe these Included trolls, pixies;
 191
FIGURE 2
AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK FOR T IIE
ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS

O RG A NIC ANALOGY M ECH A N ICAL ANALOGY

l u n l t M concepts o f living b etn g i relating in o th e r living Bated o n concepta o< im p erso n al o i j n u controlled bp
betngi S ifc iin hie. per tonality. relationships, forcea. S u m a im p erio nal mechanistic and
functions. health, d i m i c . ih tM t. etc R elatconthipt u < determ inistic n atu re o í eventa Forcea aee essentially
essentially moral in character. am oral in character.

H IG H REI IC IO N
BASE D O N COSMIC
BEINGS
IJN SIE N OR d em om
SUPERNA IIJR A L cprrict o l ocher wocldi
Beyond irninediaic ten te
e sp érte m e Altóte natural
caplanancm Knowledge of
Ihit b a ted on uifcrcnce or
EOl K OR 1 OW
e a p e ric n c o REI It.IO N
local g odt and g o d d e ttei
ancciloca an d ghoua
•per ill
d em o m an d c td ip n iu
H IG H RE L IC IO N f O T H E R WORLDLY
BASED O N COSMIC Sect cnUlict and eterna
FORCES: occurring in tom e ocher
kiimcl worlds an d In oth e r limes.
face
Brahm an and karma
Im pel to n al coamic forcea
MAGIC AND
A STRO IO GY
mana
astrological forcci
charm s, a m u len and
magical ricri
c«il eye. evil longue

_ occurring in chit w orld and

SEEN OR EMPIRICAL F O IK SO C IA L SCIENCE FOLK NATURAL

Ditcclly ot.vcrvalAe by the m ire acnon of living being! SCIENCE
tentea Knot*ledge bated •uch a t h u m an !, porubly inter action of n aiu ial
on eapcrim enraiion and annuals a n d planes objects based o n natu ral
. . . .

•
gnomes, brownies and fairies who were believed to be real. This level
also includes supernatural forces such as mana, planetary Influences.-
evil eyes, and the powers of magic, sorcery and witchcraft.

Furthest from the Immediate world of human experience are

transcendent worlds beyond this one— hells and heavens; and other times
such as eternity. Here are African concepts of a high god, and Hindu
Ideas of Vishnu and Siva. Here Is located the Jewish concept of
Jehovah who stands In stark contrast to the Baals and Ashtaroth of the
Canaanltes who were deities of this world, of the middle zone. To be
sure, Jehovah entered Into the affairs of this earth, but his abode was
above It. On this level, too, are the transcendent cosmic forces such
as'karma and kismet.

The Organic-Mechanical Continuum

Scholars have widely noted that humans use analogies from

everyday experiences to provide them with pictures of the nature and
operations of the larger world. Two basic analogies are particularly
widespread: I) to see things as living beings In relationship to each
other, and 2) to see things as Inanimate objects that act upon one
another like parts In a machine.

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 192
In the first or "organic" analogy, the elements being examined
are thought to be alive In some sense of the term, to undergo processes
similar to human life, and to relate to each other In ways that are
analogous to Interpersonal relationships. For example. In seeking to
describe human civilizations, Spengler and Toynbee speak of them as
living things. Civilizations are born, they mature and they die.
Similarly, traditional religionists see many diseases as caused by evil
spirits that are alive, that may be angered, and that can be placated
through supplication or the offering of a sacrifice. Christians see,
their relationship to God In organic terms. God Is a person and humans
relate to him In ways analogous to human relationships.

Organic explanations see the world In terms of living beings In

relationship to one another. Like humans and animals, they may
Initiate actions and respond to the action; of others. They may be
thought to have feelings, thoughts and wills of their own. Often they
are seen as social beings who love, marry, beget offspring, quarrel,
war, sleep, eat, persuade and coerce one another.

In the second or “
mechanical" analogy things are thought to be
Inanimate parts of greater mechanical systems. They are controlled by
Impersonal forces or by Impersonal laws of nature. .For example.
Western sciences see the world as made up of lifeless matter that
Interacts on the basis of forces. Gravity pulls a rock down to the
earth not because the earth and rock wish to meet— neither earth nor
rock have any thought in the matter. In Western science even living
beings are often seen as being caught up In a world ultimately made up
of Impersonal forces. Just as we have no choice about what happens to
us when we fall out of a tree, so It Is often thought we have no
control over the forces In early childhood that are believed to make us
what1 we are today.

Mechanical analogies are essentially deterministic; living

beings In a mechanistic system are subject to Its Impersonal forces.
But If they know how these forces operate, they can manipulate or
control them for their own advantage. In a sense they become like gods
who control their own destiny.

Mechanistic analogies are basically amoral In character. Forces

are Intrinsically neither good or evil. They can be used for both.
Organic analogies, on the other hand, are characterized by ethical
considerations. One being's actions always affect other beings.

Many of the similarities between modern science, magic and

astrology which have been pointed out by anthropologists are due to the
fact that both use mechanistic analogies. Just as scientists know how
to control empirical forces to achieve their goals, the magician and
astrologer control supernatural forces of this world by means of
chants, charms and rituals to carry out their purposes.
 ( (

193

One of the greatest cultural gaps between Western people and

many traditional religionists Is found along this dimension. The
former have bought deeply Into a mechanical view of this universe and
of the social order (cf Berger 1974). To them the basis of the world
Is lifeless matter controlled by Impersonal forces. Many tribal
religionists see the world as alive. Not only humans, but also
animals, plants and even rocks, sand and water are thought to have
personalities, wills and life forces. Theirs Is a relational, not a
deterministic world.

THE EXCLUDED MIDDLE

, The reasons for my uneasiness with the biblical and Indian world
views should now be clear. I had excluded the middle level of
supernatual but thls-worldly beings and forces from my own world view.
As a scientist I had been trained to deal with the empirical world In
naturalistic terms. As a theologian, I was taught to answer ultimate
questions In thelstlc terms. For me the middle zone did not really
exist. Unlike Indian villagers, I had given little thought to spirits
of this world, to local ancestors and ghosts, or to the souls of
animals. For me these belonged to the realm of fairies, trolls and
other mythical beings. Consequently I had no answers to the questions
they raised (see figure 3 below).

FIGURE 3
' A WESTERN TWO-TIERED VIEW OF REALITY

faith
miracles
RELIGION other worldly problems
sacred

(EXCLUDED MIDDLE)

sight and experience

natural order
SCIENCE this worldly problems
secular

How did this two-tier world view emerge In the West? Belief In
the middle level began to die In the 17th and 18th centuries with the
growing acceptance of a Platonic dualism (Bufford 1981:30), and with
It, of a science based on materialistic naturalism. The result was the
secularization of science and the mystification of religion. Science
dealt with the empirical world using mechanistic analogies, leaving
religion to handle other-worldly matters, often In terms of organic
analogies. Science was based on the certitudes of sense experience,
experimentation and proof. Religion was left with faith In visions,
dreams and Inner feelings. Science sought order In natural laws.
Religion was brought In to deal with miracles and exceptions to the
natural order, but these decreased as scientific knowledge expanded.

It should be apparent why many missionaries trained in'the West

had no answers to the problems of the middle level— they often did not
even see It. When tribal people spoke of fear of evil spirits, they
denied the existence of the spirits rather than claim the power of
Christ over them. The result, as Newbigin has pointed out (1966) Is
that Western Christian missions have been one of the greatest
secularizing forces In history.

What are the questions of the middle level that Westerners find
so hard to answer, and how do they differ from questions raised by
science and religion? Science as a system of explanation, whether folk
or modern, answers questions about the nature of the world that Is
directly experienced. All people have social theories about how to
raise children and organize social activities. All have Ideas about
the natural world and how to control It for their own benefits.

Religion as a system of explanation deals with the ultimate

questions of the origin, purposed In destiny of the individual, a
society and the universe. In the West focus Is on the individual; In
the Old Testament it was on Israel as a society.

What are the questions of the middle level? Here one finds the
questions of the uncertainty of the future, the crisis of present life
and the unknowns of the past. Despite knowledge that seeds once
planted will grow and bear fruit, that travel down this river on a boat
will bring one tp the neighboring village, the future Is not totally
predictable. Accidents, misfortunes, interventions of other persons
and other unknown events- can frustrate human planning.

How can one prevent accidents or guarantee success in the

future? How can one make sure that a marriage will be fruitful and
happy, and endure? How can one avoid getting on a plane that will
crash? In the West these questions are left unanswered. They are
"accidents", "luck" or "unforeseeable events", hence unexplainable.
But many people are not content to leave so important a set of
questions unanswered, and the answers they give are often In terms of
ancestors, demons, witches and local gods, or In terms of magic and
astrology.

Similarly, the crises and misfortunes of present life must be

handled: sudden disease and plagues, extended droughts, earthquakes,
failures In business, and the empirically unexplainable loss of
health. What does one do when the doctors have done all they can and a
child grows sicker, or when one Is gambling and the stakes are high?
Again, many seek answers In the middle level.
 195

And there are questions one must answer about the past: why did
my child die In the prime of life, or who stole the gold hidden In the
house? Here again transemplrlcal explanations often provide an answer
when empirical ones fall.

Because the Western world no longer provides explanations for

questions on the middle level. It Is not surprising that many Western
missionaries have no answers within their Christian world view. What
Is a Christian theology of ancestors, of animals and plants, of local
spirits and spirit possession, and of “principalities, powers and
rulers of the darkness of this world" (Ep. 6:12)? What does one say
when new tribal converts want to know how the Christian God tells them
where and when to hunt, whether they should marry this daughter to that
young man. or where they can find the lost money? Given no answer,
they return to the diviner who gave them definite answers, for these
are the problems that loom large In their everyday life.

IMPLICATIONS FOR MISSIONS

What Implications does this all have for missions? First, It

points out the need for missionaries to develop holistic theologies
that deal with all areas of life (see figure 4 ), that avoids the

FIGURE 4
A HOLISTIC THEOLOGY

m TRUTH
COSMIC HISTORY <- ENCOUNTER -> OTHER RELIGIONS
The ultimate story of the origin,
and destiny of the self, society
and universe.

i I POWER
HUMANHISTORY <-------- ----- ENCOUNTER -> ANIMISTIC SPIRITISM
The uncertalnlties of tlié future;
the crises of the present; and
the unexplainable events of the
past. The meaning of human
experiences.

I EMPIRICAL
NATURALHISTORY <------------- ENCOUNTER SECULARISM
Nature and order of humans and
their social relationships, and
of the natural world.

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 196
Platonic dualism of the West, and takes seriously body and soul. On
the hghest level this Includes a theology of God In cosmic history: In
the creation, redemption, purpose and destiny of all things. Only as
human history Is placed within a cosmic framework
does It take on meaning, and only when history has meaning does human
biography become meaningful.

On the middle level, a holistic theology Includes a theology of

God In human history: In the affairs of nations, of peoples and of
Individuals. This must Include a theology of divine guidance,
provision and healing; of ancestors, spirits and invisible powers of
this world; and of suffering, misfortune and death.

On this level, some sections of the church have turned to

doctrines of saints as Intermediaries between God and humans. Others
have turned to doctrines of the Holy Spirit to show God active
Involvement In the events of human history. It Is no coincidence that
many of the most successful missions have provided some form of
Christian answer to middle level questions.

On the bottom level a holistic theology Includes an awareness of

God In natural history— In sustaining the natural order of things. So
long as the missionary comes with a two-tier world view with God
confined to the supernatural, and the ntural world operating for all
practical purposes according to autonomous scientific laws,
Christianity will continue to be a secularizing force In the world.
Only as God Is brought back Into the middle of our scientific
understanding of nature will we stem the tide of Western secularism.

A second Implication Is that the church and mission must guard

against Christianity Itself'becoming a new form of magic. Magic Is
based on a mechanistic view— a formula approach to reality that allows
humans to control their own destiny. Worship, on the other hand. Is
rooted In a relational view of life. Worshipers place themselves In
the power and mercy of a greater being.

The difference Is not one of form, but of attitude. What begins

as a prayer of request may turn Into a formula or chant to force God to
do one's will by saying or doing the right thing. In religion, we want
the will of God for we trust in his omniscience. In magic we seek our
own wills, comfldent that we know what Is best for ourselves.

The line dividing them Is a subtle one as I learned In the case

of Muchlntala. A week after our prayer meeting, Yellayya returned to
say that the child had died. I felt thoroughly defeated. Who was I to
be a missionary If I could not pray for healing and receive a positive
answer? A few weeks later Yellayya returned with a sense of triumph.
"How can you be so happy after the child died?" I asked.

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197

"The village would have acknowledged the power of our God had he
healed the child," Yellayya said, "but they knew In the end she would
have to die. When they saw In the funeral our hope of resurrection and
reunion in heaven, they saw an even greater victory, over death Itself,
and they have begun to ask about the Christian way."

In a new way I began to realize that true answers to prayer are

those that bring the greatest glory to God, not those that satisfy my
Immediate desires. It Is all too easy to make Christianity a new magic
In which we as gods can make God do our bidding.

References Cited

Berger. Peter, et al
1974 The Homeless Hind: Modernization and Consciousness New
York: Vintage Books

Bufford, Roger K.
1981 The Human Reflex: Behavioral Psychology In Biblical
Perspective San Francisco: Harper and Row

Newbigln, Less11e
1966 Honest Religion for Secular Man Philadelphia: Westminster
• Press
 1

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Chapter Twelve

RELIGION AND MAGIC

by James P. Spradley

The contribution of this chapter to our understanding of

Other Is the excellence and breadth with which Spradley
addresses the way people relate to Hiebert's middle level
Other. Not only is the theory clearly noted, but through two
ongoing narratives. It Is uniquely Illustrated.

In preliminary remarks, which have been deleted for

this reader, Spradley has stated that "human survival Is
uniquely dependent on culture" from which various tools are
provided In the form of rules, codes, and the categories of
culture. These tools help people "to meet the...requlrements
of existence." It Is In this framework that the author
discusses religion and magic. These are tools that involve
the category of the supernatural to which a variety of rules
and procedures apply.

THE NATURE OF RELIGION

Culture Is a necessary requirement of human societies. Each

culture code develops out of the collective experience of many
generations of people and, In the process, It undergoes constant

From Spradley 1975:423-454

 199
revision and change. Human social life Is possible because of our
capacity to employ these symbolic codes. Social life requires
predictability and organized patterns of Interaction. Culture provides
us with the ground plan for social Interaction In the categories and
rules of the social structure. Human survival also depends on the
effective utilization of a physical environment. Culture Is used to
Identify resources, define the physical world, and provide goods and
services for social and biological wants. In the distribution of
resources and the allocation of responsibilities, choices must be made
and disputes Inevitably occur. In the nature of political systems [we]
see how culture Is used to allocate resources, make public policy
decisions, and settle disputes.

Each of these aspects of culture provides people with means for

coping with the demands of life. Each helps to reduce the world of
experience to known quantities, defining the situation and providing
plans for action. Each helps to bring vast areas of experience under
human control. But always there are problems left over, difficulties
unresolved, wants unsatisfied, tragedies unexplained. Social life
Itself Is often a precarious venture that requires people to pay
allegiance to values that transcend Individual Interests. The part of
each culture that helps to fill these gaps In a uniquely human way Is
religion.

Religion: A Definition

Religion Is the cultural knowledge of the supernatural that

people use to cope with the ultimate problems of human existence.1 .
Much of any religion remains at the tacit level of cultural knowledge.
It consists of cultural rules for generating emotional states, for
Interpreting Inner feelings, and for responding to the profound crises
of life. As we discuss several ultimate problems and supernatural
* beliefs, It should be kept In mind that they are not merely questions
of a rational nature. As Hilton Ylnger has said:

They are more appropriately seen as deep-seated emotional

needs, springing from the very nature of man as an Individual
and as a member of society. The questions appear first of
all because they are felt— the death of a loved one wrenches
our emotions, the failure to achieve that for which we yearn
saddens and bewilders us; the hostility between ourselves and
those around us Infuses our social contacts with tension and
prevents the achievement of mutual values.. Religion may de­
velop an Intellectual system to Interpret and deal with these
questions, but they express first of all an underlying emo­
tional need, not a group of rationally conceived problems. 1

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 200

Ultimate Problems.

The problem of meaning. In addition to Interpreting Immediate

experience and dealing with day-to-day physical needs, human beings
question the source and meaning of life. Where did we come from? Hhy
Is life like this? Is there any central meaning to life? What Is the
purpose of existence? The problem of meaning does not always express
Itself In stated questions, but we can Infer Its presence from the
universal existence of myths and legends that answer a deep human
need. The people of the Gilbert Islands tell a story of Naareau, the
elder who lived In a void but, because there was nothing else, decided
to create a woman.' As the tale progresses. It tells of the
creation of men, night and day, and a variety of other worldly
features. The Australian Aborigines speak of the Dreaming, a time when
everythng was created and came to be as It Is.4 Khowledge of the
dreaming Is so detailed, yet fluid, that Australians can use It to
explain their own existence as we 1Í as the place of every trail, hill,
water hole, and animal. An Intellectual living In a secular Israeli
kibbutz, despite his dissatisfaction with certain Marxist
Interpretations of life, says, "I value Marxism very highly. In times
like ours when there Is not faith and there Is no God, Marxism does
provide you with a Weltanschauung; It does fit every theory and every
silence Into a scheme and, thus, it brings, order out of chaos."1

The problem of death. Every person faces the biological

certainty of death, and every culture must deal with the questions that
surround death. Is death the end of existence? What happens after
death? When will I die? In addition to such Individual questions,
each death Is a problem for society and often requires major changes In
status for the living. The cultural knowledge for responding to death,
for Interpreting It correctly, and for mourning the deaths of others
constitute part of every religion.

The problem of evil. In every society certain forces that are

beyond their control Impinge on people. Social structures and
political decisions result In inequality. Illness and misfortune raise
persistent questions. Somehow the forces of evil do not strike
uniformly In society. Why was that child killed by a drunk driver and
not some other child? Why did the tornado strike my home and not some
other? Why are these people so wealthy while I am poor? Cultural
rules create Inequality and can result In further questions that
relIglon must handle.

The problem of transcendent values. In every society some

Individual Interests and desires conflict with the values of the
group Hostilities are aroused by conflicting Interests, and
individuals must handle these aggressive feelings. This Is more than a

< )
 ( ( (

201

personal problem, It raises the question of the very existence of

society. Religions seem to provide a set of transcendent values,
sometimes supernaturally legitimized, sometimes not, that enable people
to give allegiance to a way of life on which their very survival
depends. One of the main functions of religion Is to provide a set of
transcendent values that are given supernatural sanctions for the
members of a society.

The Supernatural.

The knowledge for coping with the ultimate questions of human

existence Is most often based on Ideas of the supernatural. The
supernatural refers to a realm that Is beyond ordinary experience, but
open or accessible to people. It usually Involves powers and beings
and ways to communicate with them. But even In societies that deny the •
supernatural, there are ideologically structured parts of culture that
can be called religious.' In this chapter we shall deal primarily
with those that are religious In the sense of dealing with'the
supernatural.

For many educated people In our own society, religion and the
supernatural tend to be treated In a highly Intellectual and rational
manner. But In most societies, religion Is neither an abstract
cultural system nor a highly rationalistic one. It involves people
performing rituals, fearing ghosts and ancestors, praying for help In
the time of crisis, and explaining unanticipated events. Religion is a
personal and often very emotional area of cultural experience. As we
discuss the concepts that anthropologists have developed for describing
and understanding religion, we shall do so In the context of two
extended cases. In this way we hope to show how religions In widely
different cultural settings are used by people to cope with the
ultimate problems faced by.all human beings.

Illness Among the Azande

The morning was especially hot In the southern Sudan as Bazugba,

a dark, strongly built Azande man In his early forties, walked through
the tall grass and brush toward a small secluded clearing. He moved
vigorously, the-effort causing beads of perspiration to form on his
brow. On his left he cuaght sight of a line of tall trees that
announced the presence of a stream whose waters he knew well. He had
lived In a homestead on the banks of that stream when he was a boy, but
had been moved with his family to a more compact government settlement
by British officials. The British explained that tsetse files lived In
the shadows by the water and that these small Insects were the cause of
sleeping sickness. As he walked along Bazugba wondered, as had other
people at the time, what real purpose the officials had had In mind.
No fly could cause a disease.
 (

202

As he neared the clearing, Bazugba recalled the events that had

brought him on his day's Journey. A month earlier he had awakened to
the usual noises and sights of his bustling homestead. He could hear
the sharp words of his first wife, the Ill-tempered Namarusu, as she
chided her children about their lack of cooperation In her morning's
work. As he walked Into the sunlight of the new day, he caught sight
of his youngest wife, Mamenzl, straining awkwardly under the weight of
a head load of firewood. She carried quite a burden, he thought, for a
women 8 months pregnant.- His thoughts were disturbed, however, by the
urgent call of a small boy, the son of his second wife, Nabanl.
"Father, father," exclaimed the little figure. "Come to our hut.
Mother has Just become very 111."

Bazugba hurried after the lad, and the sight that met his eyes
was most distressing. Nabanl, hts favorite wife, the most cheerful,
helpful, and hardworking person In the compound, lay doubled up in
pain. He felt her body, and, as he feared, it was hot with fever. At
his touch, Nabanl recognized his presence and managed to tell him about
the sudden attack of pain In her stomach, arms, legs, and head. "I am
dead," she moaned. "I am surely dead."

But Nabanl, Bazugba recalled, had survived the onset of her

Illness and some of her pain subsided. Yet over the next few weeks she
did not regain the full vigor of her former health. Instead, failing
to eat, she grew thin and listless, hardly able to move about and
complete her work. Bazugba feared that she might die and on this
morning, he thought as he walked along the dusty path, he would
discover the cause of her Illness and do something about it.

Bazugba knew of no physical causes for sudden or long-term

Illness. As he said, "Flies cannot cause disease." Nor are people, by
themselves, able to make others 111. Clearly Nabanl's problem was
caused by witchcraft, for although her Illness had struck suddenly, an
Indication of sorcerers. It had lingered on for some time, a sign that •
could only mean witchcraft. He would have to discover the Identity of
the witch and take the proper magical countermeasures to protect his
ailing wife from the force that was trying to devour her.

Misfortune In Chicago

Mary Jean Getz stood on the sidewalk In front of the old

apartment building In which she and her husband Bob rented a flat.
Moments earlier a neighbor had called to Inform her that her car was
damaged; she now surveyed the vehicle. The rear tires of the aging
Buick LeSabre were flat, slashed by the knife of some unknown
assailant. A window on the passenger's side was cracked by the effects
of a Jimmy with which someone had tried to unlock the door. On the
other side of the car a deep gouge marred the paint from the rear wheel
 203

well to the front door handle. With tears In her eyes Mary Jean
muttered, "Damn these people around here!" and ran upstairs.

Mary Jean and her husband had grown up In the small rural town
of Ham Lake, Indiana. They had dated each other through high school
and married 2 days after graduation. Although he had asked everyone.
Bob had not been able to find work In Ham Lake and, like so many other
young people from the town and surrounding farms, he and Mary Jean
decided to look for a better life In Chicago.

Unfortunately, thought Mary Jean, Chicago did not turn out to be

the promised land. Both she and Bob had found Jobs, although their
lack of skills and education kept them from doing anything that paid
especially well. Mary Jean worked as a sales clerk at Sunny Side
Store, a local discount house, and Bob found a Job as night man,
pumping gas at a filling station. The arnangement was distressing to
Mary Jean because she was alone at night and only managed to see Bob
for any length of time on Mondays, when they both had a day off. But
worse, her discomfort was compounded by life In the city Itself. The
vandalism to the car was only the last In a series of events that made
urban existence so unpleasant for her. Adolescent boys leered at her
when she walked to the corner grocery store, and one of her neighbors
had actually been robbed of her purse only a few days before by a gang
of young toughs. Mary Jean and Bob experienced similar trouble when,
returning from a movie one Monday evening, they discovered that someone
had entered their apartment, overturning the furniture and throwing
their belongings on the floor. There was little the thelf could take,
so they had not lost much, but the experience, like the damage to the.
car, was Just another sign of the hostility of the city. Why were
people so evil here anyway?

As she walked back Into her apartment house, Mrs. Roberts, the
neighbor who had alerted her about the damaged car, stopped her in the
hall and suggested she drop by for a cup of coffee. She accepted
gladly, and entered Mrs. Roberts clean. Immaculately tidy but simply
furnished apartment. As Mary sat In the kitchen, she expressed her
despair over the car and life In the city. Listening patiently, Mrs.
Roberts asked her If she ever wondered why things like this happened.
"Have you ever noticed," she said, "that crime Is getting out of hand
all over the country? Perhaps It Is part of a greater plan?"

Mary Jean asked her what she meant, and Mrs. Roberts replied,
saying that God Jehovah had made this world and the people in It. but
he had not made evil. It was the devil and hts agents who were
responsible fór trouble, and lately, the devil had been more active.
That Is why the crime rate was soaring all over the country. Mary Jean
wondered about this explanation She and Bob had been brought up In a
fundamentalist church In Ham Lake, and she knew that the devil could
possess people.

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 204

Mrs. Roberts went Into her bedroom and came back with a small
book entitled The Truth That Leads to Eternal Life. "This book Is
published by the Jehovah's Witnesses," she said. "If you read It, It
will open your eyes about a. Tot of things that are going on in the
world these days." When Mary left the apartment, she carried the book
with her and decided to read it.

As we have just seen, both Bazugba and Mary Jean's neighbor,

Mrs. Roberts, use their religion to explain adversity. But how does
the supernatural affect human affairs? The answer lies In the concept
of supernatural power, for Bazugba and Mrs. Roberts botl) believe that
trouble Is the result of Its malevolent application.

SUPERNATURAL PONER

Supernatural power refers to .the ability of the supernatural to

act. When one sees the elements of an electric stove glow red and
feels their warmth, he or she knows that the electrical power Is on.
All of us learn about the effects of electricity and the rules for Its
control. Hhen Bazugba witnessed the slow, wasting disease that
afflicted Nabant, he, too, knew that a power was present. But Instead
of a physical power generated In an electrical plant, Nabani was
affected by a supernatural power emanating from a witch. Every
religion contains conceptions of supernatural power and strategies for
controlling and dealing with supernatural forces. Hhlle the variety of
these bel Ifes Is astonishingly wide, we may classify supernatural power
into two broad categories, the personified force of supernatural beings
and the Impersonal force at large In many things and places In the
world.
<
Supernatural Beings

In addition to physical forces such as electricity, human beings

also experience the affects of personal forces as they conduct their
social lives. A bank teller, for example, knows that he Is subject to
the authority of the bank president and other managers. The president
can hire and fire employees like the teller, decide whether or not to
grant loans, and raise or lower Interest rates. He possesses the power
to cause others to act. The supernatural realm also contains
personal Ifled force associated with supernatural beings. Such beings
have the power to affect human events and control human destinies. In
India, for example, there Is a malevolent goddess known as Sítala
Mata. Much of the time she Is quiet, pleased wth the attention people
pay her when they worship at her shrines. But she has the power to
harm people by afflicting them with smallpox, and this she does from
time to time in a capricious way. Her force Is personified In the
sense that It Is associated with her Identity, Just as the bank-
president holds power because of who he is.

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205

The nature of supernatural force varies with the personalities

of the being with whom it Is associated, and such beings are often
thought to resemble real people In their habits and temperament. Some,
like Sítala Mata, are evil. They employ their power to hurt their
victims and destroy human fortune. Some are kindly and helpful; they
can be trusted to exert power In support of those who need It. Still
others are stern and authoritarian, fair and helpful when treated
properly, but quick to take retribution on those who fall to care for
them properly.

Some supernatural beings are thought to be so similar to human

beings that they can be treated almost like normal people. For
example, on Taiwan most rural Chinese.faml1les keep an altar In the
central room of their houses.7 There rest the tablets of the
family's ancestors. But this altar Is not slmly a memorial to the
dead, It Is their residence. They are treated by their descendents as
though they were actually present In the room, queried when family
decisions are made, addressed when people talk, eat, drink, and play,
and Included In family ritual. Although they cannot be seen, their
presence Is felt as part of the normal rhythm of family life.

The Intensity and extent of power wielded by supernatural beings

also varies. People in many societies conceive of high, remote gods
and goddesses whose power Is both Intense and widely felt. It Is these
beings .who created the world and the people, animals, land forms, and
other spirit beings that are found In It. Such deities, however, tend
to be remote and too Important to bother themselves with the dally life
of mortals. That Job Is reserved for other gods, godllngs, spirits, -
ancestors, and ghosts that have power over most happenings In people's
lives, and who reside nearer those whom they affect. Finally, there
are many lesser beings who possess limited power and whose activities
can be countered by higher supernatural beings.

Mrs. Roberts and other Jehovah's Witnesses divide supernatural

beings and their associated powers Into categories somewhat similar to
those listed above. First, there Is the high deity, Jehovah God, who
created the world. As the Bible help entitled The Truth That Leads to
Eternal Life points out, Jehovah God created the heavens and the earth,
all living creatures and creeping things, other spirit creatures, and
human kind. He also created Jesus and a host of angels. Including
Satan and others who later became demons.

As Mary Jean read the Bible help and spent additional hours
talking with Mrs. Roberts in Bible study, she was Impressed by the
Bible explanation for the origin of troubles on earth. The answer
given there Involved a conflict for power among the many supernatural
beings. Including Jehovah God himself. The struggle over power came
about almost at the very beginning. Jehovah had created Adam, and from
Adam he made Eve and placed them In a paradise, the garden of Eden.
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206
There they lived according to His wishes In a state of perfection. But
Jehovah had created Adam, and from Adam he made Eve and placed them in
a paradise, the garden of Eden. There they lived according to His
wishes In a state of perfection. But Jehovah had also created many
angels and had given them free will. One of these. Satan, exercised
his free will and decided to be disobedient, challenging Jehovah, and
she and Adam deviated from God's perfect knowledge.

Instead of destroying the world and its disobedient beings as h?

had the power to do, Jehovah permitted Adam and Eve's descendents to
continue living with the opportunity of returning to his flock. He
al?o permitted the Oevll to persist In his quest for power. When the
evil work of Satan became too much for him, however, he sent the flood
to eliminate almost every human being and animal from the face of the
earth. But the Devil resumed his conflict with Jehovah when the earth
was repopulated. To counteract Satan's efforts, Jehovah changed Jesus,
who was king of God's heavenly kingdom, into a human being to work
among people and lead them back to His perfect way. But Satan managed
to kill Jesus, and 3 days after his death. God turned Jesus back Into a
spirit. From that time to 1914 Satan ruled both heaven and earth, and
It was not until 1914 that God cast the evil one out of heaven.
Deposed, Satan now roams the earth causing trouble and working to
thwart Jehovah God's plans.

Mary Jean was clearly affected by this view of supernatural

beings and their power. It explained why life In the city was so
difficult, why there had been so many earthquakes, famines, and wars In
the world, and why these events were occurring with Increased
regularity. The Devil and his demons were now loose in the world,
turning one person against another and causing disease and
destruction. She decided to spend more time with the Jehovah's
Witnesses, and began to Interest Bob In what she had learned.

Impersonal Supernatural Force

Bazugba had a different view of supernatural power. He

attributed human troubles to the activity of an Impersonal supernatural
force controlled by malevolent people. Force of this sort has usually
been called mana by anthropologists. From 1863 to 1887 a missionary
named Bishop Codrlngton lived and worked In Melanesia. .During his long
stay there, he discovered that the Inhabitants of the Islands conceived
of an impersonal supernatural force called mana that could reside In
people and unusual objects.* As he described it, mana worked more
like the electric power that we spoke of earlier. It was not force
associated with a particular person or deity, although people and
spirits could control and use It. It was free In the environment
where. If people and spirits knew the proper strategies. It could be
captured and controlled.
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Codrlngton tells of a Melanesian who, on seeing a peculiarly

shaped stone, suspected that It might contain mana. He picked It up
and placed It In his garden, where he was rewarded by a higher yield of
yams. After a few years the yield decreased, and the surmised that the
rock had lost Its mana has been extended by anthropologists to label
any form of Impersonal supernatural power.

The concept of mana also exists In Polynesia, but there It has

much more dangerous characteristics.* Like electricity, In large
•amounts. It can harm people who encounter It. Chiefs were thought to
possess high levels of mana and thus were dangerous to the average
Polynesian. This Is why on some Polynesian Islands there were special
talking chiefs who had enough mana to be secure In the presence of a
highly charged personage, but not so much that they would harm
commoners with whom they wished to communicate. In addition, mana In
this dangerous form could be placed In things, making them dangerous to
the touch. Such things were said to be tabu, and like mana,
anthropologists have adopted this term (taboo) to label rules that
proscribe things or activities.'*

Influencing Supernatural Power

Just as all of us can throw a switch to regulate the flow of

electrical power, thus gaining some control over Its operation, so can
peopje Influence supernatural power so that It will act In ways that
are beneficial or desirable. As In the case of supernatural power,
strategies to Influence the supernatural vary markedly from one society
to the next. There are several forms of Influence, however, that occur
widely and bear discussing.

Prayer

Prayer Is a petition directed at supernatural beings. Prayer

stresses the supplicant's needs and weaknesses and Is a request for
help. It may also be a statement of faith, a testimony to the
supplicant's obedience to the higher power.

It was with such testimony In mind that Mary Jean and Mrs.
Roberts frequently prayed to Jehovah God. Not that prayer would help
at once, for Witnesses were not usually blessed with Immediate
results. But prayer, along with righteous living, demonstrated to
Jehovah and Jesus that people were leading their lives according to
God's original plan. And righteous living would lead any year now to
everlasting life In a paradise on earth. For the world as It Is now
would soon come to an end, destroyed by Jehovah within a generation of
Jesus' return to heaven. Those who deviated from righteous living, who
were not part of Jehovah’ s flock, would be swallowed up in the
holacaust along with Satan and his demons. Only some chosen ones who
would live In God's heavenly kingdom, and other members of Jehovah's

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flock who would Inherit a paradise on earth, would survive total

destruction.

Thus as Mary Jean prayed she felt a growing feeling of

confidence. Things were bad now to be sure, but by praying and
following other rules laid down In the Bible, she could attain
everlasting life In an unbelievably rich and tranquil paradise.

Sacrifice

Sacrifice represents the act of giving up something of value to

.Influence supernatural beings. But, like prayer, sacrifice may have
two motives. In some cases, It represents a gift or bribe designed to
obligate a supernatural being to use Its power in some desired way. In
other Instances sacrifice Is a means for the supplicant to demonstrate
his or her faith. In either case, sacrifice Is a way to Influence
supernatural power.

Ml tchcraft

Witchcraft labels the activity of people who possess

supernatural force and use It for evil purposes. Bazugba, as we have
already seen, recognizes the existence of witchcraft, which he calls
mangu. biiDay *s a black substance found In the bowels of a witch.
Witches Inherit this substance, boys from their fathers and girls from
thier mothers. But It Is not the witchcraft substance itself that
attacks people, but Its force or essence. Through this source of
Impersonal supernatural power the witch, who Is a Jealous person of III
will, can cause harm to other people and things by eating or stealing
their vitals. When this occurs, the victim, such as Bazugba's wife,
Nabanl, die slowly.

But the scope of Azande witchcraft, and consequently the events

It explains. Is far greater than Illness. It causes many unusual
events, as £vans-Prltchard points out.

If blight seizes the gound-nut crop It is witchcraft; If the

bush is vainly scoured for game It Is witchcraft; If women
laboriously bale water out of a pool and are rewarded by but
a few small fish It Is wlthcraft; If termites do not rise
when their swarming Is due and a cold useless night Is spent
In waiting for their flight It Is witchcraft; if a prince Is
cold and distant with his subject It is witchcraft; If a
magical rite falls to achieve Its purpose It Is witchcraft;
If, In fact, any failure or misfortune falls upon anyone at
any time and In relation to any of the manifold activities of
life It may be due to witchcraft.11

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 ( (

Many might think that the Azande must live In constant fear of
witches. Actually Bazugba would be anxious without his knowledge of
witches and their activities. Ml th such knowledge he can identify and
treat troubles. Once witchcraft Is discovered or, even If It is only
suspected, he may attempt to hide Its victim, for witchcraft cannot see
well. Host Azande, Including Bazugba, carry on ritual by hiding In the
bush because of this threat, and they are vague about where they will
be and whether or not they Intend to visit another village or attend a
feast. They may also counter witchcraft by the use of magic.

Magic
Macjlc refers to strategies that people use to control
supernatural power. Magicians have clear ends In mind when they
perform magic, and they use a set of well-defined procedures to control
and manipulate supernatural force to gain that end. In his classic
work. The Golden Bough, Sir James Frazier divided magic Into two types.
Imitative and contagious.'* Imitative magic consists of formulas
that Imitate the ends sought by the magician. For example, the Bhlls
of Ratakote, India perform a magical ritual to cure some kinds of
stomach disorders. If a person has abdominal pain and other
difficulties such as diarrhea, the cause Is often attributed to a
misplaced gola, a ball-1 Ike lump that normally resides In the abdomen
Just above the navel. Troubles occur when the ball becomes misplaced.
If a curer decides that the gola Is causing the difficulty, he will
Initiate a ritual designed to bring It back In place. He takes a knife
and draws a circle on the ground, places a dot at the center, and draws
seven spokes from center to clrcumferene to make spokes. Then, with an
assistant placing a hand on the patient's stomach to act as a conductor
for the force, the curer puts the tip of the knife at the center of the
wheel diagram and Intones^a powerful saying. The saying unlocks
Impersonal supenatural power, and this In turn works to pull the
patient's gola back Into place. The diagram with its centered dot
Imitates the proper location of the gola and with the Infusion of
power, pulls the ball back Into Its proper position.

Contagious magic Is built on the belief that what happens to one

thing will happen to another If the two are closely associated. For
example. In some societies, a magician attempts to procure something—
hair or nail clippings, feces, an Item of clothing— belonging to
someone else, and by treating these with Incantations or other magical
procedures, hopes to affect the person. In societies where contagious
magic Is used to harm others, people are particularly careful to guard
their personal belongings going so far as to keep nail and hair
clippings in a pouch or In some hidden place.

Sorcery
Sorcery refers to the malevolent practice of magic. Sorcerers
use medicines and spells to control supernatural force for evil ends.
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210

Unlike witches, who normally inherit their ability to control evil

power and who can harm qthers without the use of magic, sorcerers must
employ magical ritual to cause harm to their victims. Like witchcraft,
however, sorcery is difficult to discover. In most societies whpre It
Is found, few, if any, sorcerers practice openly and may actually not
exist at all. But because Individuals believe In Its existence,
sorcery continues as an explanation of adversity and permits victims to
take counteraction.

Azande Magic and Sorcery

When Nabagl was first stricken with pain and fever, Bazugba
thought she was the victim of a sorcerer. Evil magic (kitlkltl nqua)
strikes suddenly, causing those toward whom It Is directed intense pain
that Is often fatal. One remedy for sorcery, or for an attack of
witchcraft. Is the use of magic. Azande magic'typically Involves the
use of medictens (nqua) and Is employed In a variety of ways.

If someone who Is attacked by a witch dies, the Azande commonly

retaliate with vengence magic (bagbuduma). Such a thing had happened
when Bazugba was a boy. His father's brother had died, the victim of a
witch, and his father had sent vengence magic to kill the culprit. He
prepared the vengence medicine and addressed it with these special
Instructions.

Medicine of vengence are you here? Seek out the killer. May
misfortune come upon him, thunder roar, seize him, and kill
him. May a snake bite him so that he will die. May death
come upon him from ulcers. ' May he die If he drink water.
May every kind of sickness trouble him. May every kind of
trouble fall upon him. If he eat cooked foods may he die.
When he stands in the center of the net, hunting animals, may
his friend spear him by mistake.'1

By Intoning these words and by using his special medicine,

Bazugba's father felt he was doing something about his brother's
death. This magic, like magic everywhere, permitted him a degree of
confidence In a stressful situation.

A knowledge of supernatural power Is crucial If people are to

understand their experiences, but such power also underlies human
action. Let us now look at the way people communicate with the
supernatural to control or Influence it.

COMMUNICATION WITH THE SUPERNATURAL

The existence of personified and Impersonal supernatural power

Implies the need for communication. Their efforts may Involve
revelation through the interpretation of myth, divination, spirit,
possession, and the offices of religious specialists.
 211

Divine Revelation

Religious knowledge about people and their place In the world Is

often contained In myths. Myths are stories, usually Involving
supernatural beings, that speak of how things have come to be. In some
cases myths seem orderly and precise to the Western reader but. In many
societies, they appear to be loosely structured. In either case, myths
are a means of communication because they reveal religious knowledge.
People can use them to explain the nature of the world and the reasons
why people behave as they do.

Revelation of this sort may also predict future events. Mary

Jean's neighbor, Mrs. Roberts, as well as other Jehovah's Witnesses,
believe the Bible foretells things to come. Before Jesus Christ died
he foretold the signs of His return, when He would come back not In
human form, but as the ruler In heaven. He stated that, "Nation will
rise against nation and kingdom against kingdom, and there will be food
shortages and earthquakes In one place and a n o t h e r . 4 This
prediction came to pass In 1914. Mrs. Roberts believes, with the start
of Horld War I. Never before had so many countries arisen In arms
against one another. Soldiers died by the millions as nation fought
nation.

From that point on, the world has been a place of strife,
famine, earthquakes, floods, pestilence, and crime. The Devil, cast
out of heaven by Jesus In 1914, would trouble earth for one full
generation. Then, she claimed, the Bible foretold that God would put
an end to "this system of things" at Armageddon. Bible prophecy also
Indicated that Jehovah God would create a new earthly paradise, as we
have seen, one free of wicked humans and demons, one In which people
would learn rIgheousness, one where "The earth will certainly be filled
with the knowledge of Jehovah as the waters are covering the very
sea."'*

Spirit Possession

One of the most common forms of ritual communication Is spirit

possession, In which a supernatural being enters and controls the
behavior of a human being. A possessing spirit may actually talk to
people or in some other manner communicate messages or Its presence.
Neither Bazugba nor Mary Jean employ this means of communication to
discover answers to their questons, although there Is one kind of
ritual specialist among the Azande who dances wildly about at public
seances and. In a trancelike state. Identifies witches. But many other
people In the world are well acquainted with possession and use It
regularly to-communicate with supernatural beings.

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In KanJI's village there are ritual specialists called bhopas

who are regularly possessed by several local deities. They begin by
alerting the deity that his presence Is needed. When the spirit
appears. It causes the body of the medium to shake violently and
breathe In a peculiar and stylized manner. Then the spirit speaks
through Its mortal vehicle. Informing people who are there of things
they wish to know, answering questions, and blessing the Infirm. There
Is no more direct or dramatic means of communication than possession,
and no greater proof of the existence of supernatural beings to those
who communicate with spirits In this scene___

Re IIglous Specialists

Although the members of most societies are able to communicate

personally with the supernatural, many groups possess people with
special religious knowledge who either control supernatural power
outright or facilitate others In their attempt to Influence It. These
specialists are called shamans and priests.

Shamans

Shamans are religious specialists who control supernatural

power. They often possess a personal relationship with supernatural
beings or know the secret medicines and spells necessary to use
supernatural force. They do not head congregations, conducting their
rites only when there Is need for them. They are frequently associated
with curing and are often represented In the popular literature as
medicine men and witch doctors. The Bhll bhopa mentioned earlier is a
shaman. So are older Azande men who know about many different
medicines and use them magically.

Priests

Priests are religious specialists who mediate between people and

supernatural beings. Unlike shamans, they do not control supernatural
power. They usually lead congregations at regular, cyclical rites.
They help their congregations petition the supernatural to demonstrate
faith and obedience.

The Jehovah's Nltnesses are unusual in respect to the presence

of priests, for among them, every member of the congregation Is consid­
ered a religious specialist. As Mrs. Roberts pointed out to Mary Jean
in one of their regular Bible study sessions, the road to salvation
requires obedience to God's word and the conduct of one's life In a way
that will convince Jehovah God that one understands His laws as they
are revealed In the Bible. Of paramount Importance is studying and
learning God's perfect knowledge. Righteous people must live In
moderation according to God's will and associate only with God's sheep,
that Is. with other righteous people who have chosen to obey Jehovah.
 r

213

To achieve these prescriptions Jehovah's Witnesses organize

themselves into local congregations, each with Its own Kingdom Hall.
These. In turn, are part of circuits, districts, and larger units that
encompass almost every part of the world. Every other week the members
of the board of the Hatch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania
send out copies of the Hatchtower and Awake! Every Sunday morning,
congregations all over the world take an hour to study the messages
prlnt.ed that week In The Hatchtower, messages that teach how the Bible
speaks of the world and the need to act righteously now before
Armageddon strikes people down. The society also prints various kinds
of books, such as Bible helps, for study by Its congregations. Local
units, such as the East Congregation to which Mrs. Roberts belongs, are
organized to distribute, study, and disseminate the Information printed
In these materials. The congregation has a Congregation Servant and a
Bible Study Servant who look after the needs and activities of the
members.

But the servants are not the only priests In the congregation;
everyone Is trained to preach and minister to people. Perhaps the most
distinctive and time-consuming activity, one that best communicates to
God one's righteous devotion to His perfect knowledge, Is the door-to-
door ministry, or "publishing," as Witnesses often refer to It.
Jehovah God did not mean for his flock to be led by special ministers.
Instead all righteous people are to be ministers of God's perfect
knowledge. That Is why the congregation has no pastor, but simply
members who serve the others In an organizational capacity. And that
Is also why every adult Witness Is expected to carry God's word from
door to door, preaching a sermon to any who will listen.

Mary Jean became such a minister or, In our terms, a priest,

when she decided, on the basis of her many long talks with Mrs. Roberts
and subsequent activities at Kingdom Hall, to accept Jehovah God and
Join the East Congregation.* She remembered well the first time she
went out "In service." Almost Immediately on Joining the East
congregation she began to train In the ministry, learning how to put
together a simple but powerful sermon about Bible truth and Bible
prophecy. She stood up before the congregation on several occasions
and gave sermons, and the others critiqued her delivery and the
strength and clarity of her message. But there was no substitute for
the real thing, and soon Mary Jean accompanied Mrs. Roberts to a
section of a working-class neighborhood In a suburb Just west of
Chicago. Getting out of their car, Mrs. Roberts and Mary Jean checked
their appearance (they dressed neatly when they published from door to
door), looked In the briefcase each carried to see that they had copies
of Awake!. The Hatchtower. and a pamphlet entitled "Is Time Running Out
for Mankind?", and walked up to the first house on the block. Almost
at once an older woman answered the door bell, opening the door only
wide enough to see what the pair wanted. Mrs. Roberts spoke first.
 ( (

"Good morning," she said. "My name Is Mrs. Roberts, and this is Mrs.
Getz. We were In your neighborhood this morning and thought you might
be Interested In what the Bible tells us about the times we live In."
Almost before the last words were out of her mouth, the door slammed In
Mrs. Roberts' face. Mary Jean looked at her and. addressing the door
as though It could hear, quietly exclaimed, "And have a nice day!"
Mrs. Roberts smiled at Mary Jean and told her that people often shut
their doors like that, but others would listen, and occasionally
someone would show real Interest. In the latter Instance Mary Jean and
Mrs. Roberts would note down the need to make a .return visit, or "call
back." As they worked their way down the street, one man took a copy
of "Is Time Running Out For Mankind?" from them, several people
politely said they were not Interested, and one woman Invited them In
for a cup of coffee.

As Mary Jean published from door to door, and as she and Bob
came to know the other members of the East Congregation, her sense of
confidence In herself and the purpose of her life was restored. To be
sure, there was crime and unpleasantness In her neighborhood, but these
were good signs. Indications of the coming of a new world.- Just as .
Bazugba took appropriate actions of a religious nature to restore his
wife to health, so did she behave In a way designed to free her from
this unpleasant world.

SUMMARY

Religion Is the cultural knowledge of the supernatural that

people use to cope with the ultimate problems of human existence.
Ultimate problems Include those of meaning, death, evil, and
transcendent values. An Important aspect of religion Is the
supernatural, or the realm that Is beyond ordinary experience. It Is
through the supernatural that an Azande husband and an urban American
wife can solve the problems that afflict them.

Religion Involves supernatural power, the ability of the

supernatural to act. Supernatural power may be divided Into two types,
personified power associated with supernatural beings and Impersonal
power found free In things and people. Supernatural power may be
influenced by prayer, a petition directed at such power, sacrifice, the
act of giving up something to the supernatural, witchcraft, the
activity of people who Inherent supernatural force and use It for evil,
and magic, the strategies people use to control supernatural power.

The existence of personified and Impersonal supernatural power

Implies the need for communication. One means of communication Is
divine revelation. This Information, often of a predictive sort, is
about the nature of the world and present and future events. Oirect
communication Is possible through spirit possession, the habitation of
a human being by a spirit so that the human being's actions are thought
 215
to be those of the spirit. Through the practice of divination, the
supernatural may communicate answers to questions by objective signs In
material objects. Finally, communication may be directed or
facilitated by shamans and priests. Shamans control supernatural
power, have no congregations, and direct rituals only when there Is
need for them. Priests mediate between people and the supernatural,
and lead congregations at regularly held cyclical rites.

FOOTNOTES

1. This definition draws on the work of Hilton Ylnger, Religion.

SocJety4 and the Individual: An Introduction to the Sociology of
Reiigjon. New York: Macmillan, 1957.

2. . Ibid.. 1957, p. 9.

3. See Arthur Glmble, "A Gllbertese Creation Myth." The Listener. 14

(1155), 1951, pp. 621-625.

4. See W. E. H. Stanner, “ The Dreaming," In Australian Signposts, T

A. G. Ilungerford (editor), Melborne: F. H. Cheshire, 1956, pp. 51-65.

5. Milford Spiro, kibbutz:__ Venture In Utopia, Cambridge: Harvard

University Press, 1956. Quoted from the new augmented edition. New
York: Schocken, 1970, p. 179.

6. Ibid., pp. 169-197. See especially the excellent discussion of the

moral and religious nature of secular society.

7. See Margery Wolf, The House of Llm : A Study of a Chinese FamlTy.

New York: Appleton-Century Crofts. 1968.

8. See R. II. Codrlngton, "Religion," In Melanesians: Studies In Their

Anthropology and Folklore,.Oxford: Clarendon, 1891, Ch. 7.

9. See E. S. Cralghill Handy, Polynesian RelIglon, Honolulu: pp.

26-34. Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletins, No. 34, 1927.

10. See William Ellis, Polynesian Researches During A Residence of

Nearly Eight Years In the Society and Sandwich Island. 4 volumes,
London: Fisher, Sons, i Jackson, 1839-1842, VoTT 4, pp. 385-391.

II W itchcraft. Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Oxford:

Clarendon. 1937, pp. 63-64.

12. See James George Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study In Magic and
RelIglon, 12 volumes, 3rd edition, revised and enlarged, London:
Macmillan. 1911-1915, Vol. I, pp. 52-219.
 2)6

13. Adapted from E. E. Evans-Prltchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic

Amonq the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon. 1937. pp. 289-290.

14. Matthew 24:7. , '

15. See Isaiah 26:9; Acts 17:31.

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 Chapter Thirteen

KAMWE GUINEA CORN COMPLEX

by Marguerite G. Kraft

This short chapter Is an excellent Illustration of

Hlebert's middle level (see Chapter 10). Note that the Kamwe
see guinea corn as a gift from God— high level Other. Yet
Guinea corn 11se If— obviously bottom level — Is very much re- •
lated to the middle level of supernatural power. The author
has provided a three-pronged schematic to Illustrate the va­
rious ways In which guinea corn Is used. This discussion
contributes to the. concept of Other by clearly demonstrating
the Integration of Hlebert’ s three levels.

A saying you hear among the Kamwe Is "Why are you making
yourself so Important? Do you think you are guinea corn?" This
reflects the Idea that guinea corn Is of supreme Importance because It
Is the symbol of life (Takwale 1967). When western foreigners first
began to live In Kainweland, some Kamwe considered them supernatural
beings since they did not eat guinea corn dally. They thought that a
human being could not live without It. In this chapter we are dealing
with the significance of guinea corn to the Kamwe.

From M. Kraft 1978:36-41

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. ESSENTIAL FOR LIFE

The Kamwe have the saying the guinea corn keeps people alive,
"Ha wsl ke mbe nkwa.“ Mush made out of guinea corn flour Is the staple
food eaten twice a day. Before eating, the household head takes a
small portion of the food and throws it to the wind to recognize the
supernatural. Each family must have a sufficient supply of guinea
corn. The head of the household Is responsible for providing it,
storing It. and portioning It out as needed by the family. It is
considered necessary that every Kamwe man see to It that enough guinea
corn Is grown for his family. The man who buys guinea corn is thought
of as lazy, an embarrassment to the society. The whole family works
together on the farm and considers it a privilege to cultivate the land
and grow this all-important crop.

Another Indication of the Importance the people attach to guinea

corn Is Indicated by the fact that there are no less than twenty-six
terms used for It In the language. These various terms express the
color, the length of growing time required, the quality, the hardness,
etc.

According to legend guinea corn was given to them by God.

Before they received It they ate leaves and fruit from trees and
bushes. They were not strong and energetic. But after the dog with
guinea corn on its tall came, the people began planting and eating
guinea corn. People then became strong and active.

The year Is traditionally divided according to the phases of the

growing of guinea corn. The first month Is May when It is planted.
January Is the ninth month or harvesting moon, February is the
threshing moon, March the taboo moon as the granary is not to be
opened. April Is the warning .moon as everybody Is talking about
farming again and is busy getting the farms cleared and ready to plant
when the rain comes.

The Kamwe attitude toward guinea corn Is much like that of the
Navajo toward their corn. Redfteld (1947:304) Illustrates the
personifying of foodstuffs from W. W. Hill's research on the Navajo.
Corn Is like a child lost and starving. Thus, when you see some on the
path you pick It up. It is holler than a human being, the cornfield Is
a holy place, and agriculture Is a holy occupation. The Kamwe feel
much the same. They say that guinea corn Is like a baby, one doesn't
play around with It but gives It special care. When guinea corn is
seen on the path, one must kneel down and get some Iqst the guinea corn
thinks you have ignored It. In the past no one would steal guinea corn
because If he did, guinea corn would get angry with him.

Pounding and winnowing the grain Is serious business. On

threshing day a special soup made of sheanut oil and beans Is cooked.
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A certain red grass and a certain type of guinea corn are tied to a
cornstalk and placed In the area. Workers must take off their shoes
when approaching the threshing place. A gourd with guinea corn flour,
water, and herbs In It Is placed at the threshing floor when one Is
working there. No whistling Is allowed In the guinea corn field and
certain songs must not be sung. No talking Is allowed when putting
grain In or taking It out of the granary. All of these taboos teach
children the significance of guinea corn In their lives. The household
head Is the only one who can speak from the granary and even he cannot
shout— showing his respect for the guinea corn. If a cock should crow
from on top of the granary, It results In his sudden death and chicken
stew for he has usurped the place of the man of the house.

USE FOR PERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS

The concept "peace and unity", debegM, Is very Important to

Kamwe clans. When there Is trtctlon and fighting and no peace between
people, a special ceremony called tsawM must take place. At this time
there Is confession and prayer. A grain of guinea corn Is taken by
each person present and chewed, then spat out as a symbol of getting
rid of all hard feelings. Peace Is restored. Before going to war
there must be peace among those fighting together, so this ceremony
takes place. This form of prayer and ritual chewing guinea corn Is
performed for forgiveness, for restoring peace, and for recovery In
Illness which has resulted from a lack of peace.

Before a bride leaves her home there Is a special tsawhl

ceremony called pi si male. For this ceremony, guinea corn flour and
water are used and spat on the ground. The representatives from the
groom's home who have come to get her are present with her family for
this ceremony. At the time of the wedding, the groom's parents perform
the same ceremony. The symbolism here seems to be to restore harmony
and remove any discord before a person moves out of one clan Into
another.

RITUAL USE

Guinea corn Is associated with numerous ritual performances. In

this way It is used to draw on supernatural power. The ceremonies
Involved are for the household, the community, and the ancestors.

Ilouseltojd Ceremony

Each household has a special pot. me 1ye . located near the hut of
the household head. This Is where he performs the ceremony, da me Iye.
and makes requests of God for the well-being of his family. These
cermonles are only for those Inside the compound, mbelyl hanke.
Married daughters or outsiders are not allowed to be present. The
occasions for which this ceremony Is performed are to save a life In
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case of Illness, to help a barren woman bear a child, for good luck in
marriage, and for good health for the family. The diviner, when
consulted, Instructs the household head In what kind of sacrifice to
make. It may be a blood sacrifice or tya (sweet drink) sacrifice, or
simply a bean soup and mush sacrifice. In case of a ceremony at the
pot for planting or harvesting, the household head decides what kind of
sacrifice to make.

Community Ceremony

Another form of cermony Involves the whole community. This Is

called sareka. At this time food Is cooked, a sacrifice is made and
guinea corn beer Is drunk ceremonially by the men. An Individual
family who has had a member get well after a long, serious Illness may
call a sareka celebration. On this occasion they furnish the food and
beer, and thankfulness to God Is expressed by the elder. Sometimes
when one goes to the specialist to find out what is wrong, he Is told
to have a sareka for the community. Again, he and his family must
furnish the food and/or beer. When there is drought or epidemic and
before planting and harvesting, the chief and the elders call for
sareka. The people are all told what to cook, and often a blood
sacrifice Is required.

The elder of each family sees that the sacrifice Is ready and
makes It at the prescribed spot, often where paths cross. In the case
of a blood sacrifice, when the animal Is killed, blood Is sprinkled on
the sacred place. Sometimes some of the entrails are left also. Then
after the animal Is cooked, a small amount of guinea corn mush and
soup/gravy is put at the place of sacrifice. Before the food Is eaten
In a ritual meal, a little is served to each person ceremonially be the
elder. Beer Is also prepared and a small amount put at the place of
sacrifice before It Is drunk ceremonially by the men. For ceremonial
beer drinking, a guest or an outsider serves the men In order, from the
oldest down to the youngest. The sareka ceremony Is either to appease
the spirits causing the trouble, or to beg God to help and bless In the
peoples' work. Prayer Is always Involved.

Ceremony of the Elders

' Another kind of group ceremony Is called kehingL Only the

elders are Involved in this one. They call for It and It Is held at
the sacred place known as kelengl. This Is a place near the village
where there are special pots. Each family Is represented by the
household head and combined sacrifice Is made in the sacred place. The
elders prepare the food and sacrifice. Women and children are not
allowed to be present. This ceremony Is performed to bring good will
to the village or as preparation for war.
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Ceremony for the Ancestor

Burial rites are very Important because they assure the deceased
of a good place In the spirit world and also provide a means for the
living to be assured that the spirit of the deceased will not harm
them. A sweet (non-fermented) drink, tya, Is made from germinating the
dry shoots of guinea corn, then cooking them. [Note: This Is a drink
that women and children drink (at other times) Instead of the fermented
beer. Sometimes this sweet drink Is used for sacrifice at the special
pot In the home. It used to be made mainly at the time of marriage or
death.] A week or so after the death of a person of ten years or
older, this drink must be used for the libation ceremony, shlkekule.
This libation ceremony Is essential so that the spirit of the dead can
move into the world of the spirits. Then again, after the period of
mourning, shlkekule Is performed.

In the above ceremonies, guinea corn is important. It may be

used in the form of local beer (made of guinea corn). The oldest man
takes some, saying a prayer to God and making special requests, pouring
some on the ground. At a sareka some is left at the crossroads.
Guinea corn may be used for ceremony In the form of mush eaten
ceremonially with the required sacrifice.

SUMMARY

In summary, although guinea corn Is used as dally food, as a

necessary and much respected part of life. It Is also the essential
component In the ceremonies used In terms of trouble or thanksgiving
and for softening hard feelings and restoring peaceful relationships.

The guinea corn Is thus not merely essential as food for the
body, but It Is associated with numerous ritual performances. The
guinea corn myth Indicates Its divine origin. It serves as the fruit
of the earth by whichthe Kamwe draw on supernatural power In rites of
passage and all kinds of ritual bearing on the maintenance and
restoration of peace, unity, reconciliation and the overall harmony and
cohesion of the social unit. It operates functionally to bring the
re<H social behavior more Into line with the accepted social Ideal. As
God gave guinea corn and man cultivates It, what better cooperative
component could there be for indicating the oneness of the supernatural
and the human? Thus, the guinea corn complex Is a symbolic focus of
the restoration and maintenance of harmony and homogeneity for the
ethnic unit. It Is a focus of Kamwe worldview. As It has been
discussed in this chapter, It can be summarized In the following
diagram In the figure on the following page.
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G u in e a C o m C o « p le x
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 SECTION FOUR

SPACE

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INTRODUCTION TO SPACE

The pages that follow contain three lines of Inquiry. The first Is
a look at some of the many factors that contribute to and/or reflect
people's definitions of space. These factors may Involve the way space
Is used as well as the language related to space. The second part of
this Introduction fixes the definition of space in a broad way as an
arena In which the relationship of Self and Other Is acted out. The
last topic looks briefly at the Idea of Space as Other.

TOWARD A DEFINITION OF SPACE

All people have a conception of space, from varied parts of the

world, one can discover philosophers philosophizing, psychologists
psychologizing, and theologians theologizing about space Archltechts
design ways to fill It and use It; environmentalists work to preserve
It; armies fight for It; explorers search for It; and regardless of
where one goes, someone lays claim to it. But, the question remains:
What Is It? Is It merely a matter of distance or something
geographically measurable? Certainly It Is both those things, but It
Is much more.

The Images of Space

In an effort to define space, we must confront Its use to convey

symbolic meanings. Kearney reminds us that "when...dealIng with the
worldview aspects of space, we are concerned with the relationship
between the environmental space of a people and their Images of It"
(Kearney 1982:139).

The Images to which Kearney refers are detectable In the

utilization of. as well as other behavior toward space. The shapes of
buildings (round or square, for example), the "orderly" versus the
"cluttered" look (or from another perspective the "warmly Inviting,
occupied" look versus the "uninviting, don't-bilng-your-klds-to-
our-house-because-they-mlght-touch-somethlng" look), the association of
space with certain classes (the wealthy, the powerful, the poor, the
weak, to mention Just a few) are examples of what can be observed In an
effort to discover the Images of space In a given worldview.

The lit 11Izatlon of Space

The utilization of space was a vivid part of my first encounter

with Parata Village, Nembl Valley, Southern Highlands Province, Papua
New Guinea. At first I couldn't find a village! While I did not
expect streets or street signs, what about a path along which the huts
were lined or at least a circle of huts around a clearing? There were
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225

neither. Instead, there was what appeared to me to be a helter-skelter

“system" of "village planning" (an obvious contradiction of terms for
me). In my preconception about the way space Is used, "village" had to
do with clustering, concentric space, convenience, etc. For the Papua
New Guineans, "village" had more to do with the clan (or line). Its
overall available territory, and subslstance. (For a more extensive
comparison of contrasting patterns In the utilization of space, see
Hiebert 1976.)

Space and Language

Another significant source to Indicate the meanings of space Is

language. In recent days, for example, a popularized expression has
become a part of the ever-lmaglnatlve American English. Just a couple
of days before this writing, I heard It again when a young girl was
speaking of her parents' rules and restrictions: "I Just wish they'd
give me a little space!" Among Its many applications, “space"
obviously Includes self-determination and lack of supervision. Other
usages Involve the concept of emptiness (the vacuum of outer space or
the reference to Ignorance as "space between the ears"), a parcel of
ground or a planned section (a parking space or floorspace), or the
distance between two points.

Space Is also conceived In terms of an available commodity. We use

words -like "making space," "spacing," "spaceless"; we even speak of the
space of an hour (but more of that in the next section). One might
even say that the ever-adventurous Americans are "spaced out" about
space Itself. A near cult-like following listens weekly to a
television series called "Star Trek." For years It has only been
reruns, but It has mesmerized Americans with an Image of space as "the
final frontier." The historical pattern of searching for "wide open
spaces," be It the Texas frontier or celestial territories, suggests
that space Is a commodity that Is related to certain values like
progress, freedom, and power.

THE ARENA OF SPACE

In one sense to discuss space as an arena Is to turn to the subject

of cosmology. Cosmology belongs primarily to discussions of belief
systems, but It specifically contributes to the subject of space In
that It denotes a sense of the universe as structured. Space is,
therefore, an arena of structured reality. It Is that In which Self
and Other exist. In which the Self-Other relationship Is acted out.
With that as a backdrop, this part of the Introduction will look at the
following:
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(1) The role of space In the Identity of Self, both Individual and
corporate
(2) Territoriality and Interpersonal space
(3) Space and the non-physical world
(4) Space as a non-personal Other

Space and the Identity of Self

Self Is often Identified by spatial concepts. Biblical names, for

example, were formally linked to locational terms, such as Mary of
Magdala and Jesus of Narareth. For that matter, even contemporary
places are Identified with locational terms like Stratford on Avon.
. This pattern Is very much a part of western society. One's name must
be accompanied by a specific address with a city, street, and house
number. Without an address, there Is some doubt as to who a person Is
and what kind of Individual he or she may be. Depending on what the
address Is (i.e. what the location of the point of reference may be)
one may be classified as acceptable or unacceptable.

In non-western societies It Is common for the corporate Identity to

share Its name with, or lend Its name to, a particular location. The
corporate Self may be linked to a river or mountain range or a natural
characteristic peculiar to the area. Even when names are not linked,
the element of location and possession of It are In some worldviews
considered Indispensable to one's identity. Personhood and a role In
society may depend on being Identified with a certain location, or more
specifically with ownership of a territory.

My own observation of this meaning of space relates both to the

literal and symbolic dimensions. While In Papua New Guinea I was
confronted with questions about my home country. During one such
conversation, I was asked what my graun was like (literally "ground."
but more broadly "place" or "property"). I replied that I did not have
any graun of my own. That statement sent shock waves through the
community. For days I was questioned by people from all over the
area. In their system of values, a man's Identity is secured by the
ownership of land. I was later met by a delegation of village leaders
who had chosen a section of land to give me. because "every man must
have a place that belongs to him!"

Territoriality and Interpersonal Space

Ownership of space Is both formal and Informal. Formal possession

may or may not Involve written laws. In the Nembi area of Papua New
Guinea, It Is the practice that every male child Is assigned a section
of the line's territory. This designation assures him of security, and
Is as binding as any written code anywhere (maybe more than some).
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A second example Illustrates Informal space, yet In one sense Is a

very binding arrangement. I am referring to the barrjo concept found
In metropolitan United States. Ethnicity In neighborhoods create a
"turf" concept that Is firmly defined and binding. This has nothing to
do with deeds, or land parcels, or city hall, but Is nevertheless
exclusive. Certain city blocks '"belong" to particular gangs of youth.
Other gangs may not enter without an alliance relationship; If no such
alliance exists, fighting and even killing are expected.

The matter of territoriality can become the center of real social

conflict when differing cultural systems relate to the same property or
space. Wars are fought to substantiate conflicting claims, but even
when the conflict does not Involve a battle, It may be no less real.
This Issue has undoubtedly played a part In the mlsslon-communtty
relationship In the Nembl area of Papua New Guinea. The western system
of territoriality, to which both the mission and central government
ascribe, considers land as alienable. The government "buys" land from
local communities, then leases It to the mission for 99 years. The
mission then claims "ownership" of a kind, while the government holds
ultímate ownership.

Both of these systems, however, may be In direct conflict with the

traditional land ownership system. It Is very probable that the local
owners (the clan) consider land Inalienable. Such a view sees land
transfer as a temporary agreement, but true ownership Is not
transferable. In the light of the dlnau (lendlng/borrowlng) mentality
that considers that the borrower, who temporarily has use of what was
borrowed, Is Indebted (to say nothing of allied) to the lender, the
mission Is often accused of not befriending the community, an alternate
way of expressing that the mission has not maintained Its role as
borrower and ally. Such examples demonstrate that a variety of values
come Into play In determining territoriality. Other claims of
ownership are linked to dominance and strength, claims of lineage, or
even utilization and occupancy.

Territoriality also Involves Interpersonal space. For this kind of

territoriality certain "rules" of social relationships are, for the
most part. Instinctively understood (cf. Hall 1959:207-208, found on
page 241-43 of this Reader). Riding In a city bus provides a clear
Illustration of this point. First of all, I board the bus and must
find temporary space to "claim." If I get an empty seat, I have
established my right to certain controls. I may set my briefcase on
the unused portion of the seat, and as long as other spaces are empty,
few people attempt to sit next to me. If they do. they will either ask
permission (acknowledging my “ right") or stop for Just a moment and
wait, at which time I can put my briefcase on my lap and accept the
"challenge," however passive, to my right of control. I have
experimented by not removing my briefcase on such occasions. If the

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person was left standing, I Immediately became the object of stares,

glares, and even a few uncomplimentary comments.

Another aspect of Interpersonal space Involves a distance factor

between Individuals when they are engaged In Informal conversation.
The distance varies from culture to culture. The acceptable Informal
Interpersonal distance for Americans Is sometimes asserted to be 18
Inches (a generalization to be sure), but that is a totally Inadequate
evaluation. Hany Americans have maintained cultural dlstlnctlves from
their former countries, thus only some Americans, particularly non-
distinctive anglos, could be called “18-Inch" people, while others such
as Itallan-Amerlcans who maintain an Interaction with Individuals of
something less than 18 Inches. In yet other groups, the distance may
be even more.

Turn again to the city bus experience. Unless people board

together, they Infrequently talk to each other. Two strangers will sit
side by side, but If one turns his head to talk to the other, a kind of
barrier has been Invaded. Strangers may sit hip to hip, but may not
make use of the 14 to 18 Inches that exists between their heads. By
not turning one's face toward the other, the space Is not violated.
(This may also suggest a particular significance to the relationship
between one's Self add one's face.)

Like the Individual Self, the corporate Self also relates to

Interpersonal space. In such, the catagorlzatlon of Other plays a
major part. In the Papua New Guinea setting of my experience, men
absolutely never compete for the same space as women. Houses are
separate; market gatherings maintain separateness; walking space Is
separate with men ajways at least 10 feet ahead of the women. Space
seems to be either male space or female space. The examples are not
limited to men-women comparisons, nor to non-western cultures. The
relationship between group Identity and the use of space Is evident In
many other contexts as well, such as In any American restaurant that
provides for groups to maintain their Identities. Likewise, In the
construction of communities In various Mexican pueblos which turn the
houses inward toward common courtyards.

Space and the Non-physical Horld

Generally the western sense of space Involves what Is tangible or

physical. Space Is expected to be filled by things or people. At
first glance, one exception to this would be space associated with
religious purposes, that Is, sacred space Places of worship are
described In some cases as places where God may be felt. Such places
may be attributed a uniqueness because of how God, saints, or other 1
sacred beings are thought to relate to those places. Even at that,
however, westerners relate sacred space to sacred objects or

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229

paraphernalia. The saints, or God. are thought to have more to do with

the objects that fill the space rather than to the space Itself..

In the days of ancient Israel, however, such was not the case. The
Biblical references to Ba-al point to a belief system In which a whole
spectrum of dlettes were believed to reside In certain areas. One or
more of the dlettes (Ba-al) belonged to the valley, others to the
mountain, the river's mouth, or the next valley. Other belief systems
maintain that their god Is partial to a particular direction, thus
rituals and prayers, etc., are relative to that direction. Certain
locations, areas of the sky, and kinds of geographic settings (and
more) become the places with which the non-physical world of spiritual
beings or powers are Identified.

SPACE AS OTHÉR

In all of the above there Is an assumption that space Is occupied

by Self and Other. The focus now Is to see space as Other,
specifically non-personal Other. In our western approach to space, for
example, we see It as we would an object. Space Is used, owned, and
sold. He are particularly aware of space being wasted. Certain kinds
of space such as frontiers, wildernesses, and outer space are seen as
things, to be conquered. They are seen as having an ordered existence
that defies the conqueror. In short, space Is considered a commodity
much the same as any other marketable element. A large wooded area
offers trees, minerals (perhaps), and space— all commodities of
distinct value. The perception of Space as Other Is reflected In the
kind of vocabulary used above, l.e. "used," "owned," and "wasted."
These terms are, In reality, figurative, while the perception Is
something beyond figurative. Perhaps the continual use of figurative
language has resulted In the view that space Is a real Other. On the
other hand It may be more correct to see such language as resulting
from a priori perception.

SUMMARY

Understanding space as a worldview universal category Involves a

number of topics beginning with factors that contribute to a definition
of space. These Include the Images that people have of space, the way
space Is used, and the language that Is employed In relationship to Its
use.
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In a broader sense spafe Is an arena In which the Self-Other

relationship Is enacted. Space affects the way Self Is Identified In
many cases. Space In terms of territoriality Involves the Self-Other
relationship as It Interacts with rules of ownership and Interpersonal
use of space. This arena also Involves the relationship of space and
the non-physical world that occupies It. In contrast to space as the
arena of Self and Other, space may even be seen as Other, more
specifically as a commodity or an object to be possessed.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

Hall’s chapter entitled "Space Speaks" leads this series of

chapters. It Is not, like the following chapters, a case study. That
Is not to say that It Is all theory; It Is amply illustrated at each
point. It will be helpful in the theoretical study of territorial
space as well as extremely practical in relationship to the discovery
process on the field. Hopefully It will serve to whet the appetite of
the readers to Investigate Hall's full volume on space. The Hidden
Dimension.

Marguerite Kraft presents a short but helpful chapter about the

significance of the mountain to the Kamwe people of Nigeria. Her case
study relates to space In terms of location.

Another case study by Hallowell Is a classic example of a system

whose concept of space Is radically different from the western
perspective. His chapter Is Included as much for his genius In
presentation as for<the content of the system itself. It serves as an
example of quality analysis, as well as providing a unique sampling of
a non-western view of space:

The chapter by Gossen Is a technical essay that looks at space as a

cosmological system Inhabited by spirits and the Intangible Other. The
Chamula case study demonstrates the way space Is a key area. If not the
key area, of symbolism In the syncretistic amalgam of traditional
religion and Catholicism that constitutes their belief system.
 Chapter Fourteen

SPACE SPEAKS

by Edward T. Hall

■ Of the chapters In this section this Is the only one

that Is focused on the theory of space. The rest are case
study approaches. The main sense of space In this chapter Is that
of space as territoriality. Each space or territory concept If
well illustrated. For the most part Hall chooses examples from a
western setting with comparisons to other systems. Not only does
the author note how various cultures
use space, such as In constructing the layout of towns or cities,
or the perception of "place,M but he also deals with
personal/Interpersonal space, space and ranking and valuing,
and the management of. distances. Hhlie his separate volume
on space (Hall 1966) is a much more extensive treatment, this
chapter presents a discussion that should stimulate the reader to
reflect on territoriality and Its varied aspects In his field
setting.

Every living thing has a physical boundary that separates It from

Its external environment. Beginning with the bacteria and the simple
cell and ending with man, every organism has a detectable limit which
marks where It begins and ends. A short distance up the phylogenetic
scale, however, another, non-physical boundary appears that exists
outside the physical one. This new boundary Is harder to

From Hall 1959:187-209

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delimit than the first but Is Just as real. He call this the
“organisms' territory." The act of laying claim to and defending a
territory Is termed territoriality. It Is territoriality with which
this chapter Is most concerned. In man, It becomes highly elaborated,
as well as being very greatly differentiated from culture to culture.

Anyone who has had experience with dogs, particularly In a rural

setting such as on ranches and farms. Is familiar with he way In which
the dog handles space. In the first place, the dog knows the limits of
his master's "yard" and will defend It against encroachment___ One
can also observe that dogs create zones around them. Depending upon
his relationship to the dog and the zone he Is In, a trespasser can
evoke different behavior when he crosses the Invisible lines which are
meaningful to the dog.

This Is particularly noticeable In females with puppies. A mother

who has a new litter In a little-used barn will claim the barn as her
territory. Hhen the door opens she may make a slight movement or
stirring In one corner. Nothing else may happen as the Intruder moves
ten or fifteen feet Into the barn. Then the dog may raise her head to
get up, circle about, and lie down as another Invisible boundary Is
crossed. One can teí1 about where the line Is by withdrawing and
watching when her head goes down. As additional lines are crossed,
there will be other signals, a thumping of the tail, a low moan or a
growl....

Han has developed his territoriality to an almost unbelievable

extent. Yet we treat space somewhat as we treat sex. It Is there but
we don't talk about It. And If we do, we certainly are not expected to
get technical or serious about It. The man of the house Is always
somewhat apologetic about "his chair___ " For some unknown reason our
culture as tended to play down or cause us to repress and dissociate
the feelings we have about space. He relegate It to the Informal and
are likely to feel guilty whenever we find ourselves getting angry
because someone has taken our place.

Territoriality Is established so rapidly that even the second

session In a series of lectures Is sufficient to find a significant
proportion of most audiences back In the same seats. Hhat’ s more. If
one has been sitting In a particular seat and someone else occupies It,
one can notice a fleeting Irritation. There Is the remnant of an old
urge to throw out the Interloper. The Interloper knows this too,
because he will turn around or look up and say. "Have I got your seat?"
at which point you lie and say, "Oh no, I was going to move anyway."

Once while talking on this subject to a group of Americans who were

going overseas, one very nice, exceedingly mild-mannered" woman raised
her hand and said, "You mean it's natural for me to feel Irritated when
another woman takes over my kitchen?" Answer" "Not

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only is It natural, but most American women have very strong feelings
about their kitchens. Even a mother can’ t come In and wash the dishes
In her daughter's kitchen without annoying her. The kitchen Is the
place where 'who will dominate' Is settled. All women know this, and
some can even talk about It. Daughters who can’ t keep control of their
kitchen will be forever under the thumb of any woman who can move into
this area--- " Father's shop Is, of course, another sacred territory
and best kept that way. The same applies to his study. If he has one.
I
As one travels abroad and examines the ways In which space Is
handled, startling variations are discovered— differences which we
react to vigorously. Since none of us Is taught to look at space as
Isolated from other associations, feeling cued by the handling of space
are often attributed to something else. In growing up* people learn
literally thousands of spatial cues, all of which have their own
meaning In their own context. These cues "release" responses already
established In much the same way as Pavlov's bells started his dogs
salivating. Just how accurate a spatial memory Is has never been
completely tested. There are Indications, however, that It Is
exceedingly persistent.

Literally thousands of experiences teach us unconsciously that

space communicates. Yet this fact would probably never have been
brought to the level of consciousness If It had not been realized that
space Is organized differently In each culture. The associations and
feelings that are released In a member of one culture almost Invariably
mean something else In the next. When we say that some foreigners are-
"pushy," all this means Is that their handling of space releases this *
association In our minds.

What gets overlooked Is that the response Is there In toto and has
been there all along. There Is no point In well-meaning people feeling
guilty because they get angry when a foreigner presents them with a
spatial cue that releases anger or aggression. The main thing Is to
know what Is happening and try to find out which cue was responsible.
The next step Is to discover. If possible, whether the person really
Intended to release this particular feeling or whether he Intended to
engender a different reaction.

Uncovering the specific cues In a foreign culture Is a painstaking

and laborious process. Usually It Is easier for the new­
comer to listen to the observations of old-timers and then test these
observations against his own experience. At first he may hear, "You're
going to have a hard time getting used to the way these people crowd
you. Why, when you are trying to buy a theater ticket, Instead of
standing In line and waiting their turn they all try to reach In and
get their money to the ticket seller at once. It's Just terrible the
way you have to push and shove just to keep your place. Why, the last
time! got to the ticket window of the theater and poked my head up to
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234

the opening, there were five arms and hands reaching over my shoulder
waving money." Or he may hear the following "It's as much as your
life Is worth to ride the streetcars. They're worse than our subways.
What’s more, these people don't seem to mind It at all." Some of this
stems from the fact that, as Americans we have a pattern which
discourages touching, except In moments of intimacy. When we ride on a
streetcar or crowded elevator we will "hold ourselves In," having been
taught from early childhood to avoid bodily contact with strangers.
Abroad, It's confusing when conflicting feelings are being released at
the same time. Our sense are bombarded by a strange language,
different smells, and gestures, as well as a host of signs and symbols.

However, the fact that those who have been In a foreign country
for some time talk about these things provides the newcomer with
advance warning. Getting over a spatial accent Is just as important,
sometimes more so, than eliminating a spoken one. Advice to the
newcomer might be: Watch where people stand, and don't back up. You
will feel funny doing it, but It's amazing how much difference it makes
In people's attitudes toward you.

HOW DIFFERENT CULTURES USE SPACE

Several years ago a magazine published a map of the United

States as the average New Yorker sees It. The details of New York were
quite d e a r and the suburbs to the north were also accurately shown.
Hollywood appeared In some detail while the space in between New York
and Hollywood was almost a total blank. Places like Phoenix,
Albuquerqe, the Grand Canyon, and Taos, New Mexico, were all crowded
Into a hopeless Jumble. It was easy to see that the average New Yorker
knew little and cared less for what went on In the rest of the
country. To the geographer the map was a distortion of the worst
kind. Yet to the student of culture It was surprisingly accurate. It
showed the Informal Images that many people have of the rest of the
country---

Americans treat space as highly personalized. We visualize the

relationship between places we know by personal experience. Places
which we haven't been to and with which we are not personally
Identified tend to remain confused.

Traditionally American space begins with "a place." It Is one

of the oldest sets, comparable to, but not quite the same as, the
Spanish jugar. The reader will have no difficulty thinking up ways In
which place is used: "He found a place in her heart." "He has a place
In the mountains," "I am tired of this place," and so on. Those who
have children know how difficult it Is to get across to them the whole
concept of place— like Washington, or Boston, or Philadelphia, and so
 235

on. An American child requires between six and seven years before he
has begun to master the basic concepts of place. Our culture provides
for a great variety of places. Including different classes of places.

Contrasted with the Middle East, our system Is characterized by

fine gradations as one moves for one space category to the next. In
the world of Arab there are villages and cities. That Is about all.
Most non-nomadlc Arabs think population, for a few families up to
several thousands___

The basic American pattern of place categories begins with the

"crossroads store" or "corner" and continues with the "small shopping
center." the "county seat," the "small town," "large town,"
"metropolitan center," "city," and "Metropolis___ " The United States,
New Mexico, Albuquerque, Pecos are all said the same way and used thq
same way In sentences. The child who Is learning the language has no •
way of distinguishing one space category from another by listening to
others talk.

The miracle Is that children eventually are able to sort out and
pin down the different space terms from the meager cues provided by
others. Try telling a five-year-old the difference between where you
live In the suburbs and the town where your wife goes to shop. It will
be a frustrating task, since the child, at that age, only comprehends
where .he lives. His room, his house, his place at the table are the
places that are learned early.

The reason most Americans have difficulty In school with

geography or geometry stems from the fact that space as an Informal
cultural system Is different from space as It Is technically elaborated
by classroom geography and mathematics. It must be said In fairness to
ourselves that other cultures have similar problems. Only the very
perceptive adult realizes that there Is anything really difficult for
the child to learn about space. In reality, he has to take what Is
literally a spatial blur and Isolate the significant points that adults
talk about. Sometimes adults are unnecessarily Impatient with children
because they don't catch on. People do not realize that the child has
heard older people talking about different places and l$i trying to
figure out, from what he hears, the difference between this place and
that. In this regard It should be pointed out that the first clues
which suggest to children that one thing Is different from another come
from shifts In tone of voice which direct attention In very subtle but
Important ways. Speaking a fully developed language as we do. It Is
hard to remember that there was a time when we could not speak at all
and when the whole communicative process Vías carried on by means of
variations In the voice tone. This early language Is lost to
consciousness and functions out of awareness, so that we tend to forget
the very great role It plays In the learning process.

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To continue our analysis of the way a child learns about space,

let us turn to his conception of a road. At first a road is whatever
he happens to be driving on. This doesn't mean that he can't tell when
you take a wrong turn. He can. and often will even correct a mistake
which is made. It oqly means that he has not yet broken the road down
into Its components and that he makes the distinction between this road
and that road In Just the same way that he learns to distinguish
between the phoneme d and the phoneme b In Initial position In the
spoken language.

Using roads for cross-cultural contrast, the reader will recall

that Paris, being an old city as well as a French city, has a
street-naming system that puzzles most Americans. Street names shift
as one progresses. Take Ruse St.-Honoré, for example, which becomes
Rue du Faubourg St.-Honoré, Avenue des Ternes, and Avenue du Roule. A
child growing up In Paris, however, has no more difficulty learning his
system than one 'of our children learning ours. He teach ours to watch
the Intersections and the directions and that when something
happens— that Is, when there is a change of course at one of these
points— you can expect the name to change. In Paris the child learns
that as he passes certain landmarks— 11ke buildings that are well
known, or statues— the name of the street changes___

In a rather detailed series of studies In technology ton the

atoll of Truk], I had progressed to the point of having to obtain the
nomenclature of the canoe and the wooden food bowl. At this point It
was necessary for me to go through what children go through— that Is,
point to various parts after I thought I had the pattern and ask If I
had the name right. As I soon discovered, their system of carving up
microspace was radically different from our own. The Trukese treat
open spaces, without dividing lines (as we know them), as completely
distinct. Each area has a napie. On the other hand, they have not
developed a nomenclature for the edges of objects as elaborately as
Hesterners have done. The reader has only to think of rims of cups and
the number of different ways ip which these can be referred to. There
Is the rim Itself. It can be square or round or elliptical In cross
section; straight, flared, or curved Inward; plain or decorated, and
wavy or straight. This doesn't mean that the Trukese don't elaborate
rims. They do; It just means that we have ways of talking about what
happens to an open area as they do. The Trukese separate parts which
we think of as being "built In" to the object.

A certain decoration or carving at either end of a canoe-shaped

food bowl Is thought of as being separate or distinct from the rim In
which It has been carved. It has an essence of Its own. Along the
keel of the canoe the carving, called the chunefatch. has characteris­
tics with which It endows the canoe. The canoe Is one thing, the
chunefatch something else. Open space without obvious markers on the
side of the bowl have names. Such distinctions in the dividing up of

r
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space make the settling of land claims unbelievably complicated In

these Islands. Trees, for instance, are considered separate from the
soil out of which they grow. One man may own the trees, another the
soil below.

Benjamin Whorf, describing how Hopl concepts of space are

reflected in the language, mentions the absence of terms for interior
three-dimensional spaces, such as words for room, chamber, hall,
passage, Interior, cell, crypt, cellar, attic, loft, and vault. This
does not alter the fact that the Hop! have multi-room dwellings and
even use the rooms for special purposes such as storage, grinding corn,
and the like.

Whorf also notes the fact that It is Impossible for the Hop! to
add a possessive pronoun to the word for room and that in the Hopl
scheme of things a room In the strict sense of the word is not a noun
and does not act like a noun.

Since there Is a wealth of data on how strongly the Hopl feel

about holding onto things which are theirs, one has to rule out the
possessive factor In Whorf's references to their Inability to say "my
room." It's just that their language Is different. One might be led
to assume by this that the Hopl would then lack a sense of territori­
ality. Again, nothing could be farther from the truth. They just use
and conceive of space differently. We work from points and along
lines. They apparently do not. While seemingly inconsequential, these
differences caused innumerable headaches to the white supervisers who
used to run the Hop! reservation In the first part of this century. *

I will never forget driving over to one of the villages at the

end of a mesa and discovering that someone was building a house In the
middle of the road. It later developed that the culprit (In my eyes)
was a man I had known for some time. I said, "Paul, why are you
building your house In the middle of the road? There are lots of good
places on either side of the road. This way people have to knock the
bottoms out of their cars driving around on the rocks to get to the
village." His reply was short and to the point: "I know, but It's my
right." He did have a right to a certain area laid down long before
there was a road. The fact that the road had been used for many years
meant nothing to him. Use and disuse of space In our terms had nothing
to do with his Ideas of possession.

SPACE AS A FACTOR IN CULTURE CONTACT

Whenever an American moves overseas, he suffers from a condition

known as "culture shock." Culture shock is simply a removal or
distortion of many of the familiar cues one encounters at home and the
substitution for them of other cues which are strange. A good deal of
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238

what occurs In the organization and use of space provides Important

leads as to the specific cues resonslble for culture shock.

The Latin house Is often built around a patio that Is next to

the sidewalk but hidden from outsiders behind a wall. It Is not easy
to describe the degree to which small architectural differences such as
this affect outsiders. American Point Four technicians living In Latin
America used to complain that they felt "left out" of things, that they
were "shut off." Others kept wondering what was going on "behind those
walls." In the United States, on the other hand, propinquity Is the
basis of a good many relationships. To us the neighbor is actually
quite close. Being a neighbor endows one with certain rights and
privileges, also responsibilities. You can borrow things, including
food and drink, but you also have to take yopr neighbor to the hospital
In an emergency. In this regard he has almost as much claim on you as
a cousin. For these and other reasons the American tries to pick his
neighborhood carefully, because he knows that he Is going to be thrown
Into Intimate contact with people. We do not understand why it Is that
when we live next to people abroad the sharing of adjacent space does
not always conform to our own pattern. In France and England, for
Instance, the relations between neighbors are apt to be cooler than In
the United States. Here propinquity does not tie people together. In
England neighbor children do not play as they do in our neighborhoods.
When they do play, arrangements are sometimes made a month In advance
as though they were coming from the other side of town!

Another example has to do with the arrangement of offices. In

this case one notices great contrast between ourselves and the French.
Part of our over-all pattern in the United States is to take a given
amount of space and divide it up equally. When a new person is added
In an office, almost everyone will move his desk so that the newcomer
will have his share of space--- In fact, It is a signal that they
have acknowledged the presence of the new person when they start
rearranging the furniture. Until this has happened, the boss can be
sure that the new person has not been Integrated Into the group.

Given a large enough room, Americans will distribute themselves

around the walls, leaving the center open for group activities such as
conferences. That Is, the center belongs to the group and is often
marked off by a table or some object placed there both to use and save
the space. Lacking a conference table, members will move their chairs
away from their desks to form a "huddle" In the middle---

The French, by contrast, do not make way for each other In the
unspoken, taken-for-granted way that we do. They do not divide up the
space with a new colleague. -Instead they may grudgingly give him a
small desk In a dark corner looking toward the wall___ In French
offices the key figure Is the man In the middle, who has his fingers on
everything so that all runs smoothly. There is a centralized control.
 239

The French educational system runs from the middle, so that all
students all over France take the same class at the same time.

It has already been mentioned that ordering Is an Important

element In American patterns. As a general rule, whenever services are
Involved we feel that people should queue up In order of arrival. This
reflects the basic equal Itarlanlsm of our culture. In cultures where a
class system or Its remnants exist, such ordlnallty may not exist.
That Is, where society assigns rank for certain purposes, or wherever
ranking Is Involved, the handling of space will reflect this.

To us It Is regarded as a democratic virtue for people to be

served without reference to the rank they hold In their occupational
group. The rich and poor alike are accorded equal opportunity to buy
and be waited upon In the order of arrival. In a line at the theater
Mrs. Gotrocks Is no better than anyone else. However, apart from the
English, whose queueing patterns we share, many Europeans are likely to
look upon standing In line as a violation of their Individuality___
Such people can't stand the Idea of being held down by group conformity
as If they were an automaton---

FORMAL SPACE PATTERNS

Depending upon the culture In question, the formal patterning of

space.can take on varying degrees of Importance and complexity. In
America, for example, no one direction takes precedence over another
except In a technical or utilitarian sense. In other cultures one
quickly discovers that some directions are sacred or preferred. Navajo
doors must face east, the mosques of the Moslems must be oriented
toward Mecca, the sacred rivers of the India flow south. Americans pay
attention to direction In a technical sense, but formally and
Informally they have no preference. Since our space Is largely laid
out by technical people, houses, towns, and main arteries are usually
oriented according to one of the points of the compass. The same
applies to roads and main highways when the topography allows, as It
does In the flat expanses of Indiana and Kansas. This technical
patterning allows us to locate places by co-ordinates (a point on the
line), "lie lives at 1321 K Street, N.W." tells us that he lives In the
northwest part of town In the thirteenth block west of the line
dividing the town Into east-west halves and elevenblocks north of the
line dividing the town Into north-south halves, on the left side of the
street, about one quarter of the way up the block.

In the country we will say, "Go out of town ten miles west on
Highway 66 until you get to the first paved road turning north. Turn
right on that road and go seven miles. It's the second farm on your
left. You can't miss It."

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Our concept of space makes use of the edges of things. If there

aren't any edges, we make them by creating artificial lines (five miles
west and two miles north). Space Is treated In terms of a co-ordinate
system. In contrast, the Japanese and many other people work wfthin
areas. They name "spaces" and distinguish between one space and the
next or parts of a space. To us a space Is empty--one gets Into It by
Intersecting It with lines.

A technical pattern which may have grown out of an Informal base

is that of positional value or ranking. We have canonized the Idea of
the positional value In almost every aspect of our lives, so much so
that even children four years old are fully aware of Its Implications
and are apt to fight with each other as to who will be first.

In addition to positional value, the American pattern emphasizes

equality and standardization of the segments which are used for
measuring space or Into which space Is divided, be It a ruler or a
suburban subdivision. He like our components to be standard and
equal. American city blocks tend to have uniform dimensions whereas
towns In many other parts of the world are laid out with unequal
blocks. This suggests that It was no accident that mass production,
made possible by the standardization of parts, had Its origins In the
United States. There are those who would argue that there are
compelling technological reasons for both mass productions and parts
standardization. However, an examination of actual practice indicates
that Europeans have produced automobiles In the past--and very good
ones too--ln which the cylinders were all of different sizes. The
difference In dimensions was not great, of course, a matter of a very
few thousandths of an Inch. This, however, was enough to cause the car
to make noise and use too much oil If It was repaired by an American
mechanic unfamiliar with the European patterns that lack the uniformity
Isolate.

Japan, too, has a passion for uniformity, though It Is somewhat

different from ours. All mats (tatanU) on the floors of Japanese
houses and windows, doors, and panels are usually of Identical
dimensions In a given district. In newspaper advertisements of houses
for sale or rent the dimensions are usually given In terms of the
number of mats of a specific area. Despite this example of uniformity,
the Japanese differ from us In a way which can have considerable
economic results. In one case, for example, they manufactued every
large order of electronics parts according to rigid specifications
which they were quite able to meet. Hhen the product arrived In the
United States, It was discovered that there were differences between
various batches of these parts. The customer subsequently discovered
that while the whole Infernal process of manufacture had been
controlled, the Japanese had failed to standardize their gauges! It Is
no accident that In the United States there Is a Bureau of Standards.
Much of the success of this country's technical skill and productivity.
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which we are trying to pass on to other nations, rests on these and

similar unstated patterns.

HOW SPACE COMMUNICATES

Spatial changes give a tone to a communication, accent it, and

at times even override the spoken word. The flow and shift of distance
between people as they interact with each other is part and parcel of
the communication process. The normal conversational distance between
strangers Illustrates how important are the dynamics of space
Interaction. If a person gets too close, the reaction is Instantaneous
and automatic— the other person backs up. And If he gets too close
again, back we go again. I have observed an American backing up the
entire length of a long corridor while a foreigner whom he considers
pushy tries to catch up with him___ We have here an example of the
tremendous depth to which culture can condition behavior.

One thing that does confuse us and gets in the way of

understanding cultural differences Is that there are times in our own
culture when people are either distant or pushy In their use of space.
We, therefore, simply associate the foreigner with the familiar; namely
those people who have acted In such a way that our attention was drawn
to their actions. The error is In Jumping to the conclusion that the
foreigner feels the same way the American does even though his overt
acts are Identical---

Not only is a vocal message qualified by the handling of

distance, but the substance of a conversation can often demand special
handling of space. There are certain things which are difficult to*
talk about unless one is within the proper conversational zone___

One example will be familiar to millions of civilians who served

In the Army during World-War II. The Army, In its need to get
technical about matters that are usually handled Informally, made a
mistake In the regulations on distance required for reporting to a
superior officer. Everyone knows that the relationship between
officers and men has certain elements which require distance and
Impersonality. This applied to officers of different ranks when they
were in command relationship to each other. Instructions for reporting
to a superior officef were that the Junior officer was to proceed up to
a point three paces in front of the officer's desk, stop, salute, and
state his rank, his name, and his business: "Lieutenant X, reporting
as ordered, sir." Now, what cultural norms does this procedure
violate, and what does It communicate? It violates the conventions for
the use of space. The distance is too great, by at least two feet, and
does not fit the situation. The normal speaking distance for business
matters, where Impersonality Is Involved at the beginning of the
conversation, is five and a half to eight feet. The distance required
by the army regulations borders on the edge of what we would call
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"far." It evokes an automatic response to shout. This detracts from

the respect which Is supposed to be shown to the superior officer.
There are, of course, many subjects which It Is almost impossible to
talk about at this distance, and Individual army officers recognize
this by putting soldiers and Junior officers at ease, asking them to
sit down or permitting them to come closer. However, the first
Impression was that the Army was doing things the hard way.

For Americans the following shifts In the voice are associated

with specific ranges of distances:

1. Very close (3 In. to 6 In.) . . . Soft whisper; top secret

2. Close (8 In. to 12 I n . ) ........ Audible whisper; very

confidential

3. Near (12 In. to 20 In.) ........ Indoors, soft voice;

outdoors, full voice;
confidential

4. Neutral (20 In. to 36 in.). . . . Soft voice, low volume;

personal subject matter

5. Neutral (4 1/2 ft. to 5 ft.). . . Full voice, Information of

non-personal matter

6. PublIc Distance ................ Full voice with slight

(5 1/2 ft. to 8 ft.) over loudness; public In­
formation for others to
hear

7. Across the r o o m ................ Loud voice; talking to a

(8 ft. to 20 ft.) group

8. Stretching the limits of distance-20 to 24 ft. Indoors; up

to 100 ft. outdoors;
hailing distance,
departures

In Latin America the interaction distance is much less than it

Is in the United States. Indeed, people cannot talk comfortably with
one another unless they are very close to the distance that evokes
either sexual or hostile feelings in the North American. The result is
that when they move close, we withdraw and back away. As a
consequence, they think we are distant or cold, withdrawn and
unfriendly. We, on the other hand, are constantly accusing them of
breathing down our necks, crowding us,, and spraying our faces.
 243

Americans who have spent some time In Latin America without

learning these space considerations make other adaptations, like
barricading themselves behind their desks, using chairs and typewriter
tables to keep the Latin American at what Is to us a comfortable
distance. The result Is that the Latin American may even climb over
the obstacles until he has achieved a distance at which he can
comfortably talk.

( (
 Chapter Fifteen

KAMWE HOUNTAIN ORIENTATION

by Marguerite Kraft

Marguerite Kraft unfolds this study of the Kamwe of

Nigeria and their preoccupation with the mountain In a pre­
cise, readable manner. She has ably Illustrated the Impor­
tance of the mountain In several ways, with additional help
from charts that depict linguistic patterns that indicate
mountain orientation as well. As with every chapter of her
book (from which this essay was drawn), the author has said
enough to satisfy the reader that her thesis Is correct, and
yet has left the reader wanting more.

The Kamwe see themselves as the people of the mountain and the
mountain area Is where they feel secure. Living on the plains In
safety was made possible by colonial government control. Previous to
that the people lived In the mountains and began ‘to farm some on the
plains near to the mountain. However, In the early days, and even
today, one found terraced farming on the mountain sides.

PROTECTION

As has been explained, each mountain represents a homogeneous group

(a lineage group), and Intergroup fighting was frequent between
different mountain groups. The people living on a single mountain were

From M. Kraft 1978:29-35

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an exogamous group often sharing the same water supply and depending on
each other for protection. The size of the group Is very Important
since they must provide their own défense. The number of fighters Is
crucial In bow and arrow warfare. To fall to have children Is a
serious matter for the homogeneous group one represents because the
number of fighters makes a significant difference In strength In
battle. Thus the power of a lineage Is directly related to Its
numerical size.

In precolonial days there was much warfare between the various

independent clans. Otterbeln lists several purposes for the Kamwe
wars: I) to avenge grievances arising from disputes over women and
custody of the children, 2) to relieve grief, 3) to retain control of
the fields, 4) to achieve status as warriors. 5) to acquire captives
for ransoming, and 6) to avenge raids and stealing (Otterbeing 1968:
208). Since women marry Into the clan and the brldeprlce Is repaid by
the birth of two children, a man's parents-1n-law are apt to arrange
another marriage for a man's wife In another political community after
she has given birth to two children. Raiding parties can be used to
carry out these plans. When an Important man In one clan dies, there
used to be the alleviating of grief by killing someone In another
political community.

The compounds were built In Inaccessible places and were surrounded

with high stone walls and thick cactus hedges. In the past It was a
challenge to the Kamwe man's bravery and skill to creep In and steal an
animal or a wife from enemy territory. If successful he clearly
demonstrated his bravery. The security that the people feel In the
mountain Is expressed In the concept, "The mountain has protected the
people" (wurl mwe ke yate mbelyl).

When the Fulanl came In to conquer with horses, the mountain was
refuge for the Kamwe and tlie mountain prevented their being overtaken.
It provided an advantage for locating the approach of the attackers and
also In fighting off the opponent. During the reign of Haman Yajl, a
powerful post World War I Fulanl ruler, many Kamwe were caught and
either made slaves or killed. At this time especially, the caves In
the mountains were used for hiding In safety.

TRADITION

The mountain Is a special place because of tradition, wsl wshl - "a

thing of the ancestors." The style of house that the ancestors built
and that many Kamwe live In today requires supplies from the mountain
for building. Grass for thatching the roof and stones for the base of
the granary and for the protective fence around the outside of the
compound come from the mountain. The grinding stone comes from the
mountain area as does flrewood--both essential for dally living.
Certain herbs used for medicines come from the mountain also.
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Each homogeneous lineage group had Its own burial grounds, nkwa
mekule, which were located on their mountains. Even today when many
kamwe live on the plains, many burial grounds are on the mountains.
The corpse may have to be carried nine or ten miles to the clan burial
grounds on the ancestral mountain. The ancestral mountain veryclearly
speaks of history, tradition and the ancestors. It Is the original
homeland of the lineage group and It Is where the individual Is placed
In death before entering the spirit world.

The position of the mountain Is considered In the building of a

compound. Each compound has two parts: the up-slde of the compound,
nkwa me thala, where the men and granaries are, and the down-side of
the compound, terenkwe. where the women live and work on food
preparations. This speaks of the war days when the man has an
advantage to be on the up-slde— to be able to see the enemy, on the one
hand, and to be closer to God, on the other hand.

ASSOCIATION WITH THE SUPERNATURAL

It seems that the kamwe also feel that the mountain Is a place that
is closer to God. God Is envisioned as a God of the sky and It Is only
natural that the mountain Is the closest place to God's place. In the
Scriptures, the mountain Is significant and meaningful also, t.e.,
Moses receiving the stone tablets from God, Elijah and his
confrontation with the prophets of Baal, the crucifixion, the
ascension, etc. In kamwe land when there Is a drought the whole
community feasts and a sacrifice is made, then the young people and
adults go up the mountain to dance. The tradesmen musicians beat the
drums and play other Instruments, too. The people feel that they are
attracting God's attention to their need and also pleasing Him.

REFLECTED IN THE LANGUAGE

The language reflects the significance of the mountain In the

thinking of the people. In order to express "come from" a specific
place, or "go to" a specific place, the relation to the mountain must
be considered (of course this Is unconscious for the kamwe). These
terms are diagramed In Figures 5 and 6 which follow. There Is a x
general term which can be used, however, for any direction If no
specific place Is Indicated:

wurl nje ke seke. He came.

wuri nje ke d z e ge. He went.

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 248

There are three words for “ come" when referring to an area within
calling distance: 1) sha meaning come down, used if coming from the
mountainside toward the speaker; 2) sate meaning come up, used If
coming toward the speaker and from the opposite direction from the
mountain; 3) shaIyI meaning-come over, used when parallel to the
speaker and the mountain. The comparable words for go are: I) Ja— go
down; 2) dzate— go up; 3) .1a 1y I— go over. This means that when calling
to a person “Come here." the term used (one of the three) depends on
where the person Is In relation to the speaker and the mountain.

Another set of words for come and go are used If the distance Is
far from the speaker. These Include: I) sekwa meaning come far down,
used when referring to coming from a place on the mountainside; 2) seme
meaning come up far, used when coming from the opposite direction from*
the mountain; 3) shllye-meaning come over from far used when parallel
to the speaker and the mountain. The comparable words for go are: I)
dzegwa— go down far; 2) dzeme— go up far; 3) .111 ye— go over far.
Shllye and .111 ye are now used more often for come/go Into or out of
(across a border). There Is one more rather general term used for
coming Inside, or coming from the farm or bush. Into the village:
shlka. The comparable term for go Is .11ge.

Locational prepositions also reflect this mountain

relationship. When saying things like “ on the ground", “ at home",
"in...", from...", the following set of words are used:

1. la...a place down close

2. late. ..a place up close

3. calyl ...a place over close paral lei to mountain

4. kwa...a place down far

5. me...a place up far

6. Pel ye ...a place far parallel to mouiitaln/outslde boundary

To Illustrate the use of these, If one wanted to say “Inside the hut"
It could be said in various ways depending on the location of the hut
In relation to the speaker and the mountain— me mpya “In the hut up
far", kwa mpya “In the hut down far", late mpya "In the hut close by
and up", pelye mpya "In the hut which Is outside, far, calyl mpya “In
the hut which Is horizontal to the mountain and close by", la mpya "In
the hut close by and down from the mountain".

Investigating the use'of these words, the importance of the

higher hills along the Cameroon border becomes evident. From Kamale
one goes down to Mlctka, from Slna one goes down to Garta, from Hbororo

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one goes ufi_to Futu, etc. The preceding diagrams show the orientation
to the mountain as is reflected In the terms of go (appearing In
capital letters), the terms for come (In small letters), and the
locational prepositions (underlined and followed by...). The
hyphenated circle represents an area around the speaker close— perhaps
wi thin cal Ilng distance.

SUMMARY

Location, direction and movement are thus all related to the

mountain. Yet the meaning has deeper roots than just position. He are
sharing In an "orientation to the mountain” that first springs from the
origin stories that located the homogeneous units In their respective
mountain habitats, and then provided their social cohesion and sense of
security which guarantee their ethnic perpetuity. In other words, we
are being drawn Into their own frame of reference, which we have called
the "worldview." The mountain orientation can be diagrammed as follows
In figure 7:
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Chapter Sixteen

CULTURAL FACTORS IN SPATIAL ORIENTATION

by A. Irving Hallowel I

This case study of the Saulteaux. a North American

Indian tribe, Is brilliantly presented. Dolgln, Kemnltzer,
and Schneider, who have also chosen this article for their
own Reader, Introduced Hallowell's study by saying that
"descriptions of such sublety and sensitivity as Hallowell's
are less common than one might like" (Dolgln 1977:131). The
strength of this article Is that the author has expertly
conveyed a concept of space that quite clearly differs from
our western perspective. Since Hallowell's treatment of this
subject Is rather lengthy, only certain portions of the
original case study section have been chosen for this Reader.

THE SPATIAL ORIENTATION OF THE SAULTEAUX

Directional Orientation

From an abstract point of view it might appear that the basic

directional orientation of the Saulteaux Is equivalent to that of
occidental culture, since they recognize four cardinal directions as
fundamental reference points which can be roughly equated with north,
south, east, and west. Actually, the equivalence is not only

From Hallowel1 1955:184-203

 251

historically fortuitous. It differs from our own directional

orientation qualitatively and functionally In Important respects.

The occidental directional schema Is based on scientific

knowledge that the Saulteaux do not possess. In our schema "true"
north Is taken as an absolute reference point; It Is determined
precisely by mechanical means, and Instrumental correction for possible
error Is made under certain circumstances. Furthermore,, the possession
of a magnetic compass and the knowledge of how to use It enables us to
check our directional orientation exactly at any time.

The Saulteaux, on the other hand, rely exclusively upon the

direct observation of natural phenomena In order to maintain their
directional orientation. Their most Inclusive reference points are the
North Star, the movements of the sun, and the "homes" of the four
winds. Sometimes to these are added "straight up" (zenith), and "down"
(nadir). The standardized and linguistically formulated cardinal
directions of their culture, however, refer only to the four winds. It
Is through the traditional emphasis upon these that the wider aspects
of their spatial universe are defined.

In their mythology the winds are anthropomorphic beings each

associated with a complementary direction. The winds are brothers who
at birth enunciate their personal relations to humanity. The first­
born was East Wind, who slad, "I shall be fairly kind to human
beings." The next was South Wind, who said, "I'll be very good and
treat human beings well, as long as any exist on this earth." The
third child born spoke and said, "Human beings shall call me West
Wind. I'll be a little rough on them but I'll never be wicked." "Be
easy on our mother," he went on as another boy popped out. This one
said, "Human beings shall call me North Wind. I'll have no mercy on
any human being. I'll treat him Just the same as the animals." At
this remark his brothers asked, "How do you expect human beings to •
exist If you are going to treat them like that?" (But no answer Is
given In the myth.) Shortly after this the brothers decided that they
could not remain together any longer. The East Hind said, "I'll go to
live In the east." The West Wind, said, "I'll sit opposite you at the
other end of the earth." The South Wind said, "I'll go to the southern
end of the earth," and the North Hind said, "I'll go to the northern
end___ "

For the Saulteaux, direction Is only partially abstracted from

place. That Is. their conception has more the meaning "In the
direction of such and such a place," “toward x." What we refer to
abstractly as the cardinal directions are to them the homes of the
winds, the places they come from. Similarly, east Is thought of as the
place where the sun rises; west, the place where It sets; south Is the
place to which the souls of the dead travel, and the place from which
the summer birds come In a myth summer Is stolen from a place In the
 252

south. Indeed, the Saulteaux equivalents for north, south, east, and
west are place names In a very real sense, rather than abstract terms
for direction. They are far, distant, it Is true, but In myths at •
least, people have been there. They define the periphery of the
Saulteaux world, being the "farthest" places, although not different
except In generality of direction, from places In the Immediate
environment. Such a connotation exists In Western civilization side by
side with the highly abstract one expressed In terms of angles and
their measurement used In science. We say, "lie lives In the West," or
"The South grows cotton." The terms "Occident" and "Orient" are also
used as nouns denoting places or regions. The latter arose at a period
when, like the Saulteaux, the people employing them thought that the
earth was flat.

I do not mean to Imply that the Saulteaux terms are never used
abstractly. But the degree to which this occurs is a function of the
social situation. Abstraction Is at Its highest level when directional
terms are employed In finding one's way about or in constructing a
ceremonial pavilion. This may happen similarly with direction toward
any place: a place, x, may be defined as “ on the way to" y.

Thus It Is Inevitable that the directional orientation of these

Indians Is more flexible and less exact than our own, and that they
must rely upon cues from several different classes of natural
phenomena. Such limitations are Intrinsic to the traditional means
with which their culture provides them for ascertaining directional
orientation. There are many Instances of these limitations. I have
heard Indians refer to the Milky Way, which Is considered the path the
Summer Birds follow flying north, as running north and south. This Is
not the case, but the approximate direction satislfles them....

Qualitatively and functionally, therefore, the existence of a

four-directional schema In Western culture, on the one hand, and In
Saulteaux culture, on the other, presents only a superficial
resemblance. The behavioral Implications In ttie two societies are
quite different. Western man has been freed from the direct
observation of nature In so far as he depends upon mechanical
Instruments for the determination of direction, or does not need to
maintain his orientation with respect to compass points at all so far
as the pursuit of dally life Is concerned. The latter Is particularly
true of urban populations where such directional orientation may be
almost completely Ignored.

The Saulteaux constantly maintain a directional orientation.

Traveling In the open as they do at all seasons of the year, across
lakes and through a network of waterways In ttie summer and over
snowclad wastes in winter, the direction of the wind In particular Is
always noticed and their practical activities adjusted accordingly.

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253

Travel

There still remains the practical question: How do the

Saulteaux find their way about and what cues do they employ? The
answer Is a simple one: by means of the directional cues already
described, combined with the constant use of all the relevant knowledge
of the topography of the country they possess.

In addition to standardized reference points, l.e., named places

and named directions, this Includes a mass of Impressions undiscrimi­
nated In speech but Immensely Important nevertheless. The character­
istic manner of their procedure at all seasons, and whether traveling
on land or water, can be reduced to a common principle. They always
move fromone point to another, rather than In a given direction toward
a goal. Directional orientation usually functions as the wider frame
of reference to facilitate the step by step procedure.

In principle, this step procedure emerges In certain

mythological narratives where It takes the following form: The
protagonist is directed from point to point In a strange country by a
series of old women. The first old woman he encounters not only
directs him on his way, she tells him what to look out for, how to
avoid obstacles to his progress, and so on. And finally, she tells him
that he will come upon another old woman on whom he can depend for
directional advice for the next stage of his journey. Of course,
events'occur as anticipated; the second old woman Is reached who
directs him to a third. The analogy to actual travel should be clear.
Familiar landmarks in a Journey correspond to the old women; they mark
the nodal points in a geographical progression In space and while they
fall to give advice in a literal sense, they are anticipatory signs of
the particular features of the country In the ensuing segment of the
Journey that must be mentally prepared for before they are encountered.

A commonplace Illustration of ordinary procedure Is Illustrated

by the ascent of the Berens River from Its mouth to Grand Rapids, a
hundred miles Inland from Lake Winnipeg. The river Is not In Its
entire length the natural road we usually think a river to be> for In
places It opens Into lakes. On this portion of It there are
approximately fifty rapids, all named, which function as the nodal
points In the journey. It Is these geographical Items which are
checked off, as It were, in traveling up and down the stream, and one’ s
position on the river at any time, particularly when eating and
sleeping, is always talked about with reference to this schema of
rapids. They always function as anticipatory signs of the features of
the country to be encountered between them. No wonder then that the
local Indians thought It curious and even hazardous when some white men
a few years ago ascended the river without a guide. They were probably
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254

equipped wth the excellent maps that are available. To the Indians
they would have no anticipatory signs to guide them; they would not
know what to expect.

An analogous principle of travel In winter is set up under quite

different circumstances when an Indian lays his trap line and makes his
rounds periodically. The relation of the traps to each other, to
certain topographical features of the country, and to his camp define a
spatial order In which he regularly moves from point to point.

In winter, however, during long journeys on snowshoes or with a

dogsled, when darkness obscures familiar landmarks and a storm makes
•even the stars Invisible, then directional orientation Inferred from
the wind must be depended upon as the main cue. Under these conditions
one has no choice but to proceed in a given direction; It Is impossible
to follow the visible cues provided by a series of landmarks, and it is
possible to lose one's way badly. If directional orientation by means
of the wind falls, there Is nothing to do but make camp and wait until
weather conditions change and the usual cues can be picked up again.

Topographical cues are. In fact, so important that If masked by

snow an individual may lose his way even on familiar ground. An Indian
once told me of such an experience which he considered very humorous
because the trail was one frequently traveled by everyone— I had often
used It myself in summer. But my friend missed his way one winter
night when the drifted snow had radically distorted cues familiar even
at that season of the year. On the other hand, there are well-known
general patterns in the topography of their country which are used by
the Indians as cues. The rocky ridges as well as the muskegs east of
Lake Winnipeg, for Instance, run east to west like the rivers so that
whether it Is cloudy or misty, night or day, a general orientation' is
possible. This pattern also can be used as a cue in winter when snow
Is on the ground. A Berens River Indian once went to fight a forest
fire on the west side of the lake. He got'lost because he was not
familiar with local topographical landmarks and the muskegs had a
different directional pattern. Not being aware of this latter fact, he
relied on the muskegs and became disoriented. To an outsider general
topographical patterns would not be obvious so that without any
explanation of the actual clues being used it might appear somewhat
mysterious how the Indians- familiar with the country did find their way
about in stormy or snowy weather and without a compass. ,

In connection with this dependence upon topographical cues it is

Interesting to recall the predicament of Hlsakedjak, the culture hero *
of the Saulteaux, told In a myth. Hlsakedjak had been temporarily
deprived of his sight by getting his head encased in a bear skull and
the method he employed to find his way about was to ask each tree he
bumped into what Its name was. Hlsakedjak wished to reach a lake since
he thought he might find some people there, and he accomplished this

i
 255.

by differentiating between trees that grew near the water and those
that did not. adjusting his course accordingly.

If, as sometimes Is the case In winter, there Is a well-marked

trail In the snow to be followed, then travel Is greatly simplified.
Under such conditions the Indian participates In one of the amenities
of Western culture, the road, which we take for granted and which so
enormously facilitates our movements from place to place. Neither
directional orlenatlon nor the use of such cues as the Saulteaux are
compelled to employ are necessary In following a modern road. The
contrast between this method of getting about and the other procedures
described brings Into sharp relief a basic difference In the pragmatic
aspects of spatial orientation as demanded by Saulteaux culture on the
one hand and Western culture, on the other.

Fear of Disorientation

The sharp contrast between the extremely Intimate knowledge of a

familiar terrain and the very hazy Ideas which are entertained about
other regions Is sufficient, I believe, to account for a certain
timidity on the part of these Indians In venturing Into unknown
territory unless accompanied by someone who Is already acquainted with
the region. While directional orientation can be maintained In unknown
regions, the lack of all the well-known landmarks Inevitably must lead
to a certain amount of spatial disorientation. And there Is always the
possibility that one may really become lost. Hence, there Is rational
ground for apprehension.
/*
A feeling of satisfactory spatial orientation, then, probably Is
one of the basic ties that bind the Individual to familiar territory.
The Indian would not analyze or express his feelings In such terms, but
I think that It Is a legitimate Inference we are enabled to make from
the very nature and character of his spatial orientation. It Is
likewise consistent with the basic role played by spatial orientation
In all human behavior. For we, too, feel some sense of spatial
disorientation In a strange -city or country even when such orientation
Is less vital to our activities than to those of the Saulteaux and
under cultural conditions which offer an opportunity for a more
Immediate and adequate reorientation. Furthermore, the feeling of the
Saulteaux themselves about the loss of an adequate spatial orientation
was Illustrated In their concern when on one occasion I had difficulty
In finding my way back to our camp, and their admonitions on others to
be careful and not to lose my way when I went about by myself. Since I
never was lost and their concern at times seemed a bit silly to me, I
think that their attitude In these situations Is quite revealing.

The same apprehension on their part can be demonstrated In

another way by the story of the Indian who found his way back home from
a strange part of the country. Early in the nineteenth century, when

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the Hudson's Bay Company reigned supreme In western Canada, some

Indians raided a post at Sandy Narrows In order to obtain knives,
power, etc. The leader of the party was a man called Brimmed Hat.
After he was apprehended It was planned to send him to England where he
could observe for himself the power and magnitude of the white man's
civilization. On the way to York Factory where lie was to be put on a
ship. Brimmed Hat escaped. This was near Hhlte Hud Falls on the Hayes
River. Later he showed up again at Sandy Narrows, a distance of
approximately three hundred miles as the crow flies. To the Indians
such a journey was miraculous, and they believed he must have had the
aid of supernatural helpers. First of all. he could not proceed In the
usual way from one known point to another In a strange country. From
our standpoint a correct directional orientation might have been a
sufficient guide to him, combined, perhaps, with some general knowledge
of the watersheds since Hayes.River drains Into Hudson Bay and the
Berens River is on a shed from which the rivers empty Into Lake
Winnipeg. Besides this, he had no gun, not even a knife, and no way to
secure skins to make new moccasins.

Cosmic Space

The apprehension with which the Saulteaux Individual views

excursions Into strange regions, combined with his lack of experience
In any but a circumscribed environment, and the limitations Imposed by
his culture upon the acqulstton of accurate knowledge of distant
regions, offers him no critical basis for an evaluation of what Is
beyond his experience. It Is no wonder, then, that the traditional
dogmas of his native culture In regard to the wider reaches of the
universe are so thoroughly reified and uncritically accepted as part of
his spatial world.

There Is the Land of the Dead, for Instance, far to the south.
There Is a road which leads directly to It which deceased souls follow,
and a few Individuals are known to have visited the Land of the Dead
and afterwards retur.ned to their homes. They have given accounts of
their Jouney and of what they saw there. I remember that my
Interpreter once told an old Indian that I came from the south and that
the United States lay In that direction. The old man simply laughed In
a wise way and made no comment.

The earth Itself, according to Saulteaux belief. Is flat, a

notion that Is, of course, supported rather than contradicted by the
naive observation and experience of all human beings. No Indian can be
convinced that the earth Is spherical. According to Saulteaux dogma
the earth Is also an Island, and there Is an account In mythology (the
earth-diver motif) of how this Island came Into existence. Contacts
with the whites and, In certain cases, acquaintance with maps In the
geography texts of their children have strengthened rather than
undermined this dogma. For many Indians have been told, and others

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257

have seen it indicated on the maps of the world, that the western
hemisphere is surrounded by water.

A stratification of worlds within the cosmos Is another item of

Saulteaux dogma that defines certain space relations In their
conceptual universe. Since the earth Is flat, it is easy to understand
how this additional feature fits the general scheme. While this Idea
of the stratification of worlds Is developed in considerable detail In
other parts of America and even among related Algonklan peoples
(Alexander 1916:275), the Saulteaux emphasize only the lower world
Immediately below this one, although they assert that there are other
worlds farther down as well as one or two above "the central plane" on
which they live.

The world that lies Just below is called pitawakamlk. It Is

also peopled by anlclnabek, Indians. These lower world people only
differ from those living on this earth by being Immortal. When they
grow old. they then become young again. This underworld was once
visited by some Berens River Indians. They went out hunting and saw
some strangers whom they followed to the lower world. At first the
people living there wanted to kill them. But when the lower world
people found that the Berens River Indians were so much like
themselves, their lives were spared. The same species of animals and
plants are found In p itawakamlk as up here, but when It Is night there
It Is day here and vice versa.

I have never heard of a corresponding upper world Inhabited by

human beings. However, the Idea of strata in the universe Is
exemplified In the account in one of the myths In which the youngest
brother of matciklwls.climbs us a tree to Thunder Bird Land. Here the
Thunder Bird appears in human guise.. When the daughters of the "boss"
of these creatures come to earth they appear as women and marry human
beings.

Within this cosmic scheme certain spiritual entities are given a

specific location. To some extent such cosmic positions are correlated
with observable natural phenomena. Since thunder Is heard only in the
summer and usually towards the south, the Thunder Birds are associated
with the south as the spiritual controllers of the summer birds and are
believed to inhabit one of the upper strata of the universe. On the
other hand, the controllers of the fur-bearing animals are given a
northern position In the cosmic space. In other cases the cosmic
position of certain entities seems arbitrary, and some have no
determinate location.

From the standpoint of the Saulteaux themselves, these concepts

of comsic space and the position of the various spiritual entitles and
other Inhabitants within it, all are articulated as parts of an
Integral wholfe. It Is in terms of the full sweep of this schema that
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258

we must endeavor to comprehend the qualitative characteristics of the

farther reaches of their spatial world, as well as the relevant feature
of the proximate geographical environment in which they live.
 Chapter Seventeen

TEMPORAL ANO SPATIAL EQUIVALENTS IN CHAMULA RITUAL SYMBOLISM

by Gary II. Gossen

INTRODUCTION

In this paper, prepared especially for (Lessa and Vogt 1979],.

the author describes some of the cosmological referents for the
religious symbolism of a modern Maya community. In Chamula, the
Ancient Maya sun and moon deities and other supernaturals appear to
have merged In a meaningful way with the Christian pantheon which the
Dominican missionaries Introduced after the Spanish Conquest. The
paper Illustrates that Internal consistency and meaning In religious
symbolism do not necessarily atrophy In cases of culture contact and
_ syncretism. (See, for example, the similarity between the modern
Chamulas' belief system and that of the Ancient Maya [Leon-Portl1 la,
1968, and Thompson, 1970]). Chamulas believe that the sun-Chrlst not
only delimits the spatial boundaries of their universe, but also
maintains the critical temporal cycles which regulate their
agricultural activity and ritual life. Hence, most of the fundamental
discriminations In Chamula ritual symbol Ism— rIgh t/left, up/down,
counterclockwise/clockwlse--emphaslze the primacy of the sun and all
that he represents.

From Lessa and Vogt 1979:116-129

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THE CHAMULA UNIVERSE

Chamulas believe that the earth Is an Inclined Island which Is

higher In the east than In thewest. This belief Is supported by
Chamula experience In the outside world. Men go frequently to the
south and west to the nearby lowlands of the Grijalva River Valley to
work on rented maize fields and to the Pacific slope to work on coffee
plantations. This tropical lowland area is relatively close to their
cool highland home, but Its elevation is spectacularly lower than that
of Chamula. In other words, the drop-off to the south and west Is
dramatic; to the north and east there Is no Immediate drop-off. only a
continuation of small highland valleys and basins. Significantly,
Tzontevltz Mountlan, the highest In the Central Chiapas Highlands and
the most sacred of all mountains to Chamulas, lies both to the east of
Chamula ceremonial center and within Barrio San Juan, which Is the
highest ranking of the three barrios. Chamulas have few economic
reasons to travel extensively to the north and east beyond their own
boundary. This is not the case with the lowland south and west, which
are relatively well known to most Chamula men. Economic activity,
travel, social organization, and topography, therefore, support and
reflect the prevailing belief that the island-earth Is generally high
In the east and low In the west....

Chamulas believe that the earth Is laced with caves and tunnels
which eventually reach the edges of the earth. These limestone caves
and passages are also believed to provide channels for the drainage of
the highlands. Chamulas also believe that the earthlords, who live In
the mountain caves, provide all forms of precipitation, Including
accompanying clouds, lightning, and thunder. These beliefs are
supported by the fact that the Central Chiapas Highlands are In fact a
karst-type limestone area In which internal drainage Is extremely
Important. Only earthlords, snakes (which are the familiars and
alternate forms of the earthlords), and demons Inhabit the Internal
cave networks of the earth. Hence, all are associated with dampness,
darkness, and lowness.

The earth Is the middle of three major horizontal layers of the

Chamula universe. The sky and the underworld make up the remainder.'
Three layers, which informants draw as concentric domes, make up the
sky. The first and smallest of these domes Is the only level of the
sky which Is visible to most human beings. This first level, however.
Is only a reflection of what Is happening at ttie upper two levels. The
moon (who Is conceptually equivalent to the Virgin Mary, hine tlk or
"Our Mother") and minor constellations travel In the second level. The
sun (who Is conceptually equivalent to Christ, htot Ik or "Our Father"),
Saint Jerome, the guardian of animal souls, and major (bright)
constellations reside and travel In the third level. The heat and
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261

brilliance of the sun's head are so great that they penetrate the two
Inferior layers of the sky. Thus, It Is only the reflection of the
sun's face and head which we perceive on earth.

The underworld Is the dwelling place of the dead and Is

characterized by Inversions of many kinds. When It Is dark on earth,
It Is light In the underworld, for the sun travels that part of his
circular path around the earth at that time. Conversely, night In the
underworld occurs during the daytime on earth. There Is no proper food
In the underworld. The dead eat charred food and flies In place of
normal food. The dead must also refrain from sexual Intercourse. With
these exceptions, life In the underworld is much like life on earth.
People do not suffer there. Those who have murdered or committed .
suicide are exceptions. These are burned by the sun as he travels his
circuit there during the night on earth. The underworld Is also the
point from which the universe Is supported. Opinions vary on the
nature of this support, but most Chamulas think that (1) a single
earthbearer carries the universe on his back, or that (2) four
earthbearers support the universe at the Intercardinal points.

The whole cosmological system Is bound and held together by the

circular paths of the sun and moon, who are the principal deities In
the Chamula pantheon. Each day they pass by the eastern and western
edges of the earth on their trips to the sky and underworld. It Is not
suprising that these deities effectively represent most of the
fundaméntal assumptions which Chamulas make about order, for they mark
temporal and spatial categories which are critical for the maintenance
of life as Chamulas know It. In the remainder of this paper, I shall
explore some of the components of the Ideal order which Chamulas
represent by means of ritual symbolism.

SOME FUNDAMENTAL DISCRIMINATIONS

The Sun as the First Principle of Order

A primary and Irreducible symbol of Chamula thinking and

symbolism Is the sun, "Our Father." htotlk. At once In the concept of
the sun, most units of lineal, cyclical, and generational time are
implied, as well as the spatial limits and subdivisions of the
universe, vertical and horizontal. Most of the other deities
(earthlords are Important exceptions) and all men are related lineally
or spiritually to the sun-creator, who Is the son of the moon. Day and
night, the yearly agricultural and religious cycles, the seasons, the
divisions of the day, most plants and animals, the stars and the
constellations, all are the work of the creator, htoMJc, the lifeforce
Itself. Only the demons, monkeys, and Jews are logically prior to and
hostile to the coming of order. These forces killed the sun and forced
him to ascend Into the heavens, thus providing heat, light, life, and
order---
 The fundamental spatial divisions of the universe, the cardinal
directions, are also derived from the relative positions of the sun on
his east-west path across the heavens:

East: lok'eb k'ak'al, "emergency heat (or day)"

West: maleb k'ak'al, "waning heat (or day)"
North: sokon vlnahel ta bae'l k'ob, "the edge of heaven on the right
hand"
South: sokon vlnahel ta e'et k'ob, "the edge of heaven on the left *
hand"

The principal temporal divisions of each day are also described In

terms of the relative position of the sun on his path across the
heavens. For example, "in the afternoon" Is generally expressed In
Tzotzil as ta mal k'ak'al. “In the waning heat .(or day)." "In the
mid-morning" Is expressed as stoy sa k'ak'al. "the heat (day) is rising
rm u M

The Sun and the Primacy of the Right Hand

Chamula cosmological symbolism has as Its primary orientation

the point of view of the sun as he emerges on the eastern horizon each
day, facing his universe, north on his right hand, south on his left
hand (see Figure I, which Is a Chamula's drawing of this fundamental
cosmological moment). This orientation helps to explain the derivation
of the descriptive terms for north ("the edge of heaven on the right
hand") and south ("the edge of heaven on the left hand"). Furthermore,
the adjective "right," bae'1, Is positively evaluated in Innumerable
words and Idioms In Tzotzil. By extension. It means "actual." "very,"
"true," or "the most representative," as In "Tzotzil" (bal'l k'op).
which may be translated literally as "the true language"; or "right
hand." (bae'l k'ob), which may also be read as the "real hand" or "true
hand." North is on the right hand of the suncreator as he traverses
the sky. This orientation appears to be related to the belief that
north Is a direction of good omen and virtue. Chamulas often express
this as mas iek sk'an yo nton ta bae'l k'ob II htotlke, or "Our
Father's heart prefers the right hand way." This fundamental
orientation may also contribute to an understanding of Chamula ritual
treatment of space. It Is first of all necessary to understand that
religious cargo-holders themselves have an aspect of deity In that they
share with the sun and the saints (the sun's kinsmen) the responsibil­
ity and the burden of maintaining the social order. While Imparting a
sacred aspect to themselves through exemplary behavior and constant use
of sacred symbols and objects such as strong rum liquor, incense,
candles, fireworks., and cigarettes, most of which have actual or
 263

FIGURE I
The Sun-Chrlst emerging from the Eastern
horizon, original by Harlan Lopez Calixto.

metaphoric qualities of hqat, they metaphorically follow the sun's

pattern of motion by moving to their own right through any ritual
space which lies before them. This helps to explain the overwhelming
tendency of almost all Chamula ritual motion to follow a counterclock­
wise pattern". This direction Is the horizontal equivalent of the sun's
dally vertical path across the heavens from east to west. One can
derive this transformation according to Chamula premises by pretending
to face the universe from the eastern horizon, as the sun does each
morning, and "turning" the vertical solar orbit to the right so that It
lies flat on the earth. I should emphasize that no Chamula ever stated
the derivation as simply as I have stated It here. However, Informants
consistently said that east Is the sun's position at slok' htotlk ("the
sun appears" or "dawn"); north Is the horizontal equivalent to the
sun's vertical position at 'olo k'ak'al ("half heat," half-day." or

( Í (
 264

"noon“); west Is sbat h tot Ik ("the sun departs" or "sundown"); and

south Is the horizontal equivalent to the sun's vertical position at
'olol ‘ak'‘obal ("half-night" or "midnight"). This horizontal
transformation allows cargo officials to "move as the sun moves.“
thereby restating symbolically both the temporal and spatial cycles for
which the sun Is responsible. This makes the beginning of any ritual
(counterclockwise) circuit "conceptual east___ "

The positive symbolic value of the north is Intelligible In that

Chamulas are quite conscious of the fact that the apparent position of
the rising sun shifts northward on the eastern horizon during the
Increasingly longer days between the vernal equinox and the summer
solstice. This period Is also associated with the first rains of the
wet season (In early Hay) and with the beginning of the annual growing
cycle for highland crops. South, on the other hand, Is associated With
night and the underworld In the dally cycle. South Is also associated
with the time of shortening days, the autumnal equinox to the winter
solstice, which marks the end of the growing season and the beginning
of killing frosts and death In the annual solar cycle. This helps to
explain why the south Is negatively regarded in some respects, for It
represents both night and frost, dry weather and the nonproductive
agricultural season. Hest represents Incipient death In the life
cycle, twilight In the dally cycle, as well as the period between the
summer solstice and the autumnal equinox___

Ritual circuits, therefore, carry a great deal more Information

that they appear to at first glance. They proceed counterclockwise
because that direction Is the logical horizontal equivalent of the
annual solar cycle and the daily solar cycle. Even though
circumstances may not allow all individual circuits to begin In the
actual east or southeast, the principles of the right hand and
counterclockwise motion appear to serve as ritual surrogates for the
eastern solar orientation and the solar cycle. Any Initial ritual
location can thus become "conceptual east." In this way men are better
able to base their ritual orientation on the first principle of life
Itself, which Is the sun.

The Primacy of "Up"

The primacy of the sun as giver of order Implies still another

symbolic discrimination: primacy of "up" over "down." Cosmologlcal.ly.
Increasing height and goodness are associated with the rising sun;
decreasing height and threat, with the setting sun. It will be
recalled from the previous discussion that the eastern part of the
earth Is believed to be tilted upward (ta 'ak'ol) and the western part
downward (ta 'olon). Living In what they believe to be the highest
place on the earth, they as a group are at a point closer to the sun
when at Its zenith of potency and heat (at noon) than any other Indian
or Ladino community with which they are acquainted. Furthermore,

V
 265

Tzontevltz, the sacred mountain which lies In the highest ranking of

the three barrios, Is also the home of their patron saint San Juan. In
• addition, as I mentioned above, Tzontevltz Mountain happens In fact to
be the highest peak In the Central Highlands. Chamulas therefore enjoy
an especially close relationship with the sun In a physical and
metaphorical sense. This position also places the predominantly Indian
Highlands In a more desirable (l.e., closer) relationship with the sun
than the predominantly Ladino Lowlands. This factor Is not unrelated
to the Chamula view of social distance. In which the highlands are
generally considered to be .less dangerous and less asocial than the
lowlands---

The Primacy of Heat

The primacy of heat over cold In Chamula symbolism has been

apparent In several of the above discussions. The Importance of heat
is ever present In Chamula life, from dally household activity to
ritual settings. The dally round of Chamula domestic life centers on
the hearth, which lies near the center of the dirt floor of nearly all
Chamula houses. The working day usually begins and ends around the
fire, men and boys sitting and eating to the right of the hearth (from
the point of view of one who faces the Interior from the front door),
women and girls to the left of the hearth (see Figure 3).

Furthermore, men in this patrlfocal society always sit on tiny

chairs, thus raising them above the cold feminine ground, and wear
sandals, which separate them from the ground and complement their
masculine heat. Women, on the other hand, customarily sit on the
ground which is symbolically cold, and always go barefooted, which,
symbol leallyr does not separate them, but rather gives them direct
contact with the cold, feminine earth. Coldness, femininity, and
lowness are logically prior to heat, masculinity, and height. This
follows from the mythological account of the coming of order. The male
sun was born from the womb of the female moon and was then killed by
the forces of evil and darkness (the demons and the Jews). This In
turn allowed him to arise Into the sky as the llfeglvlng source of
order.

The very words for time and space are related to heat, for the
sun symbolizes the source of earthly heat as he does nearly afT other
aspects of cosmological order. Days, fiesta Intervals, seasons, and
years are all measured by Increasing and decreasing cycles of heat.
The opposite of order is symbolized by the cold darkness In which the
demons, Jews, and monkeys lived before the forced ascension of the sun
Into the sky. The life cycle Is also conceived as a cycle of
Increasing heat from a cold beginning___
 266

FIGURE 2
Space In a Chamula house.

A lte rn a te

FEMALE
C ± j± _ T l o c a t io n of
h o u seh o ld sh rin e

MALE
S ittin g , S ittin g ,
e a tin g , • e a tin g ,
and s to ra g e t * and sto ra g e
space space

o
^ H earth
O t
Most freq u en t
l o c a tio n o f ,
household
s h rin e .

L e ft R ight

F ro n t Door |

Í
E a s t, a lth o u g h house
may n o t a c t u a l l y fa c e e a s t )

Most ritual substances also have the quality of heat, actual and
metaphoric. Tobacco, rum, Incense, candles, and fireworks generate or
emit heat. Furthermore, the raw materials for them are believed to be
of lowland, tropical origin which Is certainly true for the most part.
Resin for Incense, beef tallow and wax for candles, the Ingredients for
gunpowder, sugarcane for rum. and tobacco for ciragettes do In fact
come from, or at least, through, the lowlands. This tropical origin Is
Interesting, for It Illustrates a paradox in Chamula thinking about
the world. Although the highlands are closer than the lowlands to the
sun In a vertical sense, the climate of the highlands Is actually much
colder than that of the lowlands. It may be that the ambiguous quality
of the lowlands (physically hot yet socially distant) makes them a
logical source for some sacred symbols and substances.
 267

The Primacy of Light

It follows from h tot Ik's primordial force In Chamula symbolism

that light also represents the desirable and the good. This has
precedent In the cosmogonic moment when the sun ascended Into the sky,
creating the categories of temporal and spatial order. Light and heat
were the first manifestations of the new order. Light has many other
aspects— among them, heat and ability to penetrate. These are
qualities which cargoholders and shamans share with the deities; all
are known to have penetrating, all-seeing vision. It Is also
significant In a consideration of the meaning of light to* note that
Chamula men and boys customarily wear white woo) tunics; women and
girls generally wear brown and black wool skirts and blouses. The days
and the seasons have greater and lesser proportions of light to
darkness and generally are Imbued with positive significance according
to Increasing proportion of light. The logical Inverse of this
principle Is expressed In the Fiesta for the Dead (All Saints' Day,
November I, the beginning of the cold, dry season), In which a meal is
prepared and served to the dead in the middle of the night and In a
season of decreasing proportion of light to darkness each day.
Similarly, funerals Involve, among other things, nocturnal ritual
sequences, the consumption of charred maize kernels (not cooked before
charring) and black tortillas (made with a bluish-black variety of
maize)___

The Primacy of Maleness ,

The primacy of maleness Is expressed symbolically In nearly a 11

ritual proceedings, for women have no official cargo positions. They
do have some special ritual tasks, but these do not count in the cargo
system. All wives of cargo-holders receive the title of their
husbands, prefixed by me^ ("mother"), suggesting a ritual relationship
of male and female like that which prevails between the sun and the
moon. The primacy of maleness has other expressions. In general,
right, counterclockwise motion Is associated with male saints; left,
clockwise motion Is associated with female saints. This contrast Is
expressed also In the distribution of sitting and working space within
Chamula houses (see Figure 2). As noted above, the space to the right
of the front door of a house Interior (from the point of view of one
looking In the front door) is male sitting and eating space. The space
to the left of the front door Is female sitting, eating and working
space. This pattern prevails in nearly all Chamula homes which I have
seen and applies only to the times of day In which I have seen and
applies only to the times of day In whlcW both sexes are present,
particularly at mealtimes. At other times during the day women
customarily work throughout the house Interior. The pattern does not
seem to apply to sleeping positions In the household. In a very
similar manner, the male/rlght-female/left rule applies to the

( Í I
 268 i

permanent positions of all female saints and all major male saints in
the Chamula church. The female saints reside on the left side (south)
of the church, from the point of view of the patron saint San Juan, who
stands above the altar In the center of the east end of the church.
While there are no female saints on the "male (north) side," there are
a few unimportant male saints on the "female (south) side___ " These
ideal positions may be seen as microcosmlc representations of the
categories of Chamula cosmology and cosmogony. North was on the sun's
right hand when he rose into the heavens In the east. Just as the north
Is on San Juan's and Christ's right hand in the Chamula church. What
more logical place could there be for the male Images___

'The Primacy of the Senior Principle

Another symbolic pattern seems to follow from the aspects of

sun-primacy which have already been discussed. This Is the primacy of
“senior" over "Junior" In the classlfIcatory system. The sun Is the
senior (bankl1a 1) kinsman of all of the other saints (except the Virgin
and San Jose, who are “ prior" to the sun and are sometimes difficult
for Chamulas to classify). The bank Hal-'i e *Inal (senior-junior)
relationship Is used In evaluating many domains, from sibling
terminology In the kinship system to aspects of animal soul companions,
relative rank of cargo-holders, and ranking of topographical features.
It Is a many-valued system in which relative age, size, distance,
strength, wealth, or one of many other criteria may be applied to the
ranking of a closed domain of objects or Individuals. Vogt has
discussed this principle at length as it exists In nearby Zlnacantan
(1969:238-245). Here I should only like to point out that the "senior"
primacy over "junior" has a background of time-space association which
contributes to Its strength as a ritual principle.

"Senior" is first of all prior to “Junior" In the rather fuzzy

genealogy of the deities. "Senior" aspects of domains therefore have
priority over "Junior" aspects of domains In ritual expressions of the
social order. Spatially Interpreted, this means that "senior"
personnel, from their own point of view, usually stand or sit to the
right of "Junior" personnel. Female counterparts (usually wives) of
these officials stand still further to the left, from their own point
of view, or behind the maie cargo officials. Whether or not they are
formally placed by ritual position. Individuals receive drinks and
other ritual sacraments In equal portions according to the principle of
more "senior" first, more "junior" last. The male principle,
seniority, and higher-ranking cargo positions take precedence over the
female principle, youth, and lower-ránklng cargo positions. Any ritual
group, then, can be ranked according to the primacy of the “senior"
principle....

f
( (
 i (

269
FIGURE 6
A relationship of some expressions of the Junior-senior
principle to orientation of "conceptual East."

Moil junior 1’¡final1rrmainl i-- 1---1— — B

|
moll dtttant lioin the primary
"hrat" oj Ihr ranrtn orientation:
therefore,junior it ftru in line B
1
i Begin al
A RITUAL SPACE B “ conceptual
East**

Mott senior (bankilnl) remains

closest to the primary "heat" of
the eastern orientation: therefore,
senior is last ui line

A. Junior-senior order in processions through ritual space

© © © © ©
Begin al
A RITUAL TABLE 'conceptual
East**

© © ' © © © •
B. Junior senior order in seating at ritual meals
(senior thaniilall officials remaní closest to
"conceptua! East")

Household
cross shrine
functions as
**conccpiual
East"

hous eho ld curing ceremony tint p en . m in i c ip c n u ie

nm l IntivcM Innnini! m utiles rem ain closest to
“<m u <piual East 'I
 ( (

270

Since, men In this patrlfocal society outrank women.for most

purposes, one might assume, according to the pattern of “ senior-last,"
that women would precede men.. The opposite Is In fact the case. It
seems plausible that the female principle Is both logically prior to
patrlfocal order (for the female moon gave birth to the male sun) and
subordinate (junior) to patrlfocal order for the precocious sun blinded
his mother and began to give her orders shortly after his birth). I
believe that this dual attribute of the female principle may be
expressed in the ritual sequence In which female saints begin moving to
their own left (clockwise) and then line up behind the male saints.
Joining them to complete a counterclockwise (male) circuit___ The
cross-shrine in shamanlstlc rituals appears to serve as "conceptual
east--- " The many required sizes of candles are always arranged
(except In case of witchcraft rituals) so that the most "senior"
candles (white, largest, longest-burning, and most expensive) are lined
up closest to “ conceptual east" and the most "junior" ones toward
"conceptual west." I use the term "conceptual" because it Is sometimes
not physically possible to begin sequences or to place shrines In the
position of true east. However, time-space symbolic equivalents, which
appear to be assumed knowledge os most Chamulas, can make almost any
situation ritually effective If the correct relationship are maintained.

Microcosm and Redundancy

Those symbols which are most effective imply a great deal at

once. The sun, the giver and maintainer of order. Is such a symbol In
Chamula thought. No Chamula ritual passes without innumerable
references to patterns whose precedent Is found in the cosmogonic
moment of the sun's ascent Into the heavens. All that accompanied th.at
event is now fixed In Chamula custom and belief, for that moment
provided the necessary spatial and temporal categories for an orderly
social existence. The ritual task is to state what is essential about
all of this In the most economical form possible. Relatively few words
and actions must encapsulate what really matters; hence, the importance
of sun symbolism and its multivocal Ity, to borrow Victor Turner's
useful term (1967:50). For example, a mlcrocosmlc action such as the
movement of personnel through ritual space takes Its meaning from the •
great universe, the macrocosm of the sun. The primacy of the right
hand and masculinity, the cycles of heat In the day and the year, the
point of view of the eastern horizon, the counterclockwise motion— all
Join to recreate the past In the present and to draw in the limits of
the great universe to manageable size within the sacred precincts of
the Ceremonial Center. The procession of religious Images around the
atrium of the church at the climax of each major fiesta recreates the
cosmogonic moment of the coming of the first light, the first heat, the
first maize— the coming of order Itself. Moreover, the procession
occurs at noon, when the sun Is at the zenith of the heavens, giving
maximum heat, the event states not a part, but all of this at once.
SECTION FIVE

TIME
 272

INTRODUCTION TO TIME

This study begins with the proposal that all human beings are
oriented to time In one way'or another. One society may operate with a
particular construct of time by which they account for even small
measurements of time. Predominantly this Is found In western societies
that value an accountability for hours, minutes, seconds, or even
hundredths of a second depending on the setting or circumstances.
Other societies may live with a far less rigid construction of time In
which accountability or even measurement may not be an Issue. In both
cases there Is a kind of temporal orientation.

This section examines this orientation to time from several

perspectives. There Is first of all the perception of time and the
time-space relationship. Additional topics Include the measurement of
time, the images of time, and the dominant ortentation'of time.

THE TIHE-SPACE RELATIONSHIP AND THE PERCEPTION OF TIME

Kearney begins his section on time perception by commenting that

"compared with space, time Is a more complex and abstract concept"
(Kearney 1982:142). It Is that very fact that may be responsible for
the relationship between the two. As Kearney goes on to say, spatial
perception, unlike time perception, relies on sensory Information such
as object location, positioning and movement. The relationship between
space and time thus provides a more concrete dimension with which to
relate perceptions of time.

Kearney adds:

There Is linguistic evidence that cognition of time Is

Influenced by Images of space. Talking about temporal
relationships relies heavily on metaphors of space. For
example, temporal prepositions and particles In many languages
are marked forms of spatial locatives...eg. after an hour,
ahead of time, at noon, by tomorrow, over an hour...(Ibid).

English examples Include more than prepositions, with such

expressions as a long day, a short time, and the space of an hour.
Even the next section of this Introduction Indicates spatialIty by
examining how time Is measured.

1 (
 (
( (

273

THE MEASUREMENT OF TIME

At the outset. It must be noted that time measurement Is not a

universal given. Bohannan's chapter In this section Is one example of
a cultural system that does not Include time measurement. The Tlv of
Nigeria Identify events and relate them to other events, but the Issue
of a measurement between events Is not part of their perception of time
(Bohannan 1953). Such examples clearly Illustrate that even where the
measuring of time Is not practiced there ls,stlll a reckoning of time
that Involves an acknowledgment that certain things are prior to other
things.

Hlebert lists two patterns of time reckoning that are also related
to time measurement. The first Is “ historical time." He explains that
"this Is calculated by placing events In an historical framework and
measuring the duration of time between them" (Hlebert 1976:413).
Examples Include the reign of a king, droughts, battles, storms,
marriages, treaties, ceremonies, and feasts. The second pattern he
borrows from Gluckman, calling it "structural time." This Is "the time
It normally takes to complete a given social cycle" (Ibid). Perhaps
these could serve as the broad categories under which a variety of
methods for measuring time could be grouped.

For worldviews that do measure time, a variety of methods or

procedures can be Identified. There are mechanical devices such as
clocks, and watches. Predating them, there were hour glasses and
sundials. This latter device Is also a part of another way of
measurement, In which the subject of space reappears, that of noting*
the positions of the sun or the phases of the moon, a forerunner to the
calendar. Seasons also are means of time measurement. Many societies
keep track of the passing of time by wet and dry seasons, while others
have cold and hot periods*. Time Is sometimes measured In terms of
human activities such as plantings and canoe making and harvests; or by
animal activities like birthing or egg laying. Only a few methods are
Included here. There may be many more, however, as many In fact as
there are peoples to create variations of these or entirely different
methods of measuring time.

IMAGES OF TIME

No consideration of time would be complete without including the

significance of the Imagery of time. Kearney's discussion that follows
Indicates that all such Imagery can be categorized as either
"oscillating" or "linear" time. The more common term for "oscillating"
 c

274

Is "cyclical," but except to observe that his option deserves serious

consideration. I'll let Kearney make his own case for the change of
terminology.

Since Kearney's article Is quite adequate for this topic, .1 do not

choose to address it except at two points. The one point Is that not
only are there totally differing Images of time, but also within the
same basic image, variations can exist. One example is that of lineal
time described In terms of a river flowing to the sea. The first
variation pictures the past as upstream beginning at the source, while
the water flows through the present to the broad and somewhat
mysterious sea of the future. The same basic Image of the river,
however, may vary by picturing man as facing upstream with the source
as the future he must face, while all that has flowed from that source,
and Is now behind him, belongs to that awesome sea of history.

The second point that Imagery brings to mind Is that It Is oriented

to the Self. The Importance of the Self has already been discussed In
an earlier section, but it bears repeating that Self Is the point of
reference. In the oscillating images (to opt for Kearney's
terminology), at the swivel point of time as It passes to and fro (in
whatever pattern It is conceived to be) stands the Self.

DOMINANT ORIENTATIONS

The above discussion of time Imagery Indicates that a people or

society will have a dominant Image of time. Earlier mention of event
orientation, as Is the case In many non-western societies or chronology
orientation of the western perception, point to kinds of dominant
orientation.

The note about "historical time" suggests yet another orientation

to time, that of past, present, or future. The earlier mention of
lineal time In the image of a river is a good way to Illustrate at
least past and future orientations. Those societies that hold firmly
to their heritage, the rehearsing of geneologles perhaps, and certainly
a reverence for and worship of ancestors and traditions are obviously
oriented to the past. The Old Testament Hebrew seems to have been
oriented to the past In one sense, yet to the future In another. A
pervasive expectation of the coming Messiah was always before them In
the words of the prophets. Yet, the cultural patterns and rituals and
ceremonies were strongly bound to the past. Future security or
deliverance or hope was possible because of the fact that God had acted
In their lives, and event after event was recounted In which the hand
of Jehovah was evident. Each celebration was oriented to the
demonstration of God's Intervention in history, thus “ history yet to be
made" would be no different. .•
 275

Our western concept of time Is unquestionably future oriented. The

United States may serve as an example ]n extremus. however, of what may
be a western shift In time orientation from future to present.
Sacrificing to secure a good education for the children has been a
common experience of earlier generations. The present day appeal of
the commercial world to try the “ new and Improved" or the latest model
Is aimed at devaluing the past, but Is not necessarily pointed at the
future. A generation or two ago, the prevailing wind of society was
toward the future. People saved “for a rainy day." Kearney Indicates
that the Protestant Influence was a major contributor to this
perspective (Kearney 1982:144). The wind Is changing, however, so that
homemakers are told that they can save time with this or that appliance
or gadget, not so that the future Is served, but rather the present.
School levies are regularly defeated, whereas a generation ago their
passage was a foregone conclusion. The economy of the nation as a
whole, as well as that of Individuals, Is steeped In Indebtedness so
"we can have It now." The present may be replacing the future, If It
has not already done so, as a focus of the western orientation to time.

SUMMARY

The subject of time Is closely associated with that of space. Time

perception In many ways Is Influenced by the perceptions of space, and
the measuring of time makes use of space, among other things. Where
time Is not measured, however, spatial concepts may be of lesser or of
no Importance to time concepts.

As noted above, not everyone measures time, but everyone does have
a perception of time. That perception may be often. If dot always,
linked to a particular Imagery. Imagery may be either linear or
oscillating In form, and always Is oriented to Self as the point of
reference. For exist (If not all) societies there will be a
particularly dominant orientation to time which focuses (by means of
Imagery In some cases) on certain time frames as more Important than
others. Past, present, and future are examples of such time frames.

CONCFRNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

Hall's Introductory chapter for his book The SI lent Language serves
well as a lead chapter for this section of the Reader. The fact that
conceptions of time are Important Is ably demonstrated by a host of
Illustrations from a variety of worldviews.
 276

The discussion of the Tlv of Nigeria by Bohannan has been Included

because of the unique perspective It offers regarding time measure­
ment. The author proposes that the Tlv do not measure time, an idea
that westerners for the most p^rt assume to be Impossible. Bohannan
goes on to demonstrate, however, that the Tlv use natural and'social
phenomena as time Indicators, and that this In turn affects the myriad
aspects of Tlv culture.

Yaker's comparison of worldviews of time Is primarily concerned

with the Biblical and Greek conceptions of time. In effect, however.
It provides a three-way comparison In that he suggests how these
perceptions have Influenced the western view of time. This Is a
- quality article that provides the cross-cultural communicator of the
Christian gospel with a very useful treatment of "Biblical" time.

The "Images of Time" by Kearney has been added to this collection

for two reasons. The first Is the contribution he has made to the
subject by providing a possible alternative to the concept of cyclical
Imagery. The second Is to provide a short exposure for the readers to
a valuable resource which anyone who studies worldview should secure.

( f (
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Chapter Eighteen

THE VOICES OF TIME

by Edward T. Hall

This chapter offers Its readers a glimpse at the Importance

of the conception of time. As the first chapter of this section,
It serves the same purpose as It does In The Silent Language.
There It Is also the first chapter and seems to be an Initiating
article for those who are not oriented to the subject of time.
Hall's style of writing Is smooth and easy to read. His varied
experiences have become Illustrations for this chapter as well as
the previous one on space. The author ably demonstrates his points
In short case study examples. His section on American time Is then
followed by some other concepts of time that stand In contrast to
the American view.

Time talks. It speaks more plainly than words. The message It

conveys comes through loud and clear. Because It Is manlulated less
consciously, It Is subject to less distortion than the spoken
language. It can shout the truth where words lie.

I was once a member of a mayor's committee on human relations In a

large city. My assignment was to estimate what the chances were of
non-dlscrImlnatory practices being adopted by the different city
departments. The first step In this project was to Interview the
department heads. I felt that, despite what they said, in only one

From Hall 1959:23-41

case was there much chance for a change. Why? The answer lay in how
they usej¿ the silent language of time and space.

Special attention had been given to arranging each Interview.

Department heads were asked to be prepared to spend an hour or more
discussing their thoughts with me. Nevertheless, appointments were
forgotten; long waits In outer offices (fifteen to forty-five minutes)
were common, and the length of the Interview was often cut down to ten
or fifteen minutes. I was usually kept at an Impersonal distance
during the Interview. In only one case did the department head come
from behind his desk. These men had a position and they were literally
and figuratively sticking to it!

The implication of this experience (one which public opinion

pollsters might well heed) is quite obvious.- What people do is
frequently more important than what they say. In this case the way
these municipal potentates handled time was eloquent testimony to what
they Inwardly believed, for the structure and meaning of time systems,
as well as the time Intervals, are easy to Identify. In regard to
being late there are: "mumble something" periods, slight apology
periods, mildly Insulting periods requiring full apology, rude periods,
and downright insulting periods. The psychoanalyst has long been aware
of the significance of communication on this level. He can point to
the way his patients handle time as evidence of "resistances" and
"transference."

Different parts of the day, for example, are highly significant

in certain contexts. Time may Indicate the importance of the occasion
as well as on what level an interaction between persons is to take
place. In the United States if you telephone someone very early in the
morning, while he Is shaving or having breakfast, the time of the call
usually signals a matter of utmost Importance and extreme urgency. The
same applies for calls after 11:00 p.m. A call received during
sleeping hours Is apt to be taken as a matter of life and death, hence
the rude Joke value of these calls among the young. Our realization
that time talks Is even reflected In such common expressions as, "What
time does the clock say...?"

Plant managers in the United States are fully aware of the

significance of a communication made during the middle of the morning
or afternoon that takes everyone away from his work. Whenever they
want to make an important announcement they will ask: "When shall we
let them know?" In the social world a girl feels Insulted when she is
asked for a date at the last minute by someone whom she doesn't know
very well, and the person who extends an invitation to a dinner party
with only three or four days'- notice has to apologize. How different
from the people of the Middle East with whom It is pointless to make an
appointment too far in advance, because the informal structure of their
 279

time system places everything beyond a week Into a single category of

"future," In which plans tend to "slip off their minds."

Advance notice Is often referred to in America as "lead time,"

an expression which Is significant In a culture where schedules are
Important. While It Is learned Informally, most of us are familiar
with how It works In our own culture, even though we cannot state the
rules technically. The rules for lead time In other cultures, however,
have rarely been analyzed. At the most they are known by experience to
those who lived abroad for some time. Yet think how Important It Is to
know how much time Is required to prepare people, or for them to
prepare themselves, for things to come. Sometimes lead time would seem
to be very extended. At other times, In the middle East, any period
longer than a week may be too long.

How troublesome differing ways of handling time can be Is well

Illustrated by the case of an American agriculturalist assigned to duty
as an attache’of our embassy In a Latin country. After what seemed to
him a suitable period, he let It be known that he would like to call on
the minister who was his counterpart. For various reasons, the
suggested time was not suitable; all sorts of cues came back to the
effect that the time was not yet ripe to visit the minister. Our
friend, however, persisted and forced an appointment which was
reluctantly granted. Arriving a little before the hour (the American
respect pattern), he waited. The hour came and passed; five
minutes — ten minutes— fifteen minutes. At this point he suggested to
the secretary that perhaps the minister did not know he was watting in
the outer office. This gave him the feeling he had done something
concrete and also helped to overcome the great anxiety that was
stirring Inside him Twenty minutes— twenty-five minutes— thirty
minutes— forty-five minutes (the Insult period)!

He Jumped up and told the secretary that he had been "cooling

his heels" In an outer office for forty-five minutes and he was "damned
sick and tired" of this type of treatment. This message was relayed to
the minister, who said, in effect. "Let him cool his heels." The
attache's stay In the country was not a happy one.

The principal source of misunderstanding lay In the fact that In

the country In question the fIve-mlnute-delay Interval was not
significant. Forty-five minutes, on the other hand, instead of being
at the tall end of the waiting scale, was Just barely at the
beginning. To suggest to an American's secretary that perhaps her boss
didn't know you were there after waiting sixty seconds would seem
absurd, as would raising a storm about "cooling your heels" for five
minutes. Yet this Is precisely the way the minister registered the
protestations of the American In his outer office! He felt, as usual,
that Americans were being totally unreasonable.
 280

Throughout this unfortunate episode the attache* was acting

according to the way he had been brought up. At home In the United
States his responses would have been normal ones and his behavior
legitimate. Yet even If he had.been told before he left home that this
sort of thing would happen, he would have had difficulty not feelIng
Insulted after he had been kept waiting forty-five minutes. If, on the
other hand, he had been taught the details of the local time system
Just as he should have been taught the local spoken language, it would
have been possible for him to adjust himself accordingly---

American Time

People of the Hestern world, particularly Americans, tend to

think of time as something fixed In nature, something around us and
from which we cannot escape; an ever-present p&rt of the environment,
Just like the air we breathe. That it might be experienced In any
other way seems unnatural and strange, a feeling which Is rarely
modified even when we begin to discover how really differently It Is
handled by some other people---

As a rule, Americans think of time as a road or a ribbon

stretching Into the future, along which one progresses. The road has
segments or compartments which are to be kept discrete ("one thing at a
time"). People who cannot schedule time are looked down upon a.s
Impractical. In at least some parts of Latin America, the North
American (their term for us) finds himself annoyed when he has made an
appointment with somebody, only to find a lot of other things going on
at the same time. An old friend of mine of Spanish cultural heritage
used to run his business according to the "latino" system. This meant
that up to fifteen people were In his office at one time. Business
which might have been finished In a quarter of an hour sometimes took a
whole day. lie realized, of codrse, that the Anglo-Americans were
disturbed by this and used to make some allowance for them, a
dispensation which meant that they spent only an hour or so In his
office when they had planned on a few minutes. The American concept of
the discreteness of time and the necessity for scheduling was at
variance with this amiable and seemingly confusing Latin system.
However, If my friend had adhered to the American system he would have
destroyed a vital part of his prosperity. People who came to do
business with him also came to find out things and to visit each
other. The ten to fifteen Spanlsh-Amerlcans and Indians who used to
sit around the office (among whom I later found myself after I had
learned to relax a little) played their own part In a particular type
of communications network.

Ngt only do we Americans segment and schedule time, but we look

ahead and are oriented almost entirely toward the future. Me like new
things and are preoccupied with change, tie want to know how to
overcome resistance to change. In fact, scientific theories and even

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281

some pseudoscientific ones, which Incorporate a striking theory of

change, are often given special attention.

Time with us Is handled much like a material; we earn It, spend

It, save It, waste It. To us It Is somewhat Immoral to have two things
going on at the same time. In Latin America It Is not uncommon for one
man to have a number of simultaneous Jobs which he either carries on
from one desk or which he moves between, spending a small amount of
time on each.

While we look to the future, our view of It Is limited. The

future to us Is the foreseeable future, not the future of the South
Aslan that may Involve centuries. Indeed, our perspective Is so short
as to Inhibit the operation of a good many practical projects, such as
sixty- and one-hundred-year conservation works requiring public support
and public funds. Anyone who has worked In Industry or In the
government of the United States has heard the following: "Gentlemen,
this Is for the long term! Five or ten years--- "

The American's view of the future Is linked to a view of the

past, for tradition plays [a]...11ml ted part In American culture. As a
whole, we push It aside or leave It to a few souls who are Interested
In the past for very special reasons. There are, of course, a few
pockets, such as New England and the South, where tradition Is
emphasized. But In the realm of business, which Is the dominant model
of United States life, tradition Is equated with experience, and
experience Is thought of as being very close to If not synonymous with
know-how. know-how Is one of our prized possessions, so that when we
look backward It Is rarely to take pleasure In the past Itself but
usually to calculate the know-how, to assess the prognosis for success
In the future.

Promptness Is also valued highly In American life. If people

are not prompt. It Is often taken either as an Insult or as an
Indication that they are not quite responsible. There are those, of a
psychological bent, who would say that we are obsessed with time. They
can point to Individuals In American culture who are literally
tlme-rldden. And even the rest of us feel very strongly about time
because we have been taught to take It so seriously. We have stressed
this aspect of culture and developed it to a point unequaled anywhere
In the world, except, perhaps, In Switzerland and north Germany. Many
people criticize our obsessional handling of time. They attribute
ulcers and hypertension to the pressure engendered by such a system.
Perhaps they are right.

Some Other Concepts of Time

Even within the very borders of the United States there are
people who handle time In a way which Is almost Incomprehensible to
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282

those who have not made a major effort to understand it. The Pueblo
Indians, for example, who live in the Southwest, have a sense of time ’
which is at complete variance with the dock-bound habits of the
ordinary American citizen. For the Pueblos events begin when the time
Is ripe and no sooner.

I can still remember a Christmas dance I attended some

twenty-five years ago at one of the pueblos near the Rio Grande. I had
to travel over bumpy roads for forty-five miles to get there. At seven
thousand feet the ordeal of winter cold at one o'clock In the morning
Is almost unbearable. Shivering In the still darkness of the pueblo, I
kept searching for a clue as to when the dance would begin.

Outside everything was Impenetrably quiet. Occasionally there

was the muffled beat of a deep pueblo drum, the opening of a door, or
the piercing of the night's darkness with a shaft of light. In the
church where the dance was to take place a few white townsfolk were
huddled together on a balcony, groping for some clue which would
suggest how much longer they were going to suffer. "Last year I heard
they started at ten o'clock." "They can't start until the priest
comes." "There Is no way of telling when they will start." All this
punctuated by chattering teeth and the stamping of feet to keep up
circulation.

Suddenly an Indian opened the door, entered, and poked up the

fire In the stove. Everyone nudged his neighbor: "Maybe they are
going to begin now." Another hour passed. Another Indian came In from
outside, walked across the nave of the church, and disappeared through
another door. "Certainly now they will begin. After all, It's almost
two o'clock." Someone guessed that they were just being ornery In the
hope that the white men would go away. Another had a friend In the
pueblo and went to his house to ask when the dance would begin. Nobody
knew. Suddenly, when the whites were almost exhausted, there burst
upon the night the deep sounds of the drums, rattles, and low male
voices singing. Hithout warning the dance had begun.

After years of performances such as this, no white man in his

right mind will hazard a guess as to when one of these ceremonial
dances will begin. Those of us who have learned now know that the
dance .doesn't start at a particular time. It Is geared to no
schedule. It starts when "things" are ready!

As I pointed out, the white civilized Westerner has a shallow

view of the future compared to the Oriental. Yet set beside the Navajo
Indians of northern Arizona, he seems a model of long-term patience.
The Navajo and the European-American have been trying to adjust their
concepts of time for almost a hundred years. So far they have not done
too well. To the old-time Navajo time Is like space— only the here and
now Is quite real. The future has little reality to It.
 283

An old friend of mine reared with the Navajo expressed It this

way: "You know how the Navajo love horses and how much they love to
gamble and bet on horse races. Nell, If you were to say to a Navajo,
'My friend, you know my quarter horse that won all the races at
Flagstaff last Fourth of July?' that Navajo would eagerly say 'yes,
yes,' he knew the horse; and If you were to say, 'In the fall I am
going to give you that horse.* the Navajo's face would fall and he
would turn around and walk away. On the other hand. If you were to say
to him, 'Do you see that old bag of bones-I Just rode up on? That old
hay-bellied m«re with the knock-knees and pigeon toes, with the bridle
*that's falling apart and the saddle that's worn out? You can have that
horse, my friend. It's yours. Take It, ride It away now.' Then the
Navajo would beam and shake your hand and Jump on his new horse and
ride away. Of the two. only the Immediate gift has reality; a promise
of future benefits Is not even worth thinking about___ "

Thousands of miles away from the reservations of the American

Indian we come to another way of handling time which Is apt to be
completely unsettling to the unprepared visitor. The Inhabitants of
the atoll of Truk In the Southwest Pacific treat time In a fashion that
has complicated life for themselves as well as for others, since it
poses special problems not only for their civil and military governors
and the anthropologists recording their life but for their own chiefs
as well.

•Time does not heal on Truk! Past events stack up, placing an
ever-increasing burden on the Trukese and weighing heavily on the
present. They are. In fact, treated as though they had Just occurred.
This was borne out by something which happened shortly after the
American occupation of the atoll at the end of World War II.

A villager arrived all out of breath at the military government

headquarters. He said that a murder had been committed in the village
and that the murderer was running around loose. Quite naturally the
military government officer became alarmed. Inquiry of a routine-type,
designed to establish the place and date of the crime, revealed that
the murder had not occurred a few hours or even days ago, as one might
expect, but seventeen years before. The murderer had been running
around loose In the village all this time___

Though the Truk Islanders carry the accumulated burden of time

past on their shoulders, they show an almost total Inability to grasp
the notion that two events can take place at the same time when they
are any distance apart. When the Japanese occupied Truk at the end of
World War I, they took Artie Moses, chief of the Island of Uman, to
Tokyo. Artie was made to send a wireless message back to his people as
a demonstration of the wizardry of Japanese technology. Ills family
refused to believe that he had sent It. that he had said anything
atall, though they knew he was In Tokyo. Places at a distance are very

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rea) to them, but people who are away are very much away, and any
Interaction with them Is unthinkable.

An entirely different handling of time Is reported by the

anthropologist Paul Bohannan for the Tlv, a primitive people who live
In Nigeria. Like the Navajo, they point to the sun,to indicate a
general time of day, and they also observe the movement of the moon as
It waxes and wanes. What Is different Is the way they use and
experience time. For the Tlv, time Is like a capsule. There Is a time
for visiting, for cooking, or for working; and when one Is In one of
these times, one does not shift to another.

The Tlv equivalent of the week lasts five to seven days. It Is

not tied Into periodic natural events, such as the phases of the moon.
The day of the week Is named after the things which are being sold In
the nearest "market." If we had the equivalent, Monday would be
"automobiles" In Washington, D.C., "furniture" In Baltimore, and "yard
goods" In New York. Each of these might be followed by the days for
appliances, liquor, and diamonds In the respective cities. This would
mean that as you traveled about the day of the week would keep
changing, depending on where you were.

A requisite of our own temporal system Is that the components

must add up: Sixty seconds have to equal one minute, sixty minutes one
hour. The American Is perplexed by people who do not do this. The
African specialist Henri Alexandre Junod, reporting on the Thonga,
tells of a medicine man who had memorized a seventy-year chronology and
could detail the events of each and every year In sequence. Yet this
same man spoke of the period he had memorized as an "era" which he
computed at "four months and eight hundred years' duration." The usual
reaction to this story and others like It Is that the man was
primitive, like a child, and did not understand what he was saying
because how could seventy years possibly be the same as eight hundred?
As students of culture we can no longer dismiss other conceptualiza­
tions of reality by saying that they are childlike. We must go much
deeper. In the case of the Thonga It seems that a “ chronology" Is one
thing and an "era" something else quite different, and there Is no
relation between the two In operational terms.

If these distinctions between European-AmerI can time and other

conceptions of time seem to draw too heavily on primitive peoples, let
me mention two other examples— from cultures which are as civilized, If
not as Industrialized, as our own. In comparing the United States with
Iran and Afghanistan very great differences In the handling of time
appear. The American attitude toward appointments Is an example. Once
while In Tehran I had an opportunity to observe some young Iranians
making plans for a party. After plans were made to pick up everyone at
appointed times and places everything began to fall apart. People
would leave messages that they were unable to take so-and-so or were

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285

going somewhere else, knowing full well that the person who had been
given the message couldn't possibly deliver It. One girl was left
stranded on a street corner, and no one seemed to be concerned about
It. One of my Informants explained that he himself had had many
similar experiences. Once he had made eleven appointments to meet a
friend. Each time one of them failed to show up. The twelfth time
they swore they would both be there, that nothing would Interfere. The
friend failed to arrive. After watting for forty-five minutes my
informant phoned his friend and found him still at home. The following
conversation Is an approximation of what took place:

"Is that you, Abdul?" "Yes." "Why aren't you here? I thought
we were to meet for sure." "Oh, but It was raining," said Abdul with a
sort of whining Intonation that Is very common In Parsl.

If present appointments are treated rather cavalierly, the past

In Iran takes on a very great Importance. People look back on what
they feel are the wonders of the past and the great ages of perslan
culture. Yet the future seems to have little reality or certainty to
it. Businessmen have been known to Invest hundreds of thousands of
dollars In factories of various sorts wlthout making the slightest plan
as to how to use them. A complete woolen mill was bought and shipped
to Tehran before the buyer had raised enough money to erect if? to buy
supplies, or even to train personnel. When American teams of
technicians came to help Iran's economy they constantly had to cope
with what seemed to them an almost total lack of planning.

Moving east from Iran to Afghanistan, one gets farther afield

from American time concepts. A few years ago In Kabul a man appeared-,
looking for his brother. He asked all the merchants of the market
place If they had seen his brother and told them where he was staying
In case his brother arrived and wanted to find him. The next year he
was back and repeated the .performance. By this time one of the members
of the American embassy had heard about his Inquiries and asked If he
had found his brother. The man answered that he and his brother had
agreed to meet In Kabul, but neither of them had said what year.

Strange as some of these stories about the ways In which people

handle time may seem, they become understandable when they are
correctly analyzed. To do this adequately requires an adequate theory
of culture--- It will not only shed light on the way time Is meshed
with many other aspects of society but will provide a key to unlock
some of the secrets of the eloquent language of culture which speaks In
so many different ways.
 Chapter Nineteen

TIME IN THE BIBLICAL AND GREEK HORLDS

by Henri M. Yaker

This particular chapter Is the first in Yaker's book The

Future of Time and as per the title compares the two views of
time. He contends that the Hebrews embrace a linear time Image
that sharply contrasted with the Greek perception of time as
spatial and cyclical. The Implications are that western
societies have Inherited concepts and patterns from both
worldviews. This thesis Is based both on linguistic and
cultural studies, and was originally expressed In Yakers
unpublished doctoral dissertaMon at Columbia University (1956).

LANGUAGE AND THE HORLD

1. Metaphysics and Morphology

In his brilliance, Plato attempted to describe the inner order

of things (Timaeus. 290; Theaetetus. 1640), organizing the world from a
primordial sludge and shaping It into a "receptacle" (Timaeus. 520).
The Inner principle or nature gave all things their regulatory
structure, defining at once Plato's metaphysical cosmology. In

From Yaker 1971:15-35

 287

contradistinction, the Hebrews explained the world by particular

historical facts, describing each S|tz Jm Leben differently. Human
destiny was Interpreted by changing circumstances and events. This
fact Is made abundantly clear In the two different biblical accounts of
creation. The earliest account, written at the height of Israel's
national pride and power under her kingship, taught that man was made
from the dust of the earth (Gen. I:26ff.), written during the exile
period, with all the bitterness and disillusionment subsequent to a
national defeat, acclaims that man was created In the Image of God.
The two accounts do not proffer explanations for the nature of things,
but are responses to el Optically different situations of human
affairs. Rather than seeking the why of things, the Bible asks what Is
man and what must he do In his lifetime (Oeut. 11:12-13; Jer.
22:15ff.) Since life situations are changing, metaphysics Is
Impossible. ’Instead, we have an effort to render meaning to the
experienced hour. In fact, the "stargazers," who sought merely to
predict the future of days, are bitterly denounced (Is. 47:13-14). The
content of things, Indeed, does change In the future, but one Is called
upon to wait patiently In time (Jas. 5:7; II Tim. 4:6-8). Things are
changed only by and In the fullness of time; biblical man must wait
upon the time of the Lord rather than any magical transformation of the
external world. Israel's only hope Is that God's promises will be
realized In historical time. HIth such a view of time, the Greeks and
Hebrews ultimately part company, whatever their similarities elsewhere.

, The word for "nature" cannot be rendered Into a good Hebrew

equivalent. Although post-blblleal lltera’ ture uses the term, this
period already had defected to Hellenistic Influence. For the biblical
mind, the world Is not held together by any Inner principle, but Is •
forever contingent upon a covenant made In history by Yahweh and the
.people He called by ills name (Gen. 8:22; Jer. 33:20; Ps. 104:8ff.).
Although the New Testament uses the word "nature" some ten times, nine
of these describe qualities of life, viz., passion, sin, etc. (Rom.
1:26; 2:14, 27; 11:24; I Cor. 11:14; Gal 2:15; 4:8; Eph. 2:3). Paul
never uses It metaphysically and the word never appears In the Synoptic
Gospels. The New Testament.world, Identically with the Old, held
Itself together In time until the coming of Its Lord.

It Is not, however, our Intent to dismiss Greek metaphysics

because It lacks the biblical sense of time, any more than one should
reject the Bible because It lacks a systematic metaphysics. The Issue
at point is that we have two basic world views. These views are
expressed perceptually In the language style, since the syntax Is,
together with myth and ritual, the way man articulates his deepest
feelings. It Is now believed that the Greeks were acquainted with
Deuteronomy, and Jewish hermetic literature of at least 100 B.C.
suggests some knowledge of the Tlmaeus In the biblical world (Dodd,
1954, 235ff.) Yet such acquaintanceships merely brought Semltisms Into

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the Greek language and Greek Idiom Into the Hebrew language, without
any real transformation of the Me 1tanschauung of either Greek or Hebrew
thought. The Greek world, however, did not become a simple reduction
of all things to a spatial sensorlum, nor did the biblical world become
a reduction to a time sensorTum. The former tried to locate time In
the order of things. In the “receptacle" <I]maeus, 52D). The latter
tried to locate things in the "world of space moving through time, from
the beginning to the end of days" (Heschel, 1951, 97).

2. Chronos and Kalros

The Greeks rendered physical time by the word chronos. It Is

determined as a parameter of the spatial kinematic motion of the
planets (Tjmaeus, 37E). Aristotle refers to the elliptic motion of the
celestial bodies as "eternal" (Physics IV. 221b 3-4), but In this sense
"eternal" means periodicity, recurrence, or perhaps a "perpetual
present" (Frank. 1945, 6off.).

The Hebrew use of the term chronos was quite different, although
It also referred to measured clock time. Lacking periodicity and
kinematic motion In Its derivation, chronos for the Hebrews still
measured the hours of the day. The "sundial of Ahaz" receded ten steps
as a sign that King Hezeklah would recover from an Illness (Is. 38:8;
II Kgs. 20:11). The cultic-calendar cycle of "New Moons and Sabbaths"
Is prominent In the Old Testament (Amos 8:5; Hos. 2:13; II Kings 4:23;
Ps. 81:3; Is. 1:13), derivative of thq Babylonian cult and calendar.
Things In the chronos. however, perished In time. The' Septuaglnt (LXX)
used the term chronos for thirteen Hebrew words. Space was not
abolished, as chronos was used for several categories of things, but
these were thlnqs-ln time. The Greeks used chronos as a parameter or
secondary concept which was finally eliminated from the study of space
and the universe— the planets projected their. “Images" on the
receptacle In constant recurrence. The Hebrews used chronos as a
primary term. Time alone described the length of Hezeklah's life and
all his deeds; his confrontation with Isaiah In the fuller's field was
In history (Is. 36:2). Hezeklah rejoiced that things would be good for
his day and his lifetime (Is. 38).

In opposition to chronos. the term kajjros refers to a special

time, the time of a very special chronos. In the Bible it Is not
metaphysically different from chronos. It Is not "eternity" as
suggested by the Platonic model. It Is not suprahlstory. But it Is a
chronos that has a content which Is different from other moments of
chronos. John the Baptist proclaims that the time Is fulfilled. Man
Is called ia watch each hour In order to discern the appropriate
meaning (Matt.. 24:36). Meaning Is not derived by a compression of
events Into a timeless schema, making all religious events happen at
the same time, but, on the contrary, It Is suggested that different

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289

hours of life have different religious Investments. "This day" (Deut.

29:14ff.) Is every day only because man discerns the kalros each day
and Is able to renew his commitment, and not because "this day" Is
metaphysically different from any other day. When the tradition asks
at Passover, "Why Is this night different?",- the answer must be that
each generation renews Its meaning tonight, and not because It Is a
timeless event. A great religion Is not born by Injecting timelessness
Into history but by a call to the realization of the possibilities of
the experienced hour (Buber, 1949). Peter speaks of the "last chronos"
(I Peter 1:20). Jesus tells us that no man knows the times (chronos)
or the seasons (kalros) of salvation (Acts 1:17).

The Interrelationship of kalros and chronos. as far as the

structure of time is concerned, suggests that biblical man perceived
time as a series of successive linear moments. The "coming age" comes
as an expected, urgent. Important future, but It only comes In the
fullness of time. It can never be Imploded Into the present as a
timeless eternity, as a HOW metaphysics or psychedelic NOW. Such a
position Is basically unbIb1leal. Time can never be telescoped,
although within a lifetime some moments can be more Important and
decisive than others. Biblical time Is realized by living and finally
by dying.

3. 'Alon and ,'Olam

‘
The term 'alon Is rendered In late neo-Platonic thought as
"timeless eternity" (Inge, 1918, I, 17off.), but this Is not a clear
meaning in early Greek thought and Is not its meaning for New Testament
Greek. The Hebrew equivalent for ‘ alon Is 'olam, meaning "perpetuity"*
or unto the "remotest of time," or perhaps for a "very, very long
time." The New Testament generally uses 'alon In the Semltlsm "Into
the ages forever and ever." The authors of the New Testament may speak
Greek but they think Hebralcally and they perceive the world by the
Semitic mind. No lexicographical analysis can ever render ‘ alon or
'olam Into eternity. Perpetuity Is perceptually and conceptually
different from an eternal universe.

The New Testament distinction Is not based upon a kind of time

versus no-tlme, but upon a "present age" and an "age to come" (Eph.
2:7). This distinction becomes central for New Testament eschatology
with Its doctrine of the "last age" (I Cor. 10:11), which entails the
cosmic catastrophe, the sudden appearance of the end (I Thess. 5:2ff.),
nd the great secrecy surrounding the exact time which comes like a
"thief In the night" (I Thess. 5:lff.). The "nocturnal burglar" Is a
recurrent theme In much of the Intertestamental rabbinic literature,
suggesting the precarious uncertainty of the time of life. Eschatology
does not deny the successiveness of real l.ife time, but Interprets the
meaning of every present hour by Its coming future.
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290

In post-blblleal rabbinic thought, the word 'olam became

translated as "world" or "universe." The phrase "Master of all the
world" Is used extensively In the liturgy. The marginal commentaries
define the real semantic usage, for the term is concerned with the
brevity of life, central to Judaism's prayers. The rabbinic Idiom
"King of the Universe," common to all liturgical prayers of Judaism,
suggests this major difference as well. The "universe" here Is not a
philosophical receptacle as In the Tlmaeus, but a universe subsumed
under a contingent temporal decree; and all of the world waits upon
time "to save all who wait for His final help" (from liturgy).

In adopting the Semltism "forever and ever," the Johannine

Gospel uses the term seven times. There has been considerable dispute
in modern times over Johannine eschatology. Rudolf Bultmann has
suggested that the Fourth Gospel stresses the HERE-NOH reality which
has entered into chronological life (1952). Yet It appears that this
stress emerges out of the tension of expectancy of coming time as
opposed to yet living In hope In the present. Such dialectic cannot be
seen as the timelessness of NOW versus time, but tension between
tlme-now and time-to-come. Although Christianity explicitly has a
different sort of content In history compared to Judaism (cp. Deut.
30:15 with Ro. 8:24; Jn. 19:30), the morphology does not change, and a
metaphysics of Christian time Is patent nonsense.

4. Cosmos and Cosmetic

The word cosmos Is best translated as a philosophical

world-place or universe (Tlmaeus, 27A; 308; 52D). The Hebrew usage of
cosmos is strictly as "cosmetic," "arrangement," "order." The
Septuagint uses cosmos for eight Hebrew terms ("vessels," Is. 61:10;
"delight," Prov. 29:17; "word of art," Is. 3:24; "ornaments," Ex. 33:6;
"hosts," Gen. 2:1; "dainty," Ex. 33:6; "precious," Nah. 2:9; "beauty,"
Prov. 20:29). It Is never used as "universe" in the usage of the
T lmaeus. The word denotes a spatial array of things, and thus cosmos
Is subordinated to time. In the New Testament, cosmos refers to the
arrangement of things In the world, for the "word comes Into the
cosmos" In point of time (Jn. 8:23; 11:27). Space can be dissolved In
any future time and is completely subsumed by time and the Coming One.
In this sense the Incarnation Is not the spatial immanence, of God.
Rather, He who "hid His face" (Deut. 31:17ff.) In the past, now
discloses It! The classic myths of Eden and the New Jerusalem are not
creations of time; but are creations within time; the New Jerusalem
mythically being a new cosmos in history. He "makes all things new" In
the course of time (Is. 40:10).
 291

5. Temporal Language and Perception

. Central to biblical thought are the word motifs which perceive

of the world as a spatial geography moving In time and moving toward
some future. Each moment of time brings with It specific possibilities
defined by the future. Yet each moment of chronological time Is
structurally like every other moment, although one hour of history In a
man's life can be more Important than another. Pharaoh, who does not
know how to evaluate the meaning of time. Is described as the "noisy
one who lets the hour go by" (Jer. 46:17). But to those who discern
the meaning of the hour, the time Is decisive. Each generation Is
called anew to find these meanings (Deut. 5:5ff.). The New Creation Is
not timeless contemporaneity with Christ, but an anticipation of life
In the future of time. The grave Is still the only doorway to the
kingdom of God. Christian hope derives from the pledge (II Cor. 1:22;
Eph. 1:4). While such hope may compress psychological time, It cannot
telescope history, llope-ln-tlme remains the basic theme; and thus
biblical man is a temporal man. All wait upon the Lord. The
relativity of man's time, the thousand years which are but a night
spent (Ps. 90:4; II Pet. 3:8), Is only so because of a man's Investment
Into a particular time. One, therefore, must "redeem the time; the
night swiftly draws nigh."

CULT AND CALENDAR

I• Transformation of Myth and Ritual

The aim of the fertility cult, seen In the various Canaanlte

religions such as the Baal cult or perhaps the Greek Dionysian
mysteries, was to explain the present by some primeval mythological
past. The annual agricultural rites during which the fertility god
died and was resurrected at*the following harvest attempted to utilize
liturgical ritual to re-enact and redramatlze a perennial myth.
Recurrence was the essential pattern by which the past was recreated
through mimetic representation or re-enactment of the primeval event.
Tammuz, the Babylon cut tic earth god, rose annually from the dead,
fructifying the earth and bringing life (Hooke, 1933, 1-14). Thus
nature, with Its agricultural cycle, controlled the calendar. The
cultlc myth with Its ritual drama brought the past Into the recurring
present each season of time.
 292

Much of Old Testament anthropology can be explained by showing

the Influence of the Canaanlte cultlc fertility rites upon the Hebrews
(Anderson from H. H. Rowley, 1951, 283-310). Johannes Pedersen's
studies In the anthropology of ancient Israel suggest that the Passover
theme derives from this cultic approach. The festival of Pesah was a
cultlc shepherd dance of leaping and hdpplng. The word Pasah means "to
leap" or "to limp" and Is derived from the Arabic root word to
"dislocate." The cultlc dance mimics and represents what later becomes
Identified with the historical Exodus act (Pedersen, 1937, 137; Buber,
1946, 71). A transition was made at some point In the history of
ancient Israel from a cultlc re-enactment to the sense of history.
Entered Into the time of history, an event can never be re-enacted; for
the recurrent cycle of nature does not control the event, but the event
controls history. The event brings with It a certain finality, a
once-for-all finality (ElnmalIgkel t cf. Ro. 6:10). The major doctrine
Instead of re-enactment Is “remembrance." a major word theme of
Deuteronomy. The Passover Exodus Is to be remembered throughout all
generations (ex. 12:14; 13:9; 17:14). Cult now becomes eschatology In
a temporal world hour. "Remembrance" (Zakar) becomes a major biblical
theme. The calendar Is determined by a historical past; remembrance
gives the quality and meaning for a new kind of possibility for the
present. The "night of watching" (Ex. 12:42) Is transformed from the
cultlc shepherd of hopping, dancing, and leaping to a time of
realization. The Exodus event Itself can never be repeated; It Is
frozen In the past. The present moment of time can only memorialize It
and call men to the future when a New Exodus must be made in life. A
Christian hymn aptly puts into liturgy this thought— "new occasions
teach new duties and make ancient good uncouth."

Julius Morgenstern (1924; 1941) has suggested that there were

possibly three calendars in ancient Israel. Two of the three were
post-exilic calendars which specifically separated the fall
agricultural festival of Sukkoth from the New Year's Day, which may
have been autumnal equinox. During the monarchical period, when this
Identity was extant, the New Year's Day worship was related to the
Canaanlte related sun cult (Baal-Shemesh cult), as attested by the
bitter polemics of the prophets Amos and llosea. Separating the fall
agricultural festival from the autumnal solar equinox deritualIzed the
day and removed from It the cultlc Baal-Shemesh rite. Secondly, the
calendar reform separated the spring agricultural festival of Shabuoth
from the Feast of the Unleavened Bread. This separation derltuallzed
the Passover theme. In this act the shepherd's dance festival (Hag
ha-pesah) was united with the Feast of the Unleavened Bread (Hag

Í
hamassoth). the unified feast becoming the memorial remembrance of the
historical Exodus (Morgenstern, 1917, 275-93). These calendar shifts
ultimately created a separation of the agricultural cycle of nature
from the theme of historical remembrance. Although all of the biblical
documents Insist that the cosmic Baal cult represented a defection of
Israel's original worship from the beginning, due to the overpowering
Influence of northern Semitic powers, the argument Is spurious. It
makes little difference whether one Idealizes the "good old days" that
actually never were, or whether they really ever existed. The decisive
fact Is that In the final end the biblical world saw the forces of
nature as secondary to the determination of history by Its past events.

The New Testament position is no different with respect to the

character of remembrance. The Paschal Feast and the Last Supper have
Interrelated meanings, although there are lengthy disputes as to the
exact.nature of the Last Supper, whether Jesus saw the Last Supper as a
Final Passover of history, or whether he saw himself as the Paschal
Lamb of Sacrifice. These questions are beyond the scope of the present
paper. Whether Jesus heralded the final banquet for a coming age or
whether he heralded the final banquet now, neither position makes the
End elt of history metaphysically different from the rest of history
(cf. Bultmann, In Bartsch, 1953) In fact argues for a "new and
permanent situation In history." Thus he speaks of a Wei elt,.
expressing the temporalIzed future as a "now-tlme," Jet t elt
(Heidegger, 1949). This application of temporalIzatlon makes for an
ontological mode of existence (Ibid., 326, 364, 436). Such an
Interpretation of the Christ event does bring the Christ sacrifice Into
the present reality of life. But It also treats past and future as .
"mythological" and "unauthentlc" (unelqentlIch). Such an
existentialist position detemporalIzes past and future Into some
present "perpetual present." The biblical view, however. Is more than
a personal, subjective, and Introspective quality of "my-ness"
(Jemeinlgkelt) (Macquarrlc, 1955, 34). The account, using
anthropological mythology as Its language style, also deals with the
"mutual encounter of persons" (Schnlewlnd, In Bartsch, 1953, 83). Thus
there must be a guarantor that that which has come Is also coming. The
"eschatological banquet" of Passover, when the calendar will have no
further dates. Is possible only If there Is time between “ now" and the
"last hour." Two styles of eschatological languages. In dialectical
tension, express this view— the present age and the age to come, with
continuity of time between them (Prelss, 1951, 124).

2. The Day of the Lord

The biblical "Day of the Lord" or Yom Yahweh Is a day of special

destiny, or Schlcksal elt (Minear, 1946, 106), a specific day of
activity (Amos 5:18ff.; Zept). 3:9ff.; Ezek. 30:3; Is. 10:3, 5. 12.
13). Whether close at hand (Is. 13:6; Ezek. 30:3) or recessed to a
"latter day" (MIc. 4:1), It Is a day coming In time. It Is never a
transflnlte qualification of the structure of time. The term used to
denote "last time" (Yom áharlth) Is linguistically defective In the
notion of cessation or interruption. 'The day brings a special activity
with It, but never the cessation of time. This semantic Implication Is
central; for the "Day of the Lord" Is the "time of appointment" when .
Yahweh meets man in history, rather than a cu1tic enthronement day,
which Is essentially atemporal. In the Canaanlte Baal-Shemesh cult,
the sun god was "enthroned" on the autumnal equinox (Mowlnckel, 1923;
Morgenstern, 1924; 1941; Elchrodt, 1933-39). The enshrinement or
"enthronement" of the cosmic Baal Is an essential Ingredient for all
fertility cult religions and Is essentially a repetitive annual process
set by the equinoctial cycles. The New Year'sDay (autumnal equinox), •
governed by the planetary motion of the earth, determines the event,
rather than the event being a historical confrontation In time. The
Canaanlte Baal-Shemesh cult extends Itself In the Babylonian
enthronement of Marduk (Hooke, 1933), and ultimately becomes a
resurrection theme for the Greek Dionysian mystery religions, from
which the New Testament finally had to disengage and dissociate Itself
by strong condemnation (I Cor. 10:14-22). A cosmic mythology
ultimately weaving Its way Into the philosophical Tlmaeus of Plato had
to be disentangled from Christianity. Calendar was secularized to
history, freeing It from the cosmic cult.

The precise usage of the term "Day of the Lord" Iri the Old
Testament thus refers to a prophetic event In time. This day is
eventually'recessed to a far distant future In the apocalyptic. Two
styles of language, the prophetic and the apocalyptical language, are
used, but anthropologically they are bound to a secularized calendar.
(The New Testament will add a third semantic usage.) The real link in
any case for the Day of the Lord Is Its constant association with the
past remembrance of the Exodus theme (Is. 27:3; Jer. 11:5, 7; 16:14;
32:20; 18:17). The relationship Is a dialectic one, the present hour
seen as a tension between remembering the Exodus and waiting upon the
future. The Exodus and the Day of the Lord form a tension, out of
which grows the "revelation" of the present time (Buber, 1948).

A third semantic meaning of the Day of the Lord is the Day of

Resurrection (I Cor. 15:20), In addition to the prophetic usage as a
day of judgment (Jn. 12:48; Acts 17:31 ; I Cor. 5:5; II Tim. 4:8) or as
an apocalyptic day of parous la, or final meeting (Jn. 2:28; II Pet.
 295

3:4; II Thess. 2:1, 8, 9). In spite of the centrality of the

resurrection theme and the associations It had with the Olonyslan
mystery cult, the term "Day of the Lord" Is more generally used by the
New Testament as the coming future day of meeting, or parousla. The
word parousla derives from the Greek "visitation" a ruler would make to
his provinces regularly to visit his subjects. The parousla was a
final confrontation In time. The time was certainly not known, and one
was expected to work until that time (II Thess. 3:8-13). The early
Church expected an early parousla. But as this did not come. It
projected the parous|a Into an apocalyptic future for some millennial
perlojl ahead (Rev. 20:4ff.). But the time had to run Its course
between now and then. The day Is "near" (Rev. 22:10) only by virtue of
hope and by the foretaste In spirits or the "first fruits" (I Cor.
2:1Off.) In the resurrection theme. This Is not a chronological or
metaphysical expansion of time any more than we have a compression of
time, although it Is a psychological expansion and a psychological
compression of time. The psychological perception does not alter the
reality test of the historical demands of time. The apocalyptic day
cannot be detemporal Ized.

Thus we can note three different semantic meanings by dealing

with the concept "day of the Lord." The first usage Is a continuation
of the Old Testament sense of linear time; the second extends the time
of parousja, altering the time of content or appolntment-ln-tlme, but
not of tíme. The third dealing with the Christ event. Introduces a
"new" quality of content Into history but does not change the rest of
life. "New Life" Is possible only because the contents of thlngs-ln-
tlme (Ro. 8:22ff.) have changed. One still must wait for the "Coming
Day of God" (II Pet. 3:11-12). Martin Heidegger (1949) uses a
detemporalIzed ontology In which "authentic existence" Is affirmed.
The Bible achieves this by secularization of history from Its cosmic
character Into events and contents of events-1n-tlme. Man accordingly
Is “thrown" (GeworfenheU), not Into existence but Into exlstence-1n-
tlme. He becomes "authentic" not by rejecting time but by utilizing
the contents of the past and future to give shape and meaning to the
now of life. Here the biblical Day of Yahweh articulates time from the
end to the beginning.

3. The Temple at Jerusalem and CuJtic Time

The Temple at Jerusalem, an obvious symbol of place and spatial

location, Is surprisingly associated with biblical time. The portable
"Ark of the Covenant." which followed Israel In her mobile, migratory
life, as well as the collapsible “Tent of Meeting," were brought Into a
central Temple sanctuary by Solomon (I Kings 8:3; II Chr. 5:5). The

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dialectical tension'created by this effort In welding diverse theolo­

gies proved Important. The Ark and the Tent of Meeting suggested that
Yahweh's appointment with Israel Is Independent of pjace, for men would
find him whenever and wherever,they sought him (Ex. 20:24). "Royal
theology" stressed centralization and elevated the Kingship, aswlth
other West Semitic cults. But the Temple was capable of being destroyed
and was in fact destroyed, reverting to the original symbols (Kgs.
9:8). The Ark and the Tent stood In tension with a spatial symbol
which may account for the efforts to proclaim them by Idealization as
"from the beginning." The destruction of the Temple was a denial of
any final place for God. "God was the place (makom) of the world."
Only the eschatological Temple continued In time. Thus the Temple as a
spatial site articulated the time of history, of Yahweh's coming and
the departure of his glory (radiant weight). Place-ln-tlme Is quite
different from a place-forever. The latter Is a biblical Impossibility!

One cannot take seriously the numerology of the Bible. Yet St

Is a part of the anthropological perception. The children of Israel
resided in Egypt four hundred and thirty years after the Exodus,
Solomon dedicated his Temple (I Kgs. 9:7-9). Exodus is the center of
the time path between the proton and eskaton of all life, the present
hour of life. Thus It was the spatial sign of a temporal epoch. This
dlspensatlonal numerology persists as well In the Gospel of Matthew.
There are fourteen generations from Abraham to David and fourteen
generations from David to the Exile, and fourteen generations from the
Exile to the Christ (Matt.1:17). The Christ appears at the end of an
epoch of time. This numerology Is best considered as typology. Not to
be taken in any case as literal, It reflects the spatial typology of
the Evangelist trying to locate a symbol In time, defining an epoch of
history.

This "dlspensatlonalIsm" of the biblical writers who used the

mystery of numbers portrays. In a sense, a specific time-mentality
trying to express the given hour In terms of some meaningful time of
past and future. In the case of the Temple, it became an Ideal sign
for the close of the temporal epoch, the pre-inonarchlcal period, and
the beginning of a new temporal epoch, the monarchical period. In an
attempt to establish this point as meaningful In history. It was
necessary to go back to the Exodus, placing Exodus at the center of
time berween the period of bondage and the Temple. Since the writers
of the story of the Temple describe the first Temple by what they knew
of the Second Temple, writing centuries after the event, they used.the
concept of the royal monarchy as an eschatological sign, namely that a
new content had been Introduced Into history. The Gospel of Matthew
does precisely the same thing. In any case, the present was given a
meaning by the Idealization of past traditions. The need to Idealize
the past Arose because the authors of the story wrote In a period
following their return from exile In Babylon. Chronology In this sense
became a vehicle to existential affirmation by proclaiming something

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from the beginning or end of time, or, more Important, as a fulcrum of

all temporal events.

4. The Sabbath as the Meter of Time

The anthropological approach of the history of religions school

of thought has been to derive the biblical Sabbath from the Babylonian
Shapattu. pointing out that the number seven Is sacred to all Semites
(H. and J. Lewy, 1942-43, 16-17), as well as the fact that the
Babylonian Shagittu was tied to the lunar cycle of the seventh,
fourteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth day of the lunar month,
conceived of days of 111 omen, penance, and appeasement. The Shapattu
tied to the lunar cycle, was not a day of rest, but as the cuneiform
tablets show, business was negotiated and contracts concluded.

In contrast, the biblical "new moons and sabbaths" are festival

days, not days of anxiety and Instability as In the Babylonian world
(Hos. 2:13; Ezek. 45:17; Neh. 10:34). The Sabbath was a day of full
rest and was, at least In post-exlllc times, Independent of a lunar
cycle (Webster, 1933). The lexicographical meaning of "Sabbath" gives
the clue to Its function as a meter of time. The verb Is derived from
an ArablG root meaning "to finish," "to complete," "to Interrupt." to
complete an action In the perfect sense, requiring nothing further.
Its linkage with “ seven" Is only a peculiar play on words In the
triliteral Hebrew verb, and thus "Sabbath" Is Identified with "seven."
Nevertheless, the essential notion of completion Is seen in the
completion of creation, leaving nothing further to be done by Yahweh
(Gen. 2:3). It really cannot be Identified with the "New Moons" or
"Full Moons" and Is completely detached from the cult. Instead, the’
Sabbath Is linked to the Exodus and becomes a sign for the generations
of time (Ex. 31:13, 14, 16). Creation becomes a continuous creation In
time (Is. 41:20) but also articulates the time of salvation (Is.
56:1-2). The holiness of- the Sabbath Itself does not make time holy,
but makes the Sabbath of time holy by pointing to creation and to
redemption, without hypostatlzlng time and space. Men were called to
sanctify things of life during the six days of the week, but the
seventh day had no things and thus sanctified the completion In time.
In this way the biblical meter of time pointed to the past-completed
and future-yet-to-be completed creations.

5. Time and Time to Come

It has been the distinct thesis of this paper that the Bible
articulated a view of time which demanded affirmation and realization
of the possibilities of life through time rat'her than by cultic
destruction of time In favor of eternity. There can be no eternity In
the Bible! To achieve this process, time was conceived as linear,
something which proceeded In linear advance. Each day of life was one
day closer to Its fulfillment, and one day further from Its creation.
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298

The content of thlngs-ln-ttme could be changed by the movement of

Judaism to Christianity, but this was not done by altering the
historical process. In every Instance, The Bible achieved Its view by
rejecting the cultlc view of representation and the Platonic view of
the receptacle. To do this It had to tie events to historical time,
which mean't that It had to secularize the calendar; it brought all
events Into a human temporal sequence, removed the cosmic Baal from his
annual enthronement and substituted the appointed time of God's plan.
This plan was realized through the secularly, and thus biblical man was
thoroughly secular man.

He attempted to demonstrate this fact in two ways, by an

.anthropological word study and by an anthropological study of the
religious concepts. The basic words examined were the Hebrew and Greek
semantic uses of chronos. kalros. ^aion, ‘olam, and cosmos. In every
Instance the biblical use was a secular temporal term. Chronos and
kalros measured historical time, and neither measured physical time or
cosmic time. 1Aion and 'olam interchangeably were Involved In
perpetuity, never in a vertical timeless eternity In the Platonic
sense. Torah has distinct meanings Involving hearlng-in-time,
Ilstenlng-ln-tlme, never as Stoic or cosmic laws. The translation
should properly have been dldache, not the unfortunate Greek nomos.
Cosmos. finally, was used to mean 'cosmetic' and was wholly secular.
Interestingly enough, the continuity between the Old and New Testaments
Is plain. Despite Greek language, the semantic Idiom of the New
Testament Is Hebraic.

The religious concepts also proved to be tied to a time

mentality. The cult was destroyed by tying the calendar to historic
events, particularly In historidzing a possible cultlc shepherd dance
festival Into the Passover-Exodus theme. The Day of the Lord,
originally fettered to the cosmic Baal-Shemesh, who was enthroned each
autumnal equinox, was secularized to the time of God's judgment, wrath,
and salvation. The Temple at Jerusalem, a spatial symbol of
monarchical power, was destroyed and the mobile Ark of the Covenant and
Tent of Meeting were idealized, removing the concept of fixed place for
Yahweh. History is Yahweh's stage. Secularization is complete, and
with It a view of time and life. Men are called to redeem the contents
of life iji life, to salvage life by working In time until the final
time, to fine meaning by making each hour of life a theo-temporal hour,
through decision rather than relying upon a cosmic transformation of
nature. Not to be found in wind, hurricanes, and storms (I Kgs.
19:21), Yahweh Is to be found In history, where men can read the
beginning by Its end, rather than the other way around.
 Chaper Twenty

CONCEPTS OF TIME AMONG THE TIV OF NIGERIA

by Paul 8ohannan

INTRODUCTION

4 The time notions held by the TIv of central Nigeria are of

Importance In analyzing all aspects of TIv society and culture,
but are basic to political structure, to the study of
quasl-hlstorlcal myths and legends, especially those of
migration, to mystical beliefs, and to studies of social change
among them. The present article deals with (I) the main TIv
words relevant to "tlme,H (II) the ways TIv Indicate time and
lapse of time over short periods, (III) the ways they Indicate
time and lapse of time over long periods, Including periods
which exceed the lifetime of a single person; It ends (IV) with
some Implications of the fact that TIv Indicate but do not
measure time, (by Bohannan)

I.
All the TIv words which might be translated "time" can be better
and more accurately translated Into English another way. There are
several adverbs and adjectives expressing longhand short duration: for
example, the word cha means "far" and Is used of space, of time, and of

From Bohannan 1953:251-262

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kinship. However, such words are not dependent on time Indication or

reckoning for their primary meanings.

There are at least three nouns (shlghen. dzum, t d n )* which mean

"occasion." However, si Ight differences are apparent in their contexts
of usage: only I d n can be counted: one time, two times, etc., are
Icln | mom, a d n a har, etc. Only shjghen can be used In the.sense of
"Now Is the time" (shlghen kuma er). Although dzum applies to longer
Intervals from the referent action than the other two. all three of
these words are used for "at that time."

All are used primarily in clauses which would be. In English,

."when daises: "When he came‘ ‘
(dzum u a ve...) etc. It should be
stressed that these "when" words remain nouns In such contexts. I
believe that the adverbial notion “when" Is missing in TIv (though Its
place Is adequately catered for by the "occasion" words). It Is the
"occasion" words which Introduce an event with which another e\/ent Is
to be correlated.

11. Time Indication by Natural Phenomena

Hlien It Is necessary to place an Incident In time, as It often

Is. TIv do so by referring It to a natural or a social activity or
condition, using solar, lunar, seasonal, agricultural, meterorological
or other events. TIv ritual Is not associated with a calendar, and for
this reason ritual events are not usable as time indicators as they are
In many societies.

Among TIv, time is Indicated by a direct association of two

events. "He came the day I left" Is an association of two events to
indicate time; "I was married In the year we were fighting the
so-and-so" is another; "He will leave when the sun is there" (pointing
to a position In the sky) Is yet another---

The most common method of time Indication during the day Is to

point to the position In the sky which the sun will occupy at the tlmp
under consideration. There are, however, several parts of the day
which have names, which may be used with or without the pointing
gesture. There are words for dawn and for early morning and for late
morning. There Is a word (tetan) for indicating the heat of the day,
when the sun Is more or less directly overhead. This word, as antonym
to night (tugh). also means “ daylight" and by extension, "not connected
with witchcraft," because witches operate at night. Ik Iye is the
period from about 4:30 to sunset.

TIv are much less specific about time during the night. The
time between dusk and about 10 o'clock Is called "sitting together"
(teman jmoníjo). After that follows "the middle of the night" (He la to
tugh). which overlaps with the “time of the first sleep" (]cjn | mnya

Í
 í ( (

301

mom); "the time of the second sleep" (acln a mnya ahar) Is about 3 A.M.
or a bit later. The pre-dawn breeze <k11shI) gives Its name to the
period just before dawn.

Months can be counted and referred to by the Tlv word uwer which
applies both to the moon and to the period between one new moon and the
next. "The moon comes out" (uwel u due) means both the time between
the new moon and full moon, and also the new moon Itself. However, If
Tlv point to the sky with the words, "When the moon comes out here"
(uwel u duwe hen), they are referring to the date of the lunar month
when the moon will be In that position at dusk. "The dark of the moon"
(uwel u Mne) Is a time of quiet nights; people are most likely to catch
cold or to be bewitched at this time of month, Tlv say.

Though administrators, missionaries, and literate Tlv translate

the English word "month" by the Tlv word "moon" (uwer) . and use
transliterations of the English month names, Tlv themselves have no
lunar month names.

Months are sometimes counted by pregnant women to determine

their stage of pregnancy. According to them, the period of human
gestation for a male child is nine moons and for a female child eight
moons. Some women make marks on their hut walls to Indicate the
passage of the moons. The marks seldom tally with the event: that
they do not do so Is put down tohuman error— either the woman made two
marks one month, or forgot one or more months. The discrepancy does
not affect the belief.

Tiv refer to years by counting "dry seasons" (lnyom). There are

two distinct seasons in Tlvland: the dry season lasting from November
to April, and trfe wet season extending from May to October. The wet
season as a whole Is called fam, which Is also the more specific name
for two periods within It, but wet seasons are not counted for the
purpose of enumerating years.

Both the wet and dry seasons are subdivided for purposes of
reference. In April, during the cyclones which precede the return of
the rains, there Is a period of varying length which Tlv call "stripes
of dry and wet season" (karegh u nyom, karegh u fam). The comparable
period which precedes the dry season Is called the same thing, with the
order reversed (stripes of wet and dry season). These seasons also
have other names: that before the wet season Is sometimes called "the
heat of the body" (Icen Iyologh) while that before the dry season is
sometimes called "the approach (lit. enlightening) of the dry season"
(wanger nyom)....

Though seasons are not sharply defined, each does have its
climatological peculiarity. Iswagher, for example, is a time of cloudy
and turbulent skies, but there Is little rain. So long as this sort of
 302

weather Is to be found, and the millet Is not yet ripe, It is said to

be tswagher or fam. It does not really matter to Tlv where one ends
and the next begins; no social or ritual events depend upon it.

Tlv make no correlations between these seasons and "moons"— I

have asked specifically and exhaustively about this point.

Agricultural activities are used to designate portions of the

year; although they are, of course, roughly correlated with seasons,
they are to Tlv more precise than seasons. "The time for clearing
fields" means September-October In the south, December in the northwest
and In the east: the differences are due to ecological conditions.
".The time for planting millet" is about April In all areas.

Tlv "seasons" are determined as much by agricultural activities

as by climatological changes. Instead of saying, "We cut the guinea
corn when the first harmattan comes," as we would do in English, Tiv
just as often say, "The first harmattan comes when we cut the guinea
corn." This reversibility Is Indicative of the fact that neither event
Is considered primary or basic to the other. Instead of an implied
causal relationship, there Is mere association of two events.

Besides agricultural activities, the cycle of crop rotations and

fallow periods— covering four or five years— are occasionally used as
time Indicators for slightly longer periods. "That happened just
before we cleared the field now in benlseed" indicates a period
approximately two and a half years ago (in the south— the time varies,
of course, with the different farming practices in different areas).

Time Indication by Social Phenomena

Tiv, particularly those in the central and southern areas,

recognize a five-day cycle of days, each day of which is named after a
market. Europeans in the area call this period a "market week," though
Tiv do not have any word for the five'day period except the word
“market" (kasoa, from Hausa, kasua).

Most Tlv markets are held every five days. These markets are
named for their founder or for the present-day market master (tor
kasoa) or for the name of the lineage in whose territory they are
located, or sometimes for streams or hills nearby. Many markets have
two, or even three, names. These markets, in turn, give their names to
the days on which they are held.- Tlv have no names for the days of the
five-day cycle other than the names of particular markets. Since each
market is held every five days, the day names form a repeating series
of five. People generally refer to the days by the names of those
markets which are nearest to their homes, and therefore most
frequented. A day name will, of course, be understood in many adjacent
 303

areas where It Is not used. An example will Illustrate this

point: Vande Ikya

/ S. Ute

E. MbaDuku Iyon

Market Locations

"Ihe day of lyon market (Iyange Iyon) Is used In the area of

Iyon Itself, and some six miles to the west. In MbaDuku; at no greater
distance to the northwest, however, the same day Is called "the day of
Pev market" although everyone In that area knows that Iyon and Pev
markets are held on the same day and has no difficulty If a stranger
uses the other term. The same day, at Vande Ikya, Is called "the day
of Sharwan market" or "Sharwan day." People of this area know both the
other nearby markets held on that day, but use their names only when
travelling In the area where they are In general use. If one were to
continue north another few miles, people would be hazy as to exactly
which day Iyon market Is held. It Is considered polite, when traveling
In Tlvland, to use the day names In current use In the locality where
the traveller finds himself....

Tlv not only make .appointments and time references within the
terms of these cycles, they count them as well. "I have been here
three markets" means that the local market has been held three times
since the speaker's arrival— from eleven to fifteen days.

All Tlv know that Europeans use a seven-day week. Their

translations for day names are "day of beginning work" (jyange j hi In
tom) for Monday, "second day of work" (tom yange a har), etc. Saturday
Is usually Saadi, and weeks are sometimes counted by counting
Saturdays. Sunday (Lahadl) Is however the more usual day to be counted
for "weeks," because It is of somewhat greater Importance for most
Tlv. Tlv say that In the past they did not have a day of rest, but
since the Europeans first showed them the custom. It Is widely
observed. Sunday Is Important nowadays, having been Introduced as the
European day of rest, and become associated with beer drinking. The
best TIv beer takes seven days to brew, and though beer may of course
be set and drunk on any day, both operations are commonly done on

( \ (
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Sunday. In the northwest, where there are very few markets, the days
of the seven-day week are often called by the names of processes In the
brewing week, the "day for drinking" (jyange j vlhln) generally being
Sunday. The "day for drinking" may, however, change with every new
batch of beer.

Weeks are counted by some Tlv by counting "worships" (adua).

This Is the llausa word for Muslim prayer which has been adopted by
Christian missionaries for church services. The word Is today
generally known, and Is used to Indicate both Christian church services
and the week.

There are several points of special Importance In the material

so far presented. Tlv refer to time by direct association of two
events, one of which Is likely to be, but need not be, of a
meteorological or social nature, and a part of a cycle or a repeated t
series. Moreover, Tlv Indicate lapse of time either by Indicating the
span of time commensurate with the period between two natural or social
events In a well-known series, or— more commonly— by counting
repetitive natural or social events.

Suns, moons, and dry seasons— days, months, and years— as well
as markets and weeks: In each case reference Is to a recurrent natural
or social phenomenon which can be counted. That this Is a matter of
counting Is of special Importance.

Although there are various named periods during the day, and
various named seasons during the year, there Is no word which means a
subdivision of a day, and there Is no word for "season." There is no
notion of periods of the day which can be counted: nothing of which
you can say that there are four or five between dawn and dusk.
Likewise, It is Impossible to say that there are four or five "seasons"
or "sub-seasons" during the wet season, for there is no generalized
thing In the Tlv Idea which can be counted.

For Tlv, time is divided by natural and social events into

different sorts of periods, but since the events often belong to
different logical series, there Is little attempt to correlate the
different sorts of division of time. Tlv make no attempt to correlate
moons with markets or either with agricultural activities, or seasons.
If one asks how many "moons" there are In a year, the answer varies
between ten and eighteen; If one asks the number of markets In a moon,
the answer varies between three and eight; If the number of days In a
moon, between ten and fifty. Tlv could, of course, observe these
matters accurately If they chose to do so. He must assume, on the
basis of this evidence, that they have no occasion for doing so.

There are other situations In which, on the surface, Tlv

doctrine seems actually to contradict our notions of time. Age-sets

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305

(kwagh) are loosely organized when their members are about twenty years
old. Tlv tell the Investigator that all the members of an age-set were
born in the same year. The ordinary European Interpretation of this
statement (at least. It was mine) Is that an age-set Is formed every
year. However, when by careful study one determines that in point of
fact a new age-set is formed about every three years, and points this
fact out to Tlv, adding that If a new one were formed every year there
would be more, of them, most Tlv will say that you are quite right:
nevertheless, they were born In the same year as all the other men of
their age-set. The statement must be Interpreted equivocally,
referring to the nature of the relationship between age-mates, not as
referring directly to time. Tlv do not make a correlation "one
age-set: one year" just because everyone in the same age-set was "born
In the same year." The two statements have reference to different
aspects of the social life. So far as I am aware, Tiv do not use
age-sets for purposes of time correlation or time reference as some
societies in East Africa are said to do.

Ill

Tlv Indicate most periods of time which exceed four or five

years In length, but which are still contained within the life
expectancy of a single man, by reference to the life-cycle of the
Individual. Again, time is Indicated by direct correlation of two
events: "That market hadn't yet moved when by eldest son was born, for
I bought camwood there to rub on him" Is made specific by the fact that
one can see the son and so get some Idea of the time involved. "The
Europeans came after I had been circumcized, but before I married" Is a
typical expression of time Indication over such a longer period of t-lme.

Except In response to an ethnographer's "when" questions, the

purpose of such sentences is not to Indicate specific time, but to
Indicate lapse of time and more often to indicate sequence and relative
duration by reference to a culturally accepted series of social events
or to common human factors such as the rate of growth and maturation of
the human being....

Except for occasional references to dead parents, grandparents

or friends, In which time is usually not In any wise important, Tlv
refer to periods of time longer than a single life-span, or further
removed than- a single life-span, in only two contexts: that of
genealogy and that of the myths and legends of migration, which Include
myths of origin of social traits and cultural Items. Genealogies,
intrinsically, bear their own time elements; myths and legends of
migration and culture origins are timeless....

Tlv believe that their genealogies are true (vouqh), It is

Important in Investigating Tiv time Ideas, however, to realize that the
operative "true”correlation of genealogical depth lies with Tiv
political structure rather than with biologically countable generations
of ancestors (L. Bohannan 1952): with social space instead of with
time of any sort. That In genealogies the generations are not
primarily time notions Is demonstrated by the recent addition of a new
ancestor— Adam. In the same way that ancestors such as Ishon and
Takuluku were postulated prior to "Tlv," the ancestor (but never In so
systematic a way as the descendants of "Tlv"), In order to place the
neighboring peoples In a genealogical relationship with themselves, so
when Tlv encountered Europeans and heard the creation story, they
Immediately acepted “Adam and Ife" as part of their cosmic doctrine,
and thus were enabled to Include Europeans, as a lineage, in the
over-all lineage brotherhood of the human race. We have on several
Qccaslons been asked by ex-soldlers whether the Japanese, Burmese, and
Indians are subordinate lineages of the Europeans, and If not how they
fit In.

It is obvious that In recognizing Adam, Tlv have Incidentally

added a generation to their social time. This is Incidental, and I
believe Irrelevant to them. The reason that the Adam story was
accepted so quickly was that It allowed them to account for formerly
unknown men and social groups, hence Increasing their spatial horizons,
in a fami1iar Idiom.

Yet, Intrinsically, an Increase of time is concomitant with an

Increase In space. Tlv tell an investigator that they are more
numerous today.than they were In the past. If one challenges the
statement that there were fewer people long ago, Tiv cite lineage
genealogies to prove that you are wrong. We collected Information
which enables us to show how Tlv genealogies "collapse" (L. Bohannan
1952). It Is a basic Tlv notion that, unless evil forces are at work,
a child generation Is larger than Its parent generation. That Tlv say
they Increase with the passage of generations is primarily a
cosmographlcal notion, and Its spatial aspect is of vastly greater
importance than its temporal aspect.

Tlv say that since they Increase with the passage of time (and
since every Tlv has a right of sufficient farmland In the territory of
his minimal agnatic segment) the amount of territory which they occupy
also Increases.

Hone of these three Ideas— increase of area, passage of

generations, and population Increase— is independent. Each is
validated by the other two. A man knows that an event happened long
ago because there was a different spatial distribution than is to be
found at present and because "we were few." "We were few" obviously
because of the fact that the different spatial distribution Is said to
have existed and because It was long ago. A different spatial
distribution existed because "we were few" and because it was long
ago. This is a circular argument from which there is no escape.
 307

The more Important fact, however, Is that beyond a generation or

two, neither a particular spatial distribution nor a specific event In
the myths and legends of migration and cultural origins Is commonly
connected with a specific ancestor In the lineage genealogies. Though
a few Tlv elders may make an occasional connection, there Is certainly
no general agreement, and the most amazing fact Is that the "charac­
ters" In the myths and legends are not attached to a specific ancestor
at a specific point In the genealogies. It Is difficult to realize why
Tlv do not associate genealogies with myths and legends (for genealo­
gies would be their only way of setting the mythical and legendary
events In time) until we understand that the events and Incidents In
the legends and myths are told In explanation of social process, not as
"history." The most common Incidents all cluster about a standard
situation which arises time and again In the dynamic of Tlv social
process: particularly fission and fusion of lineage territories, which
are the modal points In Tlv political process. As one collects more
and more versions of the myths and legends In different'parts of the
country. It becomes evident that there are a relatively few stock
incidents which can be applied to any Instance of the social process to
be illustrated. It Is, of course, as Impossible to prove that these
Incidents did not occur as to prove that they did. It can be stated
with confidence, however, that they are applied to many different
Instances and that they are seldom correlated with specific persons In
the genealogies.

. The timelessness of the myths and legends Is even more apparent

when one realizes that a lineage name Is the plural form of the given
name of its apical ancestor. The grammatical number, here. Is not so
Important as it would be In English; Tlv Jump back and forth from .
singular to plural forms In these contexts with an ease and agility
which at first bewilders the European mind which Is used to precision
In these matters. In recounting the adventures of a llneagS*. Tlv do
not distinguish between the founder of a lineage and his group of
descendants: It Is Impossible for them to tell an Investigator whether
a certain incident happened to "Kpar" (the man) or "Kparev" (the
lineage made up of his descendants). Host will say. If pushed, that It
does not matter--how could they know, since they were not there?

"Time" associations beyjnd the grandparents of living adults are

utterly vague. Instead of' referring an Incident to a genealogy to pin
down Its time element, Tlv are content to say that It was "long ago"
(ng|se) — the same term with which they begin their animal folk tales.
Although "long ago" can. In some contexts, mean day before yesterday,
or even an hour past, most commonly It has no specific time referent at
all. In the sense that we are accustomed to think of It. Its purpose
Is not so much to Indicate that something happened long ago, as to
indicate either that It Is established and traditional, or else that It
Is outside the Immediate purview.

(
 308

The Important point here Is that Tlv, by and large, do not even
correlate events over a period of time beyond a generation or two.
There Is only a dim "long dgo" (nglse) which can be Increased by saying
"long long ago" (nglse nglse)— the more times you say the word, the
longer ago or further removed It was. "Long ago" was filled with
events and with people, but they are— from the standpoint of time
reference— of much the same quality as the events which It Is assumed
will take place In future (sha hemen . literally "In front").

Tlv have not elicited the time element implicit In their lineage
and political structure any more than they have elicited "time" from
the course of a human life, the recurrence of the phases of the moon or
of five-day markets. Time Is Implicit In Tlv thought and speech, but
it Is not a category of It.

IV

We In Western Europe have elicited an idea, or a medium, which

we call "time"— or better, "chronology"— and have calibrated It Into a
standard gauge against which we associate single events or a series of
events. The presence of such a time gauge among our cultural
apparaturs means that In addition to time Indication and time-lapse
Indication, we measure time.

A minute and a day are qualitatively as well as quantitatively

different: the difference Is that between measuring and counting.
Days are natural events and can be counted without a special apparatus;
minutes and hours are artificial events, if they be events at all, and
can be counted only with the aid of special apparatus. Those Tlv who
are acquainted with the Idea of "hours" from Europeans seem to have
changed the idea somewhat: Tlv servants and clerks use the word ahwa
for "hour." Besides Its obvious similarity to the English word, this
Is a plural form of |hwa, which means "mark" or "tally." One o'clock
Is "one mark" and six o'clock means "six marks." They are. In fact,
counting the marks on a watch, I believe quite unaware that the watch
Is merely a device for counting standardized symbols for artificial
units of time.

Thus, although Tlv Indicate time by direct association of two

events, and though they count recurrent natural units such as days,
markets, moons, and dry seasons, they do not measure time. Because of
the fact that they do not, by and large (and certainly not with any
consensus) associate legendary incidents with genealogical ancestors
(which supply the only "system" which has Immanent In It some sort of
“natural time" to which long-period reference could be made), there is
no device for Indicating time In the distant past with any greater
accuracy than in the future.

I
 FOOTNOTE

* I have used the regular orthography, devised by the Dutch Reform

Church Mission, used by literate Tlv. The consonant written gh Is a
velar fricative, voiced In all except the final position; c Is English
ch; other consonants have approximately their English valué; o Is the
open o, British "hot" or American "taught"; all other vowels have
approximately Italian values.
( < (

Chapter Twenty-one

IMAGES OF TIME

by Michael Kearney

This chapter is but a portion of Kearney's section on

time. The two categories of time Imagery are labels as
linear and oscillating. The latter term Is a departure
from the traditional "cycle" and the author explains the
reason for this change In a very convincing way. In effect,
he concedes that "cycle" Is a western term. The point
being addressed Is obviously acceptable, but the term "cycle"
Is Inadequate. Although this is a short chapter. It Is an
excellent treatment of the subject with Illustrations that
are varied and concise.

Images of Time

Most people relate to time much as a fish relates to

water— uncritlcally swimming through it, and largely obiivious to It.
And yet, they do have rather definite, but unexamined notions of what
It Is. Time is one of the most abstract and Intangible concepts In
human thought. Indeed, in many cultures it does not even exist as a
consciously expressed Idea. .Yet, as I argued above, some sense of

From Kearney 1983:148-160

 311

time, however, Implicit, must exist In all mobile living creatures.

With the realIzation that we are speaking In metaphors I refer to such
notions of time as Images. Me can In this way Indicate what are two
general contrasting Images of time which I shall refer to as
oscillating and linear. Both images of time are present no doubt In
all cultures, but most likely one of them Is predominant. According to
the British anthropologist E. R. Leach, these two types of images
derive from two different common kinds of experiences.

Firstly, there is the notion of repetition. Nhenevér

we think about measuring time we concern ourselves with some
kind of metronome; it may be the ticking of a clock or a
pulse beat or the recurrence of days or moons or annual
seasons, but always there Is something which repeats.

Secondly, there Is the notion of non-repetltlon. We

are aware that all living things are born, grow old and die,
and that this Is an Irreversible process.

I am Inclined to think that all other aspects of time,

duration for example or historical sequence, are fairly simple
derivatives from these two basic experiences:
(a) that certain phenomena of nature repeat themselves
(b) that life change Is Irreversible. (Leach 1961:125)

Oscillating time. What I am here calling an oscillating Image

of time has perhaps been the most common In human societies. It Is
frequently referred to as a cyclical sense of time, but Leach, In the
same essay as the one quoted from above, has persuasively argued that a
zig-zag Image Is more appropriate. I agree with Leach, that It Is
often inappropriate to refer to a primary concern with repetitive
events as a cyclical sense of time. The word cyclleal Implies that
something Is circular and revolves. But In the traditional societies
to which a cyqllcal notion of time Is usually attributed, circular
motion. Is virtually absent. (Note: One notable instance of actual
cyclical time imagery In a traditional society is strongly suggested by
expressions which make extensive use of circular and revolving
phenomena (see Leon-PortlI la 1973).] Rotary motion Is. however,
one of the most conspicuous attributes of modern machines. It Is
understandable then that such a circular linage of time would be
projected onto primitives by the writers of modern industrial societies
which have, to use Mumfors's term, a mechanical view of the world.
Contrary to this,

...In some primitive societies It would seem that the

time process Is not experienced as a 'succession of epochal
durations' at all; there Is no sense of going on and on In
the same direction, or round and round the same wheel. On
the contrary, time Is experienced as something discontinuous,

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a repetition of repeated reversal, a sequence of oscillations

between polar opposites*: 'night and day, winter and summer,
drought and flood, age and youth, life and death. In such a
scheme the past has no 'depth1 to It— all past Is equally past;
It Is simply the opposite of now (Leach 1961:126).

The essential feature of this Image of time Is that time Is seen

as rhythmically swinging back and forth between recurrent markers.
Such an Image occurs most strongly In technologically simple,
pre-literate societies, lacking historiography. There are two
characteristics of such societies which promote this view of time.
First, there is little cumulative change observable within the life
span of an Individual. Instead, events seem to repeat themselves with
a regular uniformity and perlodlclty— the passage of the seasons, the
succession of generations, the annual round of festivals and
ceremonies. Although It is based on speculation, but speculation which
feels intuitively correct, It Is often argued that such an Image
derives from close observation of and subjection to natural
rhythmically recurring phenomena — solar, lunar, and biological. For
example, El lade speaking about how the moon serves as a natural device*
for marking time says, "In the Indo-European languages the majority of
terms designating the month and the moon derive from the root iae-,
which, In Latin, In addition to mens Is , produced meUor, 'to measure'"
(Eliade 1954:nt.86).

The phases of the moon— appearance. Increase, wane, dis­

appearance, followed by reappearance after three nights of
darkness— have played an Immense part in the elaboration of
cyclical concepts. He find analogous concepts especially In
the archaic apocalypses and anthropogenies; deluge or
flood puts an end to an exhausted and sinful humanity, and
a new regenerated humanity is born, usually from a mythical
"ancestor" who escaped the catastrophe, or from a lunar
animal. A stratigraphic analysis of these groups of myths
brings out their lunar character. This means that the lunar
rhythm not only reveals short Intervals (week, month) but
also serves as the archetype for extended durations; In fact,
the "birth" of humanity, Its growth, decrepitude ("wear"),
and disappearance are assimilated to the lunar cycle. (Ibid.:
86-87).

Short-term oscllatlng time Is thus often replicated In

cosmological beliefs In which the world or entire universe Itself is
subject to cycles of creation and destruction. Such concepts were well
developed In the cosmologies of Mesoamerlcan and most Old Horld
civilizations.

Lineal time. One Indication of the presence of lineal images of

time Is in the grammar of many Indo-European languages. As In English,

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313

for example, the verb of every sentence must be expressed In a tense,

of which there are three general types: past, present, and future.
Every utterance In these languages thus makes a statement about an
event conceptualized as existing somewhere In a time which extends from
the past Into the future. As we will see in Chapter 6, this embedding
of time In language Is not universal. Grammars, in which it does not
occur, appear to be historically related to non-lineal images of time.

When we speak of an Image of linear time, we must again remember

that we are employing a metaphor. Within this metaphor time Is rather
like an arrow coming out of the past, passing by us here In the present
and traveling on into the future. Or you may prefer to transform this
Image such that time is a space and It Is you yho are moving through
It, going from one area of time to another.

Intuitively, I suspect that a sense of Self which Is passive

relative to the Other Is also stationary relative to time which 'flows'
by it. By the same token, a Self which Is active relative to the Other
moves forward into time which exists to be 'used.' In the first case,
metaphors of moving time, such as 'the coming months' are expected. In
the second the active Self Is predisposed to use metaphors In which It
moves, such as 'the months ahead.' Metaphors of the second type
suggest an Image of an absolute time analagous to the absolute space of
Newton, and seem to presuppose a sense of mastery over a regular
natural world.

Both of these Images are juxtaposed in Marvell's poem, "To His

Coy Mistress": "But at my back I always hear / Time's winged chariot
hurrying near / And Yonder all before us lie / Deserts of vast
eternity" (quoted from Traugott 1975:217).

Regardless of the metaphor, the essential thing about a linear

Image of time Is that time -Is one way and Irreversible. Historically
this seems to have been an unintentional Invention of ancient Hebrews
who had a most unusual Image of time for their period. For them time
In effect began with the Creation and progressed unswervingly through
the events of the Old Testament, such as the birth of Moses and the
Exodus. The early Christians were also Imbued with this notion of
linear history, and saw the coming of Christ as the midpoint In his­
torical time, which would end with his second coming, the Millennium..
For them history was real, and they thought of mytho-hlstorlc events as
occuring at specific moments which they were concerned to identify in
terms of temporal succession and duration, such as, for example, the
Idea that the world was created in six days, and so on. Similarly,
fundamentalist Christians today refer to Christ's birth, life and death
as part of an ordinal sequence which will continue, as revealed through
revelation, Into the future, until at the Millennium time as history
will end. How different this forward looking image of irreversible
cosmic history Is from that of say the Greeks or the Romans who were
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314
not at all concerned with the dates and order of events In the history
of their religion and myths, -such as the year In which Odysseus slew
the Cyclops, or Romulus and Remus were born. [Re the history of Images
of lineal time In Western civilization see Teulmin and Goodfleld
(1965), and Colllngwood (1946).]

A well-developed linear time Image Is most compatible with and

most supported by modern Industrial urban society. Such societies
usually have a well-developed sense of history, and technological and
social change In them tends to be rapid and in some respects
cumulative. A linear Image of time, supported by such conditions. Is
consistent with the related idea of progress as a desired, If not
inherent, aspect of reality. Individuals are thus aware that things
will never again be as they were. Also, modern city living Insulates
one from astronomic and other natural rhythms. .Instead of stars, the
phases of the moon and the seasonal movements of animals and growth of
plants, one Is exposed to clocks, calendars, and history books, which
all proclaim the relentless onward march of time. Although the seasons
change out of doors, air conditioned, artificially Illuminated
Interiors, where city dwellers spend most of their lives, monotonously
maintain the same atmospheric conditions year In and year out. Having
spent muchy of my life In rural areas, I am astonished from time to
time to find someone who does not know the current phase of the moon or
the current location on the horizon where the sun Is rising and
setting.

As In simpler societies with oscillating Images of time, the

cosmological theories of linear societies are conscious elaborations on
their underlying temporal Images. The current scientific model of
biological evolution Is based on a notion of Irreversible processes, as
Is the concept of entropy whereby the energy and complexity of the
universe Is constantly dissipating. Although the Elnstelnlan theory of
relativity describes a time that Is neither oscillating or linear' and
collapses space and time Into a continuum of space-time, this Is an
esoteric image of time which has not yet begun to enter Into the
thinking of ordinary people, whose Image of time Is still
logico-structural ly consistent with Newton's. Einstein's concepts of
space-time are necessary for dealing with high energy particles and
some astronomic phenomena, but such events are outside of the
experience of most people. Newtonian physics, In which space retains
Its dimensions and clocks all run at the same absolute rate. Is much
more compatible with the experience of the every-day world, and
therefore it seems a safe speculation that such images will persist in
our Informal thinking.

Also, we can note how a linear image is structurally compatible

with a future orientation.- Since linear time is irreversible, the past
Is unregainable, and the present but a transitory point on a journey to
a date with some more significant future events. Ihis Inherent logico-
 315

structural compatibility of a future orientation and a linear Image are

well demonstrated In the following passage by the Intellectual
historian, J. B. Bury.

For though we are unable to divine what things Indefinite

time may evolve, though we cannot look forward with the
eyes of 'the prophetic soul' of the wide-world brooding on
things to come, yet the unapparent future has a claim to make
Itself felt as an Idea controlling our perspective. It commands
us not to regard the series of what we call ancient and mediaeval
history as leading up to the modern age and the twentieth
century; It bids us to consider the whole sequence up to the
present moment as probably no more than the beginning of a social
and psychical development, whereof the end Is withdrawn from our
view by countless millenniums to come. All the epochs of the
past are only a few of the front carriages, and probably the
least wonderful, In the van of an Interminable procession
(quoted by Bear 1932:xx).

In contrasting oscillating and linear time I do not mean to

Imply that they are mutually exclusive images. To the contrary, as
Leach notes (see above), both kinds of experiences are common to all
people. Thus It Is possible for them to co-occur In a given world
view. In Aztec world view, for example, cosmic time Is organized Into
great cycles, but individuals appear to have been greatly concerned
with the fate of their own sould within a shorter perspective.
Therefore, In this case, the image of time Is dependent upon the scale
of times of concern. But In many cultures one of these Images appears,
to predominate and affect other perceptions Of time, such that It Is
possible to generally refer to them by one term or the other.

Now there are still other culturally prescribed ways of thinking

about time that affect behavVor. One Is the perceived depth and range
of time. Future oriented Anglos have a shallow range of concern with
time and tend to think ahead only within the span of their own
lifetime, or the next few generations. Thus although they are good at
short range planning, they are not effective at preparing for the
distant future. The current environmental crises In this country are
largely the result of very efficient short term planning for exploiting
resources, but without regard for the long range consequences. Our
concern with the past Is also shallow. In contrast, British and
European cultures In general value tradition and history much more.
"Indeed, some of the chief differences between the peoples of the
United States and England derive from their somewhat varying attitudes
toward time. Americans have difficulty In understanding the respect
the English have for tradition, and the English do not appreciate the •
typical American's disregard for It" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck
1961:14-15).

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Another Important question Is, "How Is the passage of time

perceived?" One aspect of this'Is the perceived rate_ofJime^s
passage. Everyone experiences differences In the rate of time under
different conditions, say, the last day of a vacation versus time In
the dentist's chair. But there also appear to be general cultural
differences as well. It has been pointed out that In the United States
clocks run while In Spanish America they walk (anda). One Indirect way
of assessing differences In perception of rate Is by examining native
units of time, which vary considerably In length and discreteness from
one culture to another. (Note how English language usage reflects a
linear image of time In that time, like space, has length that may be
"long" or “short.")

As a rule, Americans think of time as a road on a ribbon

stretching Into the future, along which one progresses.
The road has segments or compartments which are to be
kept discrete (“one thing at a time"). People who cannot
schedule time are looked down upon as Impractical. (Hall
1959:28)

Mumford (1963:17) finds that popular concern with time keeping

and scheduling followed the mass production of watches, first In
Switzerland and then In the United States, in the mid-1800's.
Scheduling and punctuality are necessary to articulate the Intricacies
of production and transportation In an industrial society, but these
traits are dependent on underlying notions of even flowing,
quantifiable linear time, as mechanically measured by the clock. It Is
for this reason that "the clock, not the steam engine. Is the key
machine of the modern Industrial age" (Ibid.:14).

Americans and other IndustralIzed peoples tend to pay attention

to small segments of time, and to have common terms for them. But
throughout the Middle Ages, European clocks did not have minute hands,
and presumably people then were not greatly concerned with organizing
their affairs so acurately. It was around 1345 that hours were
commonly divided into sixty minutes and minutes into sixty seconds.
With this conscious harnessing of time. It acquired a meaning and value
equivalent to work and commodities. As Benjamin Franklin expressed It
later In a capitalist society, "Time Is money." It can be bought, and (
spent, saved, and wasted. Consequently, people In industrial societies
talk and think about time more precisely and literally.

"Be here In half an hour" means In thirty minutes. Precision

Inside the plant has Its effect outside. "Come here this
second," says an American mother to her child, using a word
a Roman mother could not have, because the word for "second"
was not In everyday use. The ancient Egyptians for common
use had not even a minute of any measured duration, much less
a second.

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317

The American office schedule Is tight and sacred, too.

"I'll see you at four-ten, then," Is a sentence that would
have been comprehensible to no other civilization this
earth has seen. Violators of the schedule are punished. If
you are not on time for appointments, you will come to be
regarded as an irresponsible person. If a man Is kept ‘ waiting
in the outer office for ten or fifteen minutes, careful
apologies are necessary. . . . Persons who are punctual are
rarities, and sometimes dubbed "Englishmen" (DeGrazia
1971:455-56).

Hall describes a Latin American friend of his who ran his

business according to the "Latino" system in which he would have up to
fifteen people In his office at one time. A job which an Anglo
businessman would take care of in fifteen minutes might take all day to
complete. Such an apparent lack of scheduling annoyed Anglos who came
to do business with him, and being aware of this he would take pains to
make sure they would only have to spend an hour or so in his office for
a visit they intended to last only a few minutes (Hall 1959:19). The
vexation of these American businessmen Is understandable given their
sense of time as a fixed order of sequences flowing into the future.
Their Latin counterparts, operating on a present orientation, are not
as concerned with scheduling. Latin work patterns thus often appear
erratic to Anglos who are also apt to Interpret such behavior as
laziness, even though prodigious amounts of work are being done.

In Ixtepej 1 people do not appear to have such an image of evenly

flowing processes, but rather one in which the flow of time Is erratic,
and seems to start and stop temporarily, and then accelerate greatly •
due to some calamitous event. This lurching of time will go on until,
as is expressed in the folk cosmology, the entire world will be
destroyed in one final cataclysm. This view of process is quite
different than the Del stic.uniform!tarianlsm elaborated by bourgeois
philosophers, comfortably secure in their prosperous homes and
communities. Indeed, an Ideal to which they aspired in their personal
lives was to become "as regular as clockwork."

An linage of mechanical, even-flowing linear time, marked by

regular Intervals, as is characteristic of modern Industrial societies
Is all the more remarkable when we consider how artificial it Is.
There are few, if any, natural phenomena that supports such an
expert ence.

The very notion of time Itself varies tremendously In the

Importance different cultures g ive to It. In addition to the
discreteness of time units recognized, the degree to which a people
consciously elaborate abstract notions of time also indicates the
Importance they assign to It. At one extreme are Americans for whom
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318

time Is money and every second counts. Time for them seems to assume
an almost concrete reality and Is a matrix in which their activities
are structured. In contrast to this, some peoples who do not live
according to clock time lack an explicit category of time. The Nuer
are pastorallsts who live In the Sudan. Speaking of their
time-reckoning Evans-Pr1tchard points out that the Nuer have no
expression In their language equivalent to our word time, and they
cannot, as we can, speak of time passing, being wasted, saved, and so
forth.

Presumably they have In consequence a different perception of

time to ours. Certainly they never experience the same
feeling of fighting against time, of having to co-ordinate
activities with an abstract passage of time, since their
points of reference are mainly the activities themselves,
which are generally of a leisurely and routine character.
There are no autonomous points of reference to which
activities have to conform. (Evans-PrItchard 1930:208)
SECTION SIX

CAUSALITY
 320

INTRODUCTION TO CAUSALIIY

The proposition Is here made that all people conceive of causal

factors that Influence or affect their lives and their world. In order
to examine such a proposition, certain Issues will be raised:

1. How causality Is defined.

2. Causality as universally perceived.
3. The categorization of cause.

Any discussion of causality has a serious limitation. For the most

•part, according to Kearney, literature about causality per se. Is
virtually non-existent. He adds, however, that frequent references are
made to concepts of power (Kearney 1975:259). a topic that Is
Inherently part of causality.

CAUSALITY OFFINED

Basic definitions of cause or causality refer to something that

produces a result or to that which Is an antecedent of a phenomena.
The subject of causality addresses the Issue of "why." Why are things
as they are? Hhy do things change? Every society recognizes a variety
of causes. Those causes may Include luck, fate, God, gods, human
causes, causes originating In nature, cause and effect, to name just a
few. Hhatever the list may Include, In any given society there will be
preferences regarding ultimate cause. Spiritual forces may be seen as
ultimate cause In some cases, while In other settings uncontrollable
fate in natural laws are seen as ultimate cause. As a westerner, for
example, I observe what I Identify as cause and effect, yet ultimate
cause may be God or fate.

It should also be mentioned that some causes are understood as

constant such as gravity or the laws of nature and science. Others are
occasional such as a storm or other natural phenomena.

If someone asks why Illness occurs, the response, may It Issue from
the perspective of western germ theory or from a inore trans-emplrlcal
approach, will explain the sickness as a result of something else. The
antecedent may, for example, be seen as an act of magic Implemented by
a person. On the other hand, if germs are given as an explanation,
Illness Is seen as a phenomenon over which control is sought by
appealing to the laws of nature.

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321

CAUSALITY AS A WORLDVIEW UNIVERSAL

From the western analytical perspective (out of which the concept

of worldview was generated), the fact of causality Is precisely that, a
fact. Western thinking processes are centered In the scientific model
that has as Its base the assumption of cause. Science seeks to know
the why, the antecedent, of everything.

For that reason, westerners also assume that a_N people perceive
causality. Dorothy Lee, as her chapter In this section Indicates, has
studied the Trobrianders and concluded that they do not conceive of
causality. Such a conclusion Is not only hard for westerners to
understand, but In fact must be rejected by westerners If they are to
hold to their scientific mode of analysis.

Lee’s conclusions may, however, be legitimately questioned. Her

claim Is that Trobrianders focus on being. What exists Is valued for
Itself as It exists, not for what It effects or produces. Yet It must
be noted that Trobrianders recognize "established procedures" (Lee's
term) when exorcising a tree spirit. Perhaps thJs needs to be examined
more closely. Either Lee Is correct and this Is an exception to
causality as a universal category, or the form of causal perception Is
so unique that Lee has failed to see It.

To consider causality as a universal given, even to the point of

casting a questioning eye at examples such as Lee has provided, Is not
without Justification. On the basis that the Self-Other relátlonshlp^
Is the arena of worldview, causality Is brought Into focus to whateve'r
extent either Self or Other (or both) are related to cause. Self acts
toward Other In such a way as to produce a result. Certain Other,
then, may act In relationship to Self. If an effect Is produced in or
by Self or Other, worldvltew theory will categorize that effect as
causal In nature.

CATEGORIZATION OF CAUSES

The Issue of Origin

Piaget has attempted to justify the concept of causality as

universal In scope through the study of Its development In the
psychology of causality. In doing so he has listed 17 principles of
causality Into three groupings. While It is not my purpose to
reproduce them here, they suggest that one way of categorizing causes
Is In terms of the origins of causal thinking, specifically the stages
of development as indicated In the stages of maturation (see Piaget
1930:258-280). The implication or hypothesis Is simply that some kinds
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322

of 'causes belong to the earlier, and thus the more "primitive" stages;
others, to the more developed stages.

Kearney's reflection on Piaget's point of view is noteworthy:

Is this scheme perhaps culture bound and representative

of French-Swlss worldview as manifested in the children who
were Piaget's experimental subjects? Might it not be that
these adherences which Piaget assumes to drop away in the
"general process of evolution which leads the child from a
dynamic to a mechanical view" remain as strongly developed
orientations in normal adults of other cultures? The other
alternative, which is to accept Piaget's scheme. Implies that
the societies of the world In which such thinking is common
are composed of people whose cognitive development is in part
arrested in childhood that they in effect have attributes of
the world view of children (Kearney 1982:130-131).

Ultimate Versus Secondary

Another meaningful categorization of causes is in terms of ultimate

cause or secondary cause. Western germ theory identifies what to most
westerners is an ultimate cause. To many non-western people, however,
the germ theory is entirely unacceptable, and even when it is endorsed,
it is seen as a secondary cause with ultimate cause explained in terms
of the influence of spiritual forces or beings.

Two excellent Illustrations of the ultimate-secondary Issue are

provided by Russell Staples, a ten-year missionary veteran in Rhodesia
and presently an associate professor of Missions at the Seventh-day
Adventist Theological Seminary, Berien Springs, Michigan:

I was called to administer antisnakeblte serum to a woman

who had been bitten on the calf by a large cobra. The woman was
in extremis when I arrived on the scene about thirty minutes
after the event. Hastily I filled the syringe and prepared to
Inject. As I was inserting the needle, the husband, who was
not a Christian, cried,"Stop! Pray first." He was sure that
the medicine was not powerful enough in itself to undo the death
that was coming upon her. In terms of his understanding of
reality it was vitally necessary to secure the spiritual force
of the sacral world to make the medicine efficacious or his
wife would die. In his view the only Instrumentality that
could achieve this end was the sacral "word." My scientific
"rational" understanding of what constituted a remedy had
collied head-on with his primal concepts of the real forces
that could effect a cure
 323

An old man who suffered with migraine headaches came Into

my office one afternoon and sank down onto the floor In a corner.
Supporting his head with both hands, he asked me to do something
for the terrible headaches he Suffered. I told him I was not a
doctor, and could not do anything, but that the nurse at the
dispensary could give him pills that would help. He seemed to
deflate Into a heap, and a long silence ensued. Nhen he had
gathered strength, he silently struggled to his feet and started
to leave. As I helped him at the door, he gave me a long,
anguished look and then turned resolutely away. That look
haunted me. It was as If he were saying, "Do you think I do
not know all of this? Do you think I have not taken those
pills? Do you, who arrived here yesterday, so to say, need
to show me, who was born on this place, the way to the
dispensary?" Only later did I realize In what way and how
badly I had failed him. A recurring pain, as bad as what he
suffered, must have some spiritual origin. It Is necessary to
Identify the cause and deal with the problem at Its source.
The real possibility in cases such as this Is that the person
will go to a diviner who will listen sympathetically, divine
the cause, and either render or prescribe appropriate ritual
and/or medicinal treatment. The church will then have failed
to show that the gospel has meaning for every dimension of
life, and so lose the battle by default (Staples 1982:70).

These Illustrations provide two valuable perspectives. The first

Is simply that even with events or conditions that have "natural"
explanations, those explanations are not to be taken as the final
word. One must become aware of the cause that lies behind the event.
Snake bites are Inflicted by snakes, but what caused the snake to bite,
and to bite at that moment and that person? Illness may follow an
extended period of exposure tt> the elements or eating particular foods,
but what causes that particular meal or event to produce sickness? The
answer for many people rests In the world of spiritual forces and
magical practices.

The second point that these Illustrations provide relates to the

matter of a remedy. The remedy must relate to the cause. If the cause
Is spiritual, the remedy must be spiritual. To many non-westerners
medicine may be permitted, but by Itself medicine Is Insufficient.
Western Christians often Illustrate the “flip-side" of that approach.
To westerners who “know" that Illness Is from germs, remedy Is medical
or scientific. Even when a spiritual remedy, such as divine healing.
Is sought, medicine Is also taken, and the spiritual remedy Is probably
expected to make the medicine work even better than It normally would
have otherwise.

/
*
 324

A Taxonomy of Causes

The following taxonomy Is an adaptation of a grid In Hlebert's "The

Excluded Middle" (see Chapter II of this Reader). This adaptation must
be credited to George H. Lang, a missionary to Cameroon.

TAXONOMY OF CAUSES
/ r
Personal Non-Personal

God first cause - Nature -

Other < angels cosmic force/power - natural law -
World gods determinism - evolution
spirits fate - chance - luck - fortune
Trans- \ brahmin - kismet
Empirical
/
This local gods/ magical powers
spirits mana
World J ancestors- luck
ghosts zodiac signs
wltchcraft- rites
sorcery omens
fairies- charms - amulets
elves
saints
omens
charms - amulets

Emplrlcal( r humans natural Inanimate objects

animals natural forces/powers
plants!?) wind - fire - water
electricity - nuclear power
natural environment
germs - virus - bacteria
physiological causes

There are three basic categories of cause In this taxonomy. Causes

may be empirical or transemplricai. In keeping with Hlebert's
contention about the western perception of Other, the western view of
cause would Include this distinction, but the additional breakdown of
“other world" and “this world" would be synonomous with
"transemplricai" and “empirical" since the -entire middle level Is
absent. Or. In some cases, certain causes listed as the middle level
are Included In an "other world" category.

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325

The need to further categorize the transempirlcal causes Into those

that relate to this world or another world becomes apparent In
nonwestern worldviews. The "this world" causes may or may not be
empirical, and are distinctive from the "other world" causes which may
be only transempirlcal.

The third category is that of persona) and non-personal. This

distinction cuts across the other two categories. Some causes have
personal character Isties— make choices, have personalities, etc.— or In
the case of animals and plants may be personalized so as to be thought
to have such characteristics. The same may be true of some of the non­
personal causes as well.

SUMMARY

This Introduction to causality is obviously not exhaustive of the

variety of topics related to causality. There undoubtedly are many
more ways to categorize causes. Perhaps those noted here will suggest
others that are particular to the worldview(s) with which the reader
may be familiar. Certainly within western worldviews, the subject of
cause and effect Is an extensive area to investigate.

The first issue raised was the definition of causality or cause as

that'whlch refers to something that produces a result or is the
anticedent of a phenomenon. The search for causality Is inevitably
linked to the question "why" and the "because" responses that such a
question demands.

Secondly, causality is defended as a universal category of

worldview theory. That defense is linked to the Self-Other
relationship. Dorothy Let's case study Is noted as a possible
exception or even refutation of that theory, but It is also noted that
her study Is not conclusive, only suggestive.

The categorization of causes Is the third Issue raised. Piaget

suggests that the categorizing of causes is effected by stages of
maturation, a concept that needs examined but not without some
selectivity. This subject also Includes the distinction of secondary
versus primary causes. An adaptation of Hiebert's taxonomy of Other
(see Chapter 11) Illustrates that cause may be categorized In terms of
the level of reality from which It originates. In any case, the kind
of cause will dictate the needed reaction to it. To react to a causal
force that is classified as middle level cause with a lower level
procedure Is Inappropriate. .
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326
CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

While Levy-Bruhl's article Is not a recent contribution to the

anthropology, It nevertheless documents the preference by some
societies for a primary cause, and suggests an indifference.to
secondary causes.

The next chapter by Horton is Included here because of its proposal

that traditional societies may not be as Indifferent to secondary cause
as Levy-Bruhl suggests. He also provides a valuable comparison of two
supranational worldviews— African and Western.

As will become apparent to the reader, Dorothy Lee’s contribution

to this subject would appear to invalidate the assumption that
causality Is universal. It has been included here for that very
reason. She has made available a unique case study for this section.

The last chapter of this section Is Included for two reasons.

First, Takakusu provides a case study of the Buddhist system, an
eastern worldview of which we have no other sample in this Reader.
Secondly, this Is a case study of an Intricate perception of causation.
 Chapter Twenty-two

THE PRIMITIVE'S INDIFFERENCE TO SECONDARY CAUSES

by Lud e n Levy-Bruhl

Levy-Bruhl, although coming from an earlier era of

anthropological thinking (as Is evidenced by his use of
the word "primitive") has nevertheless raised an Issue that
can not be passed over lightly. Anyone who has lived among,
and observed, the more traditional non-western societies has
undoubtedly recognized the Interest of those societies In
focusing on the primary causes of events such as death, Injury,
or misfortune. Levy-Bruhl provides an Interesting documentation
of this fact. Ills conclusion, that little. If any, Interest
exists In secondary causes, however Is subject to question In
the light of the next Chapter by Horton.

PRIMITIVE MENTALITY

Hhen confronted by something that Interests, disturbs, or frightens

It, the primitive's mind does not follow the same course as ours would
do. It at once embarks upon a different channel.

The uninterrupted feeling of Intellectual security Is so thoroughly

established In our minds that we do not see how it can be disturbed;

From Levy-Bruhl 1923:35-58

 328

for even supposing we were suddenly brought face to face with an

altogether mysterious phenomenon, the causes of which might entirely
escape us at first, we should be convinced that our Ignorance was
merely temporary; we should know that such causes did exist and that
sooner or later they would declare themselves. Thus, the world In
which we live Is, as It were. IntellectualIzed beforehand. It. like
the mind which devises- and sets It In motion, Is order and reason. Our
dally activities, even In their minutest details, Imply calm and
complete confidence In the Immutability of natural laws.

The attitude of the primitive's mind Is very different. The

natural world he lives In presents Itself in quite another aspect to
him. All Its objects and all its entitles are Involved In a system of
mystic participations and exclusions; It Is these which constitute Its
cohesion and Its order. They, therefore, will attract his attention
first of all, and they alone will retain It. If a phenomenon Interests
him and he does not confine himself to a merely passive perception of
It without reaction of any kind, he will Immediately conjure up, as by
a kind of mental reflex, an occult and Invisible power of which this
phenomenon Is a manifestation.

"The view-point of the native African mind," says Nassau, "In all
unusual occurrences. Is that of witchcraft. Hlthout looking for an
explanation In what civilization would call natural causes, his thought
turns at once to the supernatural. Indeed, the supernatural Is so
constant a factor In his life that to him It furnishes explanation of
events as prompt and reasonable as our reference to the recognized
forces of N a t u r e . J o h n Philip, the missionary, speaking of
"Bechuana superstitions," says: "Everything In a state of Ignorance"
(l.e. before the Instruction given by the missionaries) “ which Is not
known and which Is Involved In mystery" (that which cannot be accounted
for merely by perception), “Is the object of superstitious veneration-
where second causes are unknown and Invisible agency is substituted In
their places.“*

The mentality of the natives of the Solomon Isles suggests the same
reflection to Thurnwalk. “In considering any matter, they never go
beyond simply registering the facts. The profound causal connection
Is. In theory, entirely lacking. The non-comprehension of the
connection between phenomena Is the source of their fears and of their
superstitions."*

Here, as so frequently happens, we must distinguish between the

fact reported and the Interpretation given to It. The fact is that the
primitive, whether he be an African or any other, never troubles to
Inquire Into causal connections which are not self-evident but
straightway refers them to a mystic power. At the same time observers,
whether missionaries of others, give their explanation of this fact;
and In their opinion. If the primitive Immediately has recourse to
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329

mystic powers, it is because he does not trouble to Inquire into

causes. But why does he not trouble to do this? It really Is the
other way about. If primitives do not think of seeking causal
connections, or If, when they do perceive them or have them pointed
out, they consider them as of slight Importance, It is the natural
consequence of the well-established fact that their collective
representations Immediately evoke the instrumentality of mystic
powers. It follows that the causal connections which, to us, are the
very framework of Nature, the basis of Its reality and stability are of
very little Interest In their eyes. "One day," said Bentley,
"Whitehead saw one of his men sitting In the cold wind on a rainy day.
He advised his going home and changing his wet cloth for a dry one, but
he said: 'It does not matter. People do not die of a cold wind;
people only get 111 and die by means of witchcraft--- '"4

To a mind thus oriented and wholly absorbed In preconceptions of a

mystic nature, what we call a cause, that which we consider accountable
for what occurs, could not at most be more than an opportunity or,
rather, an instrument which serves the occult powers. The opportunity
might have been afforded by something else, and the Instrument have
been a different one; but the event would have taken place Just the
same for all that was necessary was for the occult power to come Into
play without being prevented by a superior force of the same nature.

. II
From among the many examples that occur to us, let us take one of
the most familiar ones. In all uncivilized races everywhere, death
requires to be explained by other than natural causes. It has
frequently been remarked that when they see a man die, it would seem as
If It might be the very first time such a thing had happened, and that
they could never before have been witnesses of such an occurrence. "Is
It possible," says the European to himself, "that these people do not
know that everybody must die sooner or later?" But the primitive has
never considered things In this light. In his eyes, the causes which
inevitably bring about the death of a man In a certain (fairly
definite) number of years— causes such as failure of the bodily organs,
senile decay, diminution of functioning power— are not necessarily
connected with death. Does he not see decrepit old men still alive?
If, therefore, at a given moment death supervenes, It must be because a
mystic force has come Into play. Moreover, senile weakness Itself,
like any other malady, Is not due to what we call natural causes; it,
too, must be explained by the agency of a mystic force. In short, if
the primitive pays no attention to the causes of death. It Is because
he knows already how death Is brought about, and since he knows why It
happens, how it occurs matters very little. Here we have a kind of a
priori reasoning upon which experience has no hold.
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330

Thus, to borrow examples from Inferior races In parts where the

Influence of the white man had not yet been felt. In Australia (In
Victoria) "death Is at all times by them attributed to human agency.
When any black, whether old or young, dies, an enemy Is supposed,
during the night, to have made an Incision In his side and removed his
kidney fat. Even the most Intelligent natives cannot be convinced that
any death proceeds from natural causes."1

Neither the body of the sick man, nor his corpse after death, bears
the slightest trace of the incision, but the Australian aborigine does
not consider that any reason for doubting that It took place. What
other proof of It than death Itself Is necessary? Would death have
Occurred If someone had not taken away the fat from the kidneys?
Moreover, this belief does not Involve any Idea of a physiological role
attributed to the fat; It Is simply a questlon'of a mystic act brought
Into operation by the mere presence of the organ which Is Its agent.

According to the notes furnished by Thomas Petrie, Or. W. E. Roth

says: "During the first years of European colonization, in the
Brisbane dlstrict...nearly all aches, pains and diseases were ascribed
to the quartz crystal in the possession of some medicine-man
(turrwan). This crystal gave Its owner supernatural powers. The
spirit of the turrwan used to put the crystal into the victim, who
could only be cured by getting a medicine-man to suck it out again;
thus a medicine-man could make an Individual sick even when he was
miles away, and 'doom' him, so to speak."2 "At Princess Charlotte
Bay, all complaints of a serious nature, from malaria to syphilis, are
ascribed to the action of a particular charm...formed of a pointed
piece of human fibula stuck with wax on to a reed spear. It Is
believed that when the spear is thrown In the direction of the intended
victim, the shaft remains In the hands of the thrower, while the bone
splinter travels across the Intervening space, becomes lodged In the
victim's body— the wound immediately closing without leaving a scar—
and so causes sickness or disease."2

Generally speaking, when a man dies, it is because he has been

"doomed" by a sorcerer. "The predestined victim may depart as usual on
some hunting expedítion...when he suddenly feels something at his leg
or foot, and sees a snake just In the act of biting him. Strange to
say, this particular kind of snake will now Immediately disappear---
By this very process of Invisibility the person bitten recognizes that
some enemy has been pointing the mangan I at him, and that through this
form of It he Is sure to die; nothing can possibly save him. He makes
no effort to apply a remedy, loses heart, gives way, and lies down to
die."'
 331

Spencer and Gillen say, too: “ All ailments of every kind, from the
simplest to the most serious, are without exception attributed to the
malign Influence of an enemy In either human or spirit shape.'"
“Death by accident," says llowltt, ''they can Imagine, although the
results of what we should call accident they mostly attribute to the
effects of some evil magic. They are well acquainted with death by
violence; but even In this they believe, as among the tribes about
Maryborough (Queensland), that a warrior who happens to be speared In
one of the ceremonial fights has lost his skill In warding off or
evading a spear through the evil magic of someone belonging to his own
tribe. But I doubt If anywhere In Australia, the aborigines. In their
pristine condition, conceived the possibility of death merely from
disease. "If a man Is killed In battle or dies In consequence of a
wound, he Is supposed to have been 'charmed.'""1 “ Although the
Narrinyerl are so often exposed to the bite of poisonous snakes, they
have no remedy for an accident of this kind. Their superstition
Induces them to believe that It Is the result of being bewitched.'""

This attitude of mind Is not peculiar to Australian tribes only.It

is to be found occurring almost uniformly among uncivilized peoples who
are widely removed from each other. That which does vary In their
collective representations Is the occult power to which they ascribe
the disease or death which has supervened. Sometimes a wizard Is the
guilty person; sometimes It Is the spirit of a dead man; sometimes
powers, which are more or less definite or Individualized, range from
the vaguest representation to the definite deification of a disease
like smallpox. That which Is similar, we might almost say Identical In
these representations. Is the preconnection between the Illness and
death, on the one hand, and the Invisible power on the other which
results in the comparative disregard of what we call natural causes
even when these are self-evident.

I shall give a few slgnlf-lcant examples of this unanimity of Idea.

“Natives,“says Dr. Chalmers, "never believe In being sick from
anything but spiritual causes and think that death, unless by murder,
can take place from nothing but the wrath of the spirits. When there
Is sickness In a family, all the relatives begin to wonder what It
means. The sick person getting no better, they conclude something must
be done. A present Is given; perhaps food Is taken and placed on the
sacred place then removed and divided amongst friends. The Invalid
still being no better, a pig Is taken on to the sacred place and there
speared and presented to the spirits."11

Among the Araucans. “all deaths save those caused by battle or

combat, were supposed to be the effects of supernatural causes or
sorcery. If a person died from the results of a violent accident. It
was supposed that the huecuvus or evil spirits had occasioned it—
frightening the horse to make It throw Its rider, loosening a stone so
 332

that It might fall and crush the unwary, temporarily blinding a person
to cause him to fall over a precipice, or some other expedient equally
fatal. In the case of death from disease, It was supposed that
. witchcraft had been practised, and the victim poisoned___“"

Similar beliefs, too, may be found to exist In nearly all the

primitive peoples of the two Americas.

In South America we find the exact equivalent of what has been

noted In Australia. "It Is held to be possible for a man to give over
a certain man, who has gone to hunt, to a buffalo, or elephant, or
other animal. The wizard Is believed to be able to 'charge' the animal
to put the man to death...! And so when It Is announced that a certain
person has been killed In the hunting-field, some of his friends will
remark: 'It Is the work of enemies; he was given over to the wild
beast.""4

Bentley expresses the same Idea In very definite fashion. “ Sick­

ness and death are considered by a Congo to be quite abnormal; they are
In no way to be traced to natural causes but always regarded as due to
sorcery. Even such cases as death by drowning or In war, by a fall
from a tree, or by some beast of prey or wild creature, or by
lightning— these are all In a most obstinate and unreasoning manner
attributed to the black art. Somebody has bewitched the sufferer, and
he or she who has caused It Is a witch...."15

In Sierra Leone, “no death Is natural or accidental; but the

disease or the accident by which It Is immediately caused Is the effect
of supernatural agency. In some cases It Is Imagined that death Is
brought about by the malign Influence of some Individual who employs
witchcraft for that purpose; In other cases It Is supposed that death
Is Inflicted by the tutelar demon of someone on whom the deceased...
was practicing Incantations. It Is most usual to assign the former
cause for the sickness and death of chiefs, and other people of
consequence and their connections, and the latter for those of any of
the lower class."1*

Finally, In (German) East Africa, “to the Dschagga there Is no such

thing as a natural death. Disease and death are always the result of
witchcraft.""

Here we will conclude the enumeration of corroborative testimonies,

for these might be prolonged Indefinitely."

Ill

From disease and death to mere accidents Is an almost Imperceptible

transition. The foregoing facts show that primitives, as a rule, do
not perceive any difference between a death which is the result of old

( I (
age or of disease and a violent death. They are not so "unreasoning"
(to borrow Bentley's expression) as not to notice that In the one case
the sufferer dies more or less gradually, surrounded by his own folks;
while in the other he perishes suddenly, devoured by a lion, for
Instance, or struck down by an enemy spear. This difference, however,
is of no Interest to them; for from their point of view neither the
Illness, on the one hand, nor the wild beast or spear on the other. Is
the actual cause of death; these are merely the agents of the occult
power which willed the death and which might equally well have chosen
any other Instrument to bring It about. Therefore, every death Is an
accidental one— even death from Illness. Or to put It more precisely,
no death Is, since to the primitive mind nothing ever happens by
accident, properly speaking. What appears accidental to us Europeans
Is. In reality, always the manifestation of a mystic power which makes
itself felt in this way by the individual or by the social group.

In a general way there Is no such thing as chance to a mind like

this, nor can there be. Not because It is convinced of the rigid
determinism of phenomena; on the contrary, Indeed, since It has not the
most remote Idea of such determinism, It remains Indifferent to the
relation of cause and effect and attributes a mystic origin to every
event which makes an Impression on It. Since occult forces are always
felt to be present, the more accidental an occurrence seems to us, the
more significant it will appear to the primitive mind. There Is no
necessity to explain It; it explains Itself; It Is a revelation. Most
frequently. Indeed, it serves to explain something else— at least In
the form in which this type of mind troubles about an explanation. But
it may become necessary to Interpret It If no definite preconception
has provided for this---

In New Guinea, when hunting one day, a man was wounded by one of
his comrades' spears. "His friends came and asked him who it was that
had bewitched him, for there Is no room for 'accidents' In the Papuan
scheme of things... They ail pestered him to tell them the name of the
man who had thrown the spell upon him, for they were sure that the
spear wound was not enough to cause death; and they had quite made up
their minds that he was going to die and kept telling him so....
Although he was conscious almost to the last, he had made no answer to
the questions of his friends nor told who had bewitched him; and now
their anger was diverted to the people of Oreresan and the man who had
thrown the spear."1* Thus, they laid the blame on this man only as a
last resort; and In default of ascertaining the cause of death, they
used him as a makeshift, as It were. If the wounded man had given the
least indication respecting the perpetrator of the witchcraft, the man
who had Injured him would have remained Immune from punishment; he
would be regarded merely as the agent of the wizard and as little
responsible for the Injury as the spear Itself.
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334

On the other hand, the slight nature of the wound does not prevent
them from declaring It to be^ mortal. What actually kills the wounded
man Is not the destruction of the tissues by the spear but witchcraft;
he dies because he has been condemned or, as the Australian natives
say, "doomed." There we have a life-like presentment of the
preconception which makes the very Idea of accident Inconceivable to
the primitive mind---

Very similar cases have been noted In other undeveloped races— In

Central Africa, for instance. "In 1876 an Akele chief, Kasa, was
charged by an elephant he had wounded and was pierced by its tusks.
His attendants drove off the beast; the fearfully lacerated man »
survived long enough to accuse twelve of his women and other slaves of
having bewitched his gun, thus causing It only to wound, instead of
killing, the elephant."20

"During a hunting expedition, a somewhat Influential chief named

Nkoba was overtaken by a wounded female elephant who, lifting him from
the ground with her trunk, impaled him on one of her tusks___
Terrible was the walling of his adherents--- The whole district was
assembled before the nganga nklssl who was to pronounce whether the
elephant was possessed of the devil or had been bewitched by some enemy
of the dead chief, or whether it was a case of Diambudl nzambl— the
will of the Great Spirit."2'

In both these cases the rank of the victim demands that his death
shall be avenged, and anyhow there Is a very strong presumption in
favour of the Idea of witchcraft. Why should the chief's gun have
missed fire? Assuredly a malevolent Influence must have been exerted
upon it. In the same way, too, the wounded elephant would not have
killed the other chief If someone had not "delivered him over." The
greater the misfortune and the more exalted the person subjected to It,
the more inadmissible Is the possibility of an accident___ "A man
enters a village, puts down his gun which goes off and kills a person.
The gun is claimed by the friends of the deceased. It Is worth several
slaves, and the owner may be as anxious to redeem it as he would have
been to redeem his brother. When there Is no gun to pledge, the
homicide is put In a slave-stick and retained just as In murder. Some
native authorities take a more lenient view of homicide. Instead of
seizing the party or his gun, they pronounce him quite blameless and go
to the sorcerer to discover the bewitcher who has been the real cause
of the death. They hold that it Is this being that must bear the whole
of the responsibility..-..

It Is evident that to minds so constituted the theory of an acci­

dent would be the last that would present Itself, or rather that it
would never present Itself. If it Is suggested to them, they will re­
ject it, because they are certain that what we call "accidental," has a
mystic cause and that they must fathom It unless it Is at once revealed.
 335

"A short time ago. chief Kanlme of the Ovambt tribe (German-Nest
Africa) was having an ox prepared for work. Just as they were about to
pierce its nostrils, the animal tossed Its horns and put out a native's
eye. They said at once that the man who had lost his eye had been
bewitched. They consulted the wizard; and as he had to discover who
had woven the spell, he indicated one of kanlme's servants as the
guilty party. Nhen condemned to death, this man ran away; but kanlme
pursued him on horseback, overtook him, and killed him."12

The following year “one of my neighbours. In good health and

cheerful mood, went off to hunt for frogs of which they are very fond.
Nhen throwing his spear, he gave himself a deep wound In the arm, lost
a great deal of blood, and finally died of hemorrhage.... Three days
later the wizards began to Inquire who had bewitched this man. I
objected to this; but they told me: 'If we don't find the omujodt and
put him to death, perhaps we shall all die.' By request of the
missionaries, the chief Intervened; but shortly afterwards he took
advantage of their absence to have the culprit put to death."21

This explanation of most accidents Is so natural to these African

tribes that even In places where the missionaries have been
ertdeavourlng to combat It for a long time, they are unable to convince
the natives. Observe the complaints made by Oleterlen In 1908 about
the Basutos. "Last month lightning struck the house of a man I know;
it killed his wife, Injured his children, and burned all his
belongings. Me knows quite well that lightning comes from the clouds
and that no man's hand can reach the clouds. But he was told that the
flash of lightning was sent him by a neighbour who bears him a grudge; ^
he believed It, he does so still, and will continue to believe it.
Last year locusts descended In swarms on the fields of the young chief
Matheallra, a man who has been fairly well educated In the school and
has often frequented the religious services In our churches. Nhat does
that matter? Me ascribed thl's plague of locusts to the enchantments of
his brother Tesu who Is disputing the rights of seniority and the
succession to the throne of the Lerlbe district with him."

"About a fortnight ago a young widow, living about a kilometre

away, died of an Internal complaint, probably due to her own loose
conduct. This disease was given her by>a man whom she had refused to
marry when giving her a handful of hemp to smoke. Her mother Is a
Christian, and I explained to her that such a thing was not possible.
She did not believe me, and she cherished a feeling of hatred for the
man whom she regarded as the murderer of her child."24

Even If the accident should be a fortunate Instead of a fatal one,

the primitive's reaction to It will be the same. Me will see In It the
Instrumentality of mystic forces, and generally he will be frightened
by It. Any unusual joy or success Is suspicious. "It often happens,"
says Major leonard, "that two friends go out fishing together, and one

( (
 336

of them, either by accident or It may be better management, secures a

much greater haul of fish than' the other. Unfortunately, however, It's
an act by which he unconsciously lays up for himself a store of evil
that Is fraught with danger to his life; for on their return to the
town the unlucky one Immediately goes and consults... the witch doctor
as to the reason of his friend's having obtained a larger haul than
himself. The "doctor" at once attributes the cause to magic. So the
seed of strife and death Is sown, and the warm-hearted friend Is
suddenly changed Into an active enemy who strives his utmost to procure
the death of one that until so recently was to him as of his own flesh
and blood."15

• "I was at Ambrlzette." says Montelro, "when three Cabinda women had
been to the river with their pots for water; all three were filling
them from the stream together when the middle one was snapped up by an
alligator and Instantly carried away under the surface of the water
and, of course, drowned. The relatives of the poor woman at once
accused the other two of bewitching her and causing jthe alligator to
take her out of their midst! When I remonstrated with them and
attempted to show them the utter absurdity of the charge, their answer
was: 'Why did not the alligator take one of the end ones then and not
the one In the middle?1 And out of this Idea It was Impossible to move
them, and the poor women were both obliged to take casca" (l.e. ordeal
poison). “I never heard the result, but most likely one or both were
either killed or passed Into slavery."1*

Montelro does not realize that to the native mind what has occurred
cannot be accidental. First of all, alligators would not have attacked
these women of their own accord. Therefore, someone must have Incited
this one to do it. Then, too, it knew exactly which woman to drag
under the water. She was "delivered over" to him. The only thing to
find out was who had done It--- But the fact speaks for Itself. The
alligator did not touch the women on each side; he' took the middle one;
therefore, the two others must have delivered her over. The ordeal
they had to undergo was not so much for the purpose of clearing up a
doubt which scarcely exists, as of revealing the actual origin of the
witchcraft within them and exerting upon It a mystic Influence which
would henceforward render It Incapable of injuring others.1’....

IV

To be able thoroughly to understand the natives' mind In this

matter, we ought to remember that, according to their account,
crocodiles and alligators are harmless by nature. Man has nothing to
fear from them. It Is true that In certain places where they abound
and where accidents very frequently occur, the natives are gradually
abandoning this Idea and precautions are taken. In (German) East
Africa, for instance, "since there are an incredible number of-
crocodiles. It Is not safe to draw water from the river Ruhudge direct;

( ( (
 c í (

337

but a kind of palisade Is erected, and the water Is drawn up to the top
of the very precipitous bank by means of vessels hung on to long bamboo
poles."2* The same method Is pursued on the upper Shire on the
Quanza River.2* But this Is an exceptional case. As a rule, the
native do not hesitate to approach the river banks or even to bathe in
the neighbourhood of the crocodiles. Moreover, this feeling Is shared
by a certain number of Europeans. Bosman had already written:. "The
whole time I have been here, I have never heard of a crocodile
devouring either man or beast___ There are a terrible number of these
animals In all the rivers of the country---- I would not ventureInto
the water, although I have never heard of any accident of this
kind."10 During a two years' stay In the Cameroons, Von Hagen knew
of only three cases In which men had been attacked by crocodiles;
although the natives bathe and swim In the river, and during the dry
season they splash about In the lagoons.11 The same belief obtains
on the west coast of Africa. "It Is said that In the river Gallenhas
(between Sherbro and Cape Mount) where alligators are In great
abundance, there was not an Instance on record of any person beinghurt
by them, although the natives were much In the river until a few years
ago when a slave ship blew up opposite Its entrance."12

Bentley was of opinion that if the necessary precautions were taken

there was not much risk of danger from this source. "Crocodiles are
very timid creatures and will not venture easily into danger. The
shouting and splashing and frolicking of some dozen or more African
boys bathing Is quite enough to keep the crocodiles at bay; but If one
should venture Into the water alone, an accident Is possible."11
Should such an accident happen, how will the native explain It? Will
he place it to the score of his own Imprudence, or will he change his*
opinion of the habits of the crocodile? Will he think that It Is an
accident? He certainly would do so, If he reasoned as we do. As a
matter of fact, he does not even Imagine such a thing. He has his
explanation all ready, and-lt Is something altogether different. "In
districts where crocodiles are common," says Bentley, "the witches are
believed sometimes to turn into crocodiles or to enter and actuate
them, and so cause their victim's death by catching him. Where
leopards are common, the witches may become leopards. The natives
often positively affirm that a crocodile, of Itself, Is a harmless
creature. So thoroughly do they believe this, that in some places they
go into the river...to attend to their fish-traps without hesitation.
If one of them Is eaten by a crocodile, they hold their witch palavers,
find and kill the witch, and go on as before.

"At lukunga, one of the stations of the American 8aptlst Mission, a

great crocodile came up out of the river to attack the Mission pigsty
In the night. The pig smelt the reptile and began to make such a noise
that Mr. Ingham, the nilsslonary, got up; when he found the cause, he
shot the crocodile. In the morning he skinned It and found In the
stomach the anklets of two women. They were at once recognized as
belonging to women who had disappeared at different times when fetching
water. I was at the station a few days after; and one of my Congo
workmen, who was with me, warmly denied that the crocodile ate the
women. He maintained that they never did so. 'But what about the
anklets? Were they not proof positive that in this case the crocodiles
had eaten the two women?' 'Ho, he caught the women and handed them
over to the witch who worked through him; as for the anklets, it must
have been his fashion to take them as his perquisites!' What can be
done," adds Bentley, "with such a devil-possessed brain as this?"14

Bentley is shocked at what he considers unheard-of obstinacy in

denying the evidence. But it is something quite different. It Is
simply one individual case of that "Impermeability to experience" which
is a characteristic of the native mind when preoccupied with collective
representations. According to these representations in which second
causes are negligible (the real cause being of a mystic nature), the
crocodile, which acts In such an unusual way and devours a man, cannot
be an animal like others; he must be the agent of a wizard or the
wizard himself.

"Great numbers of alligators are bred In the creeks and rivers,

which frequently carry off...the persons of the natives; yet such Is
their superstition that when a circumstance of that kind happens, they
attribute It to witchcraft and are so Infatuated that they will not be
at the pains to enclose those parts of the rivers where their women and
children are continually washing, and from whence they are frequently
taken."15

On the upper Zambesi "it Is said that there are doctors who give
crocodile-medicine. If anybody steals the cattle of one of these
medicine-men. the doctor goes to the river. When he gets there he
says: 'Crocodile come here; go and catch the man who has killed my
cattle' The crocodile understands. When morning comes the doctor
hears that a crocodile has killed someone in the river. He says: 'It
was the robber.'"15

Thenceforward, every fresh accident. Instead of shaking the

native's conviction, will only serve as a fresh proof of It. He will
seek out and punish the witch, and the European's reprimands will seem
more than ever absurd to him.- "Two men had been taken by crocodiles.
Now, they maintain that it Is not the custom of the crocodiles to take
men. Therefore, they were witch-crocodiles, and the chief, the owner
of the district, had witched the men away--- Of course he declared
his innocence, but was compelled to drink the ordeal poison to prove
it; and the scoundrel of a doctor had arranged a fatal dose___ We
could do nothing."17

Collective representations exactly like these have been verified in

New Guinea (Woodlark Island). "Maudega, a woman of Avetan, In Murua,
 339

had been on a visit to the neighbouring village of Nabudau; and on her

return had brought back with her the daughter of Bolamal, the Nabudau
chief. The child was unfortunately taken by a crocodile; and. In
revenge, Bolamal, with hts son and some other men of his village,
killed Maudega and three of her relations--- On the trial, the son
made the following statement. “It Is true we killed those people___
Maudega took my sister away to her village; and while she was there,
she bewitched an alligator and made It come out of the water and take
away my sister and eat her.'“>i The Idea of an accident did not even
occur to the minds of the victim's family. The crocodile could only be
an agent. A little further on. Murray relates*that “ crocodiles are a
great danger to the runaway; and a belief Is gaining ground In a part
.of the Papuan Gulf that the crocodiles are In league with the
Government, based upon the fact that a prisoner escaping from gaol was
severely lacerated by one of these creatures while crossing a
river.... Still the crocodiles are by no means all under Government
control; the great mass of them remain faithful to the sorcerers and
will not attack a man unless bidden by a sorcerer to do so. I had to
cross a river once which was reputed to be full of crocodiles, and I
asked an old man with me If he was not afraid. He said that he was
not. "A crocodile won't touch you," he explained, "unless someone has
made pur| p u M against you, and If someone has made purl purl against
you, yon are a lost man In any case— he will get you somehow— If not
with a crocodile, then In some other way. So the crocodiles do not
really matter."’* Thus the danger lies elsewhere, and from the
reptile*hlmself there Is nothing to fear. If he should attack the
traveller, It Is because the latter has been "delivered over" to him.
If we try to determine how the native mind represents the relations
between the witch and the reptile to Itself, we come up against an
almost Insurmountable difficulty. Ills thought Is not subject to the
same logical exigencies as our own. It Is governed, In this case as In
many others, by the law of participation. Between the wizard and the
crocodile the relation Is such that the wizard becomes the crocodile,
without, however, being actually fused with him. Considered from the
stand-point of the law of contradiction. It must be either one of two
things: either the wizard and the crocodile make but one, or they are
two distinct entitles. But preloglcal mentality Is able to adapt
Itself to two distinct affirmations at once. Observers do, Indeed,
sense this quality of participation, but they have no means of
expressing It. Sometimes they Insist on Identity, sometimes on the
distinction between the two beings; the very confusion In their
language Is significant. Thus, "the balogj (wizards) are credited with
the power of transforming the dead Into snakes, crocodiles, etc. This
transformation Is usually effected with the crocodile; therefore, this
monster, though not a god nor even a spirit. Is respected and feared.
He Is at one with the person who effects the change; between them there
Is, as It were, a secret pact--a complete understanding. The person
will order the reptile to go and seize a certain individual, and It
will go and make no mistake.... What we have Just said explains why,

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when anyone has been carried off by a crocodile, the first thing to do
is to find the mu log I who despatched'the monster; and there Is always a
guilty person to be found. His fate Is quickly decided."40 Among
the Bangala, “no crocodile would have done It unless it had been
Instructed to do It by a molokl (witch) or unless the molokl had gone
Into the animal and made It commit the outrage.''41 Thus the
missionary considers the two hypotheses separately; while to the native
mind. In a way that Is incomprehensible to us, they are but one.

In Gaboon (French Congo) "the superstition about the man-tiger."

says H. le Testu, an excellent observer, "Is no less obscure than that
of the magic charm Involved. It appears In two different forms. In
the one case the tiger (a leopard or panther, be It understood) who Is
the author of the crime. Is a real animal belonging to a person,
obedient to him, in carrying out his orders; sufh a tiger is passed on
to his heirs like any other piece of personal property So-and-so,
they say, has a tiger. In the other case, the animal is but an
incarnation of some sort; they do not even know whether It Is a man who
has taken the form of a beast, the beast being merely a sign, or
whether there really has been an Incarnation, properly so called, of a
man In an actual animal___ The Idea these natives have of a man-tiger
Is extremely vague...."42

Here Is the story of a native from his own lips: "Perhaps when the
sun Is overhead to-day, you may be drinking palm wine with a man,
unconscious that he Is possessed of an evil spirit; In the evening you1
hear the cry of 'Nkolei__Nkole!* (crocodile), and you know that one of
these monsters, lurking In the muddy waters near the river bank, has
grabbed a poor victim who had come to fill a water jar. At night you
are awakened from your sleep by the alarmed cackling In your hen-house,
and you will find that your stock of poultry has been sadly decreased
by a visit from a muntula (bush cat). Now...the man with whom you
drank palm wine, the crocodile who snatched an unwary villager from the
river bank, and the stealthy little robber of your hens are one and the
same Individual, possessed of an evil spirit."41 Participation is
very clearly suggested here. To the native It is quite enough that he
feels It to be real, he does not ask himself how It comes to pass.

As there Is no such thing as chance, and as primitives moreover do

not trouble to examine the conditions which bring about or do not bring
about a phenomenon. It follows that whatever Is unusual or unexpected
Is received by them with more emotion than surprise. The idea of the
unusual or extraordinary, though not defined In the same way as It Is
with us. Is nevertheless very familiar to the primitive mind; It Is.one
of those notions which are both general and concrete, such as manaA
prenda. psjla, and so forth, which I have defined elsewhere.44

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341

The unusual may occur with comparative frequency, and the

primitive's disregard of second causes is, as it were, compensated by
an ever alert attention to the mystic meaning of everything that
strikes him. Therefore, observers have frequently remarked that the
primitive, who properly speaking, Is astonished at nothing, is
nevertheless very emotional. His absence of Intellectual curiosity Is
accompanied by extreme sensibility to the appearance of anything which
takes him by surprise.

Again, among unusual phenomena, we must distinguish those which

occur but rarely, but yet already have a place in the collective
representations, from those which make their appearance without any
prevision whatever. The birth of twins, for instance, is a
comparatively rare phenomenon; but, at any rate, it is known to occur.
In nearly all uncivilized peoples It gives rise to a series of rites
and ceremonies; an authoritative preconception decides how It Is
necessary to act in such a case, so as to avert the dangers of which
this phenomenon may be the sign or the cause. It Is the same thing
with solar or lunar eclipses. But when the native is faced by
phenomena which are entirely unexpected, the demeanour to be maintained
is not thus decreed beforehand. When this happens, (and it occurs
fairly often) how Is primitive mentality affected by it? It is not
taken unawares. It immediately recognizes in such phenomena the
manifestation of occult powers (spirits, souls of the dead, magic
Influences, and so on), and It explains them, as a rule, as the presage
of great misfortune.

FOOTNOTES

1. Jamieson, Hugh
Letters from Victorian Pioneers, p. 247.

2. Roth, Dr. W. E.
1907 "Superstition, Magic, and Medicine,"
North Queensland Ethnology, Bulletin 5, nr. 121
p. 30.

3. Ibid. , nr. 138.

4. Ibid. . nr. 147

5. Spencer and GiIlen

1899 The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 530.

6. Nassau, Rev. R. H.
1904' Fetishism irv West Africa, p. 277
 í (

342
7. Philip, Rev. John
1828 Researches In'South Africa, ti. pp. 116-17

8. Thurnwald, R.
"Im Bismarck Archlpel und auf den Salomo Inseln,"
Zentschrlft fur Ethnoloqle. xlii, p. 145

9. Bentley, Rev. W. H.
1900 Pioneering on the Congo . it. p. 247

10. Meyer. A. >

1879 "Encounter Bay Tribe," in Woods' The Native Races of South
Australia, p. 199

11. Taplln, Rev. G.

1879 Manners, Customs, e tc., of the South Australian Aborigines
p. 49

12. Chalmers, Rev. J.

1902 Pioneering in New Guinea, pp. 329-30

13. Latcham, R. E.
"Ethnology of the Auracanos," Journal of the
Anthropological Institute (henceforward referred to as
J.A.I.), xxxlx, p. '364

14. Mackenzie, J.
1871 Ten Years North of Orange River, pp. 390-1

15. Bentley, Rev. W. H.

1900 Pioneering on the Congo. I.p. 263

16. Winterbottom, Th.

1803 An Account of the Natjve Africans in the Neighbourhood of
Sierra Leone. I. pp. 235-6

17. Wldenmann, A.
1889 "Ole Kl1imandscharo-Bevolkerung," In Petermann's
Mlttellungen Erganzungsheft. 129, p. 40

18. Cf. Les Fonctlons Mentales dans les Socletes Inferteures. pp. 314-28

19. Chignell, Rev. A. K.

An Outpost In Papua, pp. 343-5

20. Nassau. Rev. R. H.

1904 Fetichlsm in West Africa, p. 86
 343

21. Hard. H.
1890 Five Years with the Congo, p. 43

22. Berlchte der rhelnlschen MlsslonsgeselIschaft. p. 242 (1895)

23. Ibid., p. 213 (1896)

24. Missions evangelIques. lxxxlll, p. 311

25. Leonard. Major A. G.

1906 The Lower Niger- and Its Tribes, p. 485

26. Montelro, J.J.

1875 Angola and the River Congo. I. pp 65-6

27. Vide Infra, chap, v111. pp. 235-6

28. Fulleborn, Fr.

Das deutsche Njassa und Ruwumageblet. Deutsch Ost
Africa, lx. pp. 185. 541

29. Montelro. J. J.
Angola and the River Congo. II. p. 123

30. posman, H.
Voyage de Guiñee. 14 lettre, pp. 250-1

31. von Hagen. G.

1911 De Baña. Bassler-Archlv, II. p. 93

32. Hlnterbottom, T. II.

1803 An Account of the Native Africans In . . . Sierra
Leone . I.p ."256

33. Bentley. Mrs. H. M.

1900 The Life and Labours of a Congo Pioneer, p. 34
34. Bentley. H. H.
Pioneering on the Congo. I. pp. 275-6; cf. Ibid. I.p .317

35. Matthews, John

1788 A Voyage to the Sierra Leone River, p. 50
36. Jacotet, E.
1901 Etudes sur les langues du Haut Zambeze. Ill, Tex tes
Louyl, p.170. Publications de í'ecoíe des Lettres
d'Alger, xvl •

37. Bentley. Rev. H. II. ,

Pioneering on the Congo. I. p. 317
 344

38. Murray, J. H. P.
1912 Papua, pp. 128-9

39. Murray, J. H. P.
Papua, pp. 237-8

40. Hurel, P. Eugene

1911 "Religion et vie domestique des Bakerewe," Anthropos .
v I . p . 88

41. Meeks, Rev. J. H.

"Anthropological Notes on the Bangala of the Upper Congo
River,11 J. A. I., xxxlx. pp. 449-50

42. Testu, G. Le
Notes sur les coutumes Bapounou dans la Conscription
de la Nyanga. pp. 196-7

43. Glave, E. J.
1893 Six Years of Adventure In Congo Land, p. 92

44. Les Fonctlons Mentales dans les Socletes Inferleures, pp.147-8

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Chapter Twenty-three

AFRICAN TRADITIONAL THOUGHT AND WESTERN SCIENCE

by Robin Horton

This rather thought-provoking chapter takes a look at

how traditional societies perceive cause. Horton suggests
that western science Is not alone In Its theoretic construct.
11$ contends that in fact traditional societies have a theoretic
nature to their thinking processes that places their thinking
In a causal context. Horton's position Is dramatically opposed
to that of Levy-Bruhl In the previous chapter.

FROM TRADITION TO SCIENCE

Social anthropologists have often failed to understand traditional

religious thought for two main reasons. First, many of them have been
unfamiliar with the theoretical thinking of their own culture. This
has deprived them of a vital key to understanding. For certain aspects
of such thinking are the counterparts of those very features of
traditional thought which they have tended to find most puzzling.
Secondly, even those familiar with theoretical thinking In their own
culture have failed to recognize its African equivalents, simply
because they have been blinded by a difference of idiom.

My approach Is also guided by the conviction that an exhaustive

exploration of features common to modern Western and traditional
African thought should come before the enumeration of differences. By

From Horton 1977:131-140

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346

taking things In this order, we shall be less likely to mistake

differences of Idiom for differences of substance, and more likely to
end up identifying those features which really do distinguish one kind
of thought from the other___

In consonance with this programme, I shall start by setting out a

number of general propositions on the nature and functions of
theoretical thinking. These propositions are derived, in the first
instance, from my own training In Biology, Chemistry, and Philosophy of
Science. But, as I shall show, they are highly relevant to traditional
African religious thinking. Indeed, they make sense of Just those
features of such thinking that anthropologists have often found most
Incomprehensible.

I. The quest for explanatory theory is basically the quest for unity
underlying apparent diversity; for simplIci ty underlying apparent
complexity; for order underlying apparent disorder; for regularity
underlying apparent anomaly.

Typically, this guest Involves the elaboration of a scheme of entities

or forces operating "behind" or 'within' the world of common-sense
observations. These entities must be of a limited number of kinds and
their behaviour must be governed by a limited number of general
principles. Such a theoretical scheme is linked to the world of
everyday experience by statements identifying happenings within it with
happenings in the everyday world. In the language of Philosophy of
Science, such identification statements are known as Correspondence
Rules. Explanations of observed happenings are generated from
statements about the behaviour of entities In the theoretical scheme,
plus Correspondence-Rule statements. In the sciences, well-known
explanatory theories of this kind include the kinetic theory of gases,
the planetary-atom theory of matter, the wave theory of light, and the
cell theory of living organisms.

One of the perennial philosophical puzzles posed by explanations In

terms of such theories derives from the Correspondence-Rule
statements. In what sense can we really say that an Increase of
pressure in a gas 'Is' an increase In the velocity of a myraid tiny
particles moving In an otherwise empty space? How can we say that a
thing Is at once Itself and something quite different? A great variety
of solutions has been proposed to this puzzle. The modern positivists
have taken the view that It Is the things of common sense that are
real, while the 'things' of theory are mere fictions useful in ordering
the world of common sense. Locke, Planck, and others have taken the
line that It is the 'things' of theory that are real, while the things
of the everyday world are mere appearances. Perhaps the most
up-to-date line is that there are good reasons for conceding the
reality.both of conunon-sense things and of theoretical entitles.
Taking this line implies an admission that the 'is' of Correspondence-
 347

t Rule statements Is neither the ’Is* of Identity nor the 'Is' of class-
membership. Rather, It stands for unity-tn-dualIty uniquely
characteristic of the relation between the world of common sense and
the world of theory.

What has all this got to do with the gods and spirits of
traditional African religious thinking? Not very much. It may appear
at first glance. Indeed, some modern writers deny that traditional
religious thinking Is in any serious sense theoretical thinking. In
support of their denial they contrast the simplicity, regularity, and
elegance of the theoretical schemas of the sciences with the unruly
complexity and caprice of the world of gods and spirits. 1

But this antithesis does not really accord with modern field-work
data. It Is true that. In a very superficial sense. African
cosmologies tend towards proliferation. From the point of view of
sheer number, the spirits of some cosmologies are virtually countless.
But In this superficial sense we can point to the same tendency In
Western cosmology, which for every common-sense unitary object gives us
a myrald molecules. If. however, we recognize that the aim of theory
Is the demonstration of a limited number of kinds of entity or process
underlying the diversity of experience, then the picture becomes very
different. Indeed, one of the lessons of such recent studies of
African cosmologies as Middleton's Lughara Re IIglon, Llenhardt's
Divinity and Experience. Fortes’ s Oedipus and Job, and my own articles
on Kalahari, Is precisely that the gods of a given culture do form a
scheme which interprets the vast diversity of everyday experience In
terms of the action of a relatively few kinds of forces___

The same body of modern work gives the lie to the old stereotype of
the gods as capricious and Irregular In their behaviour. For It shows
that each category of beings has Its appointed functions In relation to
the world of observable happenings. The gods may sometimes appear
capricious to the unreflectlve ordinary man. But for the religious
expert charged with the diagnosis of spiritual agencies at work behind
observed events, a basic modicum of regularity In their behaviour is
the major premiss on which his work depends. Like atoms, molecules,
and waves, then, the gods serve to Introduce unity Into diversity,
simplicity Into complexity, order Into disorder, regularity Into
anomaly.
I
Once we have grasped that this Is their intellectual function, many
of the puzzles formerly posed by 'mystical thinking' disappear. Take
the exasperated, wondering puzzlements of Levy-Bruhl over his
'primitive mentality'. How could primitives believe that a visible,
tangible object was at once Its solid self and the manifestation of an
Immaterial being? How could a man literally see a spirit In a stone?
These puzzles, raised so vividly by Levy-Bruhl, have never been
satisfactorily solved by anthropologists 'Mystical thinking' has

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remained uncomfortably, indtgestlbly sul generis. And yet these

questions of Levy-Bruhl's have a very familiar ring In the context of
European philosophy. Indeed, If we substitute atoms and molecules for
gods and spirits, these turn out to be the very questions posed by
modern scientific theory In the minds of Berkeley, Locke, Quine, and a
whole host of European philosophers from Newton's time onwards.

Why Is It that anthropologists have been unable to see this? One

reason Is that many of them move only In the common-sense world of
Western culture, and are unfamiliar with its various theoretical
worlds. But perhaps familiarity with Western theoretical thinking Is .
.not by Itself enough. For a thoroughly unfamiliar Idiom can still
blind a man to a familiar form of thought. Because it prevents one
from taking anything for granted, an u n f a m i l i a r Idiom can help to show
up all sorts of puzzles and problems Inherent In an Intellectual
process which normally seems puzzle-free. But this very unfamlI lar Ity
can equally prevent us from seeing that the puzzles and problems are
ones which crop up on our own doorstep. Thus It took a 'mystical'
theorist like Bishop Berkeley to see the problems posed by the
materialistic theories of Newton and his successors; but he was never
able to see that the same problems were raised by his own theoretical
framework. Again, It takes materialistically Inclined modern social
anthropologists to see the problems posed by the 'mystical* theories of
traditional Africa; but, for the same reasons, such people can hardly
be brought to see these very problems arising within their own
theoretical framework.

2• Theory places things In a causal context wlder than that provided

by common sense.

When we say that theory displays the order and regularity

underlying apparent disorder and Irregularity, one of the things we
mean Is that It provides a causal context for apparently 'wild'
events. Putting things In a causal context Is, of course, one of the
jobs of common sense. But although It does this job well at a certain
level. It seems to have limitations. Thus the principal tool of common
sense Is Induction or 'putting two and two together’, the process of
inference so beloved of the positivist philosophers. But a man can
only 'put two and two together' If he Is looking In the right
direction. And common sense furnishes him with a pair of
horse-blinkers which severely limits the directions In which he can
look. Thus common-sense thought looks for the antecedents of any
happening amongst events adjacent In space and time: It abhors action
at a distance. Again, common sense looks for the antecedents of a
happening amongst events that are In some way commensurable with It.
Common sense Is at the root of the hard-dying die turn 'like cause, like
effect'. Gross Incommensurabl11ty defeats It.

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349

Now one of the essential functions of theory Is to help the mind

transcend these limitations. And one of the most obvious achievements
of modern scientific theory Is Its revelation of a whole array of
causal connexions which are quite staggering to the eye of common
sense. Think for Instance of the connexion between two lumps of a
rather ordinary looking metal, rushing towards each other with a
certain acceleration, and a vast explosion capable of destroying
thousands of people. Or think again of the connexion between small,
Innocuous water-snails and the disease of bllharzlasis which can render
whole populations lazy and Inept.

Once again, we may ask what relevance all this has to traditional
African thinking. And once again the stock answer may be 'precious
little'. For a widely current view of such thinking still asserts that
it is more Interested in the supernatural causes of things than It Is
In their natural causes. This Is a misinterpretation. Perhaps the
best way to get rid of It is to consider the commonest case of the
search for causes in traditional Africa— the diagnosis of disease.
Through the length and breadth of the African continent, sick or
afflicted people go to consult diviners as to the causes of their
troubles. Usually, the answer they receive Involves a god or other
spiritual agency, and the remedy prescribed Involves the propitiation
or calling-off of this being. But this is very seldom the whole
story. For the diviner who diagnoses the intervention of a spiritual
agency is also expected to give some acceptable account of what moved
the agfency in question to Intervene. And this account very commonly
Involves reference to some event In the world of visible, tangible
happenings. Thus If a diviner diagnoses the action of witchcraft
influence or lethal medicine spirits, It Is usual for him to add
something about the human hatreds. Jealousies, and misdeeds, that have
brought such agencies into play. Or, If he diagnoses the wrath of an
ancestor, It Is usual for him to point to the human breach of kinship
morality which has called down this wrath.

The situation here is not very different from that In which a

puzzled American layman, seeing a large mushroom cloud on the horizon,
consults a friend who happens to be a physicist. On the one hand, the
physicist may refer him to theoretical entities. 'Why this cloud?'
'Well, a massive fusion of hydrogen nuclei has just taken place.'
Pushed further, however, the physicist Is likely to refer to the
assemblage and dropping of a bomb containing certain special
substances. Substitute 'disease' for 'mushroom cloud', 'spirit anger'
for 'massive fusion of hydrogen nuclei', and 'breach of kinship
morality' for 'assemblage and dropping of a bomb’, and we are back
again with the diviner. In both cases reference to theoretical
entities Is used to llnd events In the visible, tangible world (natural
effects) to their antecedents In the same world (natural causes).
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350

To say of the traditional African thinker that he is Interested in

supernatural rather than natural causes makes little more sense,
therefore, than to say of the physicist that he Is Interested In
nuclear rather than natural causes. Both are making the same use of
theory to transcend the limited vision of natural causes provided by
common sense.

Granted this common preoccupation with natural causes, the fact

remains that the causal link between disturbed social relations and
disease of misfortune, so frequently postulated by traditional
religious thought. Is one which seems somewhat strange and alien to
many Western medical scientists. Following the normal practice of
historians of Western Ideas, we can approach the problem of trying to
understand this strange causal notion from two angles. First of all,
we can inquire what Influence a particular theoretical Idiom has In
moulding this and similar traditional notions. Secondly, we can
Inquire whether the range of experience available to members of
traditional societies has Influenced causal notions by throwing
particular conjunctions of events Into special prominence.

Theory, as I have said, places events In a wider causal context

than that provided by common sense. But once a particular theoretical
idiom has been adopted, It tends to direct people's attention towards
certain kinds of causal linkage and away from others. Now most
traditional African cultures have adopted a personal idiom as the basis
of their attempt to understand the world. And once one has adopted
such an idiom, It Is a natural step to suppose that personal beings
underpin, amongst other things, the life and strength of social
groups. Now It Is In the nature of a personal being who has his
designs thwarted to visit retribution on those who thwart him. Where
the designs Involve maintaining the strength and unity of a social
group,-members of the group who disturb this unity are thwarters, and
hence are ripe for punishment. Disease and misfortune are the
punishment. Once a personal Idiom has been adopted, then, those who
use It become heavily predisposed towards seeing a nexus between social
disturbance and individual affliction.

Are these traditional notions of cause merely artefacts of the

prevailing theoretical Idiom, fantacies with no basis In reality? Or
are they responses to features of people's experience which in some
sense are 'really there'? My own feeling Is that, although these
notions are ones to which people are pre-dlsposed by the prevailing
theoretical Idiom, they also register certain important features of the
objective situation.

Let us remind ourselves at this point that modern medical men,

though long blinded to such things by the fantastic success of the germ
theory of disease, are once more beginning to toy with the Idea that
disturbances in a person's social life can in fact contribute to a
 351

whole series of sicknesses, ranging from those commonly thought of as

mental to many more commonly thought of as bodily. In making this
rediscovery, however, the medical men have tended to associate It with
the so-called 'pressures of modern living'. They have tended to
Imagine traditional societies as psychological paradises In which
disease-producing mental stresses are at a minimum.

If life In modern Industrial society contains sources of mental

stress adequate to causing or exacerbating a wide range of sicknesses,
so too does life in traditional village communities. Hence the need to
approach traditional religious theories of the social causation of
sickness with respect. Such respect and readiness to learn Is, I
suggest, particularly appropriate with regard to what Is commonly known
as mental disease. I say this because the grand theories of Western
psychiatry have a notoriously Insecure empirical base and are probably
culture-bound to a high degree.

Even of those diseases In which the key factor Is definitely an

Infecting micro-organism, I suggest, traditional religious theory has
something to say which Is worth listening to.

Over much of traditional Africa, let me repeat, we are dealing with

small-scale, relatively self-contained communities. These are the sort
of social units that, as my friend Dr. Oruwarlye puts It, "have
achieved equilibrium with their diseases'. A given population and a
given set of diseases have been co-existing over many generations.
Natural selection has played a considerable part In developing human
resistance to diseases such as malaria, typhoid, small-pox, dysentery,,
etc. In addition, those who survive the very high perl-natal mortality
have probably acquired an extra resistance by the very fact of having
lived through one of these diseases Just after birth. In such
circumstances, an adult who catches one of these (for Europeans) killer
diseases has good chances bo'th of life and of death. In the absence of
antlmalarials or antibiotics, what happens to him will depend very
largely on other factors that add to or subtract from his considerable
natural resistance. In these circumstances the traditional healer's
efforts to cope with the situation by ferreting out and attempting to
remedy stress-producing disturbances In the patient's social field Is
probably very relevant. Such efforts may seem to have a ludicrously
marginal Importance to a hospital doctor wielding a nlvaquioe bottle
and treating a non-resistant European malaria patient. But they may be
crucial where there Is no nlvaquine bottle and a considerable natural
resistance to malaria.

After reflecting on these things the modern doctor may well take
some of these traditional causal notions seriously enough to put them
to the test. If the difficulties of testing can be overcome, and If
the notions pass the test, he will end up by taking them over Into his
own body of beliefs. At the same time, however, he will be likely to

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reject the theoretical framework, that enabled the traditional mind to

form these notions In the first place.-

This Is fair enough; for although, as I have shown, the gods and
spirits do perform an important theoretical job In pointing to certain
Interesting forms of causal connexion, they are probably not very
useful as the basis of a wider view of the world. Nevertheless, there
do seem to be a few cases In which the theoretical framework of which
they are the basis may have something to contribute to the theoretical
framework of modern medicine. To take an example, there are several
points at which Western psycho-analytic theory, with Its apparatus of
personalized mental entitles, resembles traditional West African
religious theory. More specifically, as I have suggested elsewhere,1
there are striking resemblances between psycho-analytic ideas about the
Individual mind as a congeries of warring entitles, and West African
Ideas, about the body as a meeting place of multipie souls. In both
systems of belief, one personal entity is Identified with the stream of
consciousness, whilst the others operate as an 'unconscious’, sometimes
co-operating with consciousness and sometimes at war with It. Now the
more flexible psycho-analysts have long suspected that Freud's
allocation of particular desires and fears to particular agencies of
the mind may well be appropriate to certain cultures only. Thus his
allocation of a great load of sexual desires and fears to the
unconscious may well have been appropriate to the Viennese sub-culture
he so largely dealt with, but It may not be appropriate to many other
cultures. A study of West African soul theories, and of their
allocation of particular desires and emotions to particular agencies of
the mind, may well help the psycho-analyst to reformulate his theories
in terms more appropriate to the local scene.

Modern Western medical scientists have long been distracted from

noting the causal connexion between social disturbance and disease by
the success of the germ theory, of the discovery of potent antibiotics
and Immunization techniques, and of conditions militating against the
build-up of natural resistance to many killer Infections, for long made
It very difficult for scientists to see the Importance of this
connexion. Conversely, perhaps, a conjunction of no germ theory, no
potent antibiotics, no immunization techniques, with conditions
favouring the build-up of considerable natural resistance to killer
Infections, served to throw this same causal connexion Into relief in
the mind of the traditional healer. If one were asked to choose
between germ theory innocent of psychosomatic insight and traditional
psychosomatic theory Innocent of Ideas about Infection, one would
almost certainly choose the germ theory. For in terms of quantitative
results it Is clearly the more vital to human well-being. But It is
salutary to remember that not all the profits are on one side.

From what has been said In this section. It should be d ear that
one commonly accepted way of contrasting traditional religious thought

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with scientific thought is misleading. I am thinking here of the

•contrast between traditional religious thought as 'non-emplrical' with
scientific thought as 'empirical'. In the first place, the contrast is
misleading because traditional religious thought is no more nor less
interested in the natural causes of things than is the theoretical
thought of the sciences. Indeed, the intellectual function of its
supernatural beings (aS, too, that of atoms, waves, etc.) is the
extension of people's vision of natural causes. In the second'll ace,
the contrast is misleading because traditional religious theory clearly
does more than postulate causal connexions that bear no relation to
experience. Some of the connexions It postulates are, by the standards
of modern medical science, almost certainly real ones. To some extent,
then, it successfully grasps reality.

I am not claiming traditional thought as a variety of scientific

thought. In certain crucial respects, the two kinds of thought are
related to experience In quite different ways, but It is not only where
scientific method is in use that we find theories which both aim at
grasping causal connexions and to some extent succeed In this aim.
Scientific method is undoubtedly the surest and most efficient tool for
arriving at beliefs that are successful In this respect; but It Is not
the only way of arriving at such beliefs.. Given the basic process of
theory-making, and an environmental stability which gives theory plenty
of time to adjust to experience, a people's belief system may come,
even In,the absence of scientific method, to grasp at least some
significant causal connexions which lie beyond the range of common
sense. It is because traditional African religious beliefs demonstrate
the truth of this that it seems apt to extend to them the label
'empirical'.

3. Common sense and theory have complementary roles in everyday life.

In the history of European thought there has often been opposition

to a new theory on the ground that It threatens to break up and destroy
the old, familiar world of common sense. Such was the eighteenth-
century opposition to Newtonian corpuscular theory, which, so many
people thought, was all set to 'reduce' the warm, colourful beautiful
world to a lifeless, colourless, wilderness of rapidly moving little ,
balls. Not surprisingly, this eighteenth-century attack was led by
people like Goethe and Blake— poets whose job was precisely to
celebrate the glories of the world of common sense. Such, again. Is
the twentieth-century opposition to Behaviour Theory, which many people
see as a threat to 'reduce' human beings to animals or even to
machines. Much recent Western Philosophy Is a monotonous and poorly
reasoned attempt to bludgeon us Into believing that Behaviour Theory
cannot possibly work. But just as the common-sense world of things and
people remained remarkably unscathed by the Newtonian revolution, so
there Is reason to think It will not be too seriously touched by the
Behaviour-Theory revolution. Indeed, a lesson of the history of
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European thought Is that, while theories come and theories go, the
world of common sense remains very little changed.

One reason for this Is perhaps that all theories take their
departure from the world of things and people, and ultimately return us
to it. In this context, to say that a good theory 'reduces' something
to something else Is misleading. Ideally, a process of deduction from
the premisses of a theory should lead us back to statements which
portray the common-sense world In its full richness. In so far as this
richness Is not restored, by so much does theory fall. Another reason
for the persistence of the world of common sense Is probably that,
within the limits discussed in the last section, common-sense thinking
is handier and more economical than theoretical thinking. It Is only
when one needs to transcend the limited causal vision of common sense
that one resorts to theory.

Take the example of an Industrial chemist and his relationships

with common salt. When he uses It In the house, his relationships with
It are governed entirely by common sense. Invoking chemical theory to
guide him in its domestic use would be like bringing up a pile-driver
to hammer in a nail. Such theory may well lend no more colour to the
chemist's domestic view of salt than It lends to the chemically
uneducated rustic's view of the substance. When he uses it In his
chemical factory, however, common sense no longer suffices. The things
he wants to do with it force him to place it in a wider causal context
than common sense provides; and he can only do this by viewing It in
the light of atomic theory. At this point, someone may ask: 'And
which does he think Is the real salt; the salt of common sense or the
salt of theory?" The answer, perhaps, is that both are equally real to
him. For whatever the philosophers say, people develop a sense of
reality about something to the extent that they use and act on language
which implies that this something exists.

This discussion of common sense and theory in Western thought is

very relevant to the understanding of traditional African rel-igions.
Early accounts of such religions stressed the ever-presence of the
spirit world In the minds of men. Later on. fieldwork experience In
African societies convinced most reporters that members of such
societies attended to the spirit world rather intermittently. 1 Many
modern criticisms of Levy-Bruhl and other early theorists hinge on this
observation. For the modern generation of social anthropologists, the
big question has now become: 'On what kinds of occasion do people
Ignore the spirit world, and on what kinds of occasion do they attend
to it?'

In answer we need to recognize the essentially theoretical

character of traditional religious thinking. And here our discussion
of common sense and theory In European thought becomes relevant.
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I suggest that In traditional Africa relations between common sense

and theory are essentially the same as they are In Europe. That Is,
common sense Is the handler and more economical tool for coping with a
wide range of circumstances In everyday life. Nevertheless, there are
certain circumstances that can only be coped with In terms of a wider
causal vision that common sense provides. And In these circumstances
there Is a Jump to theoretical thinking.

Let me give an example drawn from my own fjeldwork among the

Kalahari people of the Niger Delta. Kalahari recognize many different
kinds of diseases, and have an array of herbal specifics with which to
treat them. Sometimes a sick person will be treated by ordinary
members of his family who recognize the disease and know the
specifics. Sometimes the treatment will be carried out on the
instruction of a native doctor. When sickness and treatment follow
these lines the atmosphere Is basically commonsenslcal. Often, there
Is little or no reference to spiritual agencies.

Sometimes, however, the sickness does not respond to treatment, and

It becomes evident that the herbal specific used does not provide the
whole answer. The native doctor may redlagnose and try another
specific. But If this produces no result the suspicion will arise that
'there Is something else In this sickness'. In other words, the
perspective provided by common sense Is too limited. It Is at this
stage that a diviner Is likely to be called In (It may be the native
doctorwho started the treatment). Using Ideas about various spiritual
agencies, he will relate the sickness to a wider range of
drcumstances--often to disturbances In the sick man's general social,
life.

What are we describing here Is generally referred to as a Jump from

common sense to mystical thinking. But, as we have seen, It Is also,
more significantly, a Jump from common sense to theory. And here, as
In Europe, the Jump occurs at the point where the limited causal vision
of common sense curtails Its usefulness In dealing with the situation
on hand.

4. Level o f theory varies with context.

A person seeking to place some event In a wider causal context

often has a choice of theories. Like the Initial choice between common
sense and theory, this choice too will depend on Just how wide a
context he wishes to bring Into consideration. Where he Is content to
place the event In a relatively modest context, he will be content to
use what Is generally called a low-level theory— l.e. one that covers a
relatively limited area of experience. Where he Is more ambitious
about context, he will make use of a higher-level theory--l.e. one that
covers a larger area of experience. As the area covered by the
lower-level theory Is part of the area covered by the higher-level
 356

scheme, so too the entitles postulated by the lower-level theory are

seen as special manifestations- of those postulated at the higher
level. Hence they pose all the old problems of things which are at
once themselves and at the same time manifestations of other quite
different things.

It Is typical of traditional African religious systems that they

Include, on the other hand. Ideas about a multiplicity of spirits, and
on the other hand. Ideas about a single supreme being. Though the
spirits are thought of as Independent beings, they are also considered
as so many manifestatlolns of dependants of the supreme being. This
conjunction of the many and the one has given rise to much discussion
among students of comparative religion, and has evoked many Ingenious
theories. Most of these have boggled at the Idea that polytheism and
monotheism could coexist stably In a single system of thought.' They
have therefore tried to resolve the problem by supposing that the
belief-systems In question are In transition from one type to the
other. It Is only recently, with the Nilotic studies of Evans-
Prltchard and Llenhardt, 4 that the discussion has gotten anywhere
near the point— which Is that the many spirits and the one God play
complementary roles In people's thinking. As Evans-Prltchard says: ‘ A
theisttc religion need be neither monotheistic nor polytheistic. It
may be both. It Is the question of the level, or situation, of
thought, rather than of exclusive types of thought. 5

On the basis of material froln the Nilotic peoples, and on that of

material from such Tlest African societies as Kalahari, Ibo, and
Tallensi, * one can make a tentative suggestion about the respective
roles of the many and the one In traditional African thought
generally. In such thought. I suggest, the spirits provide the means
of setting an event within a relatively limited causal context. They
are the basis of a theoretical scheme which typically covers the
thinker's own community and Immediate environment. The supreme being,
on the other hand, provides the means of setting an event within the
widest possible context. For It Is the basis of a theory of the origin
and life course of the world seen as a whole.

In many (though by no means all) traditional African belief-

systems. ideas about the spirits and actions based on such Ideas are
far more richly developed than Ideas about the supreme being and
actions based on them. In these cases, the Idea of God seems more the
pointer to a potential theory than the core of a seriously operative
one. This perhaps Is because social life in the communities Involved
is so parochial that their members seldom have to place events In the
wider context that the Idea of the supreme being purports to deal
with. Nevertheless, the different levels of thinking are there In all
these systems. It seems clear that they are related to one another In
much the same way as are the different levels of theoretical thinking
in the sciences. At this point the relation between the many spirits

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357

and the one God loses much of Its aura of mystery. Indeed there turns
out to be nothing peculiarly religious or 'mystical' about It. For It
Is essentially the same as the relation between the homogeneous atoms
and planetary systems of fundamental particles In the thinking of a
chemist. It Is a by-product of certain very general features of the
way theories are used in explanation.

5. All theory breaks up the unitary objects of common sense Into

aspects, then places the resulting elements In a wider causal
context. Than Is. It first abstracts and analyses, then
re-lntegrates.

Commentators on scientific method have familiarized us with the way

in which the theoretical schemas of the sciences break up the world of
common-sense things In order to achieve a causal understanding which
surpasses that of common sense. But It Is only from the more recent
studies of African cosmologies, where religious beliefs are shown In
the context of the various everyday contingencies they are Invoked to
explain, that we have begun to see how traditional religious thought
also operates by a similar process of abstraction, analysis, and
reintegration. A good example Is provided by Fortes's recent work on
West African theories of the Individual and his relation to society.
Old-fashioned West African ethnographers showed the wide distribution
of beliefs In what they called 'multiple souls'. They found that many
Wes.t African belief-systems invested the Individual with a multiplicity
of spiritual agencies. The general Impression they gave was one of an
unruly fantasy at work. In his recent book, 1 however. Fortes takes
the 'multiple soul* beliefs of a single West African people (the .
Tal lens I) and places them In the context of everyday thought and
behaviour. His exposition dispels much of the aura of fantasy.

Fortes describes three categories of spiritual agency especially

concerned with the Tale'lndlvldual. First comes the segr. which
presides over the Individual as a biological entity— over his sickness
and health, his life and death. Then comes the nuor ylji, a personi­
fication of the wishes expressed by the Individual before his arrival
Jon earth. The nuor yin appears specifically concerned with whether or
not the Individual has the personality traits necessary If he Is to
become an adequate member of Tale society. As Fortes puts It, evil
nuor yin 'serves to Identify the fact of Irremediable failure In the
development of the Individual to full social capacity'. Good nuor yin,
on the other hand, 'Identifies the fact of successful Individual
development along the road to full Incorporation In society'. Finally,
In this trio of spiritual agencies, we have what Fortes calls the 'yhi
ancestors only attach themselves to an individual who has a good nuor
yin. They are concerned with the fortunes of the person who has
already proved himself to have the basic equipment for fitting Into
Tale society. Here we have a theoretical scheme which, In order to
produce a deeper understanding of the varying fortunes of Individuals
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358

In their society, breaks them down Into three aspects by a simple but
typical operation of abstraction and analysts.

Perhaps the most significant comment on Fortes' work In this field

was pronounced, albeit Involuntarily, by a reviewer of 'Oeidlpus and'
Job'. * If any criticism of the presentation is to be made It Is
that Professor Fortes sometimes seems to achieve an almost mystical
Identification with the Tallensl world-view and leaves the
unassimilated reader in some doubt about where to draw the line between
Tallensl notions and Cambridge concepts!' Now the anthropologist has
to find some concepts In his own language roughly appropriate to
translating the ‘ notions' of the people he studies. And In the case In
question, perhaps only the lofty analytic 'Cambridge' concepts did come
anywhere near to congruence with Tallensl notions. This parallel
between traditional African religious 'notions' and Western
sociological 'abstractions' Is by no means an Isolated phenomenon.
Think for Instance, of Individual guardian spirits and group spirits—
two very general categories of traditional African religious thought.
Then think of those hardy Parsonlan abstractions— psychological
Imperatives and sociological Imperatives. It takes no great brilliance
to see the resemblance. *
I
6. In evolving a theoretical scheme, the human mind seems constrained
to draw Inspiration from analogy between the puzzling observations
to be explained and certain already familiar phenoma.

In the genesis of a typical theory, the drawing of an analogy

between the unfamiliar and the familiar Is followed by the making of a
model In which something akin to the familiar Is postulated as the
reality underlying the unfamiliar. Both modern Western and traditional
African thought-products amply demonstrate the truth of this. Whether
we look amongst atoms, electrons, and waves, or amongst gods, spirits,
and entelechles, we find that theoretical notions nearly always have
their roots In relatively homely everyday experiences. In analogies
with the familiar.

What do we mean here by ‘ familiar phenomena’? Above all, I

suggest, we mean phenomena strongly associated In the mind of the
observer with order and regularity. That theory should depend on
analogy with things familiar In this sense follows from the very nature
of explanation. Since the overriding aim of explanation Is to disclose
order and regularity underlying apparent chaos, the search for explana­
tory analogies must tend towards those areas of experience most closely
associated with such qualities. Here, I think, we have a basis for
Indicating why explanations In modern Western culture tend to be
couched In an Impersonal Idiom, while explanations In traditional
African society tend to be couched In a personal idiom.
 359

In complex, rapidly changing Industrial societies the human scene

Is In flux. Order, regularity, predictability, simplicity, all these
seem lamentably absent. It Is In the world of Inanimate things that
such qualities are most readily seen. This Is why many people can find
themselves less at home with their fellow men than with things. And
this too, I suggest. Is why the mind In quest of explanatory analogies
turns most readily to the inanimate. In the traditional societies of
Africa, we find the situation reversed. The human scene Is the locus
par excellence of order, predictability, regularity. In the world of
the Inanimate, these qualities are far less evident. Here, being less
at home with people than with things is unimaginable. And here, the
ntlnd In quest of explanatory analogies turns naturally to people and
their relations.

7. Hhere theory Is founded on analogy between puzzling observations and

familiar phenomena. It Is generally only a limited aspect of such
phenomena that Is Incorporated Into the resulting model.

Philosophers of science have ofte'n used the molecular (kinetic)

theory of gases as an Illustration of this feature of model-bulIdlng.
The molecular theory, of course, Is based on an analogy with the
behaviour of fast-moving, spherical balls In various kinds of space.
And the philosophers have pointed out that although many Important
properties of such balls have been Incorporated Into the definition of
a molecule, other Important properties such as colour and temperature
have been omitted. They have been omitted because they have no
explanatory function In relation to the observations that originally
evoked the theory. Here, of course, we have another sense in which
physical theory is based upon abstraction and abstract ideas. For
concepts such as 'molecule', 'atom', 'electron', 'wave* are the result
of a process In which the relevant features of certain prototype
phenomena have been abstracted from the Irrelevant features.

Many writers have considered this sort of abstraction to be one of

the distinctive features of scientific thinking. But this, like so
many other such distinctions. Is a false one; for Just the same process
Is at work in traditional African thought. Thus when traditional
thought draws upon people and their social relations as the raw
material of its theoretical models. It makes use of some dimensions of
human life and neglects others. The definition of a god may omit any
reference to his physical appearance, his diet, his mode of lodging,
his children, his relations with his wives, and so on. Asking
questions about such attributes Is as Inappropriate as asking questions
about the colour of a molecule or the temperature of an electron. It
Is this omission of many dimensions of human life from the definition
of the gods which gives them that rarefied, attenuated aura which we
call 'spiritual'. But there Is nothing peculiarly religious, mystical,
or traditional about this 'spirituality'. It Is the result of the same
process of abstraction as the one we see at work In Western theoretical

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models: the process whereby features of the prototype phenomena which

have explanatory relevance are'Incorporated Into a theoretical schema,
while features which lack such relevance are omitted.

8 A theoretical model, once built. Is deveI oped In ways whl ch

sometimes obscure the analogy on which It was founded.

In Its raw. Initial state, a model may come up quite quickly

against data for which it cannot provide any explanatory coverage.
Rather than scrap It out of hand, however, its users will tend to give
It successive modifications In order to enlarge its coverage.
Sometimes, such modifications will Involve the drawing of further
analogies with phenomena rather different from those which provided the
Init ital Inspiration for the model. Sometimes, they will merely
Involve ‘ tinkering* with the model until It comes to fit the new
observations. By comparison with the phenomena which provided Its
original Inspiration, such a developed model not unnaturally seems to
have a bizarre, hybrid air about It.

Examples of the development of theoretical models abound In the

history of science. One of the best documented of these Is provided by
the modern atomic theory of matter. The foundations of this theory
were laid by Rutherford, who based his original model upon an analogy
between the passage of ray-beams through metal foil and the passage of
comets through our planetary system. Rutherford's planetary model of
the basic constituents of matter proved extremely useful in
explanation. When It came up against recalcitrant data, therefore, the
consensus of scientists was In favour of developing It rather than
scrapping it. Each of several modiflcations of the model was a
response to the demand for Increased explanatory coverage-. Each,
however, removed the theoretical model one step further away from the
familiar phenomena which had furnished Its original Inspiration.

In studying traditional African thought, alas, we scarcely ever

have the historical depth available to the student of European
thought. So we can make few direct observations on the development of
its theoretical models. Nevertheless, these models often show just the
same kinds of bizarre, hybrid features- as the models of the
scientists. Since they resemble the latter In so many other ways. It
seems reasonable to suppose that these features are the result of a
similar process of development In response to demands for further
explanatory coverage. The validity of such a supposition Is
strengthened when we consider detailed Instances: for these show how
the bizarre features of particular models are Indeed closely related to
the nature of the observations that demand explanation.

Let me draw one example from my own field-work on Kalahari

religious thought which I have outlined In earlier publications. Basic
Kalahari religious beliefs involve three main categories of spirits:

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361

ancestors, heroes, and water-people. On the one hand, all three

categories of spirits show many familiar features: emotions of
pleasure and ange r f riendships, enmities, marriages. Such features
betray the fact that, up to a point, the spirits are fashioned In the
Image of ordinary Kalahari people. Beyond this point, however, they
are bizarre In many ways. The ancestors, perhaps, remain closest to
the Image of ordinary people. But the heroes are decidedly odd. They
are defined as having left no descendants, as having disappeared rather
than died, and as having come In the first Instance from outside the
community. The water-spirits are still odder. They are said to be
'like men, and also like pythons'. To make sense of these oddities',
let us start by sketching the relations of the various kinds of spirits
to the world of everyday experience.

First, the ancestors. These are postulated as the forces under­

pinning the life and strength of the lineages, bringing misfortune to
those who betray lineage values and fortune to those who promote them.
Second, the heroes, These are the forces underpinning the life and
strength of the community and Its various Institutions. They are also
the forces underpinning human skill and maintaining Its efficacy In the
struggle against nature. Third, the water-spirits. On the one hand,
these are the 'owners' of the creeks and swamps, the guardians of the
fish harvest, the forces of nature. On the other hand, they are the
patrons of human individualism— In both Its creative and Its
destructive forms. In short, they are the forces underpinning all that
lies'beyopd the confines of the established social order.

‘ We can look on ancestors, heroes, and water-splrlts as the members

of a triangle of forces. In this triangle, the relation of each mertlber
to the other two contains elements of separation and opposition as well
as of co-operation. Thus by supporting lineages In rivalry against one
another, the ancestors can work against the heroes In sapping the
strength of the community; but In other contexts, by strengthening
their several lineages, they can work with the heroes In contributing
to village strength. Again, when they bring up storms, rough water,
and sharks, the water-spirits work against the heroes by hampering the
exercise of the village's productive skills; but when they produce calm
water and an abundance of fish, they work Just as powerfully with the
heroes. Yet again, by fostering antl-soclal activity, the
water-splrIts can work against both heroes and ancestors; or, by
supporting creativity and Invention, they can enrich village life and
so work wlth them.

In this triangle, then, we have a theoretical scheme in terms of

which Kalahari can grasp and comprehend most of the many vicissitudes
of their dally lives. Now It Is at this point that the bizarre,
paradoxical attributes of heroes and water-spirits begin to make
sense: for a little inspection shows that such attributes serve to
define each category of spirits In a way appropriate to its place in
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362

the total scheme. This Is true, for example, of such attributes of the
heroes as having left no human descendants, having disappeared Instead
of undergoing death and burial, and having come from outside the
community. All these serve effectively to define the heroes as forces
quite separate from the ancestors with their kinship Involvements.
Lack of descendants does this In an obvious way. Disappearance rather
than death and'burial performs the same function, especially when, as
In Kalahari, lack of burial Is almost synonymous with lack of kin. And
arrival from outside the community again makes It clear that they
cannot be placed In any lineage or kinship context. These attributes,
In short, are Integral to the definition of the heroes as forces
contrasted with and potentially opposed to the ancestors. Again, the
water-spirits are said to be 'like men, and also like pythons'; and
here too the paradoxical characterization Is essential to defining
their place In the triangle. The python Is regarded as the most
powerful of all the animals in the creeks, and Is often said to be
their father. But Its power is seen as something very different from
that of human beings— something 'fearful* and 'astonishing'. The
combination of human and python elements In the characterization of the
water-people fits the latter perfectly for their own place in the
triangle— as forces of the extra-social contrasted with and potentially
opposed to both heroes and ancestors.

Another illuminating example of the theoretical significance of

oddity is provided by Middleton's account of traditional Lugbara
religious concepts. 1o According to Middleton, Lugbara belief
features two main categories of spiritual agency— the ancestors and the
adro spirits. Like the Kalahari ancestors, those of the Lugbara remain
close to the image of ordinary people. The ardo, however, are very odd
Indeed. They are cannibalistic and incestuous, and almost everything
else that Lugbara ordinarily consider repulsive. They are commonly
said to walk upside down— a graphic expression of their general
perversity. Once again, these oddities fall Into place when we look at
the relations of the two categories of spirits to the world of
experience. The ancestors, on the one hand, account for the settled
world of human habitation and with the established social order
organized on the basis of small lineages. The adro, on the other hand,
are concerned with the uncultivated bush, and with all human activities
which run counter to the established order of things. Like the
Kalahari water-spirits, they are forces of the extra-social, whether In
its natural or its human form. The contrast and opposition between
ancestors and adro thus provides Lugbara with a theoretical schema in
terms of which they can comprehend a whole series of oppositions and
conflicts manifest in the world of their everyday experiences. Like
the oddities of the Kalahari gods, those of the adro begin to make
sense at this point, for it Is the bizarre, perverse feature.s of these
spirits that serve to define their position In the theory— as forces
contrasted with and opposed to the ancestors.
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In both of these cases the demands of explanation result In a model

whose structure Is hybrid between that of the human social phenomena
which provided Its original Inspiration, and that of the field of
experience to which It Is applied. In both cases, oddity Is essential
to explanatory function. Even In the absence of more direct historical
evidence, these examples suggest that the theoretical models of
traditional African thought are the products of developmental processes
comparable to those affecting the models of the sciences.

In treating traditional African religious systems as theoretical

models akin to those of the sciences, I have really done little more
than take them at their face value. Although this approach may seem
naive and platitudinous compared to the sophisticated *thlngs-are-
never-what-they-seem' attitude more characteristic of the social
anthropologist. It has certainly produced some surprising results.
Above all. It has cast doubt on most of the well-worn dichotomies used
to conceptualize the difference between scientific and traditional
religious thought. Intellectual versus emotional; rational versus
mystical; reality-oriented versus fantasy-oriented; causally oriented
versus supernaturally oriented; empirical versus non-emplrlcal;
abstract versus concrete; analytical versus non-analytlcaI: all of
these are shown to be more or less Inappropriate. If the reader Is
disturbed by this casting away of established distinctions, he will, I
hope, accept It when he sees how far It can pave the way towards making
sense of so much that previously appeared senseless.

One thing that may well continue to bother the reader is my playing
down of the difference between non-personal and personal theory. For
while I have provided what seems to me an adequate explanation of this
difference, I have treated It as a surface difference concealing an
underlying similarity of Intellectual process. I must confess that I
have'used brevity of treatment here as a device to play down the gulf
between the two kinds of theory. But I think this Is amply justifiable
In reaction to the more usual state of affairs, In which the difference
Is allowed to dominate all other features of the situation. Even
familiarity with theoretical thinking In their won culture cannot help
anthropologists who are dominated by this difference. For once so
blinded, they can only see traditional religious thought as wholly
other. With the bridge from their own thought-patterns to those of
traditional Africa blocked. It Is little wonder they can make no
further headway.

The aim of my exposition has been to reopen this bridge. The point
I have sought to make Is that the difference between non-personal and
personalized theories Is more than anything else a difference In the
idiom of the explanatory quest. Grasping this point Is an essential
preliminary to realizing how far the various established dichotomies
used In this field are simply obstacles to understanding. Once It Is
grasped, a whole series of seemingly bizarre and senseless features of

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traditional thinking becomes Immediately comprehensible. Until It Is

grasped, they remain essentially mysterious. Making the business of
personal versus Impersonal entitles the crux of the difference between
tradition and science not only blocks the understanding of tradition.
It also draws a red herring across the path to an understanding of
science.

All this Is not to deny that science has progressed greatly through
working In a non-personal theoretical Idiom. Indeed, as one who has
hankerings after behaviourism, I am Inclined to believe that It Is this
idiom, and this Idiom only, which will eventually lead to the triumph
of science In the sphere of human affairs. What I am saying, however,
is that this Is more a reflection of the nature of reality than a clue
to the essence of scientific method. For the progressive acquisition
of knowledge, man needs both the right kind of theories and the right
attitudes to them. But it is only the latter which we call science.
Indeed, as we shall see, any attempt to define science In terms of a
particular kind of theory runs contrary to Its very essence. Now, at
last, I hope It will be evident why, In comparing African traditional
thought with Western scientific thought. I have chosen to start with a
review of continuities rather than with a statement of crucial
differences. For although this order of procedure carries the risk of
one’ s being understood to mean that traditional thought Is a kind of
science, It also carries the advantage of having the path clear of red
herrings when one comes to tackle the question of differences.

THE 'CLOSiD* AND ‘

OPEN’PREDICAMENTS

Turning to the differences In African thought and Western science,

I start by Isolating one which strikes me as the key to all the others,
and go on to suggest how the latter flow from it.

What I take to be the key difference Is a very simple one. It Is

that In traditional cultures there Is no developed awareness of
alternatives to the established body of theoretical tenets; whereas In
scientifically oriented cultures, such an awareness Is'hlghly
developed. It Is this difference we refer to when we say that
traditional cultures are ‘closed* and sclentlfleally oriented cultures
'open'. "

One Important consequence of the lack of awareness of alternattves

Is very clearly spelled out by Evans-PrItchard In hls pioneering work
on Azande witchcraft beliefs. Thus he says:

I have attempted to show how rhythm, mode of utterance,

content of prophecies, and so forth, assist in creating faith
In witch-doctors, but these are only some of the ways in which

f
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faith is supported, and do not entirely explain belief. Weight

of tradition alonp can do that. . . . There is no Incentive to
agnosticism. All their beliefs hang together, and were a Zande
, to give up faith in witch-doctorhood, he would have to surrender
equally his faith In witchcraft and oracles. . . . In this web
of belief every strand depends' upon every other strand, and a
Zande cannot get out of its meshes because it is the only world
he knows. The web is not an external structure in which he is
enclosed.__ It is the texture of his thought and he cannot think
that his thought"is wrong. 17

And again:

And yet Azande do not see that their oracles tell them
nothing! Their blindness is not due to stupidity, for they
display great ingenuity In explaining away the failure and
inequalities of the poison oracle and experimental keenness
in testing It. It is due rather to the fact that their
intellectual Ingenuity and experimental keenness are condi­
tioned by patterns of ritual behaviour and mystical belief.
Within the limits set by these patterns, they show great
Intelligence, but It cannot operate beyond these limits. Or,
to put it in another way; they reason excellently in the idiom
of their beliefs, but they cannot reason outside, or against
their beliefs because they have no other Idiom In which to
express their thoughts.

In other words, absence of any awareness of alternatives makes for

an absolute acceptance of the established theoretical tenets, and
removes any possibility of questioning them. In these circumstances,
the established tenets Invest the believer with a compelling force. It
Is this force which we refer to when we talk of such tenets as sacred.

A second Important consequence of lack of awareness of alternatives

is that any challenge to established tenets Is a threat of chaos, of
the cosmic abyss, and therefore evokes Intense anxiety.

With developing awareness of alternatives, the established

theoretical tenets come to seem less absolute in their validity, and
lose something of their sacredness. At the same time, a challenge to
these tenets Is no longer a horrific threat of chaos. For just as the
tenets themselves have lost some of their absolute validity, a
challenge to them is no longer a threat of absolute calamity. It can
now be seen as nothing more threatening than an intimation that new
tenets might profitably be tried. Where these conditions begin to
prevail, the stage is set for change from a traditional to a scientific
ou 11ook.
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366

Here, then, we have two basic predicaments: the 'closed'— charac­

terized by lack of awareness of alternatives, sacredness of beliefs,
and anziety about threats to them; and the 'open'— characterized by
awareness of alternatives, diminished sacredness of beliefs, and
diminished anxiety about threats to them___

Footnotes

1. See Beattie, op. cit.

2. Horton, Robin
1961 'Destiny and the Unconscious In West Africa,' Africa.
XXXI, 2. pp. 110-16

3. Evans-Pritchard, E. E.
1965 Theories of Primitive Religion, Oxford, p. 88

4. Evans-Pritchard, E. E.
1956 Nuer Rei igion, Godfrey Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience
The Religion of the Dinka, London, 1961

5. Evans-Pritchard, op. cit., p.316

6. Robin Horton, 'The Kalahari World-View: An Outline and Interpreta­

tion', Africa, XXXII, 3, 1962, pp. 197-220; 'A Hundred Years of Change
In Kalahari Religion" (Unpublished paper for the University of Ife
Conference on "The High God in Africa', December 1964); 'God, Man, and
the land In a Northern Ibo Village Group', A frica . XXVI, I, 1956. pp.
17-28; M. Fortes, The Web of Kinship among the Tallensl, London, 1949,
esp. pp. 21-22 and 2197. Fortes, op. cit.

8. R. E. Bradbury In Man, September, 1959

9. Such parallels arouse the more uncomfortable thought that In all

the theorizing we sociologists have done about the working of
traditional African societies, we may often have done little more than
translate Indigenous African theories about such workings.

10. Middleton, John

I960 Lugbara Religion: Ritual and Authority among an East
A frican People, London

11. Philosophically minded readers will notice here some affinities

with Karl Popper, who also makes the transition from a 'closed' to an
'open'. Thus, for him, the transition from one predicament to the
other Implies not just a growth in the awareness of alternatives, but
also a transition from communaltsm to individualism, and from ascribed
status to achieved status. But as I hope to show in this essay, It is
the awareness of alternatives which Is crucial for the take-off Into
science. Not Individual Ism or achieved status: for there are lots of
societies where both of the latter are well developed, but which show
no signs whatever of take-off. In the present context, therefore, my
own narrower definition of 'dosed' and 'open' seems more appropriate.

12. Evans-Prt.tchard, E. E.
1936 Witchcraft, O racles and Haqlc among the Azande.
Oxford, p. 194

13. Ibid., p. 338

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 Chapter Twenty-four

BEING AND VALUE IN A PRIMITIVE CULTURE

by Dorothy Lee

By the title of this chapter, It would appear that it

belongs in the next section on values, and obviously It could
be placed there. Its contribution to the study of causality,
however. Is unlike any other source. Lee has provided an
example that appears not to conform to the premise that
causality Is a universal category of worldview. According
to her investigation the Trobrland language has no causal
terminology nor aré the concepts of cause, purpose, reason,
etc., meaningful to Trobrland thought In which being Is the
prime concern. Being has value In and of Itself, thus such
Ideas as sequence of events as related to cause and effect,
an automatic association In the western worldview, is not part
of Trobrland worldview except as single sequence. (A treat­
ment of this material suggesting that causality may be
very much a part of Trobrland worldview Is Included in the
Introduction to this section.)

The Trobrlanders' are concerned with being, and being alone.

Change and becoming are foreign to their thinking. An object or event
Is grasped and evaluated In terms of Itself along, that Is. Irrespec­
tive of other beings. The Trobrlander can describe being for

from Lee 1959:89-104

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the benefit of the ethnographer; otherwise, he usually refers to It by

a word, one word only. All being, to be significant, must be Trobrland
being, and therefore experienced at the appropriate time as a matter of
course by the members of each Trobrland community; to describe It would
be redundant. Being Is never defined, In our sense of the word.
Definition presents an object In terms of what It Is like and what It
Is unlike, that Is, In terms of Its distinguishing characteristics.
The Trobrlander Is Interested only In what It Is. And each event or
being Is grasped tlmelessly; In our terms, It contains Its past,
present, and future, but these distinctions are non-existent for the
Trobrlander. There Is, however, one sense In which being Is not
self-contained. To be, It must be part of an ordained pattern; this
aspect will be elaborated below.

Being Is discrete and self-contained; It has no attributes outside

of Itself. Its qualities are Identical with It and without them It Is
not Itself. It has no predicate; It Is Itself. To say a word repre­
senting an object or act Is to Imply the existence of this, and all the
qualities It Incorporates. If I were to go with a Trobrlander to a
garden where the taytu, a species of yam, had just been harvested, I
would come back and tell you: "There are good taytu there; just the
right degree of ripeness, large and perfectly shaped; not a blight to
be seen, not one rotten spot; nicely rounded at the tips, with no spiky
points; all first-run harvesting, no second gleanings." The Trobrl­
ander would come back and say "Taytu"; and he would have said all that
I did and more.

All the attributes would have been tautological, since the concept
of taytu contains them all. In fact. If one of these were absent, "the
object would not have been a taytu. Such a tuber, if It Is not at the
proper harvesting ripeness. Is not a taytu. If It Is unripe, It Is a
bwanawa; If overripe. It Is not a spent taytu but a yowana. When the
spent tuber, the yowana,- sends its shoots underground, as we would put
It, It Is not a yowana with shoots, but a s111sata. An object can not
change an'attrlbute and retain Its identity.

As being Is Identical with the object, there Is no word for to be;

as being Is changeless, there Is no word meaning to become. Becoming
involves temporality, but Trobrland being has no reference to time.
With us, change In time Is a value, and place In a developmental
sequence Is necessary for evaluation. We can not respond with approval
or disapproval, unless we know that a thing Is getting bigger or better
or surer. If I am told that Robert Smith Is an Instructor at $3000, I
cannot respond to this adequately, unless I know that he Is just out of
graduate school, or that he used to be a professor at the age of forty,
but now, at sixty, he has been demoted to this position.

Our language is full of terms such as the one I have just us e d -

demotion— giving us tools for the evaluation of being In terms of place
In a climactic historical sequence. By dint of constant vigilance, we^
can refrain from using the-se terms; but we have no choice when It comes
to placing events In time. Our language codifies reality in such a way
as to predispose us to view events in terms of temporality. Even if I
decide to use such expressions as "it be" or "it flow," I have achieved
nothing, since you who hear me automatically make these acceptable to
yourself by translating them Into "it is" and "it flows," merely
putting me down as uneducated.

Whenever I make an assertion, I have to give It temporal limits, In

reference to past, present, or future, or at any rate I have to Imply
temporality. Trobrland verbs are timeless, making no temporal
distinctions. A Trobrlander can, If he chooses, refer to an act as
completed, but that, it seems to me, is an aspect of the act, not a
temporal reference. History and mythical reality are not "the past" to
the Trobrlander. They are forever present, participating In all
current being, giving meaning to all his activities and all existence.

Being Is apprehended as a whole, not in terms of attributes. This

is something very difficult for members of our culture to achieve; we
rarely value sheer being in itself, except perhaps when we are
"blindly" In love. Even mothers are often incapable of valuing their
children in this way, demanding Instead attributes and achievements
before they will respond with love. I watched one of my students once
In a predicament created by this Inability to react to being Itself.
Faced with a vivid, gulgllng infant In the presence of its mother, she
felt It necessary to react but had no basis for doing so. She tried
hard to discover attributes to guide her, hoping for something on which
to base approval. The Trobrlander does not say, "how bright" or "how
big": his equivalent in this situation would have been "how baby."

Being Is evaluated discretely, in terms of Itself alone, not in

comparison with others. This, again, is foreign to our thinking,
except perhaps In the sphere of art. To evaluate. I have to compare
this being with other beings of Its kind. To be good, being has to be
as good as, If not better than. Our speech Is studded with terms such
as better, bigger, Inferior, average, compared to, normal, equal, in
relation to, etc., showing that we constantly are passing Judgment
according to a comparative standard. For the Trobrlander, being is
good only as ItseIf.

He can see this emphasis on be Wig alone when we analyze the

Trobrland sentence. Here we find that the words are presented
discretely, without elements to show the relation of one word to the
other. A verb contains Its subject, a noun contains Its "predicate" as
well as Its other attributes. The language does not even express an
object-to-object relationship, as ours does. In English, we express
this relationship through word order; when we say, for example, "Mary
ate the pie." or, "John kicked Mary," we clearly distinguish the actor
 371

from the one acted upon, by order of precedence, and we cannot avoid
making the distinction. The Trobrlander, on the other hand, merely
expresses act and participants; "t-wo-ye tau““It-beat-man“means
either that the man Is beating someone or that someone Is beating the
man. Such a phrase usually refers either to a known situation, which
needs no elucidation, or Is told within a context which makes Its
meaning clear. If, however, the Trobrlander for some reason feels that
he must specify, he can do so; but he does not do so as a matter of
course, as we do, since his language does not predispose or constrain
him to do so.

To be, an object must be true to Itself, not In terms of Its

relationship with other beings. To be good, It must be the same
always. Sameness Is a value to the Trobrlanders. Trobrland being
never came into existence; It has always been, exactly as now, above
ground In “ historic"1 times, Below ground It mythical times. This
“past" Is Immanent In all Trobrland being. In all his undertakings,
this "past" Is present, giving to them validity and value. Hherever he
goes, ills surroundings have meaning for him; every waterhole. rock, or
cleft Is Imbued with mythical significance.

Myth and history, as Intrinsic to being, enhance value. For exam­

ple. the Trobrlanders have certain Important valuables which constitute
the gifts in the kuja, an endless circular series of ceremonial glft-
glvlngs which occupies, with the preparation Involved, perhaps half the
life of Trobrland men. These objects have value, but no "utility";
they are "ornaments" which can not be used to adorn the "owner"; and
they can be possessed only a few months by each recipient. Glvlng-ln-
Itself, that Is, non-purposlve giving. Is good; through participation
In this gift-giving pattern the kula valuables are good. Each valuable
Is named and its personal history known. In this lies much of Its
value; giver and recipient, and even the village of the “owner," get
satisfaction out of the recounting of the specific kula acts of which
the article was a part, going from named giver to named recipient.
Chronology and historical sequence are Irrelevant; the history Is
Important not as development but as the Ingredient of being....

For us, chronological sequence Is of vital Importance, largely

because we are Interested not so much In the event Itself, but rather
In Its place within a related series of events; we look for Its
antecedents and Its consequences. He are concerned with the causal or
telle relationship between events or acts. To the Trobrlander, events
do not fall of themselves Into a pattern of causal relationships, as
they do for us. I am not here concerned with the question of whether
causality Is given, or is read Into existence. Whichever may be the
case, we in our culture automatically see and seek relationships, not
being itself, and express relationship mainly In terms of cause or
purpose. The maddeningly persistent question of our young children Is
"why," because this Is the question Implicit In most of our ordinary

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statements and other behavior, and we answer either In causal or telle

terms, since cause and purpose-are equally dynamic for us, and are
identified In the reference of “why."

Esthetlcally, as well as practically, cause and purpose are both

important to us; cause gives us a satisfying explanation and purpose
ennobles or gives meaning to the act. He teach the Importance of
purposive action to Infants, directly and indirectly by act and
speech. He teach It In the schoolroom, in sports. In politics, In
moral precept. The unreflectlve scientist takes causation for granted,
the orthodox historian studies history to discover the causes for
events. To the Trobrlander, on the other hand, being or event remains
discrete, sufficient unto Itself, true and of value as Itself, Judged
and motivated and understood In terms of itself alone. In the face of
this apprehension of being, concepts such as causation and purpose
appear Irrelevant; I have Introduced them here only because they are so
basic to our thinking that we accept them as given In experience, and
their presence Is assumed by us In all cultures, as a matter of
course.*

In the language of the Trobrlanders, there are no terms such as

because, so as to. cause, reason, effect, purpose, to this end, so
that. why. This does not mean that the Trobrlanders are Incapable of
explaining a sequence In terms of cause and effect, but rather that
this relationship Is of no significance. In the texts given by
Malinowski for (pela) occurs occasionally. In such a context that It Is
possible to translate It as because.... I shall not go here Into a
discussion of the meaning of the doubtful “pela"; I do not think It Is
an expression of causality, but even If It Is, It occurs extremely
rarely and joes not contradict the conclusion that, for the
Trobrlander, events do not automatically fall Into the mold of
causality of teleology___

He ask here, how Is Influence or motivation or effect phrased among

the Trobrlanders? How Is magical action understood, for example? The
answer Is, it Is understood In exactly these terms, as action, not
cause. The magician does not cause certain things to be; he does
them. As the gardener with his material Implements burns the brush,
breaks the clods, etc., so the garden magician with his various
formulas “awakens the sprout, "drives up the shoots overground,"
"throws the headgear of the taytu," “makes several branches.“"pushes
the taytu tubers Into the soil," according to Trobrland account. This
Is not Influence, nor the force of magic; rather it Is “to magic."

Malinowski, In presenting accounts of magic, uses purposive

phraseology, since In this way only can his readers understand magic.
But where he gives In translation: The okwala rite Is made so that
taytu might really grow, so that It might ripen, the Irobriander has
actually said: okwala, lt-grow truly, lt-ripen; just a number of

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373

events. It so happens, In the example, that the sequence In the

account corresponds to the actual order of fact; but quite often there
Is not even such correspondence. And In the acts themselves there Is
often not even the sequence Into which we could at least read
causality. For example, when the Trobrlander wants to fell a tree he
first exorcizes the tokway, the tree-dwelling spirit, reciting a spell
which gets the tokway down. After that he gives the tokway some food.
If the food was offered first, on the ground, or at least promised, we
could see this as a causal Inducement. Actually, the tokway has no
alternative and no freedom of choice at all; he Is brought down by the
spell. The offering of the food Itself Is merely part of the
established procedure, and Is not causally related to the exorcism.

It follows that the Trobrlander performs acts because of the

activity itself, not for Its effects; that he values objects because
they are good, not good for; In fact, objects and activities that are
good for, are of no value to him. Take, for example, his yams and his
yam gardening. To Malinowski, who spent many months with them,
dependent upon them socially as well as materially, gardening meant' yam
gardening, and food meant yams. It was only after he had occupied
himself with his Trobrlander material for about fifteen years and
written several books on the subject, that he realized that taro was an
ancient and substantial Item of food, much easier to grow than yams,
less demanding of care and good soli, perhaps almost as important as
yams from the point of view of sheer material nourishment. But taro is
only -good for; it is only good for food, or, less than that, for
stopping hunger; and It Is grown for such use. Therefore it was of no
value or Importance to the Trobrlander, and escaped Malinowski’ s
notice. Yams, on the other hand. Incorporate the social good. They
are good in themselves, and participate daily in good situations, as
free, nonutlle gifts.

A man gardens yams wi.th the expenditure of much care and effort,
with physical and magical skills, putting In long, hot hours of work.
He gardens as many plots as he is capable of— not as many as his
neighbors, or as many as he "needs." About half of these he sets aside
as the urigubu plots. These he harvests with pride, exhibiting
beautiful heaps of taytu. Then he sends this harvest, by festively
arrayed youths and maidens, not to his yam house, but to the hamlet of
his sister's husband. In this man's garden the taytu are heaped again,
and It Is this man now who exhibits them with pride as the gift.
Finally, his yam house is put In order, and magic Is performed In it.
Ideally, the magic makes the taytu rot uneaten In the yam house; It
fills the owners with nausea at the thought of eating the taytu; it
gives them. Instead, an urge to go to the bush and eat what grows
there. This keeps the taytu free of purpose; ideally, they are not
food....
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374

Here another aspect of Trobriand being Is involved. I have spoken

of be.ing as discrete, and apprehended as Itself alone. I must now
qualify this statement. Being has no Independent existence. It is
itself only as part of an established pattern. To members of our
culture, being is defined by its attributes, relationships, and
functions; temporally In terms of becoming, spatially in terms of Its
relationships. For the Trobrlanders, being is defined by a fixed place
in an established pattern. It is perhaps too much to ask my readers to
believe that one element In a pattern can be and Is perceived only in
terms of Its specific position within the pattern itself, and without .
reference to any other element; that in fact a pattern is conceived as
something other than a system of relationships. Nevertheless, I
•believe such to be the case among the Trobrianders. Being is not seen
In terms of Its relationships to a plurality of elements In the
pattern, but rather as a fixed point in a single, changeless whole.
Only In this place can being be Itself; only as It fills its place Is
It desired or valued.

Being Is good and true In terms of pattern. Gift-giving, for

example, Is good only within a patterned Trobriand situation. It Is
neither virtuous nor altruistic; both these terms Involve meaningless
relational concepts. In Trobriand gift-giving, the need of the
recipient, or the effect upon him, is not Involved. I doubt whether
the Trobrianders could be persuaded to send yams to the starving
Bikinians; and even if they did send yams, their act would not have
value---

Both the good and the true are defined by place in pattern. Taytu
figure as gifts upon different occasions, between different
Individuals. In each case the gift Is named and valued differently.
When Taytu are given to a friend at the launching of a canoe, they
follow a different procedure, and are kablgodoya; when they are a
harvest gift to a specialist, they are a karibudaboda. Taytu, then,
are urlgubu, kablgodoya, karibudaboda, according to their place In
different patterns; and each gift derives different being, and
different value In accordance to the pattern In which'It has place. I
should explain here that in each case the taytu remain taytu though
they participate In different situations; it Is the gift which is
different according to its place in a different pattern.

This conception of being and value gave the early pearl traders
much trouble. They found out soon that money or the things they
offered were no Inducement to work. They noticed, however, that the
Trobrianders set great store by certain large blades made of stone. At
first, they had these Imitated carelessly, but found that the natives
did not want them; then they had them made of slate in Europe, but
these also were rejected by the Trobrianders. Finally they had the
native stone quarried and sent to Parisian craftsmen; but these
beautiful blades also were rejected. These things, of course, could
 375

not be valued, since they were not truly Trobrland, had not been made
"as ordained of old"; but more than that, they could not be an
Inducement, and could have no meaning, since they were external to the
pattern. When the Trobrlanders were finally persuaded to dive for pay.
It was only the natives of those villages which had always dived for
oysters who were persuaded; those of the other costal villages, where
diving had not been ordained of old, would not dive. And the natives
of the appropriate villages did so grudgingly. To the disgust of the
pearl traders, they would leave their diving and go off fishing for the
day. as soon as a number of baskets of yams made their appearance on
the beach, even though the traders offered them twenty times as many
yarns. The natives would work for extraneous Inducement as long as
there was no good undertaking to Indulge In; but when their gift-
partners arrived with yams, they Initiated a patterned situation which
had meaning for the natives.

You will say. "But Is not this an Inducement or cause?" I think It

Is not. By themselves, the few baskets of yams on the beach are just a
few baskets of yams. Offered by the trader they would have had no
meaning. Brought from a different Trobrland village, they would have
effected nothing; and when they come from the appropriate village. It
Is only the partners of the specific givers who go off fishing as a
matter of course. Given from anyone to anyone, the taytu are of no
value.

The yams are not an Inducement to action, to my mind. The giving

.of them, however, starts a pattern; once the gift has taken place, the
pattern becomes evident and the recipient Is presented with a role
which holds value for him; to get satisfaction from It, to be a good"
Trobrlander, he must fill It. By us, the two acts, the receiving of
the yams and the procuring of the fish, are seen In relationship; and
this relationship Is seen as dynamic; one act Influences the other, or
causes the other. To the Trobrlander, what Is dynamic Is the validity
and value derived from the pattern. The coastal villager goes fishing
because (this Is my own word) he gets satisfaction from fulfilling his
role In the pattern.

The appearance of the baskets of yams Is not a cause, but It does

precipitate a pattern. Ihe Trobrlanders have their own equivalent for
cause, In terms of their concept of pattern. For this they use the
term "u’ula," a word very commonly used, for what we would call a-
variety of meanings. It stands for the trunk of a tree below the
branches; for the base of a pole, or the bottom of a structure; It
means the organizer of an expedition or the Initiator of any under­
taking; It refers to the first part of a magical formula. The u'ula Is
sometimes contemporaneous with the rest of the object or pattern,
sometimes not. To the Trobrlander, I think. It Indicates place, not
temporality. Realized or not, the pattern Is always there; the pole
has a bottom, the spell a beginning; and this pattern Is known

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 376

as a whole, not as a temporal process. Once brought Into the actual

through the u'ula, the total- must be realized. To this extent, and In
our terms only, can we understand u'ula to be the equivalent of cause;
the u'ula Is dynamic but only In reference to the pattern, not toward
the next event. The u'ula precipitates the next event but only
Incidentally, because It precipitates the patterned procedure, through
Its place In the pattern; It so happens that the next event -Is a part
of this pattern---

Within the pattern the Trobrlander feels safe and acts with
assurance. Away from home, he likes to reproduce known previous order,
even physically. When a food distribution, a saga 11, Is given to which
many different hamlets from a distance are invited, the geographic
location of these hamlets Is reproduced on the beach. (I am afraid It
Is Impossible for me to show conclusively that this Is not an Interest
In relative position.) Again, In one of the myths is given a,
description of a shipwreck, a dreadful event since It plunges the
sailors Into witch-infested waters. The crew of the large canoe drift
ashore clinging to the outrigger, onto which they have Jumped from
their places In the canoe. As they reach shore, they are In great
danger from the flying witches; In the face of It, they walk in exactly
the order In which they have drifted ashore; when they sit waiting for
night to come and hide them from the witches, they maintain this order;
In this order they finally march to their village where they are
medicated magically to free them from danger. Now they are safe again,
and the order need not be maintained.

For members of our culture, value lies Ideally In change. In moving

away from the established pattern; and safety Is ensured through
scientific prediction, not exact experience. We hopefully expect next
year to be better, brighter, different; If, as we hope, It brings
change, we can safely meet It with the use of logic and science. Our
advertisers thrive on this value of the different, the not-experlenced;
our Industries have long depended on our love for new models. The
Trobrlander. on the contrary, expects and wants next year to be the
same as this year and as the year before his culture emerged from .
underground. Advertising is nonsense for the Trobrlander, because the
new Is not good and the old Is known and valued, so to talk about It
persuasively Is nonsense^ In repetition of the experienced, in
sameness, he finds, not boredom, but satisfaction as well as safety.
Members of our culture go Into uncharted seas fearlessly, depending on
compass and the science of navigation; they explore new lands eagerly.
The Trobrlanders go Into known waters; they recount the kula myths, and
then go from known landmark to known landmark, myth-lmbued and full of
history; they do not even set their course by the stars or the sun.
They repeat old journeyings, their own or those of mythical or
historical kula flgyres.

<
V
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377

Is the Trobrlander truly blind to relationship? Does he never

respond to external motivation? The gardening of the Trobrlander
certainly can be seen as work toward the end of growing yams.
Obviously— to us— when a man gives the harvest gift, this act brings
giver and receiver Into relation; how can the Trobrlander fall to see
this relation? We would say that It Is Impossible to have pattern
without having elements In relation to one another. These objections
are Inherent to our own codification of reality. We make them because
It Is impossible for members of our culture to apprehend being without
relationships. We can see motivation only as coming from outside, in
relationship, and would therefore say that where we have acts there
must be motivation, and where there Is motivation relationships must be
recognized. Again, we are accustomed to equate change with the
dynamic, sameness with the static; and to put these pairs In
opposition. So It Is hard for us to see that sameness itself can be
dynamic as It Is for the Trobrlander who does not need "motivation" for
his acts, since their very sameness holds value, so that they
"motivate" themselves.

These objections raise a further, and a more basic question: Is the

Trobrlander blind to relationships, or are there no relationships? Do
we who base our behavior on relationships read these relationships Into
reality, or are they given? Which codification is true to reality? I
would say that the two are not mutually exclusive. They represent
different facets of reality and different meaningful phraslngs for each
cuitare. The fact that each culture has chosen to base Itself on only
one aspect does not mean that the other Is false. Our peculiar
codification makes us blind to other aspects of reality, or makes these
meaningless when presented. But one codification does not exhaust *
reality; neither. If It were false, would a society, I believe, be able
to survive with It at Its base. The Trobrlanders, according to our
view of life, should be bored automatons. Actually they act as they
want to act, poised and sure, in activities which hold meaning and
satisfaction. Whether they are given or read into reality by us,
temporality, causation, teleology, and relationship In general have
neither meaning nor. relevance for Trobrland behavior; but Trobrland
behavior is nevertheless good because It Is concerned with being; and
being. In Its appropriate pattern,- Incorporates value and truth.

FOOTNOTES

1. These people have been studied intensively by Professor Bronislaw

Malinowski who has published his results In several monographs. This
essay Is based on his writings and refers to the Trobrianders as they
were when Malinowski knew them. If at times I venture to disagree with
Professor Malinowski's own deductions. It Is only because. In
presenting the material with such a wealth of pertinent detail and
 (

378

emotional association, he has made it possible for his readers to draw

their own conclusions.

The Trobrland Islands lie to the east of New Guinea. They are In
water where marine life abounds. The bush is full of plants producing
edible fruit.' Hhen Malinowski lived there, the population was sparse
enough so that hunger became a menace only In the rare years of
drought. Yet here we find a society of people who work hard, though
nature does not compel them to do so. The men rise early In the
morning to go to the fields of their own will so as to cultivate yams
which they will not consume or to go to work at overhauling or building
canoes which shall serve to take them on dangerous voyages to bring
back ornaments which cannot be used for their own adornment and which
can be possessed for only a few months. The men are honest in their
dealings. They observe the taboos and fulfill their many obligations
though there Is no direct political or social control over their
activities.

2. I use quotation marks for terms which we, from the point of view of
our own culture, would apply; terms which would otherwise require
cumbersome qualification whenever they appear.

3. This absence of causal concepts, as well as of a comparative

standard, seemed at first so striking to me that I wrote a paper
describing Trobrland thought In terms of what it was not, as non-causal
and non-comparative. It now seems to me that I was viewing the
Trobrlanders then through the eyes of my own culture, relationally
seeing them according to what they were unlike, and so stressing the
absence of concepts which have no relevance to their thought.
 Chapter Twenty-five

THE BUDDHIST PRINCIPLE OF CAUSATION

by Junjlro Takakusu

This chapter provides a clearly stated summary of the

sense of causality embraced by Buddhism. The Introductory
statement notes six basic principles of which the first Is
causation. Tills system of philosophy has an unusually
well-developed perspective on cause, and may In fact be
one of the most Intricate and thorough explanations of
causality that exists today.

Tills material deals with the first of six "general

principles which are to-be regarded as a common denominator
of all the schools of Buddhism." These are:

1. The Principle of Causation

2. The Principle of True Reality (Thusness)
3. The Principle of Total Ism
4. The Principle of Indetermination
5. The Principle of Reciprocal Identification
6. The Principle of Perfect Freedom (Nirvana)

from Takakusu 1967:91-101

 380

The Principle of Causation

According to Buddhist thought, human beings and all living things

are self-created or self-creating. The universe Is not homocentric; It
Is a co-creatlon of all beings. Even If the universe Is not.
homocentrlc, as long as all being have common purposes. It is naturaI
that there should be groups of similar types of beings. Buddhism does
not believe that all things came out of one cause, but holds that
everything Is Inevitably created out of two or more causes.

The creations, or becomings, out of antecedent causes continue in

series In point of time— past, present, and future--! Ike a chain. This
chain Is divided Into twelve divisions, called the Twelve Stages of
Causations and Becomings. And. since these stages are Interdependent
on one another, they are called Dependent Production or Chain of
Causation.

The formula of this theory Is as follows: from the existence of

this, that becomes; from the happening of this, that happens. From the
non-existence of this, that does not become; from the non-happening of
this, that does not happen.

a^_Causation by Action-Influence. There Is law and order In the

progress of cause and effect. This Is the theory of Causal Sequence.

In the Twelve Stages of Causations and Becomings, It is Impossible

to point out which one Is the first cause, because the twelve make a
continuous circle which we' call the "Wheel of Life." (Note: See
Figure I following.]

Modern people generally regard time as progressing In a straight

line from the Infinite past through present to infinite future. In
Buddhism, however, time Is regarded as a circle with no beginning or
end. Time Is relative.

It Is Impossible to define what a living being Is, for It is always

changing and progressing through the stages of life. The whole series
of stages must be taken In Its entirety as representing the one
Individual being. So, a living being, when regarded In relation to
space, forms a complex In the shape of a ring. The Wheel of Llfe--ln
the diagram— Is an ingenious representation of the Buddhist conception
of a living being In relation to both space and time.

The Wheel of Life is a circle with no beginning, but it is

customary to begin Its exposition at Blindness. Blindness Is only a
continuation of Death. At death the body Is abandoned, but the
Blindness remains as the crystallization of the effects of the actions
performed during the preceding life. This Blindness Is often termed

t (
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381

FIGURE 1

Terms In Figure 1 are In Pall, rather than Sanskrit, because

the earliest texts of Buddhism are In the language.— Ed. Note

The death of a living being Is not the end; at once another life
begins to go through a similar process of birth and death, and thus to
repeat the round of life over and over again. Thus a living being,
when regarded in relation to time., forms an endless continuum.
 382

Ignorance, but this Ignorance ought not to be thought of as the antonym

of knowing; It must Include In its meaning both knowing and not
knowing— B1 indness or blind mind.

Blindness produces blind activity. The "energy," or the effect of

this blind activity, is the next stage. Motive to Live, or Hill. This
Motive to Live is not the kind of will which is used In the term “free
will"; it is, rather, a blind motive toward life or the blind desire to
live.

Blindness and Motive to Live are called the Two Causes of the
Past. They are causes when regarded subjectively from the present,
but, regarded objectively, the life In the past Is a whole life just as
much as the life of the present is.

In the life of the present, the first stage Is Subconscious Mind.

This Is the first stage of an individual existence and corresponds, in
the actual life, to the first moment of the conception of a child.
There Is no consciousness yet; there Is only the subconscious mind or
the blind motive toward life. When this Subconscious Mind advances one
step and takes on a form, we have the second stage of the present,
"Name-form." The Name is the mind, because mind is something we know
by name and cannot grasp. Name-form is the stage of prenatal growth,
when the mind and body are combined.

In the third stage, a more complex form Is assumed, and-the six

organs of sense are recognized. They are the eyes, ears, nose, tongue,
body, and mind.

The fourth stage corresponds to the first one or tw<j years after
the birth of the child. The six organs of sense reach the state of
activity, but the sense of touch predominates. The living being begins
to come Into contact with the outside world.

Now that the living being Is able to manifest Its consciousness It

begins to take in the phenomena of the outside world consciously. This
Is the fifth stage— Perception, representing the period of growth of a
child three to five years old. Here the individuality of the living
being is definitely recognized; in other words, the status of the
present life has been achieved.

The above five stages are called the Five Effects of the Present.
In these stages the individual is formed, but the individual Is not
entirely responsible for its own formation, because the causes of the
past have pushed the development of these stages. From here on, the
individual begins to create causes on his own responsibility, or, tn
other words, enters the true sphere of self-creation.
 383

The first of the Three Causes of the Present Is Desire. Through

Perception the Individual experiences sorrow, pleasure, suffering,
enjoyment, or neutral feeling. When the experience Is sorrow,
suffering, or neutral feeling, nothing much will happen. But when It
Is pleasure or enjoyment, the Individual will endeavor to make It his
own. This effort is Desire. It produces attachment. The first step
of this attachment Is the next stage. Cleaving, the effort to retain
the object of Desire. The last state of'this attachment Is Formation
of Being. The term "Existence" is often used for this stage, but,
since It Is a link between the present and future, and the preliminary
step for Birth, "Formation of Being" Is a more fitting term.

Desire. Cleaving, and Formation of Being represent the three stages

of the activities of an adult, and together they constitute the Three
Causes of the Present. While an Individual Is enjoying the effects of
the past, he Is forming the causes for the future. While the plum
fruit Is ripening on the tree, the core In the fruit Is being formed.
By the time the fruit Is ripe and falls to the ground, the core, too,
Is ready to bring forth a new tree of Its own to bear more fruit In the
future.

In the Future two stages are 11sted--BIrth and Old-age-Death, or.

In short, Birth and Death. When viewed from the Three Causes of the
Present, Birth and Death may be termed the effects. But when viewed In
the light of the continuous Wheél of Life, we may regard the future as
the time when the causes of the present open out and close. Also, the
Effects of the Future contain In themselves causes for the life still
further In the future.

The present Is one whole life, and so Is the future. Past, Present
and Future are each an Independent whole life. Past, Present, and
Future are relative terms, however. Objectively, there Is no Future or
Past. There Is Present only. A living being does nothing but repeat
the life In the Present.
*
It Is clear that the Causation Theory of Buddhism Is not like the
Theory of Causality of modern physical science, for the latter Is a
fixed theory. In Buddhism every stage Is a cause when viewed from Its
effect. When viewed from the antecedent cause. It Is an effect. Also,
It may be said that there Is a cause In the effect, and an effect In
the cause. There Is nothing fixed In this theory. The Theory of
Causality of physical science may be disproved, but the causation
Theory of Buddhism Is never to be disproved.

Blindness, which remains after the death of a living being, Is the

crystallization of the actions (karma) which the living being performed
during Its life, or, using other words, the "energy" or Influence of
the actions that remain. Actlon--the most suitable translation of
karma— Is the dynamic manifestation of mental and physical energy. The

(
 384

crystallized or stilled form of this energy may be called Action-

Influence or potential energy.' Action-Influence remains after the
action ceases, and this Is what makes the Wheel of Life move. As long
as there Is energy it has to work, and the stages of causation and
becoming will Inevl tably— bl Indly— go on forever.

In other words, a living being determines Its own nature and

existence by Its own actions. Therefore, we may say It Is self-
created. The act of self-creation has continued In the past for
thousands and millions of lives, and the living being has gone around
the circle of Twelve Stages over and over again. And, according to the
nature of the preceding Action, the next Wheel of Life may be of a
-higher order or of a lower order. That Is, a living being may assume
any form of life— human form, Oeva1s form, or animal form. The
Incessant transformation of life Is called undulation of life (sainsara).

Often Samsara (Constant Flow) is translated as "Transmigration of

soul," but that Is a very misleading translation, for the Idea Is not
that a soul lives after the death of the body and moves Into another
body. Samsara means the creation of a new life by the Influence of the
actions of the former living being. In the first place Buddhism denies
the existence of soul. Life Is like the waves on the water; the
vibration of one particle causes thé vibration of the next particle,
and thus the waves are transmitted a long distance. One wave Is one
life, and the series of lives Is Samsara. In the Buddhist theory, the
series of lives does not go on Infinitely as In a straight line. They
turn In a circle and repeat the circle over and over again. The Wheel
of Life Is a small circle of one life, while the great circle (the
series of the Wheel of Life in Its totality) Is Samsara.

Since this self-creation Is regulated by the Action of the

Individual being. It does not depend upon the authority of another— for
Instance, a God. Nor Is It affected by the ActIon-Influence of
different Individuals. "Self-acted, self-rewarded," and "For a good
cause, a good result; for an evil cause, an evil result"--these are the
rules.

In Action-Influence, there are Individual Action-Influence and

Common Action-Influence. Individual Action-influence creates the
Individual being. Common action-influence creates universality and the
worlds where living beings exist. In this connection the expressions
"Individual Effect" and "Common Effect" are used.

From another point of view. Action may be classified Into three

kinds: Good Action, Evil Action, and Neutral Action. Also, according
to the way Its retribution Is received. Action may be classified Into
four kinds: Action to receive retribution immediately. Action to
receive retribution In the present life, Action to receive retribution

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385
In the life to come, and Action to receive retribution In one of the
lives following the next.

There are two ways of viewing the process of becoming. The order
of cause and effect Is usually regarded as arising In sequence In
relation to time. However, when all the factors of the Twelve Stages
of Causation are considered as belonging to one being. It possesses all
at the same time. (For example, one does not abandon the Six Organs of
Sense to gain Contact.) Therefore, all factors are mutually dependent,
none being purely a cause nor purely an- effect, but all developing
simultaneously.

Buddhism regards all things in the universe as "existence depending

upon series of causes." Only when there is cause Is there existence.
Without cause there can be no existence. No existence Is permanent or
conclusive. In Buddhist terminology, such an existence Is called
"Conditional Existence." Such a way of regarding all things Is called
"Knowing and perceiving reality as such." To regard all things in the
universe as dynamic becoming Is the characteristic of Buddhism.

Delusion is the Illness of the mind, while Action Is Its physical

manifestation, and the result Is Suffering. For instance:, one may be
angry In mind and act accordingly, striking or killing, and later
suffer retribution. From this suffering of retribution one will
acquire more delusions and consequent actions and suffering, thus
repeating the same wandering ever and anon. Such Is the Chain of
Causation by Action.

Who or what Is responsible for the progression of the Chain of •

Causation by Action? To explain this question clearly we must study
the theory of Causation by the "Ideation-store."

b. Causation by the. Ideation-store (Alaya-vljnana). Actions

(karma) are divided into three groups, i.e., those of the body, those
of speech, and those of volition. When one makes up one's mind to do
something, one Is responsible for It and Is liable to retribution,
because the volition Is a mlnd-actlon even if It Is not expressed In
speech or manifested In physical action. But the mind being the Inmost
recess of all actions, the causation ought to be atributed to the
mind-store or Ideation-store.

The Buddhist Ideation Theory divides the mind into eight

faculties: the eye-sense, the ear-sense, the tongue-sense, the
nose-sense, the body-sense, the sense-center (the sixth, mano-vljnana),
the Individualizing center of egotism (the seventh, manas), and the
storing center of Ideation (the eighth, alaya-vljnana — Ideation-store
or mass).
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386

Of these eight faculties, the seventh and eighth require some

explanation. The Individualizing Center of Egotism is the center where
all selfish ideas, egotistic opinions, arrogance, self-love, and
illusions are fermented and is the source of all delusions. The
Storing Center of Ideation is the center where the seeds of all
manifestations (i.e.. Ideas behind all actions) are deposited.
Buddhism holds that the origin of all things is the effect of idea­
tion. Let it suffice at present to say that the Storing Center of
Ideation is the “seedbed" of all that exists. Every seed (i.e., every
idea or mental Impression) lies in the Storing Center, and when it
sprouts out Into the object-world (as an action), a reflection returns
as a new seed (Idea or Impression upon the mind). That is, the mind
reaches out into the outer world and, perceiving objects, puts new
Ideas into the mind-store. And, again, this new seed sprouts out to
reflect a still newer seed. Thus the seeds accumulate and all are
stored there together. When they are latent, they are called seeds,
but, when they are active, they are called manifestations. The old
seeds, the manifestations, and the new seeds are mutually dependent,
forming a ring which forever repeats the same process. This is called
the "Chain of Causation by Ideation."

That which makes the seeds sprout out is the manifestation of the
seed itself. That Is, the motive force which makes the chain of
causation move is nothing but the Ideation. It is easy to see from
this theory of Causation by Ideation that Delusion, Action, and
Suffering originate from mind-action, or Ideation.

The Storing Center of Ideation is carried across rebirth to

determine what the next form of life shall be. This Storing Center may
be regarded somewhat as the soul is looked upon in other philosophies
and religions. According to the Buddhist idea, however, what is reborn
is not the soul, but is simply the result (in the form of ideational
effects) of the actions performed in the preceding life. In Buddhism
the existence of soul is denied.

One should ask where this Storing Center of Ideation comes from.
To explain that we must study the theory of Causation by "Thusness."

c. Causation by Thusness (Tathata or Tathagata-garbha).

"Thusness," or "Suchness," is the only term that can be used to express
the ultimate indefinable, the unnamable reality. It is otherwise
called the "Matrix of Thus-come."

"Thus-come" is a designation of the Buddha employed by himself

Instead of "I" or "we," but not without a special meaning. After he
had attained Enlightenment,*he met the five ascetics with whom he
formerly shared his forest life. These five ascetics addressed.him
saying, “Friend, Gautama." The Buddha admonished them, saying that
they ought not to treat the Thus-come as their friend and their equal,
 387

because he was now the Enlightened One. the Victorious. All-wise One.
When he had “thus come" In his present capacity as the Instructor of
all men and even of devas. they should treat him as the Blessed One,
not as an old friend.

Again,, when the Buddha went back to Kapllavastu, his former home,
he did not go to the palace of his father, but lived In the banyan
grove outside the town, and as usual went out for dally begging.
Suddhodana, his king-father, could not bear the Idea of his own son.
the prince, begging on the streets of Kapllavastu. So he visited the
Buddha In the grove and entreated him to return to the palace. The
Buddha answered In the following words: “If I were still your heir, I
should return to the palace to share your comfort with you, but my
lineage has changed. I am now a successor to the Buddhas of the past,
all of whom have 'thus gone' as I am doing at present, living In the
woods and begging. Accordingly, your majesty must excuse me." The
king understood the words perfectly and became a pupil of the Buddha at
once.

Now, "Thusness" or the matrix of “Thus Come" or “Thus Gone" means

the true state of all things In the universe, the source of an
enlightened one, the basis of enlightenment. Hhen static. It Is
enlightenment Itself (with no relation to time or space), but. when
dynamic, It Is In human form assuming an ordinary way and feature of
life. "Thusness" and the "Matrix of Thus Come" are practically one and
the samd--the ultimate truth. In the Mahayana, the ultimate truth Is
called "Thusness.“

Now we are In position to explain the "Causation Theory of

Thusness." Thusness In Its static sense Is spaceless, timeless,
undifferentiated, without beginning or end, formless, and colorless,
because Thusness Itself without Its manifestation cannot be sensed or
described. Thusness In Its dynamic sense can assume any form. Hhen
driven by a pure cause It takes a lofty form; when driven by a tainted
cause It takes a depraved form. Thusness, therefore. Is of two
states. The one is Thusness Itself, the other is Its manifestation,
ifs state of Life and Death.

There are, therefore, three series of causations to be considered:

(a) Causation by Action-Influence as depected In the Wheel of Life; <b)
The origin of action. Causation by Ideation-store; <c) The origin of
the Ideation-store, Causation by Thusness One must not ask where
Thusness, or the Matrix of Thus-come, originates, because It Is the
ultimate Thusness.

d.__Causation by the Universal Principle (Dharma-dhatu). He have

thoroughly examined the origin of causation, but It Is still necessary
to consider the mutual relationships of the becomings of all things,
and, therefore, we pass on to the principle of universal causation.

(
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 388

The Universe, or alt things,. Is the dynamic man!Testation of

Thusness. All things are mutually dependent, mutually permeating
without any hindrance to one another.

''Dharma-dhatu“means "the element of the principle," and has two

aspects: (I) the state of “ Thusness," or noumenon, and <2‘
) the world
of phenomenal manifestation. In this Causation Theory It is usually
used in the latter sense, but, In speaking of the ideal world as
realized, the former sense is to be applied.

Buddhism holds that nothing was created singly or individually.

All things In the unlverse--matter and mind— arose simultaneously, all
things In It depending upon one another, the Influence of all mutually
permeating each, thereby making a universal symphony of spiritual
totality, One Item lacking, the universe Is not complete; without the
rest, one Item cannot be.

Hhen the whole cosmos arrives at a harmony of perfection. It Is

called the "Universe One and True," or the “Lotus Store" (“wreath").
In this Ideal universe all beings will be In perfect harmony, each
finding no obstruction In the existence and activity of another.

Although the Idea of the Interdependence and.the simultaneous rise

of all things Is called the Theory of Universal Causation, the nature
of the rise being universal. It Is a philosophy of the Totality of All
Existence rather than a philosophy of Origination.

According to this theory, four states of the universe can be

conceived: (1) the real, or the world of actual life; (2) the ideal,
or the world of principle; (3) the Ideal realized, or the world In
which the principle Is applied In actual life, or the fact and the
principle harmonized; (4) the real harmonized, or the world In which
the actuality attains harmony In Itself.

The first, second, and third states are easily understood, for
those are the Ideas often discussed by thinking men. But the fourth
may be somewhat difficult to understand, because In these
individualistic modern times It Is usually thought that one individual
is Inevitably opposed to another, that classes in a society are opposed
among themselves, that a business concern Is in competition with
another. A similar thought Is often held In physical science also— no
more than one object can occupy one position, and, therefore, all
objects are opposed among themselves. Even In the world of learning,
philosophy, for Instance, stands by Itself; so do religion and
politics. According to some, even art should have an Independent
existence— art for art's sake. Such independent existence of all the
branches of learning Is in fact a dissolution of civilization. But the
unification of the divergent branches will be a difficult task, for

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389

dissolution Is the natural outcome in a world of individualistic

tendencies.

The Principle of Totality, on the other hand, demonstrates that all

things in the real world ought to have harmony among themselves, and it
advances the'following reasons: (1) Because of the simultaneous rise
of all things; (2) Because of the mutual permeation of the influence of
all things; (3) Because of the necessity of mutual identification
between all beings (mutual self-negation to agree with each other) for
the realization of harmony; (4) Because of the necessity of unity, or
harmony, between the leaders and the followers for the attainment of a
purpose; (5) Because all things have their origin in Ideation—
therefore a similar ideal ought to be expected of all; (6) Because all
things are .the result of causation and, therefore, are mutually
dependent; (7) Because all things are Indeterminate and mutually
complementary— therefore harmony should be established aong all things
without hindrance; (8) Because of the fact that all beings have the
nature of a buddha (or buddha-nature, i.e., the potential of
enlightenment) dormant in themselves; (9) Because of the fact that all
beings, from the highest to the lowest are parts of one and the same
manda la (circle, or knowledge of reality expressed In the form or
figure of a circle); (10) Because of the mutual reflection of all
actlvltles— as In a room surrounded by mirrors, the movement of one
Image causes the movement of the thousand reflections. Buddhist
writers enumerate twenty reasons, but for our purpose these ten will be
quite’sufficient.... ,

*
Section Seven

VALUES
 391

INTRODUCTION TO VALUES

Values seem to flow from basic worldview assumptions. This

perspective is depicted In the following model and discussion of the
relationship of values to worldview. Values (as here understood) stand
somewhere between worldview themes and behavior. More specifically,
values are at the periphery of worldview In closest contact with
behavior.

AN OVERALL MOOEL

The following Is a composite picture of the variety of concepts

that relate to the subject of values, each of which will be discussed
separately In the pages that follow.

The label "worldview" Includes themes, allegences and values.

Behavior, however, Is distinctive from worldview, but has been Included
In the overall model because of Its relationship to values. It. too,
will be discussed In this section, but suffice It to say here that
behavior Is where values, as well as worldview Itself, are expressed.

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 392

A COMPANION GRID FOR THE OVERALL MODEL

As a complement to the previous model, this grid Is offered both

to Illustrate and explain the content of that model.

BASIC
COMPONANTS PROCESSES ILLUSTRATIONS

Themes (Opler) presupposing la. Believing In germs as the

Core Values assuming source of disease
(Spradley.Hsu)
Existential believing things 2a. God is ultimate authority
Postu!ates(Hoebel) to be....

Philosophlcal 3a. Assuming maleness Is

Presuppositions superior to femaleness
(Jacobs)
Basic Assumptions
(lllebert)

A 1leglences declaring lb. Committed to medical

Commlttment alleglence science
Fidelity pledging to 2b. Committed to obedience
committing to to God
believing In 3b. fidelity to the male's
being loyal to. clan and 1Ineage and
to the male as head of
the family

Values evaluating Ic. Holding doctors In high

esteem
Normative values categorizing 2c. Plans, actions, etc.
Evaluative and evaluated In terms of
Affective God's wl11
Assumptions 3c. Male babies desired over
(lllebert) female

Behavior behaving Id Taking medicine, going to

acting the doctor
2d. People pray, worship, and
wi Iness
3d. Males own property,
females do not

(Kraft and Brown 1983)

i
 ( í (

393

The first column provides the basic componant of the overall

model and some alternative terminology. Corresponding processes are
noted In column two. The Illustrations column Is designed to see each
Illustration as It relates to each componant of worldview and behavior.
Three Illustration are given, each with four parts (a through d).
Obviously, each theme could have a variety of ramifications, with the
variations becoming more numerous as the analysis moves toward the be­
havior level. The third example, male superiority, can result In a
larger variety of Illustrations at the behavior level than at the alle-
glence or even the value levels. For example, a woman assumes a man's
family name at marriage, salaries for women doing the same job as men
are less than that for men, no woman has been president, etc., to 11st
a few western (specifically United States) expressions of the theme.

Basic Themes as the Core

When one considers the spectrum of human values, It Is not

difficult to perceive that some elements of the subject are
qualitatively different from others. Some Individuals may prefer to
paint their houses pink, others purple, while still others shake their
heads In bewilderment that anybody would choose either. The values
expressed In such cases, however, are obviously not to be equated with
values such as one's belief In God, the sanctity of the Individual, or
the primacy of the social unit. These latter Illustrations reflect
deeper level values/themes located at the worldview core. One term
that‘Is used to describe such examples Is "core values."

The word "theme," which has been chosen as the preferred label
for these deep values, is borrowed from Opler who defines themes as

THEMES
 ( (

394

postulates that the society owns and seeks to maintain. They are basic
and limited In number In our society (Opler 1945; cf Opler 1955). A
model of Opler's thematic perspectives would simply resemble the
divisions of a pie. Each "slice" represents a basic theme or basic
assumption that with all the others form the core of the value system.
The arrows Indicate interaction between themes.

An alternative perspective to that of Opler is found in a study

by Hsu, who sees a small "core value," as lying at the heart of a
culture. His analysis concludes that underlying all American values is
the single core value that he labels as self-reliance (Hsu 1972:
209-229). Various other values would then be reduced to a secondary
level. Hsu's model would appear as follows:

SUB-THEMES

CORE VALUES

The center of the model Is the core value Into which all other basic
values tie. To use Opler's terminology, self-reliance Is regarded as
the basic theme with other values as sub-themes. Such a model is
probably inadequate, however, since It is questionable that any
worldview Is monothematlc. At best, Hsu's analysis might Indicate that
a particular theme could be dominant or at least more prominant than
others.

The question then arises as to how one theme Is prioritized over

another. It is conceivable that there could be conflicts between
themes, and some process may then exist to identify the theme or themes
that are to override the others. That prioritizing procedure is
centered in the discussion on alleglences.

Alleglences

The subject of allegiences Is included In the overall model of

worldview in such a way as ’
to recognize their integral relationship to
themes. By means of allegiences, themes are maintained and
 395

prioritized. Alleglences are the first level response to themes, and

as such set the direction that behavior will take.

The prioritizing of themes provides the basis by which one

chooses between conflicting themes. One may value his Individual
rights, for example, yet because of an alleglence to God or to a group
may put others first. An Individual may hold life to be sacred, yet
kill for his country. In any case, conflicts are resolved according to
which theme Is of higher priority.

Values

Values are the result of evaluations resulting In judgments of

good and bad, desirable and undesirable. Spradley refers to such
judgments as more than "merely bits of cognitive Information" (Spradley
1975:473). A person's values are often a matter of what Is felt more
than what is stated. In fact. Kearney's perspective on the whole topic
of values associates them with emotions, so much so that he doesn't
even Identify values as one of his universal categories. No explicit
discussion of values appears In his manuscript (1982). Rather, he
views values as Implicit In the other universals (personal conversation
wlth Kearney).

The perspective of this study, however. Is that the subject of

values, even with emotions as part of the picture, has a legitimate
placeras one of the universal categories because this Is something that
all persons do with respect to the various categories of Other In their
lives. Values are sometimes thought to refer to objective worth, but
In fact they more adequately refer to a subjective perspective of worth
(cf. Mayers 1978:2). Valuing Is th| subjective application of the
evaluatlonal dimension of worldview.

Obviously there are many kinds of values. People evaluate the

world In which they live, and all that It contains (Including
themselves) In such terms as old, young, rich, poor. Intelligent,
Ignorant, average, plain, fancy, simple, complex, pretty, ugly,
logical, etc. These represent categories In terms of which people
evaluate the figures on their stages of reality. And people with
different worldviews frequently end up evaluating the same thing quite
differently (eg. age and youth).

Behavior

As Indicated In the model, behavior Is seen as

he outgrowth of worldview and Is most closely related to the values
level of worldview. In this discussion of behavior, two Issues are
examined:
(1) variations of behavior
(2) actual versus ideal behavior.
 396

Variations of behavior. All behavior Is not the same.

Individuals choose to act or -react In a variety of ways. The word
"choose" Implies, however, that a certain latitude or variability
exists over which the Individual has control. That assumption must be
qualIf led.

Human beings may be described as characters on a stage, Involved

In doing and acting. The roles they fill are somewhat "scripted"— not
a llne-by-llne scripting, but rather that each has been given a range
of actions and reactions from which their "movements" may be chosen.
The Intention of this analogy is to Illustrate that though behavior
does not appear to be totally free, one does get to choose how to act
In much of his dally activity. Ills choices are based on the values
that he holds.

From this point of view, behavior does not occur unrelated to

worldview criteria. It Is the worldview themes, allegiences and values
that "script" a person's behavior by creating a range of choices. If
one highly values the family, one's behavior reflects that attitude
In concrete ways such as the use of time and money.If one highly
values his occupation, that too will be reflected in his behavior In
relationship to time and money. If two such values come Into conflict,
that conflict becomes evident at the behavior level. In such a case,
behavioral variation takes the form of selectivity, reflecting whatever
value takes precedence, at any given time.

Another factor In understanding variations of behavior Is the

existence of an evaluatlonal continuum. Behavior may be evaluated as
good or bad. This can be Illustrated as follows:

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Good Bad

Note that it Is not behavior that is identified on the continuum, but

an evaluation of behavior. Good or bad are values assigned to
behavior. Just as proper or Improper, profitable or unprofitable,
selfish or unselfish, etc.

Using the good-bad continuum above, one may examine punctuality

as a case In point. If punctuality Is seen toward the left of the
scale, behavior might Involve watching the clock and being disappointed
(or angry perhaps) at being late. One will hurry, demand an accurate
account of time, leave home early, etc., all because of a high value
placed on punctuality.

On the other hand. If punctuality Is located near the right end

of the scale, one's behavior will reflect that value One probably
will not worry about the clock (or may not even have one), and he may

( <
 (

experience irritation, anger, or worse if rigid time schedules are

imposed on him. (Mote that anxiety may occur when a conflict exists
between the leisurely view of time and a need to conform to social
expectations.)

Another factor related to variations of behavior Is that of

societal norms. All societies have bounderies that Indicate acceptable
and unacceptable behavior. If one behaves In a way that is consistent
with the values shared by society, he is conducting himself within the
societal boundaries. Certain behavior, however, violates society's
values and is outside the boundary or unacceptable. In the following
diagram, there is yet a third category, that of marginal or
questionable behavior. This is the behavior that exists in the “ gray
area."

Approved or acceptable behavior

Marginal or questionable behavior

Unacceptable behavior

n any society one will probably

find people In all three categories. The existence of such variety In
society is related to the process of change In which these boundaries
are altered for the future. Activities and behavior that were
considered marginal by the previous generation often become acceptable
once values are adjusted to accommodate such behavior. Such a fact
raises an interesting problem with respect to our principle that
behavior stems from belief. For In this case behavior Is changed and,
apparently, belief accomodated (or at least articulated) later. The
resolution lies, we believe. In the fact that there always seems to be
a discrepancy between actual (usually not articulated) and ideal
behavior.

Actual versus ideal behavior. The relationship of behavior to

values Involves the contrast between both actual and ideal values and
actual and ideal behavior. This four-way contrast stems from the fact
that the actual-ideal dichotomy applies both at the conceptual value
level and at the surface behavior level. This fact can be charted as
follows:
 (

398

Actual Ideal

C 1 i i

CO
Behavior - 1 1 1
! I 1 1
1 1 1 1
! 1 1 1 1 1 1
11 1! 1
1
1
I
1
1
1
1
1
1
Values D * ' ‘ I 1 ■ i IA

Point A positions an Ideal value concept such as "all men are

created equal." Point B reflects the behavior ideally expected in
response to an ideal value. Since "all men are created equal,"
behavior toward others is to reflect no bigotry. One's actual behavior
(Point C), however, might betray bigotry, indicating that the actual
value (as opposed to the Ideal) by which one lives (Point 0), is not
the Ideal value that he most likely articulates.

Does value generate behavior, then, or does behavior product

values? The above grid suggests that either direction is valid, but
there are some who tend to focus on one direction over the other.
Mainline Protestants tend to work from the cognitive to the affective.
Their emphasis is on learning and knowing, i.e. formulation of ideal
values, as a means to direct or produce desired behavior. More
ritualistic groups, such as Roman Catholics or Pentecostals, however,
ten to operate from the affective to the cognitive. By behaving in a
prescribed way, desired values are learned and adopted.

Kevin Hovey, a missionary in the Septk area of Papua New Guinea

has utilized the latter option in leadership training. The vast
majority of the pastors and church leaders under his direction have
been non-literates, so reading Scripture was not an option until
literacy classes had been completed. Until that time (and even
beyond), such pastors were Instructed in the practice Christian
worship. Each time such worship is conducted, the meaning is explained
and reinforced.

Both perspectives have Scriptural support. The “ values to

behavior" direction is reflected in Proverbs 23:7, “As a man thinks, so
is he." In the other direction, the affective leading to the
cognitive, there are the words of Jesus. "If anybody chooses to do
God's will, he will come to know whether what I teach Is from God. or
my own ideas" (John 7:17). Perhaps the matter Is summed up best by the
following: If you stand up for what you believe... (values producing
behavior), ...you will come to believe what you stand for (behavior
producing values).
 399

VALUE CONFLICTS

In any worldview, there are conflicts. One may have conflict at

the theme level of his worldview that can result In conflicts In
alleglences, values, and consequent, In behavior. A rather obvious
example of such conflict Is probably effective most (If not all) of
those who read this material. As cross-cultural communicators we each
have assumptions structured Into themes, allegiances and values and
worked out In behavior. Yet, we have come to accept the assumption
that there Is validity to assumptions, themes, allegiances and values
other than our own. That In Itself may generate conflict within our
worldview.

A helpful study of value conflict In American worldview has been

presented by Robert Lynd and Is summarized by Spradley (1975:488-490
from Lynd 1939). Spradley's summary Is Included In full below:

AMERICAN CULTURAL VALUES: CONTRADICTION AND INTEGRATION

Writing In 1939, Robert Lynd proposed the following

20 values that Americans In the United States live by.
lie referred to them as assumptions, the major Ideas which
people "have Incorporated Into their habits of thought,
sentiment, and action, either as active principles guiding
their conduct, or as truths tacitly accepted as 'things
‘ that ought to be' or as 'the way things work'" [Lynd 1939].
While many of these basic assumptions have been called Into
question during recent years, and some have undoubtedly
changed during the past 30 years, many remain firmly fixed *
In the mainstream of our culture. At the same time, they do
not represent the assumptions of many subcultures within our
society.

Many anthropologists have pointed out that values and

assumptions are often contradictory In nature. One way
contradictory values are handled Is by ranking them In priority
order. Another way is by scheduling. Some assumptions apply
In the context of the home or church, others In business.
Finally, most people probably live with conflicting assumptions
and the contradictions remain outside their awareness. In the
following list of American cultural values Robert Lynd presents
the major value along with (In most cases) a contradictory but
secondary one. [Ibid.]

MAJOR VALUE
1. The United States is the best
and greatest nation on earth
and wll) always remain so.
2. Individual Ism,"the survival
of the fittest,"|s the law of
nature and the secret of
America’s greatness; and
restrictions on Individual
freedom are un-American
and kill Initiative.
3. The thing that distinguishes
man from beasts Is the
fact that he is rational; and
therefore man can be trusted.
If let alone, to guide his con­
duct wisely.
4. Democracy, as discovered
and perfected by the
American people, is the ul­
timate form of living together.
All men are created free and
equal,and the United States
has made this fact living real­
ity.
5. Everyone should try to be
successful.
6. The family is our basic Insti­
tution and the sacred core of
our national 1Ife.
7. Religion and "the finer
things of llfe” are our ul­
timate values and the things
all of us are really working
for.
< (
400
CONTRADICTORY VALUE
2. But: No man should live
for himself alone; for
people ought to be loyal
and stand together and
work for common purposes.
3. But: Some people are
brighter than others; and
. as every practical poli­
tician and businessman
knows, you cannot afford
to sit back and wait for
people to make up their
minds.
4. But: You would never get
anywhere,of course, If
you constantly left
things to popular vote.
No business could be
run that way,and of
course no businessman
would tolerate It.
5. But: The kind of person
you are is more important
than how successful you
are.
6. But: Business is our most
important institution and
since national welfare
depends on it,other In­
stitutions must conform
to Its needs.
7. But: A man owes It to
himself and to his faint ly
to make as much money as
he can.
 (
8. Life would not be tolerable If
we did not believe In progress
and know that things are get­
ting better. We should,there­
fore, welcome new things.
9. Hard work and thrift are
signs of character and the
way to get ahead.
10. Honesty Is the best policy.
11. America Is a land of unlimited 11. But: Of course not every­
opportunity and people get
pretty much what's coming to
. them here In this country.
12. Capital and labor are
partners.
13. Education Is a fine thing.
14. Science Is a fine thing in Its 14. But: Science has no right
place and our future depends
on It.
15. Children are a blessing.
16. Women are the finest of God's 16. But: Women are not very
creatures.
í
401
8. But: the old. tried fun­
damentals are best;and
It Is a mistake for
busybodies to try to
change things too fast
or to upset the
fundamentals.
9. But: No shrewd person
tries to get ahead nowa­
days by just working hard
and nobody gets rich nowa­
days by pinching nickels.
It Is Important to know
the right people. If you
want to make money you
have to look and act like
money. Anyway, you only
11ve once.
10. But: Business Is business,
and a businessman would be
a fool if he did not cover
his hand.
body can be boss and fact­
ories cannot give jobs If
there are no Jobs to give.
12. But: It Is bad policy to
pay higher wages than you
have to. If people don't*
like to work for what you
offer them, they can go
elsewhere.
13. But: It Is the practical
men who get things done.
to Interfere with such
things as business and
other fundamental Institu­
tions. The thing to do is
to u^e science, but not
let It upset things.
15. But: You should not have
more children than you can
afford.
practical and are usually
Inferior to men In reason­
ing power and general
ability.
 <

402

17. Patriotism and public service
are fine things.
18. The American judicial system
Insures justice to every man
rich or poor.
19. Poverty Is deplorable and
should be abolIshed.
20. No man deserves to have
what he has not worked for.
It demoralizes him to do so.
17. But: Of course a man has
to look out for himself.
18. But: A man Is a fool not
to hire the best lawyer
he can afford.
19. But: There never has been
enough to go around and
the Bible tells us that
"The poor you have always
wi th you."
20. But: You cannot let people
starve.

SUMMARY

The category of values Is In some respect qualitatively

different from the other universal categories, because In one sense the
word "values" could be Interchangeable with "worldview." This model
of worldview, however, restricts "values" to that part of worldview *
that results from themes and their resulting allegiences, and is
closely linked to behavior.

Worldview themes could also be called worldview core or core

values. Allegiences result from themes and serve to maintain and
prioritize the themes. Values from allegiences and consist of
culturally conditioned subjective evaluations. Values underlie
behavior In keeping with the worldview. While behavior varies greatly
from person to person or society to society, much less variation occurs
between worldviews.

A distinction exists between Ideal behavior and actual

behavior. That difference is paralleled by idea) versus actual
values. Such differences point to conflicts between values, beneath
which lie conflicts between allegiences and also between themes.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLOW

The chapter by Spradley is easily read and understood and for

that reason has been chosen to introduce this series of chapters. His
article serves as a general discussion of the linkage between
worldview, values, and behavior. He uses a case study of the Mae Enga
of Papua New Guinea to highlight and illustrate his points.

Bock's chapter on "Value Systems" could also be useful in the

section on study (Section 9). He offers his readers a look at values,
behavior, and means and ends. At the risk of oversimplification, we
may say that ends are related to values as means are to behavior. The
 403

end of hIs chapter. In effect. Introduces the one that follows by

demonstrating how Kluckhohn and Strodbeck relate to other theorists.

Kluckhohn and Strodbeck provide a theory of value orientations

and their variations to which anthropologists Invariably turn when
discussing values. It Is not an easy chapter to read, since It Is
written for the serious student of value theory. The authors' views on
values serve to explain worldview from the perspective of a values
orientation.

The case study by Madsen points to the conflict that can arise
when one lives with two value systems. Hhlle that Issue Is only
suggested In this Introduction, the behavior that Madsen describes Is
eye-opening and perhaps will stimulate others to think about how such
value conflicts are handled elsewhere In the world. The article would
be fitting for either this section or the following section on change.
 Chapter Twenty-six

WORLD VIEW AND VALUES-

by James Spradley

Spradley has focused on the Mae Enga, a tribe In the

Central Highlands Province of Papua New Guinea, as the source
of his illustrations. From the general statement about world­
view in which he notes the Mae Enga worldview's preoccupation
with ghosts and spirits, the author moves on to a discussion of
values clearly addressing the relationship of values to
behavior. This chapter Is a good starting point for this
section since It also Includes core values (which correspond
to themes In our model).

World View

Every culture Involves a way of viewing the world, a perspective

for interpreting the universe of human expei ience World view Is the
way a people characteristically looks out on the universe. It consists
of the most general and comprehensive concepts and unstated assumptions
about life. World view. In part, helps to Integrate the bits and
pieces of culture, the customs that seem unrelated or contradictory;
world view permeates the hundreds of named categories and domains. A
particular world view cannot usually be stated or formulated with

From Spradley 1975465-497

 í

405

precision by the people. You will have to discover Mae Enga world view
by searching for the unstated ways of looking at life, by putting
together the pieces of this puzzle and making Inferences about the
perspective that gives It overall meaning---

Ancestral Ghosts

One afternoon Wakul returned to the men's house deeply troubled.

Mapu, his eldest son of 14 years, had suddenly become 111. You visit
him, lying on a low bed In the men's house, and his symptoms suggest
pneumonia. There Is little you can do. Wakul tells you, "It is my
mother's ghost. She has bitten Mapu." Later that afternoon he kills
two fowls and a pig and offers them to his mother's ghost. As men sit
around and eat the meat, this "shadow pork" offered to Wakul's mother,
there Is a somber appearance on their faces. Everyone wonders whether
the ghost will end her attack. Wakul returns to sit beside Mapu, to
watch for signs that the gift of pork has convinced her to stop eating
his son.

You wonder how Wakul knew It was his mother's ghost, since he
did not call a diviner. The next day you find out from other men.
Several years before his parents died, Wakul received an enormous pig
In a ceremonial distribution. His mother and father each wanted the
animal and urged him not to give It away to other people, to give It to
them, Sometimes old women can "own" a pig, and his mother wanted this
one for herself. But Wakul eventually gave It to his father and
greatly angered Wane, his old and domineering mother. She berated him
In public for his meanness and told everyone again what an ungrateful
son she had borne when, a year later. Wakul's father gave the pig away
In a distribution. Now It became clear why Wakul's large boar with the
deformed»stomach had destroyed another man's garden. Everyone knew
when it was born with a deformity that Wakul's mother's ghost was still
angry. Some said he shoold kill this pig immediately and give It to
his mother's ghost, but he refused, and It grew Into an enormous boar.
When it rooted up the garden, everyone was sure that it was his
mother's ghost at work, that she wanted pork, and that this boar should
be quickly killed and offered to her. But Instead Wakul gave It to
another clan In a distribution of wealth. And now his mother had
retaliated and attacked his eldest son. A few days later Mapu died.

Wakul was grief stricken, yet the mourning period was hardly
over before he had to send 10 pigs to his wife's clan as payment for
the Injury to Mapu's maternally derived flesh. Wakul knew that his
mother would only kill once; she would now merge with the ancestral
spirits of the clan, driven away by her victim, the ghost of Mapu. But
now Wakul had a new worry. It was not long before he began to dream
that Mapu appeared to him with an angry reproachment: "If you had not
sent that deformed boar to another clan to feed a stranger's ghost,
your mother's ghost would not have bitten me." As soon as a diviner
 I

406

helped Wakul to Interpret the dream, he sacrificed a pig to feed

"shadow pork" to Hapu's ghost. It would only be a matter of time
before he would attack someone dear to Wakul.

Hardly a day goes by that you do not hear someone talking about
the activities of one or another ghost. Sometimes events among the Mae
Enga are not so clear as to Indicate which ghost has killed someone.
Whenever illness comes quickly, someone has an accident, or there is a
sudden death/ everyone knows It means a ghost has bitten someone. In
the case of death, an autopsy reveals whether the ghost Is from your
mother's kinsmen or from your father's kinsmen. You have heard other
men discussing such autopsies. "There were black mark? on the right
side of his lungs," someone reports. "His paternal kinsmen killed
him." Jf the marks are on the left side. In the heart or lungs, It Is
the maternal ghosts. Since the maternal ghosts make the body. If they
also cause the death, no payment Is required. But, In the case of
Mapu, the ghost that killed him was considered part of his father's
clan, so pigs had to be sent to Mapu's mother's relatives.

Each day leads to new events among.the Mae Enga, events that
furnish you with new questions and more clues to decoding this complex
culture. Even as you Investigate their social system, language,
kinship system, animal husbandry, and gardening practices, you continue
to gain Insight Into the broader features of this culture, the Mae Enga
world view. The pervasive distinction between male and female and the
constant fear of ghostly attack seem to be two fundamental principles
of Mae Enga world view.

The concept of world view lacks the precision of many anthro­

pological concepts, partly because Its function Is to call attention to
very general features of the cultural landscape, not to the details of
every rock or blade of grass. Anthropologists have used many other
concepts In this same way, all in an effort to clarify the overall
pattern of a culture. Some have looked for themes that run through the
content of a culture, like the major Ideas of a novel. Others have
emphasized basic personality or national character, seeking to describe
the kinds of persons molded by a particular culture. Still others have
tried to fit together the pieces of a cultural puzzle with the concept
of ethos, the dominant emotional tone. We think that one of the most
useful concepts to clarify and further our understanding of the
underlying ideology of a culture Is the notion of values. In the rest
of this chapter we shall leave our partial analysis of world view and
turn to an examination of the core values of Mae Enga culture. In so
doing, we will extend out understanding of their world view and the
overall pattern of this culture.

i
 407

Va hies

A value Is any concept referring to a desirable or undesirable

state of affairs. In your research you have already Identified many
Mae Enga values. "Husbands and wives should not sleep In the same
house," Wakul tells you. "nor should a woman enter the men's house."
These are undesirable states of affairs. It Is. on the other hand, a
good thing for a man to have more than one wife, especially If he has a
large pig herd. Young men hope their complexions will be clear and
unblemished, a desirable state of affairs for Mae Enga males. Our own
culture Is also constructed largely out of value concepts. Most
Americans believe It Is desirable that a man have only one wife at a
time. If your car suddenly gets a flat tire while you drive along a
lonely highway at night, you probably consider It to be an undesirable
occurence. On the other hand, a high grade on a final examination Is a
desirable event. The financial Investor hopes his stock dlvldents will
go up; the sixth-grade boy saves his money to purchase a bicycle; the
teen-aged girl likes to know that she has many friends; the middle-aged
executive hopes his yearly physical examination will reveal that he Is
healthy. These are all objects or states of affairs considered to be
desirable. Thus values permeate every culture and become attached to
most cultural categories, even those that seem neutral.

Values and Concepts

' Like all our cultural knowledge, values are mental conceptions.
They are also heavily weighted with emotional feelings. Although It Is
not possible to observe values directly, there are three routes to
learning the values of a people. First of all. It Is frequently
possible to Infer values from observable behavior. For example, from
the way men and women act toward their pigs, you can Infer that It Is
quite Important to take care of these anlmais properly. They live
Inside a woman's house, each with an Individual pen. At night a fire
If kindled In the passageway between the pens In order to protect the
pigs from the cold that comes to these high valleys. A second, very
rich setting for discovering values occurs when parents are teaching
their children proper behavior. You saw, for Instance, how angry Hakul
was when his son was not careful, and the boar wandered into another
man's garden. But when he cut off his son's earlobe and made him eat
it to teach him to take better care of his pigs, this was not an
Impulsive act; It was a customary way to teach an Important value. You
have seen other Mae Enga men reprimanding their sons for carelessness
when herding pigs. On occasion they have cut off their sons' earlobes,
and several months ago two men took an axe and cut off the first joint
of their son's fingers when several pigs were lost. One father even
tied his son securely and hung him over the fire for several hours,
berating him for his negligence and telling him how Important It was to
give his full attention to caring for the pigs. These actions are
generated. In part, by the value concept, "It Is desirable to take
 408

special care of pigs." Third, many cultural values are expressed

verbally. When- you talk ta the men at night in their house, they will
often explain to you, "Pigs are our hearts."

As concepts, values are not merely bits of cognitive Informa­

tion. They are deeply held notions that have strong feelings attached
to them. The cognitive maps that make up a culture, Including the
values that are part of those maps, always have an affective (emotion­
al) dimension. Mae Enga women and men not only bel leve pigs are
Important, they feel It deeply. When a father punishes his son by
hanging hlin over the fire for negligence In caring for pigs, he acts
out of deep concern for pigs and for teaching his children their
Importance.

Desirable or Undesirable • ■

Before we go farther. It Is Important to distinguish between two

kinds of cultural concepts: (1) states of affairs and (2) desirable or
undesirable states of affairs. The former refers to what ]s. the
latter to values, or what ought to be. There is a difference between a
state of affairs, such as "Men and women sleep In separate houses," and
a value, "men and women should sleep In-separate houses." If something
Is merely a state of affairs, no one will be concerned If someone falls
to maintain It. On the other hand, when values are violated, It seldom
goes unnoticed. Among the Mae Enga, for example, some men occasionally
do sleep In the house of their wives, mothers, or sisters, but people
tell you it Is only because they are old and poor. The other men and
women talk about them In a disparaging manner, pointing out to you that
they are eccentric.
4
Every culture contains concepts that refer to states of
affairs. Someone says,-"It Is raining outside," ‘ That Is a sweet
potato," or "Those trees are In bloom." Although It may appear that
concepts that refer to states of affairs do not Involve values, they
are always based on underlying values. The very premises we employ In
order to know that something exists Involve values. For instance, we
only know It is raining outside because we see, hear, or feel the
rain. But this means we are trusting our senses to give us reliable
Information, something we do because we believe It Is desirable.

Or take another example. If someone says, "That Is a sweet

potato." he Is employing a cultural category for Identifying the tuber
of a particular plant. The Mae Enga have at least 3) names for sweet i
potatoes, differentiating them by skin color, flesh color, leaf
conformation, ¿md various maturing times. Implicit In these
categories, whether you use one or 31 terms, is the assumption that it
Is deslfabie to classify and name things in one way and not another.
If we used the Mae Enga categories when shopping for sweet potatoes at
the supermarket, other people would think we were foolish or stupid.

(
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409

If a Mae Enga woman adopted a single term for all the different
varieties of potatoes recognized by her family and friends, she would
be reminded of the proper cultural categories. Failure to use
agreed-on concepts for Identifying states of affairs does not go
unnoticed, pointing to the fact that even a seemingly neutral cultural
category such as "sweet potato" Involves a value.

But, having acknowledged that values are an Implicit feature of

every cultural category, It Is useful to Identify concepts that are
recognized to refer to desirable states of affairs. Their value
content Is overt and clear, not hidden and tacit. Take the case of
Wakul's large boar with a deformed stomach. His possession of this pig
was common knowledge, a socially recognized state of affairs. Further­
more, Mae Enga culture has concepts for Identifying the size of pigs,
their deformities, and the cuases of such physical abnormalities. But
these concepts contrast sharply with the widely shared belief that
Wakul ought to kill this pig and offer its Immaterial, double, the
shadow pork, to his mother's ghost. Furthermore, Wakul's own personal
desire was in conflict with what even he knew to be a desirable
action— kl11Ing this pig. In this instance he failed to live up to the
cultural value and, from the Mae Enga perspective, suffered the conse­
quences when his eldest son was bitten by his mother's ghost. It Is
important, then, to distinguish among the following:
1. things as they are (facts);
2. things as they ought to be (values);
<3. things as someone wants them to be (desires).

Core Values

Some values refer to specific actions such as taking care of

pigs or killing pigs for ghosts. Other values refer to general
categories of behavior and cover many specific Instances. Core values
refer to the most general concepts of desirable and undesirable states
of affairs. Every culture contains a limited number of core values.
Once we Identify the core values of a culture we can begin to under­
stand the overall culture pattern more clearly. We can Illustrate the
differences between specific values and more general core values by
looking at our own culture.

Cleanliness in American Culture

An observer In our own society would quickly notice.that many

people carefully wash their hands before eating. As families converge
at the dinner table, mothers or fathers ask their young children If
they have washed their hands. Sometimes a child is asked to produce
his clean hands for visual inspection, and any evidence that dirt
remains means another trip to the bathroom with the comment, "And this
 « (>

410

time use soap." One can easily formulate the following widely held
cultural value from Instances such as these.

1. It Is desirable to wash your hands before eating a meal.

But further observation would undoubtedly lead to a more general

value. For Instance, our observer wóuld note that people wash
frequently, not merely before meals. She would note that If someone
did not have an opportunity to bathe every few days, he might commonly
report feeling "grubby." Individuals often use chemical substances to
cover or hide body odors and people who do not keep themselves clean
and free of certain odors are the subject of gossip. Children are
reminded to take baths frequently and might be forced to do so even
though they protest that their bodies are clean. Such observations
lead to the following more general value statement.

2. It Is desirable to keep the human body free from dirt and normal
odors.

Now, If our observer listened to people talk and made further

observations, she could Identify related values of wider generality.
If she visited someone unexpectedly they might make excuses ¿bout the
lack of order and cleanliness of their living room. At the supermarket
she would find large supplies of cleaning agents that men and women
purchase regularly. New products that companies claim work more
effectively that any others are advertised on television and in the
newspaper. People wash their cars and cover them with chemical
substances that make them appear clean for longer periods of time. The
creation of mythical heroes such as "Mr. Clean" is not out of place in
this culture. Our investigator could easily formulate the more general
value as follows.

3. It Is desirable to keep most material objects clean and orderly.

Her observations would probably be supplemented by numerous

proverbs such as "Cleanliness is next to godliness" and "A place for
everything and everything in Its place." Thus, after careful research
she -would identify the more general value.

4. It is desirable to live an orderly and disciplined life.

These last two general- propositions about what is desirable are

core values that would enable her to make sense out of a vast range of
social behavior. In general core values enable us to Interpret many
specific actions and to fit them Into the larger patterns of the
culture.
 411

Mae Enga Core Values

I• Pigs are wealth, and It Is desirable to Increase the supply of pigs

and of pork. This Is the most obvious core value, and one that you aré
able to formulate quite early In your field work. It also enables you
to understand much of Mae Enga behavior. For example, one day, after
you have a fair command of the Enga language and the local people have
come to take you for granted, you decide to Investigate the Inside of
the women's houses. You have been In their yards often, but because
men seldom enter, you have only looked Inside the long thatched
houses. You know that the front part Is a room where people congregate
but the remainder of the house Is divided differently from the men's
houses. Hakul's wife seems eager to have you look around. Beyond the
living room Is a passageway with five pigpens on each side, and In the
back Is another much smaller room, one In which the women sleep. Your
hostess tells you not to go further; men are not allowed In the back
room. Even sexual Intercourse between married couples occurs away from
the houses In the bush. It is midday, and she explains why one pig Is
still confined In Its pen: "Wakul received that one yesterday from a
Big Man In another clan, and It would return home If we let It go with
the others to feed In the bush. Later It will learn this Is its new
home and stay."

When you Inquire why he received this pig, Wakul's wife tells
you. ,"lt was a payment. Wakul has a large boar that he saw mating with
a sow-In the bush; he traced the sow to Its owner and demanded one of
the litter. We watched the moon for 4 months, and the sow had her
litter right on time." On the front wall of the living room, stuck.
Into the matted stems and leaves of canegrass, you can see literally
dozens of pig bones. These bones, you learn, attract new pigs to the
herd. Tucked In beside some of the bones and above them In the gable
of the house are packets qf Iris leaves that Wakul has treated with
spells from his store of family-owned magic. These also attract more
pigs. These means of acquiring pigs are used because no matter how
Industrious one Is In caring for pigs, no matter how shrewd a man might
be In increasing his herd through ceremonial exchanges, he cannot
control everything that determines the number of pigs he owns. This
magic Induces his debtors to meet their obligations and makes men from
distant places give generously when exchanges take place. Magic leaves
are also used to rub pigs or are fed to unsuspecting pigs Inside sweet
potatoes to Increase their growth. A few days later you visit again
and find that Wakul's wife has tied a piglet by Its hind legs and has
It hanging from the rafters Inside the front room of her house. You
watch as she takes a fire stick from the fireplace and singes off the
pig's hair, .then rubs the squealing animal with grey clay while saying
magic spells. She knows that If her pigs are scrawny, Wakul may beat
her, and this magic, like the use of leaves, helps to make the pigs
heal thy and fat.

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 412

Before you leave the Mae Enga you will have discovered dozens of
other stategies for Increasing pig wealth. Men marry extra wives
because they alone can tend sweet potatoes and care for pigs. In order
to escape losing one's entire stock by diseases that can strike down
hundreds of pigs In a single area, wives sometimes take their, husband's
pigs to live In different territories with other relatives. Some men
farm out a few pigs to their sisters or other relatives In other clan
territories, thus reducing the risk of total loss that might occur If
they were kept In one place. Men buy pigs, paying a stone axe-blade or
a gourd full of tree oil for a knee-high sow. A 10-foot bamboo of tree
oil will buy five pigs. When the Europeans came In about 1940, a pig
could be purchased for a single steel axe or spade. Ultimately, the
amount of pig wealth any person controls Is determined by the ghosts of
his paternal relatives, which brings us to two more core values In this
culture.

2. A long life, free from serious Illness, malignant disease, and

fatal accidents, Is desirable. Because most ÍÜnesses and accidents
are direct result of being bitten by a ghost, and because almost all
deaths are due to ghostly attack, this value Is closely linked to the
next.

3. It Is Important to be on good terms wt th ghosts, especial ly^he

ghosts of your clan, lineage, and family Because ghosts areconsIdered
malevolent, the Mae Enga do not expect them to bestow gifts, protec­
tion, or other benefits. Somewhat like people, ghosts are dominated by
evil Intentions. The goal Is to keep them placated, to keep their
anger from boiling over Into malicious action. Whenever a pig Is
killed for any reason, the owner dedicates the pig to a ghost or group
of ghosts as a form of Insurance. Just as social relationships with
men are enhanced by gifts of pork and by eating together, so the offer
of shadow pork to a ghost helps to keep the relationship In balance.
But ghosts also sometimes demand pork and a pig must be killed for this
purpose alone. Most men readily admit, however, that there Is no
totally effective means for stopping the malicious activity of ghosts.
When you discuss ghost attacks with Mae Enga men, they often say, "The
ghost of my father's father killed my father, and my father's ghost
will kill me." Giving pigs to ghosts has its counterpart In another
core value involving the exchange of pigs among humans.

4. man ought to meet his social comm11ments to dIstrlbute pigs.

Although a man's pigs are his own, what he does witli his pigs depends
on the plans of his kinsmen. One day not long after Mapu's death, you
find Wakul In a rage over the behavior of his brother's son, a bachelor
In his late twenties. A heated discussion is In progress when you
enter the men's house. “ You knew we were to send pigs to the Tereposa
people," Wakul shouts as he paces back and forth, his displeasure
evident for everyone to see. He continues to berate his nephew, and

(
 ( (

even the boy's father joins in to condemn his son’s actions. It will
be some time before things have cooled down enough for you to get the
details of the dispute. As the group breaks up, Wakul makes one last
parting remark to his nephew:. "If you keep acting In this way you are
going to turn out to be nothing but a Rubbish Man!"

Weeks later you reconstruct the situation. When Mapu was killed
by the attack of Wane's ghost, everyone In the subclan knew that a
funeral distribution was required. It would take many more pigs that
Wakul could muster, and everyone would pitch In, keeping careful track
of their contribution. In the future when bridewealth came to the
Kauwai people, or another clan sent pigs for a death caused by their
ghosts, each person would receive animals according to his rightful
share. "But," Wakul tells you, "my brother's son quickly gave his pigs
away In private exchanges so he would not have to contribute to the
funeral. It made It difficult for us to get together enough pigs to
send to my wife's clan."

Mae Enga men do not measure their pig wealth In the size of
their immediate herd. Rather, they calculate their pig credits and pig
debts as well as thesize of their present herd. No one wants others
to know how manypigs he has on hand.. If he has too large a herd,
creditors will descend on him demanding that he give what he owes; If
his herd is too small, others will sneer because he Is such a poor
man. On a single day a man may have a dozen pigs, and If an exchange
occurs he might have only two or three the next day. A man's wealth In
pigs is estimated also by how many te partners he has In other clans.
The te Is a cycle of distributions. Involving at least 12,000 men, that
occurs periodically. A Big Man may have more that 100 te exchange *
partners In numerous clans, whereas most Individuals have less than
25. When the te cycle Is In full process, more than 30,000 pigs can be
moving up and down the valleys, passing from one man to another. At
the end of a particular -cycle of exchange, each man must repay his
partners with a half side of pork for eachpig received. Thousands of
pigs are killed, andtons of pork, some of It rotten and stinking, move
back along the valleys from one cían area to another. Everyone comes
to know the men who give and receive the most pigs. Before your field
work is over you will learn of about six cases of homicide in which
kinsmen will have to be compensated for the death. There will be 325
pigs given In these six cases, but not all of the 108 men involved make
equal contributions. More than half of these pigs will be donated by
only 21 Big Men.

Men can advertise their wealth without actually lett.lng on how

many pigs they control. After eating a meal of pork you have noticed
that men take a bone and slip It over a twig In a high tree. The trees
around Wakul's wife's house look as If they are sprouting pig bones.
And whenever someone visits Wakul. he points out these bones casually,
hinting that he eats pork nearly every day. On every Important
occasion, Wakul wears a net apron to which he, like other men, has
attached pigs' tails. Mote than 80 tails hang from the fringes of his
apron, and you have heard of other men who display nearly 100 tails In
this manner. Another way men advertise their wealth is by making
bracelets from the penis or testes of each pig they kill and giving it
to a daughter, nfece, or sister, or to some other female relative to
display. Each man thus builds a reputation, and people generally know
If you are a wealthy Big Man, or poor Rubbish Man, or somewhere in
between.

5. It Is desirable to have a strong body, a beautiful complexion, a

high level of self-confidence, and mental well-being. This concept is
shared by men and women, but the concern of men to achieve this core
value Is much stronger. Girls learn magic spells from their mothers
and sisters to increase their beauty, self-confidence, and mental
health; boys and men, however. In addition to magic spells, participate
in elaborate group rituals and practice many other customs to promote
their personal vigor and beauty. In order to understand the way men
achieve this value we must understand more clearly how values function
in, social life.

Cultural Selection

The most striking feature of human social behavior. In contrast

to the behavior of other animals. Is the Immense range of possibilities
available to mankind. Ruth Benedict referred to this as the "arc of
possible behavior." All animals engage in behavior directed toward
survival, but for most species the range of behavior that will achieve
this end is relatively narrow and largely fixed by heredity. Thus,
what a bee, a dolphin, or a pig must do for survival and what each of
these creatures can do are quite similar. The arc of possible behavior
for each of these species Is quite restricted. Although people must
also perform certain actions in order to survive, what we must do as a
species and what we can do are radically different. Mating must occur
for the continuation of the species, but the various ways in which men
and women can mate are extremely varied. The young of our species must
be taught to cope with danger, but the ways people have devised for
dealing with threatening situations vary from attributing them to
ghosts to conducting scientific experiments.

The arc of possible behavior is large for humanity. Cultural

selection refers to the fact that each culture ut 111zes only a 11ml ted
segment of this arc. No society that allowed eve-ry possible form of
human behavior, that allowed extremely contradictory patterns could
survive for long. A society In which people are allowed to murder
Indlscriminantly or one In which all property is owned by individuals
and at the same time by-all members collectively would by unworkable.
Every social order is also a moral order that, based on. the society's
cultural values, accepts some acts and rejects others. One of the
 415

major functions that values serve, then, Is to Influence the selection

of behavior patterns from among the total range of possible alterna­
tives.

If we go back to some of the bits and pieces of Mae Enga culture

noted at the beginning of this chapter and restate two of them as
specific values, we can then see how such values Involve a selection
from the arc of possible behavior.

The Mae Enga believe It Is desirable for:

1. Young men to postpone marriage as long as possible.

2. Men and women to live in separate houses.

The Importance of these values can only be seen If we realize

the alternatives they rule out.

The age at which it Is Boss|b[e for men and women to marry

Includes a large segment of the life cycle: child brides as young as 6
years are known among the Nayar of India/ and In our own society there
are cases where Individuals have married after reaching the age of 80
or 90. But not all ages are equally desirable as marriage ages In each
society; cultural values function to select some period of time as the
one when people should marry. For Mae Enga males the age to marry Is
during the late twenties or early thirties; for females It Is at 15 or
16.- .Under paternal pressure and fear of ghosts some men marry earlier
than girls.

The possible arrangement for domestic living In any society aJso

offer numerous alternatives. Kinsmen can live together by age:
children in one house or encampment, young adults In another, elderly
In another, and so on. Groups of brothers and sisters could live
together In one residence,_ while spouses live elsewhere, an alternative
that exists among the Nayar'. Husbands and wives and their Immediate
children could live In one house or dwelling, while other family
members live In other places. Numerous other possibilities could be
listed. Mae Enga values Influence the alternative selected by most
Individuals In this mountain valley: men and boys over 5 or 6 years
live In a men's house, while wives, daughters, sisters, and small boys
live In a house for women. Like all values, these two Ingluence the
selection from among alternatives....

Binary Opposition

At a deeper level of Mae Enga culture there appears to be a

classification of concepts Into two general categories, of which the
opposition between male and female Is only one expression. This
overall binary opposition Is not something Mae Enga Individuals
formulate consciously, although they recognize the kinds of

( ( (
 416

distinctions that underlie the list of opposing concepts shown In

Figure 14-1. This opposition Is expressed In numerous core values of
their culture and seems to be a fundamental feature of Mae Enga world
view.

Values and the Social Structure

The male core value of maintaining physical and mental health,

as well as the ways In which Mae Enga men take precautions to achieve
It, has a profound Influence on the social structure. Me can diagram
this organization as follows.

The baste division by sex Is one consequence of this core value,

but It also has the effect of actually separating the sexes In many
Instances. Infants and young children live In the women's houses, but
by the time a boy Is 5 or 6 years old, his father and brothers begin to
warn hI in of the dangers Inherent In such close association with women,
lie Is told that soon he must move out of the women's house and live
with men. If he refuses, his father may beat him to convince him of
the desirability of making this residential change. From the age of
six until he Is an old man, and for most men even then, males will
avoid close association with women. They will live In separate houses
and often eat their meals apart from wives or sisters. Some old men
may actually live with their wives, but everyone knows It Is because
they are too old for the contact to cause great damage, and they will
soon die anyway. The bachelors, as an organized group, have no
counterpart among the women. After the first few years of childhood, a
female among the Mae Enga Is either a girl or a married woman. One
function, then, of this core value Is that It results In a particular
organization of society.

Core values, as we have seen, are especially Important for the

selection of cultural behavior from among alternatives, for the
Integration of a cultural system, and for the way a society Is
organized. There are numerous other consequences of any particular set
of core values that the enthnographer will seek to discover. For
example, the values and beliefs associated with vital juices and the
contaminating influence of women creates a certain tension between men
and women. Men have considerable anxiety about engaging In sexual
Intercourse, yet they also desire to have children and know that If
they do not. their father's ghost may attack. Mhile these may be
negative consequences of such beliefs, this core value also offers to
each individual an Important explanation for misfortune. Skin diseases
are a frequent occurrence among the Mae Enga. but they do not affect
all men. Some men fail in combat with other clans or their pig wealth
declines. In addition to knowing that some ghost may be at work, a
person also knows that woman may have stepped over Ills spear or his
magic may not have protected him from Intimate physical contact with
Ills wife. Mhatever this misfortune, this core value provides an

i (
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417

FIGURE 14

SYMBOLIC CLASSIFICATION AMONG THE MAE ENGA

Inferiority Superiority
Nonentity ("rubbish man") Leader ("big man")
•Nelghbor/affInes Clansmen
Matrllateral kin Patrllateral kin
Mother's agnates Father's agnates
Mother Father
FemaIe Male
"Vertical" flesh "Horizontal" flesh
Flesh and blood Spirit
Ml Ik Semen
Sexual 1ty Chastity
Pollutlon Purity _
Married man Bachelor
Domestic life . Ritual seclusion
"Female" crops "Male" crops
Pigs Game
Secular dwelling house Ancestral cult house
Woman's («mother's) Man's (-father's)
house house
Woman's side of house Man's (-oven) side of
and yard house and yard
Left [land Right hand
MatrI lateral ghost or Patrllateral ghost or
sorcery sorcery
Left side of thorax Right side of thorax
Moon Sun
Earth dwellers Sky dwellers
Dark (brown) skin Light (red) skin
Mortals Immortals
Forest (-demons) Settlement (-kinsmen)
Danger. Security

(From M.J. Meggltt. "Male-Female Relationships In the Highlands of

Australian New Guinea," "American Anthropologist, Special Issue: New
Guinea, the Central Highlands," 66(4) Part 2. 1964, p. 219, J. B.
Watson (editor)
 ( (

418

explanation that makes sense In terms of the world view and values of
Mae Enga culture.

A significant feature of every culture Is the values that

organize behavior. A value Is any concept referring to a desirable or
undesirable state of affairs. Cultural values vary in their degree of
specificity and generality. Core values refer to the most general
concepts of desirable and undesirable states of affairs.

FOOTNOTE

* See E. Kathleen Gough, "The Nayars and the Definition of Marriage,"

The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland. 89. 1959, pp. 23-34.

I
 Chapter Twenty-seven

VALUE SYSTEMS

by Philip K. Bock

INTRODUCTION

Cultural values may be briefly defined as shared conceptions of

what is desirable: they are ideals which the members of some social
group accept, explicitly or Implicitly, and which therefore Influence
the behavior of group members. Some values relate to very specific
objects or events, while other values are much more general arut relate
to a variety of situations. As with other rules of culture, values may
be violated, and individuals may use values to achieve their own
private purposes. But since such actions take place within a cultural
context, they often testify to an awareness of the very conceptions
they violate. It Is often the revolutionary who Is most aware of his
society's values precisely because he wishes to change them.

The value system of a .society consists of the explicit and

Implicit Ideals shared by the group together with their relative
Bf'oLlLlii and ifliegfatjng patterns. That Is, like beliefs, the values
held by members of a social group tend to form a coherent system.
Despite the presence In many a society of alternative or even
conflicting conceptions of the desirable, it Is usually possible to
demonstrate some ranking of the values found as well as systematic
connections among these values. The general conceptions which help to
Integrate a value system are usually referred to as patterns or
orientations (rather than principles or premises). In this chapter, we
shall survey the ways In which several societies evaluate the behavior
of their members and certain products of that behavior.

From Bock 1969:347-378

 420

HIE PROCESS OF EVALUAÍION

Human behavior frequently Involves Judgment and choice. He are

constantly called upon to respond to our environment by classifying our
experiences and/or deciding among alternative courses of action. In
dally life, we must answer questions such as: Old he say pin or pen?
Is that Mary Smith or her twin sister? Should I order steak or
spaghetti? Hhat kind of book Is this? And on occasion we are faced
with more crucial decisions: Hhlch of these candidates should I vote
for? Should I ask Jane to marry me? Hhlch of these job offers should
I accept?

In trying to answer such questions, the Individual makes use of

various criteria or standards of judgment. Some of these criteria are
highly personal; but most of the categories and standards that we use
are socially acquired: they are learned as part of the culture of the
groups to which we belong or wish to belong Culture, then, includes
plans Í2E making dec IsIons; It provides us with criteria for judging
what kinds of evidence are relevant and even how much evidence we need
before making a choice....

The process of evaluation...Is universal; but the standards by

which person, objects, and events are Judged differ according to one's
culture. Even In so prosaic a matter as food preferences we find
striking cultural differences. In most societies, there Is a staple
food which must be Included In any meal if the meal Is to be Judged
filling or satisfying. But whether this staple Is rice, taro, milk,
maize, potato, manioc, yams, or bread obviously depends upon local
tradition. Even the Judgment that some substance Is or Is not "food"
involves a partly arbitrary evaluation: the insects that one group
treats as a "delicacy" are rejected by another group as disgusting...

Many kinds of evaluation call for Judgments of equivalence or of

relative ranking. Given a series of objects, events, or persons, we
are sometimes required to Judge which of them are In some sense the
same and/or to rank them along some kind of continuous dimension.
These Judgments are often very difficult to make because they call for
the use of a number of different criteria, each of which must be
weighted somewhat differently. Because of these complications. It Is
unusual to find complete agreement among members of even a homogeneous
community, and harder still to decide how people are making their
Judgments. But the sensitive ethnographer can study the disagreements
1.0 evaluation as clues to what criteria are actually being used.

For example, In his study of native prestige ranking In the

Mexican village of Zlnacantan, Frank Candan attempted to Judge the
relative prestige of Zlnacanteco men on the basis of their
participation In the religious cargo system:

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421

The cargos are public offices, and Zlnacanteco men fill them
as community service. That Is, the Incumbents receive no
pay and usually make very substantial cash outlays for
saints' fiestas and cerenionles. The term of service Is one
year___ Almost all Zlnacanteco males serve at least one
cargo during their lifetime___ The cost of cargos varies
tremendously, and only the rich can afford the most
expensive ones.

However, Candan found that:

expense Is not the only factor that determines the "prestige"

(respect, deference) that accrues to a man for his participa­
tion In the cargo system. Other factors are Important. The
most crucial of these seems to be the authority that the
Incumbent of one cargo has over the Incumbents of other cargos
In ritual situations.... In almost all cases It is difficult
to decide how much expense Is equivalent to how much authority
In calculating the prestige a cargo brings to...the person
who has completed It. Another difficulty is that the
Idiosyncratic features of some cargos, e.g., which fiestas
they are featured in, seem to have Influence on the prestige.
In the end I had to construct a prestige ranking of cargos
using the cost scale as a base line, changing the rank of
some cargos according to my knowledge of the authority of
•the post and the Idiosyncratic features Involved.

Since the people of Zlnacantan were reluctant to discuss

relative prestige. C a n d a n tried to validate his ranking of cargos b y ’
asking his Informants which men had completed what cargos and then
analyzing the factual errors that they made. He found that the errors
were not random but rather that his informants were guessing "In terms
of some general impress Ion.of the cargo-holder's prestige In the
community." That Is. when an Informant gave an objectively wrong
answer, he usually Indicated a cargo that C a n d a n had ranked as very
close In prestige to the correct answer. From this material. C a n d a n
concluded that "Zlnacantecos, though they will not openly discuss It,
actually do perceive cargos In terms of relative prestige; and we apt
to remember the approximate prestige of an Individual even when they
have forgotten the particular cargo he passed In the process of
achieving It.’"

The institution Just described Is one of the leveling mechan­

isms. That Is, the cargo system of Zlnacantan both translates
individual wealth Into socially approved symbols of prestige and
prevents excessive accumulation of resources by Individuals. But the
persons who participate In such institutions are not being uneconomical
or Irrational. They are using their wealth as a means to achieve
culturally valued ends.
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422

The distinction between means and ends Is extremely important to

an understanding of value systems. As we shall see, there Is far more
agreement among cultures about what constitute valuable ends than there
is about the appropriate means to achieve these ends. In addition,
what constitutes a valid end in one society may be viewed merely as a
means to some further end in another group___

Thus, In trying to understand the value systems of other

societies, we must beware of confusing means and ends. This is
particularly true with respect to the high value which most Americans
place upon efficiency. All peoples have some notion of more and less
efficient means to an end. If they did not, they probably could not
survive. But in most societies, efficiency is only one of a number of
criteria used in choosing among possible courses of action. In
American culture, this particular value often becomes an end In
Itself— or at least the sole, standard of judgment. This pursuit of
efficiency has doubtless contributed to our amazing economic develop­
ment; but it has also led us to squander many of our social and natural
resources, to upset the balance of nature, and to ruin the natural
beauty of large portions of our continent.

A similar point can be made about American attitudes toward

education. As Cora DuBols has observed, "to many Americans schooling
has acquired the weight of a goal rather than a means. A college
degree Is a 'good thing' In Itself, whether or not the education
entailed Is prized."*

In the following sections we shall consider the ways In which

moral and aesthetic judgments are made in a number of societies, with
particular attention to the distinction between means and ends. The
chapter will conclude with a discussion of the general patterns and
orientations which help to Integrate value systems.

JUDGMENTS OF GOOD ACTIONS: MORALITY

Every culture provides a set of categories and standards to be

used In evaluating human behavior. Some of these standards are ideally
the same for all persons: the Golden Rule, the ideal of self-
determination, and the deal of a single law "for you and for the
stranger who sojourns with you" (Exodus 15:16); they are universalIstlc
standards. Intended for all human beings. Other standards are partlcu-
they are meant to apply only to certain persons or within
specific social groups— and not to outsiders.

Every society has numerous particularistic standards. The most

Important of these are the role expectations— for example, conceptions
of how a good father or a good employer should behave. But even where
moral standards are stated In universalIstlc terms, certain particu­
laristic standards generally take precedence over them. For
 423

example, Theodore Stern has analyzed the folklore of the Klamath

Indians of Oregon to determine whether their mythology presents "an
' Internally.consistent statement of valued behavior." Based on selected
myths. Stern concluded that In Klamath society loyalty to kin takes
precedence over "commitment to an all-embracing ethical code, for It Is
only with more remote consangulnes and neighbors that such a code
begins to be expressed." Ml thin the Immediate family, warm personal
ties may override moral expectations and even the norm of reciprocity.
"It Is only among neighbors and...strangers that a person Is Judged
solely on his performance."1

Among the Navaho, the Ideal moral pattern was to treat all
people as If they were relatives. But even this universalIstlc
standard recognizes that a moral code must be extended from the
In-group, where It Is relatively easy to observe, to an out-group,
where It Is more difficult to follow. Even In complex civilizations,
kinship relations are frequently chosen to symbolize the Ideal
relationship among strangers; for example, the Emperor as the "father
of his people," or the use of "sister" among members of the women's
IIberatlon movement.

Another useful distinction Is that between absolute and

s!tuaMoria[ morality. An absolute standard Is one that should apply In
ail times and places, as, for Instance, "Thou shalt not kill." A
situational rule, on the other hand, Is one whose applicability Is
explicitly or Implicitly limited to specific social settings. There Is
considerable overlap between the concepts of absolute morality and
universalIstlc standards. They differ In that the latter Is an Ideal
for all kinds of persons, whereas an absolute value may be restricted
to a particular kinds of persons but applied regardless of the
situation. For example, In Western society the doctor Is expected to
save the life of his patjent regardless of the circumstances. The
saving of life Is thus an absolute value for doctors, but not for the
man In the street, and certainly not for the soldier---

Moral evaluation of one's behavior and that of one's fellows Is

a notable characteristic of human beings In all societies. It Is one
of the characteristics that distinguishes us from other animals. Man
Is a maker of tools, ru les, and moral Judgments. Some moral principles
are virtually universal, and these are presumably necessary to the
continuity of organized society. Surely, no society could continue In
which indiscriminate murder, theft, and lying were considered
desirable. But beyond these functional prerequisites for social life,
each culture has elaborated somewhat different patterns of valuing—
different both In categories of good and bad actions and In plans for
applying these categories. Thus, an action which Is considered good In
one society may be condemned or Ignored In another. Suicide, blood
vengeance, and even the accumulation of personal wealth are among the
actions which, as we have seen, may be highly valued In one group

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 424

and strongly disapproved In -another. Unless we are prepared, ethnocen-

trlcally, to maintain that our own values are absolute and should be
accepted by all peoples, we are faced with the question: Is It
possible to evaluate value systems?

A few anthropologists have suggested criteria which might be

used In evaluating the moral systems found In different cultures, but
none of these formulations Is entirely satisfactory. One reason for
this Is that the criteria proposed are often vague and difficult to
apply. He all value “ humane" behavior, but It Is often hard to decide
whether certain kinds of behavior (abortion, Imprisonment, euthanasia,
etc.) are “humane."

Some writers have suggested that the degree of conformity found

In a society between behavior and Ideals (whatever the Ideals may be)
Is a suitable Index of morality. But this solution simply redefines
morality In terms of conformity, and there may be cases In which we
want to dlntlngulsh the two--for Instance, when an Individual's
violation of his society's moral code seems to Involve an appeal to a
"higher" moral standard, or at least shows a fuller realization of the
Ideals of his own group. This Is the old problem of the spirit versus
the letter of the law, and It has never been an easy one to resolve.

Ruth Benedict once suggested that total cultures differ In the

degree to which they promote self-realization of the people who live by
them. But this emphasis on the full development of each Individual —
the avoidance of what Benedict called "human waste" — Is Itself a value
characteristic of a certain social class at a particular time In
history.

Most anthropologists, therefore, have adopted some version of

the position known as ethical relativism. Ibis Is the view that we
cannot evaluate value systems; Indeed, we cannot even Judge the
behavior of an Individual outside the context of his own social group
and Its morality. This view Is not without difficulties. For example,
an ethical relativist must accept and try to understand actions which
are personally distatefui or abhorrent to him. without passing any
moral Judgment on them. He need not approve of, say. torture or
fascism, Infanticide or cannibalism, but he must try to prevent his
culturally determined emotional response from getting In the way of
analysis and understanding---

The study of moral values Is Increasingly becoming a part of

anthropological Investigations, and in the future, we shall probably
see the devolopment of new concepts and techniques for the study of
this Important part of human culture....
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425

JUDGMENTS Of BEAUTY: ESTHETICS

Esthetic Judgments Involve the appraisal of persons, objects, or

events In terms of their pleasing qualities or beauty, though, as we
shall see, moral and practical criteria sometimes enter Into these
appraisals as well. The categories and criteria used In making
esthetlp Judgments are mainly Implicit, at least In primitive socie­
ties, and their application calls for skills of "connolsseurshlp" which
can be developed only through a long acquaintance with a culture. For
these reasons, asthetlc Judgments are often difficult for the ethno­
grapher to understand or describe; however, by careful study of native
evaluations and through systematic analysis of style and language, It
Is sometimes possible to discover the more obvious esthetic standards
embodied In a culture and to communicate these to an audience of
outsiders.

Although esthetic Judgments are difficult to study. In a way

they typify the nature of culture better than almost any other kind of
human behavior. When we think of an ancient or exotic society, one of
the first things that comes to mind Is the typical artistic style
embodied in Its material culture. For most of us, ancient Egypt Is
characterized by Its pyramids and paintings. Just as classical Greece
Is thought of In terms of It epics, statues, and architecture, or the
Middle Ages as a succession of cathedrals. The art, music, and
literature of a society— Its "culture" In the narrower sense— embody
Ideals of form and content which give to a tradition Its distinctive
flavor. And these art styles are the result of many people Judging,
choosing, and acting In accordance with shared conceptions of beauty.

All of the arts are characterized by a striving for formal

perfection which goes beyond and Is sometimes opposed to practical or
utilitarian values___ The craftsman not only produces useful objects;
he also forms and decorates his baskets, spears, or pots to make them
beautiful. The musician or storyteller does not Just repeat
traditional forms; he also embellishes them and creates new works
pleasing to himself and his audience. All such creations and
re-creations rest on a basis of traditional techniques and skills. But
the artist utilizes these skills to produce Improved and/or hovel
forms— forms which express cultural Ideals and which must be Judged by
esthetic standards___

The key word In understanding the esthetic values embodied In a

culture Is selection. All artistic activities Involve a selection of
"some specific method, technique, manner, or plan of operations" from
among several possibilities, and a development of this chosen style in
the direction of formal perfection--- ***
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426

In the following pages, we shall consider the esthetic values

held by members of three different societies and their application to a
few arts: graphic design, folklore, and music. In each case. It will
be evident that esthetic ideas can be understood only In relation to
the total value system of the culture.

Esthetic Categories

One way to approach the esthetic values of a culture is by

analyzing the linguistic terms used to describe or evaluate esthetic
objects. Harold K. Schneider has made such an analysis of the key
esthetic concepts of the Turu, a Bantu-speaking people of central
Tanzania. He discusses four main Turu terms: j a , luhlda. nsaasla.
and majlghana. The translation of these terms presents special
difficulties. As Schneider notes, one Turu grammar defines the suffix
-Ja as "good, beautiful," whereas a Turu Informant translated It as
"useful":

-ja encompasses all things of value to Turu, including those

which are esthetic. The concept does not differentiate things
which are man-made and natural objects, though according to one
Informant, ^ occurlng In nature are "as If someone had made
them," l.e., as If they had been fashioned for man's use___
Examples of ^la are cattle, cloths, songs, and even the useful
actions of people---

Luhlda may be contrasted to as esthetlcally pleasing

ornamentation, l.e., a design added to something else.
Luhjda Is visible ... and has spatial continuity and '
Isolation. It Is designs which are geometrical or otherwise
patterned, having rhythm, symmetry and balance but no precise
symbolic meaning.

There are several types of designs which come under the heading
of luhlda. These Include madone, a series of disconnected round units
which are esthetlcally patterned (00000), and nsa[e, a series of
unconnected parallel lines occurring within a spatial field.
According to Schneider:

The Turu would not see the parallel lines In a notebook

as nsale because they run off the edges of the sheet, but If
all the lines stopped short of the edge and the same distance
from the edge of the page, they would be nsale. This design
often occurs In the form of scarification of the body and as
ornamentation on flour gourds.

The concept of nsaasla Is more difficult to explain. It Is

sometimes thought of as a quality of action and sometimes as a quality
of things, but In either case It must have a pleasing effect.
 427

Furthermore, nsaasta Is always produced by human skill, whereas :Ja

and ]uh]da may occur naturally. "A cow cannot be nsaasla no matter
how pleasing to the eye, 'because It was born that way,' but a herd can
be thought of as nsaasja because It Is assembled by man.M A person
cannot look nsaasla, nor can an object that Is flawed retain this
qua 11ty:

The essential qualities of nsaasla are regularly, smoothness,

symmetry, cleanliness and color. Unlike luhlda, nsaasla Is
also wholeness and completeness___ A stool which has no
. ornamentation may still be nsaasU because It Is skillfully
made with Integral flourishes and fine lines. It loses this
quality If disfigured, even If It Is still useful. A clean,
pressed shirt Is nsaasla until It becomes dirty and rumpled
or torn. A house may Be nsaasla If the builder transcends
utility by the use of matched and aligned poles.

The last of the four concepts, majIghana , Is closely related to

the notion of nsaasja but It refers primarily to "a voluntary action
which makes people happy." Actions which are done under duress are
outside of this concept; but a "man of majIghana Is one who customarily
exercises freedom of choice to do things which make others happy."
These may be simple acts such as sharing cigarettes, speaking pleasant
words, or visiting with people to establish friendship, but the concept
also Includes sponsorship of "freely given" feasts and ceremonials such
as ancestral sacrifices and fertility rituals:

Among the activities considered to be majIghana Is the

circumcision rite, particularly the Initial part In which
the Initiates are operated on and the feasting and dancing
occur___ The pain In the act Is discounted and the happiness
It brings toothers Is emphasized. The dancing, drinking, and
eating make those attending the feast happy, and the achievement
of social maturity of their child pleases the parents.

The Turu say that "nsaasla Is Q!ijlghana." This statement Is the

key to one of the most distinctive features of Turu esthetics, for It
discloses their attitude towards the social function of art and the
artist. As explained by Schneider:

Nature can produce valuable and even esthe11ca11y pleasing

things, but when they are created by men they are something
speclai--nsaas|a. Nsaasla Is an act of majj^hana or altruism ...
Art Is an esthetleal Iy pleasing form that Is produced by men.
An artist Is one who Is able to perform acts of majIghana by
exercising his nsaasja to bring pleasure toothers. Artists
are one of the class of magnanimous people Including any others
whose actions bring joy to people.

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 428

Running through all of these concepts Is a strong element of the

practical. Thus, the sky Is not -Ja because, as one Turu said, "when
the sky can be seen there are no clouds so there wl11 be no rain." A
certain spotted beetle was said not to be Juhlda because It Is
destructive of crops, while Ha well designed cigarette package Is not
nsaasla because when It Is empty It Is crumpled and discarded."4

Turu esthetic concepts, then, are firmly embedded in a social

context and they cannot be understood outside of this context. • ThIs Is
also true of the stylistic values embodied In traditional Hawaiian
folklore. Samuel H. Elbert examined some 900 Hawaiian tales to
establish their major stylistic features so that these could be
compared with the principal emphases of the traditional culture. The
"old culture" of the Islands Is characterized as "predominantly
aristocratic" and as centering on four major areas of Interest-
physical, Intellectual, emotional, and ethical; each of these
characteristics Is clearly expressed In one or more of the following
features of folklore style:

Hyperbole
Exaggerations used In the tales are useful Indices of cultural
values. The heroes of Hawaiian tales are always described In extreme
terms. “These heroes have great powers: they drink the sea dry, leap
from Island to island, or transform themselves Into fish or animals.
Their flawless bodies are so beautiful that strangers hasten to wait on
them.“

Metaphor and SI inI le

"The richly elaborated figurative language of the tales shows
the cultural interest In nature. A bride Is a flower, a child a lei,
ignorance 'Intestines of night1 and wisdom 'intestines of day'."

Humor
Word play and scatological Jokes are the most frequent forms of
humor found in the tales, with sarcasm occurring less frequently.
"Punning Is a form of aggressive competition between heroes." Joking
shows a fascination with the human body Including Its deformations.
"Adultery and lechery are not sources of humor In the tales because of
the lack of taboos on this kind of behavior."

Names
“
A striking feature of Polynesian mythology Is the fondness for
names." All the characters In a tale are listed at the beginning, and
full personal names are frequently repeated where we might substitute
pronouns. Genealogies were memorized and recited on many occasions.
(According to some early missionaries, the Hawai Ians thought that the
"begats" In the Bible were the "best parts")

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429

Details
"Hawaiian tales frequently mention body parts, especially
eyes.... This Is In keeping with the cultural Interest In the sacred
body, as mentioned previously." Verbal fluency was highly valued and
Is displayed by the heroes of the tales, often In the form of elaborate
Insults. "Nature Is referred to with the most persistent attention and
wealth of detal 1."

Treatment of Character
The heroic tales Illustrate the aristocratic emphasis of
Hawaiian culture. Most of the tales deal primarily with persons of
high rank; commoners enter the picture only "to Illustrate a virtue,
such as hospitality, or to wait on or applaud a chief. The slave class
Is completely unrepresented." Animal characters are scarce. There Is
a realistic treatment of even the character of heroes, partly for
esthetic effect: “ The sudden weaknesses of the hero, the fact that his
mana occasionally falls, his fears and temporary setbacks, are
realistic touches that serve as devices for heightening suspense and
enhancing dramatic appeal."

Finally, Elbert describes a number of "nonsemantlc elements of

style"--dev1ces used less for their meaning than for their Inherent
esthetic appeal to members of this society. These devices Include
antithesis, repetition, and catalogs, all of which serve as esthetic
embel I l-shments as well as ways of prolonging rituals and prayers In
order to please the gods. According to Elbert:

Antithesis Is a feature of nearly every myth. In a chant

about the winds, the contrasting pairs little and big, long
and short, successively qualify waves, a canoe paddle, and a
canoe bailer___ Long catalogues or lists provide esthetic
satisfaction and aff.ord desired length, as In the case of a
triumphant recital of sixty-one victories, or a list of one
hundred eleven winds and where they live.

Repetition of key words In successive verses Is much admired,

and this may be combined with antithesis:

One rain from the uplands,

One rain from the lowlands.
One rain from the east.
One rain from the west.*

Interest In and delight with long lists of personal names and

place names Is a characteristic of many folklore traditions (for
Instance, the catalog of ships in the Iliad). These lists and
genealogies often have very practical purposes, as when they are used
to validate the claim of a descent group to territory or to certain
privileges. But the recitation of such lists can also acquire an
 <

430

Independent value and come to be enjoyed for Its own sake. As

Thorsteln Veblen pointed out long ago, men frequently come to consider
beautiful that which Is merely expensive or, we may add, essential to
their way of 11fe.*

A folklore tradition can be related to Its cultural context more

easily than can most of the other arts. Music (aside from song texts
which may be treated as a kind of folklore) is particularly difficult
to work with. Nevertheless, In his study of the Enemy Way chant. David
P. McAllester has made a significant contribution to our understanding
of Navaho social and esthetic values.

The Enemy Nay Is a three- or five-day chant, held for the

explicit purpose of bringing relief to a personwho Is being troubled
by the ghost of an outsider (a non-Navaho). The details of this
ceremonial need not concern us here except to note that, unlike most
Navaho chants, the Enemy Nay Involves an alternation of sacred with
secular songs: on each of the nights of the chant, following rituals
performed by the singer, all the men present Join in singing "sway
songs" and various kinds of "dance songs," usually until dawn of the
next day.

An Important function of the social part of the ceremony is

the "bringing out" of young girls who have reached marriage­
able age. The interest of the young men Is clearly centered
In the social singing and drinking and In looking over the
available girls. The Enemy Nay Is felt to be a particularly
enjoyable ceremony for the spectators. Any man may join in
a good deal of the singing, and women have been known to do
so. too. This Is one of the rare occasions In Navaho life
on which young men may dance with girls, and It Is one of the ,
few ceremonies to which a composer may bring his songs for a
publIc hearing. ’

The difficulties of Investigating musical values are illustrated

by one of McAllester's experiences. He asked several Indians the
question, "How do you feel when you hear a drum?" This was Intended to
evoke an "esthetic response"; but drumming Is rarely heard In contexts
other than Enemy Nay singing. Since feeling dizzy or otherwise
peculiar at this ceremonial Is considered an indication that the
spectator needs to have the chant performed for him, what the ethno­
grapher thought of as an esthetic question turned out to be, “ for the
Navahos. a most specific ceremonial question. [Itl was Interpreted by
the average Informant as an Inquiry Into his state of health."

McAllester also found It impossible to separate esthetics and

religion in any neat way because, for the Navaho what Is desired in
music Is an effect. primarily magical, whether the song Is for dancing,
gambling, corn grinding or healing. When a traditional Navaho Is asked
 431

how he likes a song, he does not consider the question, “

How does It
sound?" but "What Is it for?"*

Although some of HcAllester's Informants expressed their

preference for songs that “make you happy" or that “aren't too rough."
the traditional view of what constitutes beauty In music had to be
Inferred by a detailed muslcologlcal analysis of many Enemy Way songs.
Only In this way was McAllester able to formulate the Implicit esthetic
sUndanis which appear to govern Navaho music. These may be summarized
under the following headings:

Tonal Ity. "Tonality should be consistent. A particular song

should not change key while It Is being sung, and a group of songs
should be In the same key."

Voice Production. "A good voice Is somewhat nasal, the vibrato

Is rather wide; the voice should be as high as possible. It should be
capable of sharp emphases, and there should be an easy and powerful
falsetto." These values are found more In younger than older singers;
but "endurance" is also valued and here the older singers seem to have
the advantage.

Group Singing. Navaho group singing Is characterized by a kind

of "wild freedom." Unlike the neighboring Pueblos, there Is little
emphasis on careful rehearsal and uniformity:

Not all the singers seem to know the song equally well, nor
do they all seem to be singing exactly the same version of the
song.... The Impression Is of a group of Individualists who
tune their differences to each cfther at the moment of singing In
a dynamically creative way which Is very hard to describe.

The singers do not appear too distressed by this "variation"

within the group.

Rhythmn.

Navaho rhythms are characteristically fluid. The

syncopations, the Interrupted double beat, and the Intricate
variations In beat from one measure to the next evoke a
gratified rhythmic motor response from native listeners. It
seems that the rhythm Is not a steady background for the melody,
as in the case of most Western European music, but Is as keenly
perceived as melody for its combinations and permutations.

Tempo. Most, If not all, Navaho music Is performed at a fast

tempo, with a very limited range of note values:
 432

If the most frequent value Is Indicated as a quarter note,

one finds that quarters and eighths predominate overwhelm­
ingly.... It Is not unusual [In other cultures] to find
restrictions In note values for a particular kind of music...
hut [it is unusual] for all kinds of music within the chlture to
be so similar In this respect.

Melodic line. “ Except In chant singing, the melodic line In

Navaho music tends to start high and move down, often over the course
of an octlve."*

None of these standards would be likely to be explicitly formu­

lated by a Navaho; nevertheless, since they can be shown to Influence
the performance of songs and the creation of new songs, they may be
accepted as valid statements of Navaho musical esthetics. In the last
part of his monograph, McAllester shows how certain nonmusical values
of the Navaho are expressed In the performance of the Enemy Hay. These
values include self-expression, humor, formalism, and Individualism.

Alan Lomax and his coworkers at Columbia have attempted to

formulate objective descriptions of the musical styles of numerous
societies and to relate these styles to other aspects of culture. They
call their approach cantometrlcs: It Includes both muslcologlcal
analysis of the esthetic standards embodied in a corpus of folk songs
and study of the social structure of performing g r o u p s . L o m a x has
been able to show several Interesting correlations between the organi­
zation of musical performances In a society (for example, as Individu­
alistic or cooperative, democratic or authoritarian) and the more
general bellefs and values of that society. The work of McAllester and
of Lomax illustrates the way In which ethnomuslcology Is moving beyond
the simple description of exotic musical traditions to the study of
their relationship to the cultural contexts In which they occur.

ETHOS: INTEGRATING PATTERNS OF VALUE

The term ethos refers to general patterns or orientations

formulated by the anthropologist to describe the Integration of a value
system. Ethos, then, stands In the same relation to a value system as
does eldos to a belief system. It constitutes an attempt to reduce the
complexities of a value system to a few basic patterns which influence
all parts of the system and to account for the coherence among, for
example, economic, moral, and esthetic values. Some of the basic
premises described In the section on eldos could equally well be
treated under the heading of ethos (for example, Banfield's statement
of amoral famlllsm and Its consequences for social and political
behavior). As A. L. Kroeber has written, “Ethos deals with qualities
that pervade the whole culture— like a flavor--as contrasted with the
aggregate of separable constituents that make up its formal appear­
ance.... The ethos Includes the direction in which a culture is

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oriented, the things it alms at. prizes and endorses, and more or less
achieves."

One of the earliest attempts to characterize primitive cultural

systems In these terms was that of Ruth Benedict In her famous book,
Patterns of Culture. Benedict felt that It was possible to describe
whole cultures In terms of their general emotional approach to the
world and to human relationships. Borrowing some of her terminology
from philosophy and abnormal psychology, she described four very
different societies as if each had a unique and consistent personal­
ity. Thus the cultural ethos of the Zunl Indians is described as
"ApolIonian"— seeking peace and order through self-control and
cooperation, with a high degree of subordination of the individual to
the group. The Plains Indians, on the other hand, are characterized as
"Dionysian"— valuing violent emotions and stressing the Individualistic
quest for supernatural power.'* In a slmllar manner, she character­
ized the Kwakiutl Indian ethos as "megalomaniac" (assertive and
self-glorifying), while the Dobuans of Melanesia were termed "paranoid"
(hostile and suspicious). Benedict believed that these configurations
(whole culture patterns) were developed by societies which selected a
particular human character type as their Ideal and which then
elaborated their arts and Institutions In ways consistent with the
chosen type. The outcome was a society In which a single "style"
dominated the entire culture.

Patterns of Culture was and still Is an Important book, for It

communicates a vivid sense of cultural differences and of the Integrity
of exotic societies; but many of Benedict's statements have been
criticized by later anthropologists as oversimplifications--- In
presenting her four societies as unique configurations, Benedict failed
to represent the diversity of values found In every human group.

For these and other reasons, Morris E. Opler has suggested that
cultural patterns should be described In terms of several themes—
cultural Ideals, "declared or Implied," which control behavior or
stimulate particular kinds of activity. According to Opler, cultural
integration is the result of the dynamic Interplay among a number of
different themes, some of which reinforce one another while others
contradict or limit each other.11

Anthony Leeds has tried to sum up the Yaruro value system in a

number of theme-like statements and to relate these propositions to
Yaruro cosmology___ The major themes of Yaruro culture are:

Cosmlc structure

The cosmos is static, limited, concrete, and internally

continuous in that no barriers separate man and his society
In the physical world from the nonphysical world.
( < (

434

The Good

Goodness Inheres generally In the cosmos as a system.

The goodness manifests Itself In understood causes and con­
cretely and descrlbably known parts of the cosmos which,
whether places, persons, or things, are given exact locations.

The Not-qood

Evil, which Is not polar to good, finds its locus In

specific persons, things, or events Inside or outside the
cosmos, and Is manifest In specific results. The underlying
causes of evil, however, are Inaccessible to the sense or to
understanding. (Being neither known or localIzable, they are
not part of the unified kin and cosmic structure In which gods,
the dead, and men and their respective lands are tied together.)

The good society

In the good cosmos, the good society consists of kin-

related gods, the dead, coinmunl ties’and individuals living
in tranquility and sharing all things.

Determinants of action

In the good society, action is guided by precept,

suggestion, and by-sensiblIity to the wants of others
and of self, but compulsion and hostility are not per- ,
misslble.

Nature of Precepts and Principles of Action

In the good society, precepts and principles are general

rather than specific and prescriptive. [The result is that
patterns of behavior and thought In Yaruro society are quite
unformalized, unrltualIzed, and unspecified. According to
Leeds, all classes of behavior show a great range of varia­
bility and flexibility.]

Freedom or Restriction of Hill

The Individual... is not compelled by the nature of

the cosmos nor by the personnel In it to follow any particu­
lar path.* He has free will with regard to the ordained
order of things___14

Some anthropologists hold that there are a number of universal

Issues on which every society must take a value position. It follows
 435

that we should be able to characterize the value system of a given

society In terms of Its position on each of these Issues. Furthermore.
It should be possible to compare different societies by noting their
relative positions on each of these "value dimensions....1'

In developing this approach. Florence Kluckhohn and Fred

Strodbeck found that most societies possess both dominant and varlent
value-orlentatlons. 1‘ For example, a society like ours which places
Its greatest emphasis on future time and man's dominance over nature
will’also contain, though to a lesser degree, variant orientations
toward the past and present, as well as some subgroups which emphasize
man's harmony wlth’ or subjugation to nature. Similarly, although It
has always been the orthodox Christian view that.human nature Is
fundamentally evil, this view has been unacceptable to many Christian
thinkers, and different Christian sects have attributed varying degrees
of "goodness" to man...

Other attempts to characterize the ethos of various cultures

utilize concepts such as "Ideal person," “ dominant style," and "world
view." In each case, the anthropologist attempts to discover and state
a few basic patterns that will account for Judgments, evaluations, and
choices made In various aspects of social life. The approaches differ
widely In' their use of material. which range from life histories and
first-hand observations to questionnaires, projective tests, and
“culti/ral products" (art objects, folklore, etc.). But they also
differ In their goals. Some anthropologists, following Benedict, are
content to formulate unique characterizations of a culture’ s ethos
which can be compared with others only Impressionistically If at all.*
Others emphasize comparabl11ty and, like Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, try
to find universal categories of values In terms of which different
cultures can be systematically compared. Still others hope to explain
the differences among value's-ystems by examining patterns of
child-training, features of social structure, subsistence, ecological
relations, or various combinations of these factors.

Perhaps these fundamental cultural differences cannot be

explained. But In a rapidly changing world where Intercultural
misunderstandings threaten the entire species. It Is the responsibility
of anthropology to try to understand both the nature and the sources of
human values. According to David Bldney, “the most Important and
difficult task which confronts the cultural anthropologist Is that of
making a critical and comparative study of v a l u e s . C l e a r l y , an
ethnocentric approach which ranks other value systems as "primitive" or
"advanced" to the extent that they approach our own views Is
unacceptable.

The reduction of ethnocentrlsm through a~ widespread appreciation

of the Integrity of other cultures Is an Important and practical goal,
one that anthropologists are today pursuing. But In the Interest of
 436

human survival, anthropology must go further, seeking a basis for

Intercut tura) understanding and cooperation. Hopefully, we will be
able to show how radically different means and cultural Idioms can be
reconciled so that men can work together toward a common end— the good
of mankind.

FOOTNOTES

1. Candan, F.
1963 “Informant Error and Native Prestige Ranking In
Zinacantan," American Anthropologist.
Vol. 65, pp. 1068-1069, 1073.

2. DuBols, C.
1955 “The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture,"
American Anthropologist. Vol. 57. p. 1237.

3. Stern, T.
1963 "Ideal and Expected Behavior as Seen In Klamath
Mythology." Journal of American Folklore.
Vol. 76. pp. 27-28.

4. Schneider, II. K.
1966 "Turu Esthetic Concepts." American Anthropologist.
Vol. 68. pp. 156-160.

5. Elbert, S.
1951 “Hawaiian Literary Style and Culture," American
Anthropologist. Vol. 53, pp. 345-354.

6. Veblen, T.
1934 The Theory of the Leisure Class. New York; Modern
Library, especially Chapter 6.

7. McAllester, 0
1954 Enemy Way Music. Papers of the Peabody Museum.
Vol. 41. No. 3, Cambridge: Peabody Museum, pp. 7-8.

8. Ibid. . p. 5.

9. Ibid., pp. 74-75

10. Lomax, A.
1962 "Sonq Structure and Social Structure." Ethnology.
Vol. 1 (1962), pp. 425-451. A more comprehensive
report of the cantometrlcs project Is A. Lomax et.
al.. Folk Song Style and Culture. Washington. DC.:
American Assoc, for the Advancement of Science,
Publication No. 88. 1968.

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437

11. Kroeber, A. L.
1948 Anthropology, New York: Harcourt Brace, p.294.

12. Benedict, R.
1934 Patterns of Culture, New York: Houghton Mifflin.

13. Opler, M. E.
1945 • "Themes as Dynamic Forces In Culture," American
Journal of Sociology, Vol. 51, pp. 198-206. Also
his article "The Themal Approach In Cultural
Anthropology and Its Application to North Indian
Data." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. Vol. 24.
(1968), pp. 215-227.

14. Leeds, A.
1960 "The Ideology of the Yaruro Indians In Relation to
Socio-Economic Organization." Anthropologlca. Vol. 9.
pp. 1-10.

15. Kluckhohn, F. and F. Strodbeck

1961 Variations In Value-Orlentatlons, Evanston, 111.:
Row Peterson.

16. Bldney, D.
. 1953 "The Concept of Value In Modern Anthropology,"
In A. L. kroeber, ed. Anthropology Today. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, p. 698.
 c (

Chapter Twenty-eight

DOMINANT AND VARIANT VALUE ORIENTATIONS

by Florence R. Kluckhohn
and Frqd L. Strodtbeck

No introduction to this chapter could improve on the

Introductory remarks by the authors themselves. In the section
entitled "Introduction" [A heading provided by the editor of
this Reader] the thesis of this chapter Is clearly stated
in the next to the last paragraph.

INTRODUCTION

From philosophy, history, and cultural anthropology the fact has

been demonstrated ever more convincingly that there is a definite
varlabi11ty in the ways of life human beings build for themselves.
Within the past three decades cultural anthropologists especailly have
gone far in jarring the minds of intellectuals loose from the
comfortable but shallow moorIngs of absolutisttc thinking. Indeed, the
theory of cultural relativity has at times threatened to override all
conceptions of unlversals and has thus become, when taken too
literally, almost as restrictive to an understanding of human behavior
as the naive forms of evolutionism or economic determinism. But In
spite of the necessary reservations about some of the extreme
statements on cultural relativity, no one who concerns himself with the

From Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck 1961:1-41

 439

study of either Individuals or societies can deny Its tremendous

significance.

The concepts of relativity which are critically Important to the

development of the theory presented In this volume are those of the
anthropologists who regard a knowledge of the basic assumptions of a
people as Indispensable to the Interpretation of concrete behavior
(Notably Alfred L. Kroeber, Edward Saplr, Robert Redfleld, Ruth
Benedict, Margaret Mead, Clyde Kluckhohn, Ralph Linton, Gregory
Bateson, Morris Opler, A. Irving Hallowell, and Laura Thompson). Of
the variety of terms Invented to designate the central core of meanings
In societies the most familiar are “ unconscious system of meanings"
(Saplr), “ unconscious canons of choice" (Benedict), “configurations"
(C. Kluckhohn), "culture themes" (Opler), and "core culture"
(Thompson). “ Basic personality type" (Kardlner and Linton) Is an
equally familiar concept which has similarities to those just mentioned
but differs from them In having a more definitely psychological focus.
Still another and more recently formulated concept Is that of “ world
view" (Redfleld)___

Few persons, we believe, will find much to criticize In the

generalized conception of a central core of meanings— basic values.
Yet many well justified criticisms have been made of the too facile
cultural Interpretations which some anthropologists have at times made
ofboth peoples and situations___
I
In large part the difficulties encountered In the understanding
and use of the cultural anthropologists' concepts are attributable to
the failure to organize these concepts Into a systematic and analytic
theory of cultural variation. Even the very broad concepts cited above
("unconscious system of meanings." "core culture," "culture themes,"
and others) are empirical generalizations, not analytical constructs.
In both formulation and application they have been too particularized
to single cultures to permit systematic comparisons between cultures
and, at the same time too grossly generalized to allow for the analysis
of the variations within cultures. All too frequently, those who have
ably demonstrated a uniqueness In the value systems of different
sodeltles have Ignored the fundamental fact of the universality of
some human problems approximately the same answers [See Clyde
Kluckhohn, "Universal Categories of Culture" In Anthropology Today, ed.
Alfred L. Kroeber (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), pp.
507-241. Also, In most of the analyses Of the common value element In
culture patterning, the dominant values of peoples have been
overstressed and variant values largely Ignored. These two concomitant
tendencies have produced Interpretative studies which are. In spite of
their great brilliance of Insight, oversimplified and static
representations of social structures and processes.

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 440

Variations in the value-orientations of whole societies, of

subgroups within societies, and of the Individual persons, who are, in
the final analysis, the.actual carriers of culture, are the subjects of
central interest to this monograph. Our most basic assumption Is that
there Is a systematic variation in the realm of cultural phenomena
which Is both as definite and as essential as the demonstrated
systematic variation In physical and biological phenomena.

One way to approach the problems of cultural variation is to

deal with the variability In the highly generalized elements of culture
which In this study are called value orientations. To do this we shall
develop a classification of value orientations and subsequently use it
as the basis for formulating a first approximation of a theory of
variation. But first there Is need to define and clarify the concept
of value orientation.

THE VALUE-OR IEH TAT ION CONCEPT-

Value orientations are complex but definitely pa tterned

(rank-ordered) principles, resulting from the transact Iona 1 Interpjay
of three analyttcally distinguishable elements^of the evaluative
process— the cognitive, the affective, and the directive elements—
which give order and direction to th e ^ v e r-flow !ng jtream of huntan acts
and thoughts as these relate to the solution of "common human"
problems. These principles are variable from culture to culture but
are, we maintain, variable only In the ranking patterns of component
parts which are themselves cultural universals Variation of another
kind Is variation In degrees of conscious awareness Individuals have of
the value orientations which influence their behavior. This variation
is...on the continuum from the completely Implicit to the completely
expllei t.

At first blush this definition of value orientations may not

appear, to some readers, to differ greatly from other of the concepts
which have been developed to analyze the effects of basic systems of
meanings— basic values— upon human behavior. This reaction is to be
expected, for, as has been definitely stated, the value-orientation
concept both stems from and owes much to the conceptions: of basic
values, their nature and their effects, which number of anthropologists
have developed and used....

The most Important difference — the one which most clearly sets
apart our concept of value orientations from all others which treat of
systems of meaning— Is the definition of them as complex principles
which are variable only In patterning. Some of the reasons for the
need to make this distinctive expansion In the conceptualization of
value systems have been stated, further explanation will be presented
In the immediately ensuing discussions which are devoted to the
classification scheme of the ranges of the uni versa11stIc components of

f
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. 441

value orientations and a discussion of some of the types of Intra-

cultural variation.

There are still other respects In which the concept differs from
some or all of the previous formulations of basic value systems which
require comment as a means of clarifying the conceptual context for
these later discussions. We mention first the view that the principles
are on an Implicit-explicit continuum. Many of the writers who have
concerned themselves with baste values have so definitely emphasized
the unconscious end of this continuum that the terms they have
developed actually Include the word "unconscious" (for example, the
concepts of "unconscious canons of choice" and "unconscious systems of
meanings"). Since the problem of degree of awareness— the degree of
implicitness or expllcltness— has been well treated by C. Kluckhohn, we
shall not dwell longer upon this point.

The question of the elements of the evaluative process— elements

which we are calling the cognitive, the affective, and the directive—
and the view of these as being aspects of a transactional process are
In need of a more extended comment. This Is the more the case since It
Is our contention that It Is the directive aspect of the total process
which Is of primary importance In the formulation of the value-
orientation concept. ¿

.Some of the previously formulated concepts of orlentjng

principles have been concentrated primarily, even solely, upon the
cognitive aspect (existential premises) of the evaluative process.
Others, notably those found In the works of Hallowell, Whorf, and C. •
Kluckhohn, treat both the cognitive and the affective elements and
consider them as constituting a unity— an amalgam---

It Is relative to the directive aspect of the evaluative process

that we...depart most radically from all previously formulated
conceptions of value orientation and the nature of the evaluative
process. To be sure, In the general Idea of directiveness as a
characteristic of basic values there Is nothing new at all. Everyone
who has treated values and value systems has referred to them as
principles which "guide," "channel," or "direct" behavior. In most
Instances this has been stated as either an assumption or an empirical
generalization. But In two works, at least— those of C. Kluckhohn and
of Parsons and Shlls (see Talcott Parsons, Edward A. Shi Is, et al..
Toward A General Theory of Action [Cambridge, Mass-.: Harvard University
Press, I95U, p. 59) — this general assumption Is made a part of the
analytic treatment of the total evaluative process and Is treated as a
"selective" aspect to which is given a consideration equal to that
accorded to the cognitive and affective aspects. Clyde Kluckhohn In
his discussion of values uses, somewhat Interchangeably, the terms
"selection," "conation." and "choljce" for the analysis of this third
element of the process.' Parsons and Shlls state that there Is a
 442

third mode in the motivational orientation of the actor— the evaluative

one— which "involves the various processes by which an actor allocates
his energy among the various actions with respect to various cathected
objects In an attempt to optimize gratification."* And they, too, In
further discussion of this aspect of the process, employ the terms
"choice" and "selective mechanism."

This development In conceptualIzatlon— a development which made

"selectivity" (the "selective mechanism") an analytically
distinguishable part within the evaluative process rather than leaving
It as an empirical generalization about the process— was a major step
In the clarification of the nature of the process. But there are, we
believe, still other Improvements to be made.

It is, therefore, here that we turn away from the terms

"selective" and "choice"— terms which on the one hand push to the fore
the free-will versus determinism controversy and on the other hand
focus attention much more upon structural Integration than upon
process— and adopt. Instead, the term "directiveness." This term, as
used by Tinbergen and other biologists for the specification of a basic
biological disposition to react differentially to parts of the
receptual field, appears much more adequate for our conception of the
nature and the relationship of the elements of the evaluative process.
One statement by Tinbergen is: "It seems to be a property of the
Innate disposition that It directs (by Kluckholn and Strodbeck] the
conditioning to special parts of the receptual field."’ A further
and more detailed statement Is as follows:

...there Is a tendency among biologists to regard the

study of directiveness as Incompatible with that of causation.
In the physiologically minded worker this often leads to a
- certain neglect of the problems of directiveness, while the
student of directiveness, as a reaction to this one-sidedness,
tends to argue not only that the study of directiveness Is
just as Important as that of underlying causes, but that It
should have priority, or even that it should be undertaken
Instead of physiological study.

In my opinion, this Is based on a double misunderstanding.

First, It is certainly not right to Identify 'causal explana­
tion* with 'causal analysis'. Whereas mere analysis does
Indeed lead to 'a vast Intricacy of unrelated detail', a causal
explanation Is based upon analysis accompanied by continuous
re-synthesis; and such an explanation united the details
Into a synthetic picture In which the details are not
unrelated but arranged in a system.

The demand that directiveness should be studied Instead

of causation seems to me to be another misunderstanding. The
 443

two ways of studying life processes are not opposed to each

other. The adaptiveness or directiveness of many life
processes is a matter of fact and can be revealed by objective
study; however, a description of the directiveness of life
processes is not a solution of the problem of their causation.
Once the survival value of a process has been recognized and
clearly described, the biologist's next task is to find out
how Its mechanisms work; in other words, on what causal systems
it is based." ^

The primary significance which these statements have for the

value-orientation concept Is found In the argument that directiveness
In behavior Is a biologically determined predisposition. Although it
Is not possible In the study of the behavior of humans to make either a
full or direct application of the concepts and theories which are
derived from the investigation of the habits of highly instinct-bound
animals, fishes, and birds, this Is no reason for ignoring the
significance of the biological factors which are to some degree common
to all members of the animal kingdom. This Is the more true when the
biological predisposition under consideration has the high level of
generality which directiveness appears to have.

Thus, while we do not In any simple or directly immediate way

accept the differentiation which Tinbergen states he and other
biologists make between causal mechanisms and directiveness, we do hold
to the position that the "causal" Influence of the biologically given
predisposition toward directiveness has a distinctive nature which both
sets It spart from other aspects of the evaluative process and also
makes It the most critically Important single element for the
conceptualization of value orientations.,

With our attention ever focused upon evaluation as a process. we

view the analytically distinguishable elements of the process as a
transactional system which Is constantly In movement through time.
Particular value-orientation orderings are simply the "moment of time"
structural formulations of this transactional interplay. It Is never
easy to investigate process, which In the scientific tradition of
thought Is the "reality." directly; It must usually be inferred from
the structural analyses made of parts of It. And the more analytical
the constructs for structural analyses, the greater Is the danger of
seeming to arrest or freeze process. A frequent criticism of those
theorists In the social sciences who devote their main attention to
structural or structural-functional analyses Is that they provide
static representations only. They so thoroughly rip process apart in
order that all aspects of It may be simultaneously and separately
analyzed as structures that It Is exceedingly difficult to find the
conceptual means of re-creating it.

( {
 444

Many of the analyses which cultural anthropologists have made of

basic values and the Influences these exert upon behavior, as has been
previously noted, are also quite static conceptual representations
relating to a particular period of time and a particular location In
space. They, too, are more concerned with the question of structural
Integration than with processual directionality. The major reason for
this Is, as we have stated, the lack of consideration of variation.
The primary aim of the theory and the research to which this monograph
Is devoted Is to fill this critically Important theoretical lacuna.
But before the variations can be theoretically conceptualized or the
variable durability of value systems discussed, it Is necessary to make
certain distinctions concerning the kind and degree of "causal"
Influence which each of the three elements In the evaluative process
has.

Making full allowance for the fact that human beings are not the
Instinct-bound creatures which gray geese, herring gulls, or stickle­
backs are, there Is a general, way In which the causal-mechanism—
directiveness distinction made by Tinbergen appears to be applicable to
the analysis of the evaluative process. The cognitive and the
affective elements, each one In Itself and both In their relationships
one to another, are causal In a way which the directive element Is not,
and the directive element contains both Integrative and guiding influ­
ences which the cognitive and affective elements do not possess. It Is
from the cognitive and the affective elements and the relation- ships
between them that the value System derives Its content In the forms of
existential premises and normative assumptions. There would be no
value system which takes human behavior out of the realm of the purely
Instinctual were It not for the quite highly developed human capacities
for intellection afid affectlvlty. But It also seems apparent that
there would be no ordered, no systematic, value system without a
directive tendency which both aids in the selection among possible
value systems and also serves to give continuity to the total system.

Although It can be augued that such a tendency Is also "causal,"

It seems advisable to differentiate between the kinds of processes
which provide content and those which order that content. Simply
stating that there are cognitive, affective, and selective elements
does not provide an adequate basis for viewing the evaluative process
as a process through time rather than as a tripartite structure at a
given point In time and space.

Directiveness appears to be causally Important In at least two

senses. First, although the several writers cited above have argued
strongly and convincingly that the cognitive and affective elements are
Inextricably Interrelated, they do not go far In Indicating the “why"
of this relationship other than stating that it appears an Irrefutable
fact that what a people believe to be true (existential premises) Is

(
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strongly Influenced by their normative judgments and that contrariwise

the normative assumptions as to what Is right and proper are never
truly separable from the existential premises. Selectivity Is
discussed as an element of the total process, but It Is not clearly
defined as an element which is distinctive In having relating
(Integrating) and directive (processual guiding) Influences upon the
other elements. It is our view that to the extent that the cognitive
and affective aspects of the process are a unity It Is because of the
directive element, which Is as much, or perhaps even more, biologically
given than are the capacities for either Intellection or affectlvlty.

It Is on this basis that we state that In the concept of a value

orientation as a guiding principle. It Is the directive element which
Is of primary Interest. This Is the second way In which the element
may be considered as a critically causal one. Any given value system
of human beings has both a content and a direction which derive from
biologically given capacities and predispositions but are not Instinct
bount, but It Is the directive aspect which Is the most crucial for the
understanding of both the Integration of the total value system and Its
continuity through time.

In the realm of observed behavior the Integration effect Is the

thematic one. All or almost all aspects of the social life of a people
give expression in varying ways and varying degrees to be sure, to the
basic,values which are characteristic of one culture as oppos'd to
another. As for continuity through time, It Is a fact known to anyone
who has become.serlously engaged In cross-cultural studies that the
Ideas and techniques a people either "borrow from" or have "forced -
upon" them by another culture are far more often adapted to the old
ways of thinking and acting than they are disruptive of those ways. It
Is because of both of these facts that cultural anthropologists, or
others who have argued the Importance of a study of basic values In the
analysis of human behavior, are far less guilty of the charge of an
overly "deterministic" conceptualization than are those who view all
behavior, no matter what the society or the time period, as being
essentially determined by the conditions, the activities, or the Ideas
In some particular sphere of human life— the economic or the religious
sphere, for example.

However, cultures do change In direction— that Is, change In

their basic values (a change which later we shall distinguish as basic
change as contrasted to change which Is more of the same thing). Also,
the peoples of one culture often do become assimilated, however pain­
fully or slowly, Into the ways of another culture. The evaluation
process Is not. In other words, an ineluctable one either In Its con­
tent or Its direction. But neither Is It the randomly varied one which
extreme cultural relativists have depicted. If there Is, as the most
basic assumption of all sciences maintains, a discoverable order in the
universe, one must expect to find it In the evaluation processes of
 c
446

human beings as well as In the processes which biologists and natural

scientists investigate. The conception of ordered variation In value
orientations Is essential If we are to steer a safe course between the
Scylla of Ineluctability and the Charybdls of rampant relativism.

A CLASSIFICATION OF VALUE ORIENTATIONS

That there Is an ordered variation in value-orientation systems is

the first major assumption of our study. Basic both to the classifi­
cation of value orientations which Is now to be set forth and to the
treatment of types of variations and their effects which will follow
upon the delineation of the several value orientations there are these
three more specifically formulated assumptions.

First, It is assumed that there Is a limited number of common human

problems for which all peoples at a ll times must find some solution.
This Ts the universal aspect of value orientations because the common
human problems to be treated arise Inevitably out of the human
situation. The second assumption Is that while there is variability In
solutions of all the problems, It Is neither limitless nor random but
Is definitely variable within a range of possible solutions. The third
assumption, the one which provides the main key to the later analysis
of variation in value orientations. Is that al 1 alternatives of al I
solutions are present In all societies at all times but are
differentially preferred. Every society has. In addition to its
dominant profile of value orientations, numerous variant or substltute
prof 1les. Moreover, It Is postulated that in both the dominant and the
variant profiles there Is almost always a rank ordering of the
preferences of the value-orlentatIon alternatives. In societies which
are undergoing change the ordering of preferences will not be clear-cut
for some or even all the value orientations.

Five problems have been tentatively singled out as the crucial ones
common to all human groups.* These problems are stated here in the
form of questions. After the questions are the titles that will
hereafter be used for the total range of variations in the five
orientations.

(1) Hhat Is the character of Innate human nature? (human nature

orientation)
(2) What Is the relation of man to nature (and supernature)?
(man-nature orientation)
(3) What Is the temporal focus of human life? (time orientation)
(4) What Is the modality of human activity? (activity orientation)
(5) What Is the modality of man's relationship to other men?
(relational orientation)

The ranges of varlabi11ty suggested as a testable conceptualization’

of the variations in the value orientations are given in Table I.*
 447

TABLE I

The Five Value Orientations and the Range of Variations

Postulated for Each

Orientation Postulated Range of Variations

I Mixture of
Evil Neutral | Good-and-Evt1 Good
human nature
Mut. Immut. mutable I Immutable mutable tminut.

man-nature Subjugation llarmony-wl th- Mastery-over

to Nature Nature Nature

time Past Present Future

activity Being Being-In-Becoming Doing

relational Lineal 1ty Col lateral 1ty Individual 1sm

I. Human Nature Orientation

To the question of what the Innate goodness or badness of riuman

nature ts. there are the three logical divisions of Evil, Good-and-
EvT I, and Good. Yet It m a y b e argued that the category of Good-and-
Evll Is not one but two categories. There certainly Is a significant
difference between the view that human nature Is simply neutral and
the view that It Is a mixture of the good and bad.

Let us Illustrate from American culture some of the major

variations, few will disagree that the orientation Inherited from
Puritan ancestors and still strong among many Americans Is that of a
basically Evil but perfectible human nature. According to this view
constant control and discipline of the self are required If any real
goodness Is to be achieved, and the danger of regression Is always
present. But some In the United States today, perhaps a growing
number. Incline to the view that human nature Is a mixture of
Good-and-EvII. These would say that although control and effort are
certainly needed, lapses can be understood and need not always be
severely condemned. This latter definition of basic human nature would
appear to be more common among the peoples of the world, both literate
and nonliterate, than the one held to In the historical past of this

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country. Whether there are- any total societies committed to the

definition of human nature as Immutably Good Is not as yet known and
may even be doubted. Yet the position Is a logically possible one, and
It certainly i.s found as a variant position wl thin societies.,

2. Man-Nature (Supernature) Orientation

The three-point range of variation In the man-nature orientation--

Subjugatlon-to-Nature, Harmony-wlth-Nature. and Mastery-over-Nature—
Is too well known from the works of philosophers and culture historians
to need much explanation. Here Illustration will demonstrate the
differences between the conceptions.

Spanlsh-Amerlcan culture In the American .Southwest gives us an

example of a very definite Subjugatlon-to-Nature orientation. The
typical Spanlsh-Amerlcan sheepherder, In a time as recent as twenty-
five years ago, believed firmly that there was little or nothing a man
could do to save or protect either land or flocks when damaging storms
descended upon them, lie simply accepted the Inevitable.

If the conceptualization of the man-nature relationship Is that of

Harmony, there Is no real separation of man, nature, and supernature.
One Is simply an extension of the other, and a conception of wholeness
derives from their unity. This orientation seems to have been the
dominant one In many periods of Chinese history, and It is strongly
evident In Japanese culture at the present time as well as historically.

The Mastery-over-Nature position Is the first-order (that Is, the

dominant) orientation of most Americans. Natural forces of all kinds
are to be overcome and put to the use of human beings. Rivers
everywhere are spanned with bridges; mountains have roads put through
and around them; new lakes are built, sometimes In the heart of
deserts; old lakes get partially filled in when additional land Is
needed for building sites, roads, or airports; the belief in man-made
medical care for the control of Illness and the lengthening of life Is
strong to an extreme; and all are told early In life that "the Lord
helps those who help themselves." The view In general is that It Is a
part of man's duty to overcome obstacles; hence there Is the great
emphasis upon technology.

3. _Time Orientation

The possible cultural Interpretations of the temporal focus of

human life break easily Into the three-point range of Past,.Present,
and future. Far too little attention has been given to the full range
of major variations in the time orientation. Meaningful cultural
differences have been lost sight of In the too generalized view that
folk peoples have no time sense and no need of one. whereas urbanized

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449

and Industrial peoples must have one. Whether days are regarded as
sunrise-to-sundown wholes or as time units to be split Into hours and
minutes and whether or not a clock Is deemed a useful culture object
are not the critically Important criteria for a cons Iderat loti of the
orientation to time.

Spengler had quite another order of fact in mind when, In his

discussion of "time" in The Decline of the West, he made this emphatic
statement: "It Is by the meaning that it Intuitively attaches to time
that one culture is differentiated from another."7 The relationship
of Destiny to meanings of time Is the core of Spengler's conception.
But for the most part his concern was with the twofold division of
orientations into the timeless ahlstorlcal Present and the ultra-
historical projection into the Future. Always on the plane of the
macroscopic and concerned with directionality as a cyclical unfolding,
he apparently did not feel a need to deal with the problems of the
traditionalistic or Past time orientation which was so Important a part
of Max Weber's treatment of moral authority. The threefold division
proposed for the value-orientation schema has, therefore, a similarity
to Spengler’s conception in the distinction between a relatively
timeless, traditionless, future-ignoring Present and a realizable
Future, but It also differentiates from these an orientation which
places primary emphasis upon the maintenance, or the restoration, of
the traditions of the Past.

Obviously, every society must deal with all three time problems;
all have their conceptions of the Past, the Present, and the Future.
Where they differ Is in the preferential ordering of the alternatives
(rank-order emphases), and a very great deal can be told about the
particular society or part of a society being studied and much can be
predicted about the direction of change within It If one knows what the
rank-order emphasis Is.'.

Illustrations of the variations In temporal focus are also easily

found. Spanlsh-Americans, who have been described as taking the view
that man is a victim of natural forces, are also a people who place the
Present time alternative in first-order position. They pay little
attention to what has happened In the Past and regard the Future as
both vague and unpredictable. Planning for the Future or hoping that
the Future will be better than either the Present or the Past simply Is
not their way of life.

Historical China was a society which gave first-order value

preference to the Past time orientation. Ancestor worship and a strong
family tradition were both expressions of this preference. So also was
the Chinese attitude that nothing new ever happened In the Present or
would happen In the Future; It had all happened before in the far
distant Past. The proud American who once thought he was showing some
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450

Chínese a steamboat for the first time was quickly put In his place by
the remark, "Our ancestors had such a boat two thousand years ago."

Many modern European countries also have strong leanings to a Past

orientation. Even England— Insofar as it has been dominated by an
aristocracy and tradltlonalIsm— has 'shown this preference. Indeed,
some of the chief differences between the peoples of the United States
and England derive from their somewhat varying attitudes toward time.
Americans have difficulty In understanding the respect the English have
for tradition, and the English do not appreciate the typical American’ s
disregard for It.

Americans, more strongly than most peoples of the world, place an

emphasis upon the Future— a Future which is anticipated to be "bigger
and better." This does not mean they have no regard for the Past or no
thought of the Present. But It certainly is true that no current
generation of Americans ever wants to be called "old-fashioned." The
ways of the Past are not considered good just because they are Past,
and truly dominant (that Is, typically middle-class) Americans are
seldom content with the Present. This view results In a high
evaluation of change, providing the change does not threaten the
existing value order— the American way of life. This Is not to say ‘
that Future-oriented Americans are nonconformists or that a more
traditionalistic people are rigidly conventional. On the contrary, a
good case can be made for stating that the tendencies are in the
opposite direction If one examines the conforming process for both type
and degree.

The concept of conformity, which Is essential in almost every kind

of analysis of human behavior, has often been misused. Sometimes the
sheer necesslty of conformity has been overlooked; more often type and
degree of conformity have not been treated as separable problems. And
because of these tendencies there Is a predisposition on the part of
some writers both to give to conformism a negative connotation and to
equate It with particular types of value-orientation systems. Although
these issues are not of immediate relevance to the presentation and
definition of the value-orientation alternatives, they are sufficiently
significant for the analysis of the Influence of value systems to
warrant a brief general discussion. This we shall give once the ranges
of the alternatives for all orientations have been discussed.

4. Activity Orientation

The modality of human act!vlty Is the fourth of the common human

problems giving rise to a value-orientation system. The range of
variation in solutions suggested for it is the threefold one of
Being-in-Becomlng, and Doing.... The a^tlvUy orientation centers
solely on the problem of the nature of man’s mode of self-expression in
activity. And, since each mode is definitely considered to be a type
 451

of activity, the differences between them are not those which the
"active-passive" dichotomy distinguishes.

In the Being orientation the preference Is for the kind of activity

which Is a spontaneous expression of what Is conceived to be "given" In
the human personality. As compared with either the Belng-ln-Becomlng
or the Doing orientation, It Is a nondevelopmental conception of
activity. It might even be phrased as a spontaneous expression In
actlyjt^ of Impulses and desires; yet care must be taken not to make
this Interpretation a too literal one. In no society, as Clyde
Kluckhohn has commented, does one ever find a one-to-one relationship
between the desired and the desirable. The concrete behavior of
JintMvJdill!s In complex situations and the moral codes governing that
bejiayior usually reflect all the orientatlons simultaneously . A
stressing of the "Isness" are not pure license, as we can easily see If
we turn our attention to a society or segments of a society In which
the Being orientation If the first-order preference. Mexican society
Illustrates this preference well In Its widely ramified patterning of
fiesta activities. Yet never In the Hesta, with Its emphasis on
spontaneity. Is there pure Impulse gratification. The value demands of
other orientations make for codes which restrain the activities of
individuals In very definite ways.

The Being-In-Becoming orientation shares with the Being one a great

concern with what the human being Is rather than what he can accom­
plish, but here the similarity ends. The Idea of development, so
little stressed In the Being orientation. Is paramount In the Being-
In-Becoming one. Erich Fromm's conception of "the spontaneous activity
of the total Integrated personality" Is close to the Belng-ln-Becomlng
mode. He states:

By activity we do-not mean doing something but rather the

quality of the creative activity which can operate in one's emo­
tional, Intellectual and sensuous experiences and In one's will
as well. One premise of this spontaneity Is the acceptance of
the total personality and the elimination of the split between
reason and nature.*

A less favorably prejudiced and. for our purposes, a more accurately

limited statement would be: The Belng-ln-Becomlng orientation
emphasizes that kind of activity which has as Its goal the development
of all aspects of the self as an Integrated whole.

The Doing orientation Is so characteristically the dominant one In

American society that there Is little need for an extensive discussion
of It. Its most distinctive feature Is a demand for the kind of
actlvlty which results In accomplishments that are measurable by
standards conceived to be external to the acting individual. That
aspect of self-judgment or judgment of others which relates to the

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nature of activity Is based -mainly upon a measurable accomplishment

achieved by acting upon persons, things, or situations. What does the
Individual do? What can he or will he accomplish? These are almost
always the primary questions In the American's scale of appraisal of
persons. "Getting things done" and “let's do something about It" are
stock American phrases....

5. Relational Orientation

The last of the common human problems to be treated Is the

definition of man's relation to other men. This orientation has three
subdivisions: the Lineal, the Collateral, and the Individualistic___
The relational alternatives are analytical concepts for the purpose of
making fíne distinctions both wlthin and between systems rather than
generalizing concepts for the specification of the gross differences
between systems. It Is, we maintain, In the nature of the case that
all societies and all subgroups within societies must give heed to all
three of the relational principles.

Individual autonomy Is always found even in the most extreme types

of Gemeinschaft societies. The IIke-mindedness and behavioral
similarities of Individuals In "homogeneous" groups have been over­
stressed. It Is usually, If not always, the case that considerable
leeway Is permitted for "Individuality" within the confines of the
definitely fixed customs which Gemeinschaft groups require for the
ordering of human relationships. Individuality and Individualism are
both results of attention being given to the autonomy of the
individual, but they are vastly different concepts, and significant
nuances of meaning are lost when, as is so often the case, they are
either confused or equated. Further comment on this distinction Is
reserved for the discussion of conformism.

Col lateral Ity also Is found In all societies. The individual Is

not a human being as he Is a part of a social order, and one type of
Inevitable social grouping Is that which results from laterally
extended relationships. These are the more Immediate relationships in
time and space. Biologically, sibling relationships are the prototype
of the Collateral relationship.

In addition all societies must take Into account the fact that
Individuals are biologically and culturally related to each other
through time. There is. In other words, always a Lineal principle In
relationships which Is derived both from the biological givens of'age
and generational differences and from the fact of cultural conti­
nuity___ With the view of relational systems as systems which always
contain all three relational principles in varying rank-order patterns
it becomes possible to treat variability and change much more fully.

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There are, for example, Important variations within social systems

and subsystems, as well as between systems, In the nature and primacy
of certain goals which accord with the variable stressing of the three
relational principles. When the Individualistic principle Is dominant,
Individual goals have primacy over the goals of specific Collateral or
Lineal groups. This In no sense means that there Is license for the
Individual to pursue selfishly his own Interests and in so doing
disregard the Interests of others. It means simply that each
Individual's responsibility to the total society and his place In It
are defined In terms of goals (and roles) which are structured as
autonomous, in the sense of being Independent of particular Lineal or
Collateral groupings. For example, the man who Joins a business firm
In the United States Is expected. In pursuing his own goals of
money-making and prestige, to be cooperative with other similarly
oriented fellow workers and, In addition, Is expected to have a
positive attitude toward the overall goals (purposes) of the
organization. Vet It Is not expected that this man will remain in
cooperation with these particular workers or dedicated to the goals of
the particular firm If he receives an offer from another firm which
will Increase his salary or prestige.

A dominant Collateral orientation calls for a primacy of the goals

and welfare of the laterally extended group. The group In this case Is
always moderately independent of other similar groups, and the problem
of a-well regulated continuity of group relationships through time Is
not highly critical. The Navaho extended families and the loosely
articulated combination of these which Clyde Kluckhohn calls an
"outfit" are Illustrations of such groups. Even though the Individual
Navaho always has some autonomous roles and goals, and also always has
some roles and goals which are Lineal In nature, the roles and goals
which have primacy for him are those which are representative of his
Collaterally extended household group or "outfit."

If the Lineal principle Is dominant, group goals again have

primacy, but there Is the additional factor that one of the most
Important of these group goals Is continuity through time. ContInu1ty
of the group through time and ordered positional succession within the
group are both crucial Issues when Lineality dominates the relational
system. Though other patterns are possible. It appears to be the case
that the most successful means of maintaining a Lineal emphasis are
either those based squarely upon hereditary factors such as primogeni­
ture or those which are assimilated to a kinship structure. For
example. In England, where there has been a definite Lineality In the
aristocracy, there has also been an established pattern of moving
successful members of the Individual,Istlcally oriented middle class
into the peerage. By means of this and other related patterns a fairly
dominant Lineality has been maintained In the whole society until
fairly recently. And wherever Lineality Is dominant, roles are also
representative. but they differ from the Collaterally defined ones In
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454

that they always relate to a definite position in a hierarchy of

ordered positions.

This discussion of the relational value orientation completes the

presentation of the classification schema. As has been stated
previously, no claim Is made that either the problems selected as those
most crucially Important for all human groups or the ranges of possible
solutions of these problems represent more than a tentative formula­
tion. Also, It may prove to be the case that some one or two'of the
value orientations are more crucially important to the patterning of
behavior than others. However, as of the present time there appears' to
be little evidence for this assumption as opposed to the one that most
concrete patterns of behavior give expression, In varying degree, to
all of the preferential orderings of all of the value orientations. In
some patterns of behavior It Is often one orientation which Is of
critical Importance, whereas In other patterns the dominant Influence
of another orientation can be noted; yet seldom, if ever, Is any
pattern a pure expression of one and only one value orientation.

Definitive answers to all of these questions— that Is, the adequacy

of the range of problems and the alternatives of solutions for them,
the centrality of the Influence of one or another of the orientations,
and the degree of the Independent variability of the orientations one
from another— -can only be answered by repeated empirical testings of
the total conceptual schema. Meanwhile, the classification schema and
the assumptions underlying It provide a solid basis for the development
of first approximations to a theory of variation In value orienta­
tions. These approximations and their significance for theoretical
developments in the analysis of role structure and cultural change are
the matters of primary concern in the second half of this theoretical
discussion---

VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS

The assumptions basic to the classification of the value

orientations postulate a variation in emphasis on the orientations of
any given range; hence the matter of greatest significance for the
development of a theory of variation Is the nature of the ordering of
choices among possible choices. In the first instance this Is a
logical problem, because there are logically determined limits to the
number and kind of variable patterns of orientation emphases. Table 2
gives the logically possible rank orderings for the relational
orientation (next page). The logically determined rank orderings for
all other orientations, except the human nature one. are similar. It
is these orderings which provide the ground for both theoretical and
methodological developments In the analysis of variation.
 455

Table 2 Types of Rank-Order Patterns of the Value Orientations

(relational Orléntatlon as Example)

Pure Rjink-jDrder Types

Individualism over Col 1ateralIty over Lineality
Individualism over Lineality over Col lateral Ity
Col lateral Ity over Individual Ism over Lineality
Col lateral Ity over Lineality over Individualism
Lineality over Col lateral Ity over Individualism
Lineality over Individualism over Col lateral Ity

Linked First-Order Types (a)

Individualism equals Col lateral Ity over Lineality
Individualism equals Lineality over Col lateral Ity
Col lateral Ity equals Lineality over Individualism

Linked Second-Order Types (a)

Individualism over Col lateral Ity equals Lineality
Lineality over Col lateral Ity equals Individualism
Col lateral Ity over Individualism equals Lineality

Nonordered Type (b)

* Individualism equals Lineality equals Col lateral Ity

(a) Although It Is to be expected that many Individuals will

prove to be "linked" cases. It Is predicted that for total
systems the evidence of a virtually equal stress on two
alternative positions, especially in first-order choices,
Is usually indicative of cultural transition. However It Is
also to be expected that there will be some Instances of a
whole pepple or a subgroup maintaining a linked value-
orlentatlon position over a long period of time.

(b) The thirteenth logical possIbl11ty— the "all choices

equal" type— should not, according to our theory, be at all
common empirically. If It does appear as an overall pattern
and can be demonstrated to be realistic and not a result of a
fault in the theory or the method of testing, It Indicates rapid
cultural change--a state of flux.

Presently we shall attempt to show how a knowledge of these

orderings may aid In the analysis of the interrelations of major
"Institutional" structures and how It also provides a new approach for
treating change In social systems. But before dealing with either of
these complicated matters, let us briefly examine that more obvious
type of variation which results from there being present In every

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society, but most especially In large and heterogeneous ones, segments

or subgroups whose behavior Is patterned In accord with either a
completely or a partially different ordering of value orientations than
that of the dominant group.

The many ethnic groups In the United States are excellent examples
of this type of variation. Almost everyone realizes that many of these
ethnic groups have patterns of behavior and thought which vary more or
less widely from the dominant American patterns. The "melting pot"
Ideology Is based upon a recognition of such variation. But It has not
been equally well recognized, either Ideologically or behaviorally.
that the several groups often vary tremendously one from another. Also
it has been for the most part only In such matters as language
differences, food habits, and dissimilarities In physical appearance
that variation Is noted. Even those persons who have worked closely
with ethnic groups (social workers, teachers, ministers) have seldom
paid much attention to the variation In their ways of life other than
the readily observable differences In parental authority, family living
patterns, and political and religious affiliations. Because there has
been little concern with the variations In deeply rooted value
orientations, it has been difficult for many to comprehend whysome
ethnic groups become Americanized easily while others cling tenaciously
to their own ways of life over long time periods.... Spanlsh-
Amerlcans...represent an extreme example of a minimally assimilated
people--- The rate and degree of assimilation of any ethnic group to
dominant American culture will depend in large part upon the degree of
goodness of fit of the group*s own rank ordering of value orientations
with that of the dominant culture.

Social classes are another variety of subgroup which has greatly

concerned American social scientists In the last two decades. The best
known studies of class structure In the United States are those of
Warner and his numerous associates, but there have also been a number
of others In which both the points of view and the conclusions have
differed somewhat from those of the Warner group. The various studies
describe and analyze many aspects of class structuring which. In the
past, most Americans have been unwilling to admit or discuss. They
bring Into the open the great differences between the classes In
attitudes toward education and politics. In association memberships, in
family life, In occupational interests and opportunities. In reading
habits and other recreational Interests.

But In spite of all these and the other differences observed and
recorded, there has been the tendency In almost all of the studies to
assume that all the variation Is variation on the same value theme, the
so-called American Creed. What Is usually remarked Is that the
behavior and attitudes of some groups, or classes, are harmoniously
attuned to this general creed whereas those of other classes are off
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pitch and limited In range. That the variations may reflect different
themes Is seldom suggested.

According to the conceptual scheme of dominant and variant value

orientations, it Is assumed at the outset that there will be a dominant
class (in the case of the United States, the middle class), in which
adherence to dominant values Is marked, surrounded by other classes
which will hold to variant value orientations In much of what they do
and believe. In an earlier paper on value orientations It was
suggested that the observed behavior of an upper class In an old and
declining community (for example, the community of Yankee City,
described by Warner and his associates) shows an adherence to Lineality
rather than Individualism, to Past more than Future time, and to either
the Being or Belng-ln-Becoming activity orientation rather than the
Doing orientation.10 Also In some parts of the lower class, a
collection of people so heterogeneous and diffuse that they should be
called "classes" and not simply "class," It would appear that the
Present and Being orientations are frequently combined with either
Individualism or Col 1aterality.

There has not been sufficient work done to date to know how much
the knowledge and appraisal of class differences will be increased by
this different kind of approach. In one study of Harvard College
students made by McArthur the theory of dominant and variant value
orientations was used to make predictions of the differences in certain
kinds of responses which would be made by upper and middle-class
college students to the pictures In the Murray and Morgan Thematic
Apperception Test. Although a separation of the students Into these .
two groups was not an easy task, various kinds of evidence seemed to
indicate that for Harvard College students a fairly accurate division
could be made on the basis of type of school attended prior to coming
to college. Thus, It was assumed that a majority of the public-school
students were of the middle class whereas a majority of those who had
attended private schools, especially a certain selected group of
schools, were upper class. For the former It was postulated that their
modal time and activity orientations would be Future and Doing; for the
latter, Past and either Being or Belng-ln-Becoming. These two
predictions were then made as to the variability of response to the
first of the pictures of the test (a small boy Is seated before a table
on which lies a violin; the subject is asked to Invent a story about
him):

(1) that more public-school boys will tell stories to the violin
picture in which the parent demands work from the child.

(2) that more private-school boys will tell violin stories In which
the music lesson Is seen by the child as a way to create beauty
and express and develop himself.
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458

The predictions were borne out by McArthur's data___ Twelve similar

hypotheses which related to differences in the time. activity, and
relational orientations and which were developed for other pictures in
the test series were equally well validated by the test data. Three
additional ones did not meet the statistical test of significance but
were found to be In the same direction as the others. McArthur's
summary statement of the results is:

They constituted a neat demonstration that the attitudes

of individuals, as measured by one of the psychologist's pro­
jective tests of personality, can be predicted from a knowledge
of the person's subcultural orientations profile.1'

Ethnic groups and social classes represent only two of the many
possible types of varlantly oriented subgroups In a total society. Some
societies have many types, others few, but not even the very small
nonllterate and folk societies are without any. From the empirical
point of view the number and kinds of'Variant subgroups are matters of
great importance. Theoretically the significant fact Is that even this
type of variation In value orientations contributes greatly to the
creation of an Intricate web of variation. No dominantly oriented
group ever escapes being Influenced by the varlantly oriented ones
which surround and constantly Impinge upon it, and no variant group
survives without numerous relationships to the dominantly oriented ones.

To some extent social scientists have shown an awareness of this

interplay of the dominant and variant at the behavioral level, but, as
noted previously, little or no attention has been paid to variation in
basic value orientations. The view advanced here is that variation In
value orientations Is the most important type of cultural variation and
Is, therefore, the central feature of the structure of culture. This
Is to say that the "system of meanings" of a society. Its ethos, Is
more realistically and adequately derived from an analysis of the
dynamic Interrelationships of the variations In its value orientations
than It Is from a study of only the dominant values.

Evidence for this point of view of a different kind than that

derived from an analysis of variations in subgroups Is found in an
analysis of those variations of value orientations which are required
by the fact that in every society there are several more or less well
differentiated kinds of activities all of which are essential to Its
successful functioning. Sociologists over the years have classified
these activities In varying ways. The now common classification in
many sociological writings Is that of major social Insti tutlons — the
economic-occupational (with special emphasis upon technology and the
occupations of the market place), and the familial. To be sure, not
all sociologists make all of these differentiations, and many would
Insist that the categories as listed do not have a comparable
 459

theoretical status. Moreover, even though many anthropologists also

use some or all of the categories In their descriptions of nonliterate
societies, they do not regard the divisions as empirically meaningful
ones for many types of cultures.

But In spite of the many difficulties one encounters in a use of

the categories either for cross-cultural studies or for sophisticated
theoretical analyses of particular social systems, there remains the
essential fact that these varying kinds of activities are necessary to
the functioning of every society. And, because It seems almost certain
that varying value-orlentatlon emphases are related to a stressing of
one kind of activity as against others, we Intend to make use of four
of the categories— the economic-occupational, the religious, the
recreational, and the Intellectual-aesthetic— without at this point
attempting any major theoretical refinements In the categories
themselves or In their status relative to each other.11 The only
alteration proposed of any significance Is the use of the term behavior
sphere In place of Instltutlon. For our purposes, behavior sphere has
the advantage of being less connotatlve of consciously defined and
definitely separated spheres of human activity than the term
Instltutlon.

The relationship between value orientations and behavior spheres,

like most relationships, Is a reciprocal one. It Is possible on the
one harid to say that a people who have a particular ordering of value
orientations will give a predominant position to a particular behavior
sphere (or more probably to a particular combination and ordering of
spheres), and on the other hand to state that the predominance of a
particular behavior sphere Is Indicative of a particular ordering of
value orientations. But because value orientations are a more
generalized and more durable aspect of culture than the specific
patterns of the behavior spheres, there is first, a logical, and
second, an historical reason for giving priority to the ordering of
value orientations. Since variation Is Intrinsic to the
value-orientation system Itself, this priority can be granted with no
denial of the fact that some kinds of changes In activities and
Interests In the behavior spheres will eventually produce changes In
the ordering of valueorlentation emphases. This and other aspects of
the relationship of variations In value orientations to cultural change
will be discussed later In this chapter.

At the moment let us try, by means of illustrations, to make clear

the general proposition that both between cultures and within cultures
there Is a relationship between value-orientation emphases and the
degree of dominance accorded to the behavior spheres which results In
an Intricately ordered variation In cultural patterning. Starting with
the United States as one example of a total culture, we can easily see
how Its dominant value orientations of Individualism, Future time,
Mastery-over-Nature, Doing, and an Evll-but-perfectlble definition of

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human nature (now changing) make for a high evaluation of the

occupational world, conceived as a world of technology, business, and
economic affairs in general. One of the many kinds of evidence
attesting to this relationship Is the general consensus among those who
have Investigated social classes In the United States that the best
sjngje index for the determination of class position Is occupational
status. Other Indices have been demonstrated to be Important, but no
one of them Is as Individually significant as this one.

In sharp contrast to this ordering of the alternatives of the value

orientations stands the Spanlsh-Amerlean system which has been used
above to illustrate the alternatives of the orientations.... In It the
dominant orientation emphases have been Lineality (now changing),
Present, SubJugatlon-to-Nature, and Being. And, as anyone with a
little thought might guess, with these as the dominant orientations the
combination of the recreational and religious spheres Is prominent.
The ramified patterning of the fiesta theme In Spanlsh-Amerlcan culture
(Mexico also) epitomizes the dominance of these two spheres....

In Instances where emphasis Is given to the Being-In-Becoming

activity orientation, to the Harmony-wlth-Nature position, to either
Uneaiíty or Col lateral Ity, and to a Past or (less probably) a Present
time orientation, one would predict a focusing of interests upon the
Intellectural-aesthetlc behavior sphere. This relationship of
value-orelntation emphases and behavior-sphere dominance seems to have
been the most prominent one In many of the historical periods of Japan
prior to Morid Mar II.1*

These few Illustrations do not, of course, do more than suggest the 1

kind of relationship we have ventured to propose as existing between
the ordering of value orientations and the ordering of behavior
spheres. Since the postulated Independent variability of each of the
value orientations makes logically possible a very large number of
types of orderings among them— even many different profiles of only
dominant orientations— the relationship between them and the behavior
spheres Is obviously enormously complex. And until there has been a
reconceptualIzatlon of the behavior spheres this complexity cannot be
systematically analyzed. Hence we have offered only a few speculative
Ideas about differences between cultures as a direction to follow In
some future work and now wish to present several additional ones on
the nature of Intra-culturai variation which Is the more critical kind
for the development of a theory of variation.

If It Is the case that all the behavior spheres, even as now

defined and classified, are found, more or less differentiated, In
every society, and If our proposition about their relationships to
value orientations has validity. It would appear to be an obvious
conclusion that in the patterning of each society there Is an ordered

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variation which stems from— Is related to— the variations in the

ordering of the alternatives of value orientations.

To function successfully every society must have within It some

persons, either individual persons or groups of persons, who will
devote themselves to the differing activities of the several behavior
spheres. And, If the activities of the differing spheres are to be
adequately performed, it is necessary that a majority of the persons
choosing each sphere have the rank order of value orientations which
provides the motivations proper to the sphere. For example, the
American man who elects to be a composer of music or the one who
chooses to be an academic intellectual Is almost always "variant" In
some if not all of his value orientations. In the use of the words
"elect" and "choose," attention Is being called to permltted
variation. In the United States, at least, there is much permitted
variation of this kind; in other societies less of this type and more
of others is permitted. But even In America this variation permitted
to Individuals is required for the social system. Some composers of
music and many academic Intellectuals are essential to Its stability;
hence each generation must produce new recruits to each sphere.

In the less differentiated societies variants of this type are less

numerous and often they are less clearly demarcated; yet they are never
absent from the social scene. If all Spanlsh-Amerlcans, the
representatives of a folk culture, had In the past behaved In accord
with the prevailing values of their culture, their social system would
never have been created and would not have endured relatively unaltered
through many generations. But history shows that most of the
successful Spanlsh-Amerlcan patrones were far more Individualistic in
their behavior than average Spanlsh-Amerlcans, and not Infrequently
they were also fairly ambitious planners. In both their ambition and
their planning they differed, to be sure, from the ambitious Future and
Doing-oriented American businessman whose range for planning Is a
longer one; but still, in some respects, they resembled that
businessman much more than they resembled the majority of their own
people. And even though one may certainly question the benefits of
their kind of variation to the Spanlsh-Amerlean social system because
of the numerous strains the patron system Imposed upon all those it
governed, It still remains a fact that this system was the glue which
held the wider social system together for a very long time___

But however dominant or variant a particular Individual may appear

to be when the focus of interest is the whole social system, he is
never completely so. No Individual, any more than any society, can
live wholly or always In accord with the patterns which express a
single profile of value orientations. Each one has within himself, as
a part of M s persona lIty, a rank order of value orientations which
usually is made apparent by a variable allocation of time and interest
In the activities of the several behavior spheres and by variable
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behavior in the different spheres. For example, not even the most
dominantly oriented American businessmen spend all their time on the
job; all participate at some times and to some degree In all the other
spheres of activity. This fact has been widely observed, but It has
not been as frequently remarked that the shifting from sphere to sphere
indicates a complex and variable motivational structure. Still less
often has the variability of motivations been seen as a variation In an
Individual's value orientations. Instead It has frequently been looked
upon as a serious conflict within the personality, hence as something
to cause concern. One such conflict that has been much discussed is
the one many Americans, especially men, seem to have between religious
and occupational values. Without denying that there is actual conflict
of this and other kinds, we suggest that much of what looks like
conflicts Is often Just an expression In behavior of the individual's
variation In value orientations. Moreover, if there Is a serious
Internal conflict It Is an Indication that the value-orientation
structure of the individual either is not ordered or is constituted of
different orderings which conflict with each other.

Although it far exceeds the aims of the present discussion to deal

with these conflicts Ip ordering and their effects upon both
personalities and Interpersonal relationships,'4 let us cite one
familiar example. It Is the child of the Immigrant family who within
the family structure Is socialized in accord with the dominant values
of traditionalism (Past time and Lineality) and who, outside the
family— in schools, play groups, and other associations— comes to know
and feel the Impact of ways of behaving which express the dominant
American values of Individualism and Future time. As a type of
conflicted personality in the American scene this one has been noted
frequently enough to have received a definite name— second generation.
Admittedly, no two of these personalities ever exhibit exactly the same
symptoms, but they have In common a tremendously important source of
conflict which many Individualistically oriented psychologists and
psychiatrists either Ignore or analyze intuitively....

THE RELEVANCE OF VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS TO ROLE THEORY

Our- conceptualization of ordered variation in value orientations

(basic values), and the consequent development of the Ideas of the
variant pattern and variant personali ty. Is derived more from the field
of cultural anthropology than from the works of the sociologists who
have had a primary Interest In differentiation and deviation. This is
not to say that the cultural anthropologists have gone farther than the
sociologists in analyzing the variations In the value systems of
specific societies. As has been stated, the majority of their analyses
of value systems have also been concentrated on only the dominant
values.'5 However, because of wlderange differences In the value
systems of the numerous societies the anthropologists have studied, the
Idea of variation In values Is clearly emergent In the field as a
 463

whole. It has also been these anthropologists, most of whom were

mentioned earlier, who have given to social science the clearest
conception of the high degree of Integration In the patterning of the
various activities In a society and the nature of the configurating
principles making for that Integration. Moreover, because of their
"holistic" approach to the study of culture they have been able to show
that these thematic principles do not relate Just to aspects of the
man-man relationships and are not, as Sheldon has remarked,
"specifically s i t u a t l o n a l *

Although there Is a fairly large area of overlap In the phenomena

studied through these two aproaches, and even some conceptual
congrulty, they have not as yet been well Integrated or even
articulated. Evidence for this statement Is found In the prevalent
confusion over what Is cultural as opposed to social or vice versa.
Still unresolved, this confusion Is frequently glossed over by the use
of the term socio-cultural with full awareness that the hyphen Is no
iymbol of Integration.

Perhaps at this state of development In the social sciences there

Is not compelling need that the two traditions be Integrated. Some
have argued that premature efforts to Interrelate them may seriously
curtail developments In each.'7 However, partial Integration, or
articulation at least. Is certainly necessary If we are not to fall an
easy prey to what Whitehead called the Fallacy of Misplaced
Concreteness and are not also to have our studies of human behavior
made sterile because of a too exclusive concern with different aspects
of It considered discretely and separately, almost as If In a
conceptual vacuum. The concept of role offers a means of effecting
this articulation, providing It Is sufficiently reconceptualized to
take account of systematic variation.

It Is In accord with the theory of variation In value orientations

to view roles as flexibly variable to the extent that they reflect not
simply dominant values but a rank order of value orientations. It will
be remembered that when we spoke of the academic Intellectual as being
variant In some or all of his value orientations we used the
qualification of "almost always." Although It Is to be expected that
most teachers, scholars, scientists, and writers In the United States
will have a somewhat variant value system, there still are many who are
as strongly oriented to the dominant American rank order of value
orientations as the most typical of businessmen. And the reverse Is
also true; many successful as well as unsuccessful businessmen are as
variant as the typical Intellectual.

Moreover, It Is never the case that the variant patterns are

radically different. Constituted of the same components, the
differences between them are simply those of a difference In the rank
ordering of emphases upon the components. Translated Into role theory

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this means that roles, to the extent that they are determined by value
orientations, are ordered Into an Interlocking network of the dominant
and the variant for which the dominant rank ordering of value
Of|entatlons Is the Integrating thread.

This conceptualization of roles and role relationships makes It

evident that there Is a hitherto unrecognized complexity In the
sociological principle of "strain toward consistency." This principle,
which Is much better termed as a tendency or trend toward consistency
since the concept of strain Is so often used to Indicate factors which
actually hamper Integration, focuses attention upon dominant values and
does not take Into account the variant ones which help to support and
sustain the dominant ones.

Our view of variation also calls Into question the Interpretation

of stresses and strains as factors which have mainly a negative effect
upon societal Integration. Without denying either the existence or the
significance of strains In social systems <It has already been pointed
out, for example, that there are strains, many of them serious ones,
which result from a "bad fit" In the dominant value orientations), it
Is suggested that the quite negative conception of strain has led to an
oversimplification of the processes of Integration. If one concerns
one's self solely, or even predominantly, with the dominant values of a
system, it Is Inevitable that the strains these values generate (and
there Is no system without strains) and the variant patterns utilized
to alleviate them will be viewed as disruptive elements. The pos Itlve
functional values of the variant patterns are not emphasized. The
theory of variations In value orientations gives to the variant
patterns a quite different status. Although they, and the variant
Individuals who follow them, are always potential sources of change--a
fact which we shall discuss In more detail below-their primary
function Is seen as that of the maintenance of the system. Both
because of the variety of activities needed to keep any society In a
state of equilibrium and the fact of differences in the abilities and
Interests of Individuals, there Is built Into every system a quite
wide-range acceptance of variant patterns. These are, to be sure, much
less elaborated than the patterns which express dominant values, but
they are nonetheless essential; and...a main Indication of basic
change, as opposed to change which Is simply pattern elaboration of
same values, is the Increase of elaboration of the patterning In one
Behavior sphere and the concomitant decrease in the elaboration of
patterning in another.

This conceptualization, when applied specifically to role patterns,

provides the means for extensions In the analysis of the processes of
conformity and deviation, especially the latter. As has been stated,
the process of deviation and the deviant personality have held a
central place In the studies of many sociologists and psychologists.
To some extent anthropologists have also concerned themselves with

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deviation. The most general use of the concept Is for the designation
of behavior which seriously transgresses the type of moral norms which
are essential to the stability of all societies. Deviant persons of
this kind are the "social outlaws," and they are both found In all
societies and negatively sanctioned in all of them. Certainty some
special category is needed for persons of this type, but other highly
profitable uses of the term “deviant make it questionable that this Is
the right term for the outlaws. Mainly, we refer to the use of the
concept of deviant for the classification of all the Individuals who
show, in varying ways, that they have rejected or altered the patterns
of behavior expected of them by the particular groups of which they are
members.

This and other more purely psychological conceptions of deviation

stress the "going away" aspect of the deviation process. To use
Parsons' term, the individual "alienates" himself from the role
expectations of the social system or subsystem of which he Is a
member. Also, there Is a fairly general tendency In the classifica­
tions of deviant persons to concentrate upon aspects of the
psychological motivation for deviation. Often these have a "system
reference" In that the motivation is formulated relative to either the
goals or means In the role expectations the individual Is rejecting.
Merton's "rebellion" and "retreatism" as types of deviant behavior are
examples. But this kind of system reference Is only the negative one
of a rejection of some or all the values In a system or subsystem.

There are new dimensions to be added to both the analysis of the.

deviating process and the motivations of deviant persons If these are
seen as relative to a value system In which there is ordered
variation. First, it Is to be recognized that the deviating person who
has "moved away" from one role or set Jof roles has "moved toward"
others, which are usually recognized to be more or less acceptable
alternatives. The concept of variation captures the "going toward"
half of the process which the term deviation with Its explicit
connotation of "away from" cannot Include. It becomes necessary, of
course, to analyze and classify variant roles for their degree of
acceptability or requiredness. But sometimes It Is not even a variant
but rather a dominant role the deviating Individual moves toward. This
Is the case of the person who deviates from a varlantly oriented group
to a dominantly oriented one. Many of the socially mobile persons In
American culture Illustrate well this kind of movement.

Thus, deviation as a process is relative to the Interlocking

network of dominant and variant roles. This conception of the process
makes it possible to study the deviating individual as a part of the
system In another sense than the negative one of having rejected,
rebelled against, or In any other way withdrawn from roles expressing a
given order of values. His behavior can be analyzed relative to the
role network into which he has moved as well as the one he has
withdrawn from. It Is of-the utmost Importance to have the concepts of
variant role and varlantly oriented person for the very many deviants
who function successfully In acceptable alternative roles which are not
at all deviant from the sociological point of view.

Many of the more positive effects of deviation for a society, and

Its significance for social change as well, are also much more easily
analyzed and better understood when both the "going toward" aspect of
the deviation process and the variation which Is the goal of this
movement are taken Into account. And, strictly from the Individual
point of view, It Is to be expected that In the motivation for
deviation there Is a value element which derives from the individual's
own rank order of value orientations, or possibly his conflicting
rank-order patterns. We suggest that the "anticipatory response" and
the "positive orientation to nonmembership groups" cited by Merton and
Kltt as Important for the understanding of the deviation process are In
some large part based upon variations In the Individual's rank order of
value orientations.

These suggestions are, of course, very general. Before the full

implications of the theory of variation for the study of social roles
can be shown, there must be, as has already been indicated, some
refinement and expansion in the categories for the classification of
roles. One suggestion Is that the formal role system of a society—
both the dominant and variant formal roles— be classified according to
the criteria of generality and specificity and that the levels of
generality be designated. The general-specific distinction has
previously been defined as the distinction between that part of a
person's role which Is general to many different role relations— one's
age, sex, or class role, for example— and the part which Is specific to
a particular role interaction situation." The question of the
level, or degree, of generality is one of the pervasiveness, of the
general referent for role allocation. Age and sex as points of
allocative reference are, for example, more general and pervasive than
that of class position, and in turn class or caste position Is a more
general allocative referent than is a behavior sphere.

A classification of Informal roles and methods of Interrelating

them to the formal roles must also be developed If the full
Implications of the theory of variation are to be realized. In spite
of the great interest in Informal roles shown by many analysts of small
groups of different kinds and of Industrial relations, there has not as
yet been developed a classification which defines types of Informal
roles or a theory which relates them systematically to the intra­
system variations which arise. In some part at least, because of the
strains treated by the dominant value orientations.

The suggestions we offer here for such developments derive mainly

from the ideas of Spiegel who. through his psychoanalytic therapy, has
 467

become intensely Interested In the importance to personality

development of the roles "assumed" and "assigned" In the Interaction
process which are not formally defined and frequently are not even
explicitly recognized. Many of these roles are. he states, an
Interactional Interpretation of what the psychologists normally call
"character traits." A few examples are "the exhibitionist," "the
failure," "the hero." "the fool." But there are many other types than
these. For example, there Is the role of a morally "bad girl" which a
child assumes because of having been Implicitly assigned this role over
a long period of time by a mother who explicitly preaches the strictest
of moral standards. This Is not to say that these are not traits or
should not be so considered from other points of view. It Is only
pointing to the facts that the Individual, In the process of his
socialization, acquires the traits In some large part In his
Interaction with others and that Interaction means the playing of roles
by one person vis-a-vis another.

Spiegel, In addition to making the distinction between the implicit

and explicit nature of the Informal roles, and In pointing to the great
significance of the character roles, has developed a still more refined
classification. Ills categories as thus far defined specify two types
of Informal roles— the character roles and the transitional roles— and
two types of fictlve roles which he calls Imaginary and mythological.
He also has given attention to the techniques of "role Induction" and
"role, modiflcatlon" as these relate to the resolutions of role
conflict. Still more recent work by Spiegel Is concerned both with a
classification of the varying methods of allocation of the different
kinds of roles and the establishment of the relationships between tire
formal and Informal roles.'*

With these extensions and refinements In the classification of both

formal and Informal roles In becomes possible to treat much of the
variation In values wlthin*a‘context of role Interaction. And while
there certainly will still be those who will object to the use of the
role concept for the study of both the discrete and always somewhat
unique personality of the Individual, and also the ramifications of
cultural patterning. It would seem apparent that the extensions
suggested meet many of the objections raised In the past. Admittedly
certain aspects of the Individual personality will still be beyond the
range of a role analysis and some kinds of culture patterns will
continue to be much better formulated when they are abstracted from
Interaction processes. No single conceptual bridge can completely
cover over the chasms which separate Intellectual universes of
discourse; but Increasingly, one which has sound girders, as the role
concept has. can be built Into a stronger and wider means of
communication between those universes. He believe that the theory of
variation In value orientations, when It Is used for analyses of
Interaction processes, compels a widening and strengthening of the
concept of social role as a bridge concept....

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FOOTNOTES

1. Kluckhohn, Clyde
1951 "Values and Value Orientations In the Theory of
Action," Toward a General theory of Action. Talcott
Parsons, Edward A. Sh11s. et.al., Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, p. 411

2. Parsons, Talcott, and Edward A. Shi Is

1951 Toward a General Theory of Action
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, p. 59

3. Tlmbergen, N.
1951 The Study of Instinct, Oxford: Clarendon Press, p. 150

4. Ibid., pp. 151-52

5. A sixth common human problem which Is considered to be necessary to

the value orientation schema Is that.of man's conception of space and
his place In It. Unfortunately, this problem and the ranges of
variability in It have not been worked out sufficiently well to be
Included at the present time.

6. An explanation of the conventions to be used In differentiating

between general type of orientation and the alternatives within types
may be helpful. The titles for the types of orientations will be
ItalIclzed— human nature, man-nature, time, activity, and relational.
The alternatives within the types of orientations will be capitalized
but not ltallclzed--for example, Being, Doing, Being-in-Becoming;
Future, Past, Present.
Also, In order to minimize confusion between type of value
orientation and the variations of orientations within types we shall,
wherever possible, use the terms variation, alternative, or position
for the designation of the "wlthin-type" orientations. But both
because It Is often coinbersome to speak always of. for example', the
Being alternative of the activity orientation and because frequently we
will wish to treat only the dominant alternatives, we shall sometimes
use the term orientation to refer to an alternative as well as a type.
Not only Is It a necessary shorthand method to use the terms Future
orientation and Future-oriented people; It Is an accurate usage
according to the theory because each of the alternatives within a
general type of orientation Is Itself an orientation. In the research
which this volume reports, our aim was to determine the ordering of the
postulated alternatives within each type of orientation. Thus, the
alternatives will usually be specified as such. But we feel that the
convenience and brevity afforded by being able to use the term
orientation to refer to one of the variations w 1thin a postulated range
of orienting principles are a sufficient cause to risk the possible

< ( (
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469

confusion which some may find in our use of the term to refer both to
type of orientation and to alternative orientations within a type.

7. Spengler, Oswald
1926- The Decline of the West, tr. Charles F. Atkinson, New
1928 York: Alfred A. Knopf, Vol. I, p. 130.

8. The problem of time Is certainly not exhausted or fully explained

by this range of orientations. Some languages such as the Hopl Indian
have no tenses to indicate Past, Present, or Future. It seems best to
leave examination of this additional problem until such time as the
space orientation Is better worked out, for there Is an aspect of the
time problem, not now Included, which relates to the space orientation.

9. Escape from Freedom, (New York: Rinehart & Co., 1941), pp.258-59

10. Kluckhohn, Florence

1950 "Dominant and Substitute Profiles of Cultural Orienta­
tions, Social Forces. 28(4):387.

11. Charles McArthur

1952 "Cultural Values as Determinants of Imaginal
Productions," unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Harvard
University. A short general statement of the plan
, of this study and the results achieved by It appear
In "Personality Differences Between Middle and Upper
Classes," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,
Vol. L. No. 2 (March, 1955), pp. 247-55. Both
McArthur and we realize that the sample In the
research program was too, small to warrant more than
"conservative conclusions." McArthur also stresses
the fact that the experiment was a special use of the
Thematic Apperception Test. Only certain types of the
total range of responses the test elicits were
applicable to the testing of the hypotheses of the
research.

12. Watson Smith and John M. Roberts have recently developed a concept
of "value field" which has some similarity to that of behavior sphere
as we are using It. However, It appears probable that further
development of both concepts will Indicate that the "value field" Is a
concept intermediate between behavior spheres and value orientations.
See Watson Smith and John M. Roberts, Zunl Law: A Field of Values,
Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. XL 11!, No. 1
(1954).

13. No member of the project group has made a study of Japanese

culture. However, this impression was so strong In the mind of
Florence Kluckhohn that she discussed It with several Japanese scholars
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470

In different parts of Japan in the summer of 1954. There was general

agreement among them that aesthetic Interests were central in the
culture and were a main key to understanding it.
John Pelzel, who has devoted much time to the study of Japanese
culture, states that In his opinion the Doing orientation has been of
equal dominance in Japanese culture during and since the Tokagawa
period, and political activities have been as prominent, or more
prominent, then aesthetic interests. However, he agrees to the great
Importance of the aesthetic sphere both historically and at the present
time.
14. A project under the direction of John Spiegel and Florence
Kluckhohn has as one of its specific alms the Investigating of these
problems. This project, which Is devoted to a comparative study of
"well" and "emotionally disturbed" families Is sponsored by the Harvard
University Laboratory of Social Relations and Is financed by the
National Institute of Mental Health.

15. "Variability In the observable patterning of cultures— one type of

which would be role patterns— has, of course, been emphasized by a
number of anthropologists . Clyde Kluckhohn, for example, has
classified patterns as preferred, alternative, and restricted. All of
these types he places at the "Ideal level" of patterning; hence he does
not.regard them as mere alternations or elaborations at the behavioral
level. He uses another classification for behavioral patterns. Thus,
he clearly sees role patterns as having considerable variability.
Moreover, he stresses the Importance of biological differences as one
of the bases of a necessary variation. See "Patterning as Exemplified
In Navaho Culture" In Language, Culture, and Personality, ed. Leslie
Spier, A. I. Hallowell, and S. S. Newman (Menasha, His.: Saplr Memorial
Publication Fund, 1941), pp. 109-30.

16. Parsons, Talcott, Edward A. Shlls, 1951:41

17. In a recent paper by Kroeber and Parsons— a paper which appeared

after this chapter was written— there Is an excellent statement of the
need for the analytic distinctions between cultural and social
systems. See Alfred L. Kroeber and Talcott Parsons, "The Concepts of
Culture and of Social System," American Sociological Review. Vol. XXII,
No. 5, (October, 1958).

18. "The Participant-Observer Technique In Small Communities,"

American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XLVI, No. 3 (November, 1940), p. 332
 Chapter Twenty-nine

VALUE CONFLICTS AND FOLK PSYCHOTHERAPY

IN SOUTH TEXAS

by William Madsen

Between 1957 and 1962 research was conducted by Madsen in

southern Texas and northern Mexico on mental health In that-
area. This essay appears as one of several reports on the
lleldalgo Project on Differential Culture Change and Mental
Health. The report addresses the problem of cultural assimila­
tion, or In some Instances, the lack of It. When people of one
value system begin to Identify with a conflicting system, they
are seen as shedding their identity In relation to their native
system. In this particular case study the subtlety with which
su'ch a problem Is handled Is truly amazing.

Much has been written about primitive ethnocentrlclty but

remarkably little about our own, In regard to the sanctity of modern
science. This paper attempts to demonstrate how the ethnocentric
orientation of modern medicine and psychiatry has braked the
acculturation of the Mexican-American population In South Texas. The
Intolerance of medical science toward other curing traditions has
hindered Its acceptance In folk societies. It has also blocked medical

From Madsen 1964:420-440

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 472

recognition of the actual therapeutic value of many folk curing

techniques.

More than 751 of the population of Hidalgo County, Texas, Is of

Mexican descent. Most of these Mexlcan-Amerlcans belong to the lower
class. Today this population Is characterized by an Increased rate of
acculturation to many aspects of the Anglo-American pattern of
behavior. The resulting threat to social and cultural traditions Is
producing psychological stress and high levels of anxiety. In such a
situation some might expect to find a heavy reliance by the Mexlcan-
Amerlcans on medical and psychiatric resources. That is not the case.
Rather, most Mexlcan-Amerlcans In need of help for psychological or
social maladjustment seek the services of.the curandero or folk curer.
One reason for preferring the curandero over the psychiatrist or
physician is the widespread inability of the latter to communicate
linguistically or culturally with this predominantly Spanish-speaking
group. Another reason Is the high degree of success the curandero has
demonstrated In treating patients. An understanding of the factors
favoring the curandero over medical practitioners can-be gained from
an examination of the history and culture of this area.

Except for the descendants of the early settlers from Mexico, the
bulk of the modern population of this area came In two waves of
migration beginning In the second decade of this century. At that
time, several investment companies began clearing and irrigating the
land that today supports the thriving vegetable and citrus farms of the
lower Rio Grande Valley. The purchasers of these Improved lands were
mainly Anglos from the mldwestern and northeastern parts of the United
States. The men who cut the brush and dug the irrigation ditches were
laborers from Mexico. Many remained as field hands. Migration from
Mexico was further Increased by refugees from the Mexican Revolution of
1910 and Included some members of the middle and upper classes.'

The towns that grew up In the area were carefully planned to

separate the residential areas of the Anglo and Latin peoples. Each
town is divided by a railroad line or a highway, which marks the
boundary between the homes of the predominantly Spanlsh-speakIng and
English-speaking groups. Originally each half of each town was a
relatively self-contained community with Its own schools, stores, and
churches. The absolute rigidity of this system is breaking down
today. Many of the schools are integrated, and an increasing number of
Mexican-Amerleans are moving Into homes on the Anglo side of town.

The predominantly middle-class Anglos have borrowed little from

MexIcan-Amerlean culture aside from occasional visits to Mexican
restaurants. Their speech' and culture conform closely to those of
greater middle-class America. The Mexlcan-Amerlcans are generally
bilingual, and the traditional Mexican patterns of behavior have been
modified among them by the acceptance of many Anglo ways and Ideas.

(
(
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473

Most of these modifIcatlons and additions are In the sphere of

technical culture. The basic social structure and the core values are
largely drawn from Mexico.

Despite Increasing Intercourse between these two groups, each lacks

understanding of the other and feels threatened by It. The Anglo
frequently regards the Latin as unreliable, childlike, and In need of
supervision and guidance. Latins are also characterized by the Anglos
as superstitious, morally lax, and dirty. On the other hand, the Latin
often views the Anglo as grossly materialistic, self-centered,
untrustworthy, and clownish. The Mexlcan-American believes that desire
for economic advancement Is the prime motivation In Anglo behavior. In
the usual Anglo employer and Latin employee relationship, the Mexlcan-
American Is liable to believe himself exploited and underpaid. This
Idea is frequently based on fact. In turn, as Increasing use is made
of Mexlcan-American white-collar workers, their Anglo equivalents feel
their jobs threatened because Spanish-speaking employees often work for
lower wages. Latin upper mobility and the Increasing rate of angllcl-
zatlon is not reducing the mutual suspicion and distrust between these
two ethnic groups.

Because of the cultural changes taking place In Hidalgo County, It

would be a gross oversimplification to picture two ethnic groups
separated by a sharp line of cultural difference. In Individual Latin
behavior, many degrees of acculturation can be observed, ranging from
almost- total conformity to Mexican folk culture to Integration of
Mexlcan-American professionals Into the Anglo upper class. Generally
speaking, one finds Increasing anglIclzatlon as one moves from the
lower to the upper class and from the older to the younger generatlpn.

Those Mexican-Amerlcans who are actively attempting to anglicize

themselves are often contemptuously called Inglesados (the anglicized)
or more commonly agringados (the "grlngolzed") by the more conservative
Latins. Overt attempts at cultural transfer are slowed by fear of such
ridicule from the conservative friends. The Mexican value of
submission to the will of one's parents, who are usually conservative,
also prevents many members of the younger generation from freely
following Anglo patterns. Anglo resistance to purely social relations
with Mexican-Amerlcans also slows the process of anglIclzatlon. The
Latin wants to benefit from the material advantages of Anglo society
but Is dubious about overtly declaring affiliation w1th*a group that
rejects him and Is contemptuous of his origins. Easy Identification of
their background by physical appearance and often language prevents
most Mexican-Amerlcans from "passing" In Anglo society.

The conservative Mexlcan-American culture Is basically derived from

that of rural Mexico although It Is modified by the sociocultural
setting In Texas. The people have mixed attitudes toward Mexico, The
mother country south of Texas is regarded as the fountainhead of
 474

philosophical truth, religious devotion, and beauty in literature and

the arts. At the same time, Mexicans are regarded as unreliable.
Impractical, and Inefficient: These attitudes toward Mexico are In
part a reflection of the Mexican-Amerlcans' acceptance of the Anglo
value of technical proficiency and the rejection of many of the
nonmaterial values’associated with English-speaking society.

The conservative Latin world-view follows the common folk pattern

of blending the supernatural and the natural In one Integrated system.
Although the Anglo may be a devout church member, he usually distin­
guishes clearly between supernatural and natural phenomena. The
scientific isolation of the natural world is incomprehensible to the
conservative Mexlcan-American. Usually a Roman Catholic, he tends to
view the Anglo belief as a part of the "Protestant heresy." Even
continuous attempts by the Catholic clergy to educate the lower-class
Latins to the basic concepts of modern medicine'usually fall.

As in much of rural Mexico, the Texas Latins see normality as a

balance of elements. As long as a proper relationship among beings and
things is maintained, all is well. Disease, social strife, and
misfortune In general are due to planned or accidental contradictions
of the normal balance. An elaborate example of the theory of balance
Is seen In the hot-and-cold concept of disease and curing. This system
came to Mexico from the classical Mediterranean world by way of
colonial Spain. In brief. It holds that health is a "temperate"
condition in which there is no excess of "hot" or "cold" elements.
These classifications often have no real relationship to actual
temperature. An excessive exposure to or Intake of things classified
In one or the other of the temperature extremes can produce illness.
Treatment, in part, consists of feeding "hot" foods for "cold" diseases
and the reverse.

Man's violation of the moral and ethical code can cause

supernatural beings to upset the balance further by sending accident or
Illness as punishment. These saints and spirits are borrowed from the
folk-Catholic hierarchy of Mexico. Even in the supernatural sphere,
balance is essential to being. God is opposed by Satan and angels by
imps. Like humans, saints are balanced between male and female.
Existence Itself is a balance of the natural and supernatural. Each
human body contains a divine soul.

The Mexlcan-American considers himself a member of la raza, the

"race" of native Spanlsh-speakers In the Americas. The term "race," In
this sense, is not restricted to its biological meaning but includes
the concepts of shared culture and common spiritual heritage.* It is
believed that God intended a glorious destiny for the members of la
raza. This destiny, the Mexican American says, is one that the Texas
Latins will probably never achieve. The spiritual potential of U
raza is continually weakened by the immoral and destructive behavior
 475

of a few. It is stated that, if the drunks would dry up, the thieves
reform, and the Irresponsible meet their obligations, jajraza In Texas
would again return to the path of greatness. Universal conformity
among Its members to the values of la raza could restore It to Its
rightful place in the balance of the universe, according to
conservative Mexlcan-Americans.

Some believe that the ideal family should be based on divine

example. The mother is frequently equated to the Virgin of Guadalupe,
and the father's role is the human equivalent of God, the authoritar­
ian. The pure mother Is the source of comfort and affection, and the
aloof father is the protector and the administrator of Justice.

As la raza as a whole has failed to achieve God's plan for the

group, individual members never conform perfectly to the divine models
of male and female. Although Ideally all women whould be sexually
pure. It is believed that they are weak-willed. Familial supervision
and protection are therefore necessary to protect them from sexually
aggressive males. No woman, it Is believed, can protect herself
against the superior intelligence of the male.

Unlike God, the Mexlcan-Amerlcan male must constantly prove his

worth. Male values are encompassed by the concept of machismo or
manliness. A true man is proud, dignified, and reliable. Such a man
will remain aloof from petty argument and Intrigue. When his honor is
challenged, he will seek vengeance. Vengeance may not be immediate,
but It Is certain. The respected man 1‘ s in control of himself in any
social situation because of his experience In life and his ability to
defend himself socially and physically. In time he will be addressed
with the honorific doit and his first name.

These qualities of manliness are associated with sexual prowess and

ability. While monogamy-is a virtue, extramarital affairs are expected
as the mark of a successful man. If he has the financial means, he may
maintain a second household, or casa chica, without fear of losing
respect in the conservative Latin-American community. At no time,
however, must he allow his attentions to endanger the security and
well-being of his wife and family.

Homosexuality Is an indication of Individual Inadequacy. To be

labeled "homosexual" Is the ultimate debasement in the sphere of male
behavior. The only occasion on which accusations of effeminacy in
males Is tolerated is during the ritual of verbal dueling among younger
men who are together.* Such dueling may be partly an anxiety release
from fear of latent homosexual tendencies.

As female purity is threatened by the male sex drive, so manliness

Is threatened by homosexuality. These beliefs are only two manifest­
ations of the hostility that the Mexlcan-Amerlcan sees In his

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environment. It Is believed that no individual outside the family can

be fully trusted. This distrust applies to Anglo and Latin alike.
Children learn early to be suspicious of the motives of others and to
acquire the art of social self-defense.

In contrast to the outside world, the family Is Ideally the haven

from threat and trouble. Here the maximum co-operation In Mexlcan-
Amerlcan activity Is seen. Familial roles are well defined, with the
female subservient to the' male and the young lo the old. The family Is
extended beyond the nuclear unit to Include both ascending and
descending generations. Before marriage, the primary authority is the
father. Following marriage, a woman should respect her husband's
wishes over those of her parents. A man, ideally, never allows the
ultimate authority of his own father to be compromised.

As the Individual owes allegiance to the family, so the family owes

protection to Its members. Because of strict definition of familial
relations, however, certain types of problem are usually solved without
family help. For example, serious sexual difficulties are rarely taken
up with the parents, knowledge of them would offend the purity of the
mother and be a confession of Inadequacy to the father. Children from
conservative families learn early of their parents' disapproval of many
Anglo customs. If the children imitate the Anglos In any of these
areas of behavior, they usually conceal their behavior from their
elders. The conflicts between the conservative Latin culture and
values acquired at school are rarely discussed or resolved at home.
The parents regard many Anglo values as silly. Irresponsible, and
dangerous. Children who express them orally are silenced. Many Latin
interpretations of reality, on the other hand, are dismissed by school
teachers as "superstitions" and may bring ridicule from classmates.
The child In an Integrated school frequently develops agility In
shifting values in his everyday behavior. He will conform to conserva­
tive Latin values In the famlly environment and may seek approval at
school by attempting to conform to Anglo ways of life as he perceives
them. Another possibility Is that he may rebel against one or both of
these systems.

The Mexlcan-Amerlcan godparent system Is structured to reinforce

conservative values. There Is reluctance tomar Ilie traditionally
formal relationship with familial value conflicts. Although these
compadres (coparents) are expected to co-operate In time of need, such
aid Is usually expected only within the sphere of traditional
behavior. With Increased acculturation and geographical mobility, the
bonds of the compadre relationship are weakening in the Mexlcan-
Amerlcan population.

The growing child or young adult, then, Is forced to seek advice

outside the home In many fields of activity. Ihe maturing female turns
to one of her few close friends. The male may rely on fellow members

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477

of an Informal association called the paloml11a. The word paloml11a

means moth and refers to the tendency of these Insects— and of
youths— to cluster around street lamps after dark. A young man's need
to maintain his dignity and self-respect, however, rules out exposing
many of his problems to his friends In the p a l o m l H a . His final hope
for guidance In these problem areas Is his amigo de confianza, his
"trusted friend." Each male has such a relationship with another his
age, and It constitutes his closest social relationship outside the
family. Even here, however, complete frankness Is not always
possible. Since the fellowship and trust of the amigo de confianza are
valued, the male will not risk breaking the relationship by admitting
to problems or behavior that might lower his friend's esteem for him.
There is also the fear that even a close friend may become an enemy.

As personal shortcomings or failures are not easily admitted, so

personal gains or advancements may be concealed. Such concealment
prevents envidia or envy In others. A person should not experience
envy of the success of a friend or neighbor. Nevertheless, the
Mexican-American regards envy as a powerful emotion and one difficult
to control. Because of his suspicion of others, the Latin who has
experienced any self-satisfaction may think he detects envy among them.

One of the most frequent manifestations of envy Is mal ojo or evil

eye. It Is believed that some people are born with "strong vision,"
which can harmfully project their admiration or desire of possession
intb a person or thing. Children are especially susceptible to this
misfortune for they lack the spiritual strength and defenses of the
adult. Their purity is also a quality that solicits admiration. To
suffer from the evil eye is a proof to all of the child's appeal-
Followlng the diagnosis of evil eye sickness in a child, the cure Is
standard. The parents review the list of those who may have admired
the child during the day and decide which one sent the affliction.
That person Is then s c g h t out and asked to touch the child on the
head. This action removes the foreign force that the admiring look
sent into the child and returns the patient's body to its normal
balance. If the touch of the first person does not produce a cure,
another who has seen the child recently is approached. If the person
who is responsible for the disease cannot be located, the patient’ s
body Is "cleaned" with a raw egg In the shell and brushed with certain
herbs that remove the condition.

If a person knows that he has the power of the evil eye, he should
always touch a child he has admired on the head. This prophylactic
gesture protects the child. In admiring any fragile object, he should
handle or caress it for the same reason. If he falls to do so. It may
later crack or break.

Theoretically, if a person with "strong vision" takes these

precautions systematically, he Is In no way feared or avoided. In
fact, he quite often Is feared. A person responsible for Inflicting
the evil-eye disease unintentionally may detect strains In certain
areas of his interpersonal, relations. He or she may not be invited
Into homes where there are young children or objects subject to damage
by strong vision. If a person suspected of having the evil eye takes
no precautions with children after addressing them, the avoidance
pattern Is even more marked. One Anglo public-health nurse was under a
severe handicap for years until she was finally informed that she had
"very strong vision." Although having strong vision If a matter of
fate, the evil-eye complex Is sometimes loosely associated with the
whole feared complex of black magic and witchcraft. A person with the
evil eye is more likely to be suspected of witchcraft than one without
it. One staff member of the Hidalgo Project was once suspected of
having the evil eye. A few weeks later, this person was accused of
being a witch. Such associations of evil eye and witchcraft, however,
are not common.

While possessing the evil eye Is in Itself not a matter for

condemnation, being a witch always is. Witches are greatly feared and
are believed to obtain their power from the devil. Those who believe
that they are arousing envy or jealousy In others frequently fear that
a witch will be hired to harm them. So dangerous is the subject of
witchcraft that most Mexican-Amerleans are hesitant to discuss the
subject except within the family or with a close friend. It Is
believed that witches can transform themselves into animals, fly
disguised as owls, and become Invisible. Their evil is frequently
worked by sympathetic image magic although oilier techniques are known.
Some witches force an evil wind (mal aire) to enter the patient's body
and cause acute pain. One witch, who was later driven out of town, was
said to keep magical worms in a bottle of human milk and to send them
to cause illnesses. Another witch is believed to be a satanist who
controls demons that possess their master's victims. Such naming of
particular witches Is unusual. While belief in witchcraft is
widespread, few Mexican-Americans do not distinguish between the two
but lump them together as susto, especially among the more acculturated
individuals.

B ills (bile), like susto and espanto, is a disease caused by an

emotional upset. Bliis is quite often the result of anger (coraje),
which stimulates yellow-bile production and cuases an Imbalance of the
humors. Like the hot and cold complex, b H | s derives from the
Hippocratic system of medicine.

Though emotional in origin, both susto and bilis are classified as

"natural diseases." They are believed to be due to natural imbalances,
as opposed to those ailments like m a 1 ojo, which are said to be caused
by supernatural forces. Other examples of natural illnesses are
empacho (Impediment or blockage) and calda de la mollera (fallen
fontanelle). In cases of empacho, certain foods cling to the digestive
 t

479

tract causing constipation and pain. Calda de la mo llera Is an

Infant's disease caused by the collapse of the loose fontanelle.

The older conservative Mexlcan-Amerlcans believe that all natural

diseases are the result of physical Imbalance. Even many of the
younger conservatives reject the theory of germ causation of Illness.
An ever-increasing number do, however, admit the role of the bacterium
and the virus In such contagious diseases as measles and chicken pox.
Infectious diseases are the ones most frequently referred to
physicians. Other "natural diseases" are often said to be beyond the
scope of modern medicine. They Include empacho and calda de la
mollera . 1 Patients suffering from diseases of supernatural origin
aré seldom taken to physicians by the conservative Mexlcan-Amerlcans.

The physician Is regarded as an unreliable curer for many reasons

beside his Ignorance of the folk diseases. His Intolerance of Latin
"superstitions" Is frequently noted as Is his Inability to speak
Spanish. The conservative Mexlcan-Amerlcan regards the physician-
patient relationship as cold and Impersonal, reflecting absence of
•concern on the part of the physician. Above all, the Latin cannot
understand why the medical profession chooses to "forget God." It Is
believed that no cure Is possible without His will. Hhenever modern
medical help Is solicited, facilites and persons with some overt
religious identification are preferred. For this reason, a Seventh-Day
Adventist hospital In northern Mexico receives a number of Latin
patients from South Texas.

Hospitalization Is usually dreaded and resisted In the lower Rio

Grande Valley. Families are regarded as morally delinquent for .
surrendering their members to Anglo institutions for care and
treatment. Patients are uncomfortable In a system they do not fully
understand, dislike the food, and long for the effective relationships
of the home. An IncreasJog exception Is the case of childbirth.
Pregnancy and delivery, however, are regarded as normal functions, not
as diseases. Referral of maternity cases to a hospital by midwives
when complications develop has allowed demonstration of medical
proficiency in delivery.

Curanderos also refer crltlcal, cases to hospitals on occasion.

Such cases usually Involve seriously advanced Illnesses that the
curanderos believe are In the terminal stages. The curer thus avoids a
reputation for losing cases and possible legal action. When such cases
do die In the hospital, the deaths reinforce the belief that "hospitals
are where people die." Even patients who know they have fatal diseases
resist hospitalization. It Is far preferable to die at home surrounded
by one's family and "at peace with God."

A few Mexlcan-Amerlcans argue that death Is perhaps preferable to a

successful operation, especially If one of the organs Is to be

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removed. A person who has recovered from such an operation is going to

suffer for the rest of his life. The normal balance of his body has
been disturbed, and this Imbalance will affect ills relations with the
world and humanity. Me Is no longer whole . 4

While the conservative Mexican-Amerlean looks with disapproval on

the philosophy and techniques of the physician, lie sees the curandero
as an enlightened individual with a divine gift for returning ailing
souls and bodies to normal condition. In part, preference for the
curandero is owing to the attitude toward his role In healing. While
the physician claims to cure merely through acquired knowledge, the
curandero operates through the grace of God.

The curandero may be either male or female (curandera ) . The

conservative Latin distinguishes sharply between the witch and the
curer. The witch's power comes from Satan and the curandero*s from
God. The witch is feared and despised, while the successful curer
receives the honorific Don (or Dona for a female) before his first
name. The more acculturated Mexican-AmerI can, however, may follow the
Anglo pattern of lumping witchcraft and folk curing together Into one
system and labeling both types of practitioner as "witches."

Both professional and part-time curanderos are found In Mexlcan-

Amerlcan society. Some curers are equivalent to the Anglo general
practitioners, while others are specialists. Most practice in their
homes, although a few have regular offices.

Despite these differences, certain characteristics are common to

all curanderos. Their power to heal Is a gift (don) from God, and all
treatments are accompanied by appeals to Him or to one of the saints.
The holy nature of their office Is reflected in the altar maintained In
the consulting room. Curandero and patient frequently pray together
be.ore this table, which is laden with statues of saints, holy
pictures, containers of blessed water, and flowers. The patient's
payment Is ritualized to show his awareness that the curer has merely
served as a mechanism for God during the treatment. Rather than paying
a small fee to the curandero, he leaves an offering before one of the
saints. This system also relieves the curandero from the fear of
conviction for receiving payment for practicing medicine without a
license. The convicting evidence usually shows that the curer uses
medicines obtained from Mexico, which are frequently administered by
hypodermic injection.

Beside the preparations borrowed from modern medicine, Mexican-

Amerlcan folk curers rely heavily on herbs, eggs, earth, holy water or
water blessed by themselves, printed prayers, and holy objects. Some
curers rely entirely on one of these elements. Water is especially
favored, probably because of the ancient Mexican tradition that water
Is a holy and purifying element.*

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48 1

The method by which the curer realizes the will of God or the
saints during treatment varies. Some curers claim that they can hear
the commands from beyond. Others are possessed. One famous curer In
Hidalgo County today is a nine-year-old girl who becomes possessed by
the spirit of a deceased curandero. While she Is in a state of
possession, the soul of the dead curandero speaks through the child's
mouth, and its orders are carried out by an adult assistant. A few
curers are members of one of the spiritualist churches.

The techniques utilized by the curandero usually depend on the way

he entered the profession. Most curanderos claim that they were
ordered or Inspired by God to become curers. This divine election Is
most frequent among those who have parents In the profession. Training
Is usually under the guidance of practicing curanderos. Some are
instructed in one of the centers of folk curing in northern Mexico.
Others train by means of correspondence courses from one of the
spiritualist temples In Mexico City.

Simplified forms of the curandero's techniques are utilized In home

curing. A mother may treat what she has diagnlzed as a simple case of
susto in her child. Accompanied by the usual prayers for recovery, the
child’s body may be swept with a palm frond, preferably one that was
used in Easter church ceremonies. When home treatment falls, a
curandero is sought.

Treatment by folk techniques at home or by a curandero is meaning­

ful in the context of the conservative Mexican-American culture. The
patient and the family are Interested In and are Informed of the
reasoning behind the diagnosis and each ste*p of the treatment. Illness
Is never a matter of mere individual concern. The diseases recognized
and treated are real to the Mexican-American and do In fact fulfill
important social functions. Rubel, for example, has pointed out that
three of th^se "illnesses function to sustain some of the dominant
values of the Mexican-American culture."*

As most of these diseases are not recognized by modern medicine and

do indeed make people ill. It seems proper to Inquire Into their exact
nature. The symptoms characteristic of each, as listed by Mexlcan-
Americans, are vague and Insufficient for medical diagnosis. For
example, a pain In any part of the body may be attributed to aire or
air, a supernatural concept. Empacho may be characterized by abdominal
pains and nervousness. Espanto may produce feebleness, muscular aches,
insomnia, nervousness, or burning eyes. Mal ojo may be signaled by
Insomnia, crying, lassitude, temperature, rashes, or sores. The
symptoms of susto may be general aches agd pains, feebleness, mild
paralysis, nightmares or insomnia, rapid palpitations of the heart, and
difficulty In breathing. Variation in these symptoms for any one
ailment Is impressive and argues against any claim that a
 (

482

direct relationship necessarily exists between the complaints and the

diagnoses. Most of these symptoms could be caused by any of the
commoner virus diseases. They might also be the psychosomatic
manifestations of anxiety or fear resulting from value conflicts and
strained social relations. Examination of a number of cases of
Mexican-American folk diseases tends to confirm the impression that
they are associated with sociocultural crises. Illness frequently
enables a patient to avoid a crisis. If the ailment follows the
crisis. It may be partially a mechanism for relief from individual
guilt and social disapproval. A few examples will clarify this point.

Miguel had bragged to members of his palomi1la that he would "win

oyer" the affections of Margarita at a Friday dance. He later
discovered that his elder brother was interested in the same girl. To
retreat from this amatory challenge would be an admission of short­
comings In manhood to his friends. To attempt to take the girl from
his brother would be a threat to family solidarity and authority. On
the day before the dance, he developed a painful and stiff leg. Within
the family. It was diagnosed ajre. Miguel had to remain in bed while
his brother danced with Margarita.

Memo was fired by his boss and consoled himself that night at a bar
with friends. He told the group that no reason had been given for his
dismissal, although weeks later he admitted that he had been guilty of
consistent absenteeism. His close friend Alejandro said that Memo
should have demanded a reason for the action or the continuation of his
job. Memo agreed and, as the evening passed and beer was consumed,
reannounced that the following day he would see his former employer and
have a showdown. Alejandro, who worked at the same canning plant, said
he would watch for the encounter, wished Memo luck, and urged him to be
firm. Walking home from the bar. Memo fell in the street and an
uneasiness In his stomach, vargue body pains, and was nearly, struck by
a truck. The next day he awoke with a headache, a shaky hand— symptoms
of the susto resulting from his frightening experience with the truck.
A neighbor made the diagnosis, treated him, and ordered him to bed for
a few days. Confrontation of his ex-boss was postponed and finally
forgotten. Alejandro was extremely sympathetic about his friend's
Illness___

The cases Illustrate the manner In which the diagnosis of illness

can avert a social situation In which conflicts internal to the
Mexican-American complex would have resulted In the compromise of one
or the other of two basic values. Miguel's image as a man would have
conflicted with the expected role he should play toward an elder
brother. Had Memo confronted his ex-j)oss, his friend would have heard
the charge of Memo's absenteeism. This charge would seriously reflect
on Memo's image as a man of honor and integrity. To contradict the
older employer's charge would be a violation of respect and subordina­
tion toward one's elders. Deliberately to avoid the encounter would
weaken Memo's self-and public Image as a true man. The incident

I
 483

was avoided by the diagnosis of hangover symptoms as an Illness. 1

doubt that deceit was present In either case. The desire to withdraw
Into the role of a patient tends unconsciously to Increase the
awareness of any bodily complaints that are present. The concepts of
disease present an explanation of the symptoms and provide an escape
from a seemingly hopeless social situation....

One function then of folk diseases In South Texas Is to provide a

mechanism to avoid or relieve situations Involving a conflict of
Mexican-Amerlean values. With Increasing acculturation and personal
Interaction between Anglo and Latin since World War II. value conflicts
are increasing. These conflicts are especially marked In those Indi­
viduals who attempt cultural transfer, the Inglesados. The Individual
who has internalized values from both subcultures usually at some point
becomes aware of painful cognitive dissonance.’ The Individual's
self-image loses Its focus, and decision-making becomes a matter of
profound anxiety. The partly acculturated Inglesado finds Identity
with any recognized role In either subgroup almost Impossible. He Is
scorned by the conservative Mexlcan-Amerlcans and refused admission to
Anglo society. Some Inglesados In this situation seek closer Identity
with Anglo culture through such means as conspicuous display of Anglo
mannerisms or conversion to a Protestant church. Others seek to escape
geographically and move to another state or to one of the larger cities
in Texas. Others attempt to retreat Into the conservative Mexican-
American culture. Those who retreat are usually afflicted with a
serlbs of folk diseases. As Anglos are believed to be Immune to such
ailments, merely being afflicted by one Is a means of cultural
Identification with la raza. To accept the diagnosis and to co-operate
In the treatment are a declaration of acceptance of the conservative
Mexican-Amerlean world-view. The treatment Involves the re-establIsh-
ment of traditional roles and frequently some form of penance. Such
treatments are nearly always conducted by curanderos.

Marla Is an example of an Inglesada who was successfully

reintegrated Into conservative MexTcan-Amerlean society. She Is an
attractive girl and Is married to Jose Romero. Her best friend and
confidante, Emilia, became the godmother of her first child and thus
her comadre. Shortly afterward Emilia's husband oftalned a Job as
foreman, and their Increased Income was soon visible In a new automo­
bile and wardrobe. Although Inconspicuous consumption outside of
religious duties was once the only accepted means of utilizing sudden
Increases In wealth, such conspicuous displays In the Anglo pattern are
Increasing. Marla's envy soon became a poorly suppressed hostility.
Her husband ridiculed her hints that they should Improve their finan­
cial status and denied her permission to take a job. As a good wife,
Marla did not mention the deeper resentment she felt at Ills spending
money on another woman. During the next harvest season, Jose went
north as a migratory laborer, lie wanted Marla to accompany him as

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site had In the past. On her plea that their child was sickly and
should not travel, however, he allowed her to remain at home. Ills
eldest sister moved In with her before he left.

Free of her husband's authority, Marla obtained a Job as a clerk In

a neighboring town. Her small weekly salary at first went to buy
household decorations and clothing to equal those of her comadre.
Soon, under the influence of a fellow clerk, she was paying"for night
courses at a secretarial school. Jose's sister, who now had the
responsibility of Marla's child, most of the time objected strongly to
Marla's behavior but to no avail. Emilia, the comadre, tried gently to
convince Maria that disobeying Jose's orders not to take employment
would only end In trouble. Marla retorted that if Jose objected she
would leave him and become a success on her own as a secretary. In
defiance of growing community disapproval, Marla began to flaunt her
rebellion In accentuated Anglo mannerisms and dress. Her own family
expressed disapproval of her behavior and withheld the close affection
usually displayed when she visited them. Her reputation as a rebel
spread and was enlarged by gossip. As her alienation from the
community continued, she received word that her husband was returning
early from his harvesting trip. That evening at school she accepted
the Invitation of an anglicized girl friend to attend a mixed beer
party the following night.

The next morning, a Saturday, Maria was in menstruation and felt as

though her bones "were pliable." Her bleeding was exceptionally he«\vy,
and she suffered nausea and dizziness. By noon she was sweating and
experiencing periods of hysterical weeping. Her sister-in-law gave her
aspirin and herbal teas and massaged her. When these aids brought no
relief, she summoned Marla's mother. Shortly thereafter Jose's mother
Joined them. Marla moaned that she was bewitched, and the attendant
women agreed that bewitchment was Indicated by the symptoms. The
mother and mother-in-law left, ostensibly to obtain some medicines but
In fact to consult with their husbands. They returned In a couple of
hours with some herbs and the sanction for taking Maria to a curan­
dero. Her Illness had returned her to her family and famlly-ín-law.
The curandero would be expected to return her to health and society.

It was decided to consult Dona Ines, a respected and pious

curandera. Supported by the two mothers, Marla was taken to the
curer's home. The patient's hysterical self-diagnosis of bewitchment
or ma] puesto was politely heard but not commented on. The curandera ,
who knew the gossip about Marla, passed a glass of blessed water over
the patient's head and observed that ripples formed on the surface as
though It was rejecting Marla. Dona Ines then examined Maria's
tear-laden eyes and felt her face. After closely questioning Marla and
the attendant mothers, the curandera retired to pray and "commune with

f
I (
 ( (

485

God." She returned later and, with bowed head, gave her diagnosis:
Castigo de Oíos or punishment from God.

Due to the seriousness of this condition. Dona Ines requested that

Marla remain In her house during treatment. Marla’ s mother and
sister-in-law would care for her child. Marla remained for nearly two
weeks. The treatment consisted primarily of prayers, although the
patient was also given teas and massages. During this period. Dona
Ines, by analogy and later by direct statements, pointed out to Marla
the sin Involved In her actions. Marla became convinced that her
suffering would not end until she had paid to God and to those she had
Injured for her transgressions. Far from relieving her condition, the
treatment heightened her anxiety and Increased the periods of
convulsive sobbing. She also suffered Insomnia, loss of appetite, and
bodily pains. These symptoms Increased when she learned that her'
husband Jose had returned and was regularly conferring with Dona Ines.
Despite the patient's continual pleas, the curandera gently refused to
tell her how Jose was reacting to the news of her behavior and
condition.

In her meetings with Jose, Dona Ines freely stated that Marla had
been behaving very badly and that the divine punishment was deserved.
She also, however. Instilled a sense of guilt In the husband. By
indirection she made him aware that he too had sinned. She led him to
believe that he had failed to supply Maria with "those things a woman
needs to be fully a woman." These talks also convinced him that
parting with his wife when she was experiencing envy of her comadre
and anxiety over her sick child signified failure in his role as a
husband and father. Ills mother attended these conferences with him.
and her knowledge of his own fallings diluted his overt expressions of
anger at Maria.

When Dona Ines finally permitted the meeting of husband and wife,
the encounter took place in her presence before her altar. Before
allowing them to speak, she made them kneel together before the altar,
sprinkled them with blessed water, and prayed aloud over them. The
prayer asked forgiveness for martal weakness and praised the wisdom of
od. The prayer included the sentiment that no person can be whole In
fsolation. It stated that "a man is because of woman and a woman is
because of her man." Following the prayer, the curandera ordered the
patient to welcome her husband and beg his forgiveness. Although
Jose's reaction was silence, he made no protest when Marla followed him
home. Later, he accompanied her on a pilgrimage to a holy shrine to
beg God's forgiveness. Maria still wears clothing of the dark shades
of humility and penance, and Jose has accelerated his extramarital
demonstrations of manliness. Although their relationship Is strained,
both husband and wife are filling their roles in conformity with the
expectations of conservative Mexlcan-Amerlcan society.
( \

486

In cases like Marla's, folk disease represents the means for

retreat to the conservative roles of Latin society. The utilization of
this mechanism Is probably rarely conscious. The anxieties and threats
of cultural transfer combined with the desire for relief may provide
the psychosomatic genesis of disease symptoms. Successful reinstate­
ment in society and resulting relief from physical complaint reinforce
the cultural acceptance of folk Illnesses. Belief in the reality of
these diseases frequently results In the diagnosis of completely
physical ailments as susto, mal o.jo, or one of the other afflictions Ip
the folk system. Even then, traditional treatments may be of value.
The teas and massages- probably relieve some of the patients' pain, and
close effective relationships during treatment are conducive to
psychological comfort. Each case of Illness, moreover, reinforces
family solidarity and patterns of co-operation---

FOOTNOTES

1. Madsen, Hllllam
1961 Society and Health In the Lower Rio Grande Valley,
Austin: The Hogg Foundation for Mental Health, pp.5-6.

2. Ibid., p. 972.

3. Rubel, Arthur J.
1960 "Concepts of Disease In Mexican-American Culture,"
American Anthropologist, 62, 797.

4. Fantini, Albino, E.
1962 Iliness and Curing Among the Mexican Americans of
Mission Texas, Unpublished M. A . thesis. University of
Texas, p. 44.

5. Madsen
1960 The Virqin's Children: Life in an Aztec Vi 1laqe
Today, Austin: University of Texas Press-, pp. 11-12

6 . Rubel, op. clt., p. 813.

7. Festinger, Leon
1957 A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, Stanford: Stanford
University Press.
SECTION EIGHT

CHANGE
 488

INTRODUCTION TO CHANGE

In the preceding sections of this Reader, we have dealt with what

we (following Kearney) see as universal categories of worldview. Even
though the present topic Is not one of those categories. It I5
nevertheless universal In scope. All people experience change.

Cultures are constantly changing because the Individuals

of a society, the "architects of culture," are constantly
modifying their cultural plans, "improving" and adjusting their
ways to the whims and demands of their physical, social, and
Ideational environment. One change in the blueprint may
necessitate other changes so as to restore the balance and
harmony that through change has been disrupted. Sometimes
change gets out of control and disorganization sets In. Some
cultures may change more rapidly and more thoroughly than
others, but al[ cultures change, even the most primitive and
Isolated (Luzbetak 1970:195).

The question or issue, then, Is not whether or not change takes

place, nor simply a matter of noting differences between what was and
what Is; but rather the Issues of how and why or, In some cases, why
not. It is the process of change that Is the focus of this section.
This Introduction examines change In three ways. First, worldview
change Is compared to culture change. Secondly, kinds of cultural
change are noted. Lastly, there Is the discussion of resistance to
change. All of these contribute to an understanding of the process of
change.

H0RL0VIEH CHANGE VERSUS CULTURAL CHANGE

At the outset it Is worth noting that most anthropological studies

of change are concerned with culture rather than with worldview. These
studies deal with how clothing changes or how technology at whatever
level Is altered. They may focus, for example, on ceremonial
practices, roles and relationships, and kinds of behavior. When such a
study begins to look at how one thinks or talks differently at one time
than at other times, It has then moved toward the Issue of worldview
change. A change In worldview Is a change In perception and results in
a reorganization of what one sees as reality.

Such a change Is also called a "paradigm shift" (see Barbour 1974

for a thorough discussion of paradigms). Paradigm is a pattern or pro­
totype, and by implication Is something holistic. One's worldview or
paradigm Is not, therefore, a mere collection of a myriad of parts, but
a whole that Is shaped by the collective identity of Its componants.
No single unit can be altered without the whole pattern being changed.

I (
 t

489

This shift or change Is linked Invariably to behavior. How one

thinks about a thing will affect how he relates to It. Worldview
change will result In cultural change, a process beginning at the deep
level and moving toward the surface. Then, of course, the other
direction Is also to be considered (cf. the discussion on behavior and
values In Section Seven). As change occurs In cultural patterns, an
accomodating shift at the worldview level can take place. The
Introduction of a steel axe as a substitute for the stone axe In Papua
New Guinea, or the replacement of the outside toilet with a toilet
Inside the house In the United States are but two examples of changes
that have resulted In alteration of people's values. To have an
"outhouse" in the United States Is now considered backward and a sign
of poverty. To be without a steel axe In Papua New Guinea's highlands
Is also a sign of poverty. It Is thus the case that any change In
either worldview or culture will of necessity affect the other.

• ORIGINS OF CULTURE CHANGE

There are two basic starting points for change. Much change that
has its origin from within a culture while much originates from
external Influences. This Is not to Imply that change Is an
"either/or" process. Kluckhohn and Strodbeck make a point of this:

It Is our thesis that only very rarely Is a bas|c change

In a culture solely the product of either the evolution...
of the -Internal variations [of value orientations! or the Impact
of an external force. On the contrary, we maintain that basic
change Is usually. If not a lways, the result of the Interplay of
jPj§rnal yariatlons j»nd external forces which are themselves
variable (Kiuckhohn 1961:43).

The probability of both factors being present does not negate the fact,
however, that one of the two may be the more prominant on any given
occasion of change.

Change Due to Internal Developments

This category Includes "Invention" and "discovery." Luzbetak

reminds us that while these are commonly discussed by anthropologists
addressing the issue of change, there are several variations In what
those terms mean to different scholars. Conventionally, however, the
term Invention designates the Intentional new application of old
knowledge, and discovery an accidental awareness of new knowledge.

luzbetak's preference, however. Is (following Barnett 1953) the

broader term "origination." He notes two types:
 { (

490

A basic origination...1s one that gives rise to a

larger number of other Innovations, as did electricity, radio,
and food production. A secondary...origination Is really
only a further elaboration of something that already exists,
e.g. a new car model (Luzbetak 1970:213).

Change Due to External Forces

The terms "acculturation" and “diffusion" tend to be the most

prominent designations of this kind of change. Again, here Is a set of
terms that have had varied, even contrldictory, definitions. Bee
Indicates that In 1954 acculturation was seen as a consequence of
diffusion, while one year later the former was defined more
specifically as the process of transmission and the latter as the
transmission achieved (see Bee 1974:96). The most useful perspective
for me Is to see both as processes, with diffusion being one process in
acculturation (Bee 1974:97).

Regarding diffusion, six variations are noted by Honlgmann: (1)

stimulus, (2) gradual or rapid, (3) objective or technical, (4)
strategic or nonstrategic, (5) active or passive, and (6 ) simple or .
complex (see Honlgmann 1959:212-215; also see Luzbetak's summary
1970:213-214). The discussion by Bee ( noted above) is a source that
prefers to look at acculturation.

Both of these concepts are Illustrated with an amusing touch by

Linton's famous "One Hundred Percent American" piece in which the claim
noted In the title. Is mercilessly crumpled. Linton traces the
activities of a hypothetical "average" U.S. male who see himself as
"1001 American to show that at every point he is making use of
something that had Its source In some other part of the world (see
Hlebert 1976:418-420; from Linton 1937:427-29).

RESISTANCE TO CHANGE

In the United States, change Is sought in many areas of life with

persistence. Last year's styles must be replaced by a new look.
Almost every commercial break on television will have at least one item
which Is "new and Improved." Change Itself Is highly valued. Yet, the
fact remains that because of one's value system, change is a lways met
with resistance.

Foster Is an excellent source for this subject. Three chapters of

his study. Traditional Societies and Technological Change, are focused
on cultural, social, and psychological barriers to change. Although he
lists values early In the first of these chapters as just one source
 491

of resistance, It Is not difficult to see the importance of values In

the rest of his discussion as well (see Foster 1973:82-147). It Is the
value system that operates as the ballast of a society. As a change
occurs. It must be absorbed and Integrated at the value level of
worldview to keep the society stabilized.

Marguerite Kraft, In her study of Kamwe worldview and Its change,

notes this stabilizing force of values:

He have seen how the Interdependent systems are slowly

being adjusted to accommodate moderp developments. Wallace,
In discussing the process of culture change, notes that
religion (beliefs and ritual) Is a stabilizing factor acting
as a kind of governor. When there Is change In the religious
system, the old provides the building blocks for the new. "Old
religions do not die; they live on In the new religions which
follow them" (1966:4). So It Is with the presuppositions and
values— the worldview. They live on and are the building
blocks for maintaining equilibrium In a society. Christianity,
the llausa language, the government, new facilities for economic
ventures, markets, the money economy, and migration to the towns
are all agents or Instruments of change. Yet In spite of the
considerable change going on, many values are quite stable,
though they manifest themselves In new ways (M. Kraft 1978:
72-73).

It Is also worth noting that the bounderles of acceptable behavior

have a built-in "gray area" (see Introduction to Values). While the
existence of this boundery Is In Itself evidence of resistance to
change, paradoxically this marginal area Is also evidence of an actual
pressing toward charige. since marginal behavior tends to cause the
bounderles to expand to eventually Include such behavior In the clearly
acceptable range. This “ pressing-resisting tug of war" belps determine
both the direction and the- degree of change.

SUMMARY
I
Change Is both a universal and a constant experience. Most studies
of change are preoccupied with changes in the properties, the
technologies, or the ceremonies and other behavior of a given
society. Few studies look Into the deeper levels of change Involving
values* and alleglences, l.e., worldview change. Only as change Is
examined both at the worldview and the behavior levels of society can
an adequate understanding of change be possible, since each affects the
other.
•
Changes may be categorized as Initiated either by Internal
developments or by external forces. The first Involves the Inventions
and discoveries that take place within a society. Ihe latter has to do

(
 492

with the processes of acculturation and diffusion. Probably few

situations are totally elther-or cases, since both kinds of changes
regularly occur together.

Change of whatever kind Is met Inevitably with resistance. The

value system of the culture “erects a wall" of resistance that makes It
necessary for an adjustment to occur at the worldview level before such
a change can be Incorporated. This provides a stabilizing force for
the society.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLION

foster's chapter on barriers to change has been included because of

Its focus on values. Two other chapters follow this one In Poster's
book and those chapters should be read as well. Regretably. all three
cannot be Included in this Reader.

The theory of value orientations and then relationship to change as

presented by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck Is set over against two promlnant
theories regarding change. Hhat the authors have done Is to relate the
two to each other, something that has been done too Infrequently they
feel, and thus to promote a third theory for which they make an
excellent case.

Kraft’s chapter, "Transforming Culture with God" turns the

direction of this section toward mlssiological purposes. Its
contribution Is Its help In looking at the componants of transformation
of a worldview or paradigm shift. Throughout the chapter there Is a
constant thread or theme that focuses on working with culture and
effecting the change process from the Inside. Coupled with the article
that follows It, we are provided with a "state of the art" discussion
from a mlssiological point of view.

Jacobs' chapter Is a companion chapter to that of Kraft, as both

look at cultural transformation. Jacobs provides an Interesting
discussion of presuppositions, the concepts of powers, and "klnetology"
as they relate to conversion.

An additional chapter by Kraft has been Included that deals with

the change agent. This short essay helps the reader to see the role of
the change agent In relationship to the host culture as well as to his
own.

(
 ( r (

Chapter Thirty

CULTURAL BARRIERS TO CHANGE

by George M. Foster

INTRODUCTION

HI thin the major categories of barriers to change— cultural,

social, and psychological— the specific examples fall In subgroupings.
There is no magic or Inner logic In the system of classification used
In this and the following chapters. It Is simply one author's attempt
to group examples in such a way that the underlying themes tfl 1 1 be
apparent to the reader. Cultural barriers, for example, seem to fall
easily into the groupings of "values and attitudes," "culture
structure." and "motor patterns." [The latter has been deleted fo. the
purposes of this reader, but Is worthwhile, reading nevertheless.
Editor's note.]

VALUES AND ATTITUDES

Jrad 1 1 Ion

Some cultures value novelty and change positively, for their own
sake. The fact that something Is new and different Is sufficient
reason to examine It and perhaps to try It. Americans, we know, are
attracted by the new. Advertisements play upon the theme of “ new,"
"better," "Improved," and the customer buys. In general, the positive

From Foster 1973:82-104

 < (

494

attraction of the new and novel seems to be associated with Industrial

societies. Whether peoples with the most interest In novelty became
the first Industrialists because of this Interest, or whether an
industrial system produces these values, we cannot be sure. I suspect
the latter. Francis Bacon’ s views on change in England during Its
preindustrial era suggest this. While he recognized the importance of
change— "every medicine Is an innovation, and he that will not apply
new remedies must expect new evils"— the weight of his advice cautions
against giving up the old. Remarkably, this caution Is stated in
straight anthropological terms, that cultures are Integrated systems,
not to be lightly torn apart:

It Is true that what is settled by custom though It be not

good, yet at least it Is a fit; and those things which havd long
gone together, are. as It were, confederate with themselves;
whereas new things piece not so well; but-, though they help by
their utility, yet they trouble by their inconformity; besides,
they are like strangers, more admired, and less favoured (Whately
1857:225)___

Whatever the origin of a love for the new, the relationship between
a productive economy and a tradition for change Is so close that It
cannot be thought of as due to., chance. In contrast, in most
nonindustrial parts of the world novelty and change have less positive
appeal. Rather, the Individual Is conditioned to view new things with
skepticism and. If he is uncertain, not be tempted. The great Spanish
lexicographer Covarrublas. for example, defined Novedad (novelty) In
1611 as "something new and unaccustomed." Then, unconsciously
Injecting the value Judgment of his society, he added, "Characteris­
tically it is dangerous because it sullies traditional usage
(Covarrublas 1611:831). Even today. In Spain and Spanish America, one
of the most widely quoted of all proverbs Is "Vale mas lo viejo
conocido que lo nuevo por conocer." that is. what is old and known Is
worth i.iore than something new yet to be understood.

In peasant society conservatism appears generally to be culturally

sanctioned.... This traditional wisdom is reiterated In the sayings of
peasant peoples in many parts of the world: in Thailand, "If we follow
the old people, we will not be bitten by the dog"; in Egypt, "He who
leaves his past gets lost"; in Sicily, "Listen to old people, for they
do not deceive you" (Chapman 1971:47); among Algerian peasants, "The
future Is not robbed of its menace unless it can be attached and
reduced to the past...(Bourdleu 1963:70)."

It is clear that In societies where the positive strictures against

being tempted by novelty are strong— where aphorisms and maxims are
quoted to validate tradition and where fear of criticism haunts the
would-be innovator— a fertile field for a broad program of social
 495

change does not exist until after a good deal of preliminary cultiva­
tion has been done.

Fatal Ism

Ihe attitude of fatalism Is closely allied to the forces of

tradition and constitutes a barrier of equal strength. In Industrial
societies people have proved to their satisfaction that a high degree
of mastery over nature and social conditions Is possible. An undesira­
ble situation Is not a hopeless block, but rather a challenge to man's
ingenuity. In industrial societies people have come to believe that
almost anything can be achieved; at least, any reasonable plan is worth
a serious try.

But In nonindustrial societies a very low degree of mastery over

nature and social conditions has been achieved. Drought or flood Is
looked upon as a visitation from gods or evil spirits, whom man can
propitiate but not control. Feudal forms of land tenure and nonpro­
ductive technologies may condemn a farmer to a bare subsistence
living. Medical and social services are lacking, and people die
young. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that people have
few Illusions about the possibility of Improving their lot. A
fatalistic outlook, the assumption that whatever happens is the will of
God or Allah, is the best adjustment the Individual can make to an
apparently hopeless situation.
*
' The Colombian anthropologist Virginia Gutierrez de Pineda studied
cultural factors involved in the high rate of Infantile mortality in
rural areas of her country, and she points out in poignant fashion the
.lethargy that social and economic conditions have forced upon the
countryman. When an Infant dies, the parents say, "It was his destiny,
not to grow up." In Santander province it is often said of an unusu­
ally beautiful child, "This child is not for this world," and thus ttie
parents prepare themseIvés*for the 50 percent probability that the
child, in fact, "is not for this world." On the other hand, when an
ill child recovers, the parents say, "See, he recovered without medical
attention; God did not Intend him to die." In the face of such atti­
tudes, Pineda found that the trained physician had a difficult time In
gaining the confidence of the people. Hhen she would urge parents to
take an III child to see a doctor, often they shrugged their shoulders
and replied, "Ihe rich also die, in spite of having so much money for
medical care" (Pineda 1955:1819)___

A fatalistic attitude Is widespread In rural Latin America. In the

Brazilian village of Cruz das Almas, near Sao Paulo, described by
Pierson. It Is commonly believed that Illness comes from God, having
been sent, often, as punishment for sins, and that It Is "He who either
cures or 'takes you away to the other world' ___ In the event of
Illness or death, one often hears the phrase 'Deus quls' (God willed
 496

It). If the Illness Is prolonged, this fact Is considered a part of

the person's slna (destiny)." and characteristically one asks the 1
rhetorical question."What Is there to do about It?" (Pierson
1955:281-283).

Religious beliefs and sacred texts often contribute to fatalistic

attitudes. In the parched farmlands of northeastern Brazil a health
worker found It was especially difficult to persuade mothers to seek
help for their sick children during the month of May. Tills Is because
In Catholic teachings May Is the "Month of the Virgin Mary," and In
this part of Brazil It Is believed that when a child dies in May It Is
particularly fortunate, since the Virgin Is "calling" her children to
come to be with her. "To seek medical aid during this time would be to
contravene the will of the Virgin" (communicated by Marina Oeatriz Cruz
Santos). In Egypt death Is perceived as Allah's will, and no one can
extend life because the Koran says "Wherever-you are, death will seek
you, even If you are In strongly built castles." An Egyptian physician
sees this attitude as one of the reasons for high Infant mortality In
his country (communicated by Or. Eawzy Gadalla). Egyptian proverbs
also teach fatalism, as the following Illustrates: “ Run as fast as wild
animals and still you will not get more than what Is assigned to you by
God" (communicated by Zeinab Shahln). A budding entrepreneurial spirit
is hardly to be encouraged by this reminder.

Cultural Ethnocentrlsm

We Westerners, proud of our achievements in science and technology,

often believe they Imply that our total culture Is the most advanced
and is therefore superior to the cultures of simpler peoples. Our
conviction of superiority and our belief that we have knowledge of
truth make us anxious to "share" this superiority with other peoples
whom we believe to be less fortunate. It sometimes comes as a surprise
to us to discover that the members of all cultures believe that
basically their way of doing things Is natural and best. Ihe Greenland
Eskimo Illustrate this very clearly: They believe that Europeans have
come to their land to learn virtue and good manners from them. To say
that a European Is, or soon will be, as good as a Greenlander is the
highest praise the Eskimo can bestow on him (Gittler 1949:44).

Primitive peoples are quite willing to acknowledge the superiority

of a steel knife over a stone knife, and sometimes of an aluminum
kettle over a pottery vessel. But these are peripheral and Inconse­
quential areas of culture. The real essence of culture, all of us
believe, lies In what we think and do, our attitudes, our social forms,
and our religious beliefs. The question of superiority In such things
Is, of course, harder to measure or prove. Begging the question of
absolute values. It Is apparent that the universal belief In the
superiority of one's culture Is a powerful force for stability. This
Is as true of the American as of the Australian bushman.

\ ( (
 ( r

497

Hie anthropologist studies enthnocentrIsm In terms of what he calls

"cultural relativism." By this he simply means that the values of all
peoples are a function of their way of life and that they cannot be
understood out of context. The point of view of relativists Is not
that all ways are equally good— they do not endorse slavery, murder,
and other conditions or acts in which the Individual Is deprived of
rights or opportunities to realize his full potential— but they do hold
that It Is wrong to condemn the ways of others simply because they
differ from those of the person who Is passing Judgment.

Ethnocentrism Is so deeply engrained in all of us that even when we

are sensitive to the philosophy of cultural relativism we may easily
fall victim to evaluating others In terms of our own views. It Is
Pineda again, who so clearly points out this danger. Her field work in
Colombia has Included study of the lives of the cattle-raising Guajiro
Indians of the Guajira Peninsula.

I remember when once I spoke with an Indian woman of high

social class about marriage, and the Indian custom of giving
money and cattle to buy the wife. I had not yet come fully to
understand the Indian culture, and while the woman spoke of her
price I felt terribly sad that a Colombian woman could be sold
like a cow. Suddenly she asked, "And you? How much did you cost
your husband?" I smugly replied, "Nothing. We aren't sold." Then
the picture changed completely. "Oh, what a horrible thing," she
,sald. "Your husband didn't even give a single cow for you? You
must not be worth anything." And she lost all respect for me, and
would have nothing further to do with me, because no one had given
anything for me (communicated by Virginia Gutierrez de Pineda}.

In contemporary Africa similar views have been expressed. Younger

men are beginning to look upon the traditional "bride price," which
they must pay to the girl's father, as blackmail, since It may
represent the equivalent of up to five years of Income. Young women
seem less anxious to change the status quo. At a YWCA conference In
Uganda one young delegate asked, "How will our husbands value us unless
they have given value for us?" And another wondered, "How can our
husbands keep us faithful unless there Is a dowry they can demand
back?" (Time, July 30, 1965).

Pride and Dignity

Anthropologists have noted that an innate dignity In personal

bearing and a pride In their way of life characterize the peoples among
whom they work. This correlates with the ethnocentric position of most
peoples vls-a-vis their cultures, and It Is reflected In a strong— not
to say rIgld— bellef about the behavior appropriate to recognized
roles. Many technically well designed aid programs have run Into
 < c
trouble because culturally defined forms of pride and "face" which
express these strong feelings about role have not been recognized.
Desire to avoid humiliation as a result of being cast In an inappro­
priate role seems to be universal. But what determines propriety Is
determined by culture. In the United States, for example, the Idea of
lifelong learning Is deep-rooted, and adults do not hesitate to take
correspondence courses or attend night school if they feel they will
profit thereby. The role of student is one that the individual may
occupy at any time during his life without fear of ridicule.

But in much of the world schooling Is associated with childhood.

The role of student Is all right for youngsters, but It is Inappro­
priate to the adult state. Dube points out that in India, where the
Community Development Programme stresses adult literacy projects,
adults often quickly drop out of night classes, even though literacy
and education are highly valued. Since only children are supposed to
attend schools, the adult exposes himself to general public amusement
when he starts to school with pencil and slate (Dube 1958:122).

Fear of loss of face can threaten agricultural programs also. One

phase of the Indian agricultural program includes selling Improved seed
to farmers at moderate cost. Curiously, the best and most progressive
farmers often are the most resistant to this aid. In one village the
wealthy and able farmers neither purchased nor used this seed. "It has
long been thought a disgrace and a sign of failure or poor management
to be forced to borrow or buy seed. The village farmer takes special
pride In being able to raise enough food to maintain his family and In
having enough left over to use as seed" (Opler and Singh 1952:7). The
able farmer does not wish to be cast in the role of the incompetent
agricultural 1 st---

Fear of loss of face has handicapped maternal and child health

programs In Taiwan. There, where the extended family Is still strong,
the older women. In w.iom much familial authority Is vested, feel that
It reflects on their ability and Judgment If young pregnant women in
their families attend prenatal clinics or seek the aid of trained
midwives. Young women who have been convinced by a visiting public
health nurse of the value of new practices have been prevented from
adopting them because of the authority of their elders.

Part of the strategy of directed culture-change consists in

identifying barriers and then seeking ways to weaken them or neutralize
their effect. The two following examples show how different problems
were successfully attacked.

The Organization of American States operates the Inter-American

Housing Center near Bogota, Colombia. Young architects and other
potential urban planners come from many countries to learn the new
 499

science of city and regional planning. Firsthand knowledge of

materials Is believed by the staff to be an Important part of the
training, and students are asked to mix mortar, lay bricks, and
otherwise engage In manual labor. Most Latin Americans, however, have
doubts about the dignity of working with one's hands. A professional
man uses his mind, not his brawn; hired peons do the menial work. For
this reason the work part of the curriculum was not successful In the
early stages. Then someone hit upon the Idea of supplying the students
with white laboratory coats with their names embroidered over the
pocket. In the new and acceptable professional status of laboratory
technicians they now happily went about the chores they formerly had
resisted (communicated by L. Currie, former director of the center).

The other Instance comes from Chile where public health centers,
modeled after United States patterns, were Introduced beginning In the
1940's. The prenatal mothers' "class" taught by a public health nurse
was a part of the introduced pattern. But the new program was only
partially successful; expectant mothers balked at being taught In
classes like children. Consequently It was decided to represent the
classes as short-lived "clubs," which met for the prescribed number of
weeks, usually In the homes of the mothers. The health center provided
tea and.cakes, and the meeting thereby became a social affair. In which
the discussion of prenatal care was only an Incidental event. Since
club life is associated with the upper and middle classes, the women
from low-income brackets who were health center patients were delighted
to be asked to participate in such activities, and the program, as a
health measure, has been highly successful.

Norms of Modesty

Like feelings about dignity and pride, the ideas as to what

constitutes modesty are Instilled In the members of all societies by
their cultures. These Ideas are culturally defined and differ greatly
from one community to another. Proper behavior In one group may be
shockingly improper In a second. But no culture Is without the concept
of modesty. Most often such Ideas seem associated with dress and
decorum In behavior. Modest dress more often than not Is associated
with covering of the sex organs, but this Is by no means universal, and
among many peoples nudity or semlnudlty Is taken for granted. Trave­
lers returning from the Amazon Basin tell of the embarrassment of
Indian women who were observed at close range In a state of nature.
This embarrassment usually disappeared when the women had retired a
moment to reappear wearing a string of beads or some other simple
ornament.

In programs of directed culture-change, Ideas of modesty often

constitute serious barriers to some kinds of programs. For example,
widely prevalent Ideas about female modesty and the proper relation of
a physician to a pregnant woman have seriously handicapped medical and

(
 5Q0

public health workers In their efforts to reduce Infant and maternal

mortality. In Moslem countries. In Latin America, and In many other
areas, it Is quite unthinkable that a man other than a woman's husband
should have the degree of Intimacy with her required by a gynecological
examination. This difficulty usually can be overcome by using female
physicians, but here again the problem Is great. Until very recent
years women have not been permitted to study medicine in most of those
countries In which this resistance Is found, and it will be many years
until there are sufficient female physicians to meet the demands of
adequate prenatal services.

Although female physicians probably are the answer in most parts of

the world where modern medicine In all its aspects has not been
accepted, this is not a blanket rule. Schneider points out how women
on tlie Island of Yap In Micronesia are resistant to genital examination
my a male physician, but they are even more resistant to examination by
a female. Yap women regard all other women, regardless of age, as
potential rivals for men's attention; at the same time, they believe
their own genitals are their strongest power over men. Exposing their
source of power to potential rivals, they believe weakens their
competitive position and threatens them with loss of masculine
attention.

Among the Navaho there Is resistance to hospltalizatlon for

delivery Is strong, largely because of the customary short hospital
gown. Navaho modesty requires good coverage from waist to ankle for
women and the American hospital gown is offensive In the extreme.

Relative Values

There Is a tendency for specialists who work In technical aid

programs to assume that the people with whom they are working, and whom
they hope to help, are essentially rational, however uneducated they
may be and however simple their way of life. It logically follows that
if the technician has difficulty In putting his program across, either
the people are unusually stupid and can't see the obvious (to the
specialist) advantages of change, or the technician has not been as
skillful as he should be In the presentation of his case.

In fact, people often understand the message perfectly, but they

have weighed the relative values to them of the alternative forms of
behavior and have decided against the new program, or some pail of It,
however compelling the evidence may seem to someone with a different
point of view. The technician, frustrated by some example of irra­
tionality on the part of the people he wishes to help, may attempt to
relieve his tension by furious chain smoking, even though he knows the
medical evidence for a correlation between the use of cigarettes and
lung cancer is pretty convincing. He has made a value judgment and

f
i
 r

501

prefers the satisfaction of smoking to the probability of lessening his

suseptlbl1 Ity to cancer.

The satisfactions of life are many and varied, and economic

rationality, though very Important, Is far from being the only
determinant of value judgments. The agricultural extension agent,
struggling to solve problems of food shortage, often wonders why people
are reluctant to grow more nutritious and higher-yielding strains. One
of the most striking examples of this situation has been summarized by
Apodaca. In a community of Spanish-American farmers In the Rio Grande
Valley of New Mexico, a Department of Agriculture county extension
agent succeeded in 1946 in Introducing hybrid corn that produced three
times the yield of the traditional seed. After participating In
initial test demonstrations, a majority of the growers adopted the
Innovation. Yet four years later nearly all farmers had reverted to
the old corn. Investigation revealed that the farmers' wives had
complained about the texture of the dough used to make tortillas, about
the color of the finished product, and about the taste. In the system
of values of this community, corn quality turned out to be more
important than corn quantity; people were willing to sacrifice economic
gain for something they esteemed. In this case traditional food
characteristics (Apodaca 1952).

This Is not an Isolated example. Eating habits are among the most
emotionally based of all activities, and unfamiliar taste often turns
out to be a reason why new foqds are rejected, unless they can be
cloaked with even more powerful counterarguments, such as prestige
value. In India a village worker asked a farmer about his reaction to
a new wheat that had been tried experimentally for several years. The
villager replied that it was better In appearance, brought a higher*
price, and resistant to rain and frost. Then he added, "But the local
variety Is better In taste," and concluded "From the point of view of
health there Is nothing like It (Dube 1958:196)....

CULTURE STRUCTURE

Logical Incompatibility of cu lture traits. Not all culture

elements or Institutions can be easily combined. Between some there Is
a logical compatibility, between others, a logical incompatibility.
When logical Incompatibility exists, change comes about with
difficulty. The contrast between a monotheistic and a polytheistic
religion Illustrates this point. Peoples who practice polytheism often
are not unreceptive to Christian missionaries. It seems obvious to
them that this new god Is a powerful dlety, or his representatives
would not be so far from their homes; he appears powerful, also,
because of the power he has delegated to his lieutenants. They already
pay homage to a number of dletles with special attributes; they have
added dletles from time to time In the past; and It Is the most natural
 c (

502

thing in the world to add a new one who obviously possesses special
merit.

On the other hand, proselytizing among monotheistic peoples offers

a much more difficult problem. Monotheistic peoples can accept a new
diety only by rejecting the previous incumbent, or by completely
identifying the new god and the old one through the process of
syncretism. This Is asking a good deal more of people than is
necessary with polytheistic groups.

The contrast between autocracy and democracy is similar. By

definition, autocracy cannot permit important divergencies of opinion,
but democracy does not exist unless these divergencies are present.
The two forms are logically Incompatible and cannot be reconciled.

Even on a less sweeping level logical Incompatibility of culture .

elements poses barriers to change. For example, the Navaho Indians
have resisted both Christianity and pagan nativlstic movements because
their religious beliefs are Incompatible with those offered by the
alternate forms. They were Immune to the Ghost Dance movement of 1890,
which swept many western reservations and which taught the resurrection
of the Indian dead, the removal of the whites, and the reestablishment
of the old order. W. H . Hill suggests that "for the Navaho with his
almost psychotic fear of death, the dead and all connected with them,
no greater cataclysm than the return of the departed or ghosts could be
envisaged. In short, the Navaho were frightened out of their wits for
fear the tenets of the movement were true" <H. W. Hill, 1944:525).
Reichard believes the Navaho abhorrence of death makes it very
difficult for them to comprehend Christianity, which Is based on the
concept of death and resurrection (Reichard 1949).

In a similar vein, Hawley explains Hop! resistance to CatholIcism

as due to the logical incompatibility between the structures of the two
systems. Catholicism, she points out, is a highly centralized
religion, patriarchal and patrilineal In form. The Hopi rejected the
new religion, and killed priests and burned their missions. Hawley
believes that matrl1Ineal1ty coupled with decentralized governmental
forms explain why the Hopi have maintained their religious Independence
(Hawley 1946).

While the logical Incompatibility of traits Is usually thought of

as characterizing whole cultures, it may apply also to individuals—
technical specialists as well as natives— in extreme cases making the
specialists' jobs impossible. In 1965 In Nepal J encountered the case
of a young Brahmin agricultural extension agent assigned to a Rai
tribal village where, after hard work, he gained the confidence of the
people. As evidence of their friendship they invited him to drink the
local distilled liquor, called rakshl. But as a nondrinking Brahmin he
felt he could not do so. The villagers. Interpreting his refusal as a
X

503

rejection of tlielr friendship. Ignored him, and he had to be recalled

and assigned to another village---

[An Interesting section of this chapter has been omitted here due
to the desire to deal primarily with Foster's comments regarding
values, as well as In the Interest of brevity. The topic deleted Is
entitled “Unforeseen Consequences of Planned Innovation," and Is useful
reading In relationship to strateglzlng for change. — Editor's note]

Superstitions

Probably all developmental workers have encountered Instances of

resistance to change that can best be described as due to superstition,
an uncritically accepted not based on fact. In 1962 in Northern
Rhodesia (now Zambia) I found that nutrition education efforts were
hampered because many women would not eat eggs; according to widespread
belief, eggs cause Infertility, they make babies bald, and they cause
women to be licentious. In the Philippines It Is widely believed that
chicken and squash eaten at the same meal produce leprosy (communicated
by Or. Nardsco R. lapuz). In a community-development project area in
India according to Dube, smallpox is classified as a "sacred”rather
than a "secular" disease, the visitation of a Mother Goddess;
consequently, prescribed rituals and worship receive more attention
than proper medical care (Dube 1956:23)___

In spite of the difficulty In coping with what to scientifically-

trained people appear to be baseless superstitions. Imaginative
approaches sometimes overcome these barriers at least partially. In
parts of northern Ghana, as In Zambia, hens' eggs are taboo to women;
health education programs therefore urge the substitution of guinea-hen
eggs In recommended diets. In other areas in Chana children are not
given meat or fish, because It Is believed they cause intestinal worms;
as a partial substitute, health education emphasizes the value of
protein-rich beans and pulses (communicated by Jean Plnder).

(
 Chapter Thirty-one

VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS AS A FACTOR

IN CULTURE CHANGE

by Florence Kluckhohn and Fred Strodtbeck

INTRODUCTION

This chapter Is the last part of the chapter by the same

authors reproduced In the section on Values in this Reader (see
Chapter 28). I have chosen to divide their original essay In
this way in order to give emphasis to the discussion on change.
The introduction for Chapter 28 is applicable to this one as well.

This subject is one about which many views have been advanced but
little agreement reached. Matson, in a paper which is remarkable for
Its succinctness, states: "The accumulated literature on change is
sizable, but there is as yet surprisingly little clarity as to the
basic problems and approaches in the field.”'

One distinction which Matson makes among the studies is that

between Developmental and Causal-Correlational theories of cultural
change. Of the former he writes:

The Developmental Interest would include studies which deal

with the culture lag cycle or with social movements (revolutions.

From Kluckhohnand Strodtbeck 1961:41-48

( (
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505

natlvlstlc movements, etc.) as recurring developmental sequences,

and would extend up through large-scale formulations like those
, of Sorokin, Spengler, or the cultural evolutionists. These ex­
amples obviously differ greatly as to scope, but all have a com­
mon concern with the ‘'what'' of culture change, with regularities
of development. They attempt to formulate the repetitive charac­
ter, whether cyclic or linear, or some class of behavior or culture
through time___

Developmental formulations lack any fundamental concern with

causation___ [They] simply formulate a succession of behavioral
of cultural events. Whether the criterion is form, function, or
content, moreover, does not matter. A biological analogy is the
development of the individual, called maturation, and character­
ized by phases such as infancy, childhood, adolescence, and so on.
The relationship among these events Is not causal, though the
occurrence of each event Is necessary for the subsequent phase.
Clearly, the Developmental formulation of maturation could scarely
be held to consider causality. To put It another way; If one dis­
covers cyclic or linear periodicity In a certain order of events,
he need not question that the periodicity has Its causes. But
the facts sufficient to establish regular sequences of development
In this sense do not often establish the nature of their various
causes . 2

Concerning the Causal-Correlational theories he remarks as follows:

Turning to Causal-Correlational studies, we have a different

theoretical Interest fundamentally concerned with causal Inter­
dependence and co-varlatlon among events. The difference,
moreover. Is not only of a theoretical kind but Is also opera­
tional. In the search for Interdependent and co-variant
events It Is necessary to Investigate facts "outside" of the order
of data whose occurrence one Is attempting to understand.

Examples of Causal-Correlational problems run In scope all

the way from small to large scale, as do Developmental problems.
Of limited scope are formulations of the cultural impact of
single small changes In environment or the precipitating factors
in the occurrence of inventions. Such problems as the effect of
revolution upon established religion, the causes of cultural
disintegration, or the effects of "crisis" situations are of
larger scope. Despite great differences of scope, however,
the common problem Is the causal nexus among antecedent events
and consequent cultural forms, meanings, or functions . 2

At the end of his article Watson makes this comment of comparison of

the two approaches:
 <

506

...although a Causal-Correlational Interest Is the more

explicit and consciously pursued, more results have actually
been achieved along the less recognized lines of the
Developmental interest In limited possibilities. The ability
to predict is no more a product of one than of the other
approach . 4

One conclusion to be drawn from this discussion Is that while there

Is a need for, and a validity In, both kinds of theories they have not
as yet been well related to each other.

The ideas advanced on the nature of variations in value orienta­

tions appear to afford the means of establishing some interrelations
between these two kinds of theories. In the first Instance the
variation theory argues that a clear distinction should be made between
changes which are more of the same thing— the pattern elaboration of a
dominant value-orientation orderlng--and basic changes which are
changes in the value-orientation orderings themselves. This argument
rests upon the thesis that value-orientation systems are an inter­
locking network of dominant and variant patterns and are not simply
unitary systems of dominant orientations. A second point which Is
relevant to the study of cultural change concerns the function of the
variant pattern and the variant individual. Many of the variant
patterns required and permitted in societies arise because of the
strains created by the dominant orientations; hence they have as their
primary function the mitigation of these strains to the extent that the
system can be maintained, often over a very long time period, without
serious disruptions. But even though this be the primary function of
the variant patterns, they and the variant individuals who follow them
are always also a potential source of basic change. However, a
"potential" Is not "cause" in any simple and direct sense, and It Is
our thesis that only very rarely is a basic change In a culture solely
the product of either the evolution— the unfolding— of the Internal
variations or the Impact of an external force. 0. the contrary, we
maintain that basic change Is usually, if not always, the result of the
interplay of Internal variations and external forces which are
themselves variable.

This view clearly offers a basis for some degree of an Inter­

relation of the Developmental theories, all of which rest, in one way
or another, upon the doctrine of Immanent causation, and the Causal-
Correlational theories which are, as the term implies, concerned
primarily with the effects of forces which are considered to be
external to the system in question. However, it Is necessary that
there be an elaboration in both kinds of theories to allow for the fact
of ordered variation before the significant interrelationships between
them can be determined. Briefly we shall state some of the problems
which arise on both sides of theargument because of a failure to treat
systematically the question of variation.
 507

First, it cannot be dénled that the Developmental theories of

cultural change have been the more convincing the larger the canvases
upon which they are drawn. The systems which the most prominent of
tliese theories treat are so large, both In time and In space, that the
question of variations within the system Is made quite subsidiary to
the unfolding process of the stages of development. Also, In most of
these theories there Is a definite blurring of the distinction between
pattern elaboration (differentiation) and basic change up to the point
that a new state of the system either has been or Is about to be
reached. When a basic change Is noted It Is usually treated as the
Inevitable consequence of the system containing within Itself "the
seeds of Its own destruction." This Is especially true of the theories
which have been called the dialectical, the cyclical, the oscillating,
and the undulating theories of change. All these theories enclose the
forces of change so tightly within a single system that the only
permitted logical argument Is that the postulated stages of
development— necessary growth-must more or less Ineluctably follow one
upon another. One may even argue that there Is a basic characteristic
In tliese theories which. In the language of Dewey and Bentley, would be
called the presdentlfic theory of "Self-Action"— the view that things
act under their own powers and hence neither the concept of interaction
(causal Interconnection) nor that of transaction Is necessary for
purposes of explanation.*

One fact which is certainly not to be overlooked in the use of the

Immanent causation idea, a fact which gives rise to real doubts as to
Its‘adequacy, Is that It has been employed with almost equal success to
demonstrate very differently conceived processes of change. There are
even differences In the dialectical theories of Hegel and Marx, and
these taken together are at variance with cyclical theories such'as the
one Spengler produced, and the cyclical theories, in turn, differ from
the kind of theory of undulation which Sorokin has developed. Linear
evolutionary theories provide us with still another variation In the
use of the concept of Immanent causation. The gamut of these
variations In the ideas about Internally produced processes of change
tempts one to remark that while all may be right In some respects. It
would take a mythological character who could be placed at the
beginning and end of social time to say which one of them Is the more
right or the more wrong.

A majority of the Developmental theories also fall to give

sufficient heed to the pos 1 1 1 ve--the niatntalnlng-functIons of variant
patterns. They emphasize too much, either Implicitly or explicitly,
the potential the variations have for the destruction of the system.
As a consequence It becomes difficult to explain why certain predicted
stages of change did not, or do not, occur. One may, for example.
ask--as even Marx himself did before Ills death— what were the
variations which eltTier existed or were developed In bourgeois

( ( (
 508

Capitalistic societies, which so relieved the strains In them that the

revolution that Marxian theory had so fervently urged and so certainly
predicted did not occur.

Causal-Correlational theories err In the opposite direction. Many

of them place too much stress upon the power of the external force
selected as the main causal element In an Interaction process and give
far too little heed to the nature of the systein--lts stages of
development and Its kinds of variation upon which the external forces
come to play. There are, for example, many current studies of the
effect of Western Industrialization upon folk societies which seem to
rest upon the two assumptions that the Industrial process Is Itself a
universal process (which It Is not) and that it will produce more or
•less universal effects everywhere. The term "underdeveloped country,"
now so commonly applied to these folk societies, has Implicitly
Imbedded within It both of these assumptions..

Since the research of this volume Is no more concerned with a

detailed study of the vast and complicated subject of cultural change
than with a highly refined elaboration of role theory, we shall confine
the discussion of the Implications of the variation theory for the
analysis of the process of change and for tire possible articulation of
Developmental and Causal-Correlational theories of change to a few
general propositions. The first and most fundamental of these have
been mentloned— the distinction between pattern elaboration and basic
change, the function of the variant pattern, and the definition of
basic change as the product of the Interplay of Internal variation and
external forces. Other propositions pertain to the degree of
susceptibility to change which a given system, either in whole or in
part, may have and to the different effects to be expected in variable
types of the Interplay of Internal variations arid external forces.

In the first Instance, It is logical to assume that the better

Integrated a value-orientation system Is, the greater will be Its power
of resistance to the effects of Impinging forces. This Is most
especially true In cases of culture contact (the outside culture being
considered as the Impinging external force) where the power factor of
actual conquest Is not a critical Issue. As stated above, anthropo­
logical studies have amply documented the fact that it is a common
tendency of peoples to borrow actively, or accept passively, the ideas,
the techniques, the art forms, and many another aspect of other
cultures and then remold them in accord witti their own basic value
system. Our theory would argue that while this Is generally true. It
Is ttie more likely, as a tendency, the greater is the degree of
goodness of fit of the ordering of the several orientations in the
total value-orientation system.*

But since the evidence collected to date strongly points to the

conclusion that It Is rare Indeed that the orientation orderings of a

K
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509

given value system are perfectly geared one to another, this Important
corollary proposition Is suggested: The part or parts of a social
system which are most susceptible to the development of a basic change
In cultural values will be those In which there has been the greatest
proliferation of variant patterns for the relief of strain. This Is,
of course, only a more specific statement of the general proposition
that basic change occurs only, or usually, when the seeds of it, almost
always located outs|de the system, fall upon the fertile soil which the
variations wlthin the system provide. But it points up two additional
Important facts. The first of these is that the several parts of a
value-orientation system seldom change at the same rate. The second is
that the persons who are the Instigators of basic change— the
innovators— are almost always the variants In the system.

Not more than a generation ago the "Great Man" theory of cultural
change was still much in evidence, and In the discussion of it there
was, implicitly If not explicitly, always some expression of surprise
that the man of the hour seemed aiways to be on the social horizon and
ready to appear. It was for this reason that the emphasis was put upon
the Idiosyncratic character of the Great Man, the man who was so
unusual and so different that he was sui generis. Little serious
attention is given to this theory today, for even though the ideas of
internal variation have not been developed to the extent we are urging,
they have been well enough recognized to take the spell of mystery off
the emergent leaders who so frequently arise to guide a society in
different cultural directions in transition periods. Indeed, it can be
argued that recently the expectation of the appearance of such leaders
has been too much stressed, for there are far too many cases where the
role the "affected variant" plays is mainly destructive and not at all
creatively oriented to a new synthesis of value-orientation orderings.
But whether the variant individual is constructively dedicated to a new
synthesis or is, instead, a disruptive Influence, he, too, can always
be viewed as a product of the Interrelationship of variations which are
inte nal to the system and the external forces which come to play upon
the system.

These interrelations are. of course, variable. In attempting to

make predictions about rates and kinds of basic changes one must give
consideration to the degree of goodness of fit between the internal
variation and the external force. We have already mentioned this need
relative to the question of the rate and degree of assimilation of the
ethnic minorities in the United States. Speaking now very generally,
the problem is that of distinguishing the differences in both the
Internal variations and the external forces and then developing
hypotheses which will take Into account the variable effects which
arise between the two situations of differing external forces playing
upon the same, or similar, kinds of Internal variations and sanie, or
similar, external forces playing upon different kinds of internal
variations. This is most especially true when the external force which
Is potentially creative of providing the seeds of a basic change Is the
Impact of another culture— another value system.

When this Is the case we need a still greater refinement of the

general distinction between same and differing forces, internal and
external, for these terms gloss over the question of the rank orderings
of the value orientations in the value systems of both the society
which is the encroacher and the one which is encroached upon. It may
be, as in the case of the Span!sh-Amerlean or Italian-Ainerican culture,
that the orderings of all their value orientations, at the time of
their Initial contact with dominant middle-class American culture, were
so radically different that they were a perfect, or a near perfect,
mirror image of it. Or it may be, as will be illustrated in the case
of- the Navaho group which Is discussed In Chapter IX, that while the
orderings of some of the orientations are the reverse of those of
dominant middle-class American culture (the impinging culture), other
preferences are closer together in that the orientation preference
which Is first in the Navaho value system is second in the
Anglo-American one. Finally, there is one orientation in which the
ordering is the same In both the Navaho and American systems.

Relative to this problem of the goodness of fit in the orderings of

orientation alternatlves— a problem which Introduces a kind of
complexity in the analysis of change which both Developmental and
Causal-Correlational theories have tended to bypass— there are these
two general propositions. First, it is hypothesized that when put
under the dominating pressure of another culture which is not so
excessive as to demand sudden change, the impinged-upon societies which
have radically different orientation orderings will shift first either
their second and third-order value-orientation preferences or their
first and second-order ones. Second, we would predict that whenever
the pressures are strong enough to prevent this "logical" type of shift
and make fairly Imperative demands for a shift from a strong
first-order preference to a weak third-order one, there will be far
more disorganization in the system, both socially and personally, than
will occur in the slower, step-wise, kind of change. Both of these
hypotheses must, of course, be held within the frame of the hypotheses
stated previously concerning the general degree of resistance to change
which the whole or the parts of a culture will have because of the way
in which their own orientation orderings are geared one to another.

Several still more specific hypotheses can be made, but since these
would require a detail of treatment of the differences in the orderings
of the orientations of the specific societies which come to influence
each other which this discussion does not warrant, we shall give only
one Illustration. If It is the case that a society which is either
Lineally or Collaterally first order on the relational orientation and
Is given also to first-order preferences for the Present, the Being,
and the Subjugated-to-Nature alternatives comes strongly under the
 511

pressure of a society such as middle-class American culture In which

the dominant orientations are Individualism, Future, Doing, and
Over-Nature', It should he found that the most serious problems of
adjustment In the subordinate culture will arise when there Is a too
rapid shift on the relatjona^ orientation. The tremendous problem of
cognitively grasping the knowledge of the means for the implementation
of the goals which the attempted shlft--often little more than lip
service— to the Future, the Doing, and the Over-Nature positions makes
tantalizingly attractive creates so many potentials for failure that a
supportive relational structure Is badly needed.

FOOTNOTES

1. James B. Watson, “ Four Approaches to Culture Change: A Systematic

Assessment," Social Forces. Vol. XXXII', No. 2. (December, 1953), pp.
137-45.

2. Ibid.. p. 139.

3. Ibid.. pp. 139-40.

4. Ibid., p. 145.

5. John Dewey and A. F. Bentley, knowing and the Known. (Boston:

Beacon Press, 1949), p. 108.

6 . Cf. II. G. Barnett, Innovation. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co.,

1953). Although Barnett does not explicitly use a concept of variation
a s a theoretical tool, there is much In his study which fits easily
with some of the Ideas In our theory of ordered variation.

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 Chapter Thirty-two

TRANSFORMING CULTURE WITH GOO

by Charles II. Kraft

INIROOtJCTION

God desires to start where people are In his interaction with

them. There are, however, two additional Important facts: *
(I) culture is always In the process of change, and (2) God desires
to participate with human beings In guiding culture change. In
alluding to these aspects of our subject I here introduce tiie concept
of "Christian transformational change."

In this chapter the concept of transformational culture change Is

introduced and certain of Its aspects elaborated, lire places of
re-evaluatlon/relnterpretatlon and rehabituation in the transformation
process are developed He deal next with the centrality of conceptual
(worldview) transformation In the process, then proceed to the
principle of "working with" culture to bring about transformation.

TRANSFORMING CUI.IURE CHANGE

A change or series of changes In a culture may be labeled “trans­

formational" if it/they Involve a radical (though usually slow)
revision of the meaning conveyed via the cultural form(s) involved. 1
Ibis label refers to the nature and Intensity of change rather than to

from Kraft 1979:345-355

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513

any distinctly different kind of change. Many such changes take place
quite naturally within culture. Several such transformations are
Illustrated below. But when the process of cultural transformation Is
engaged In by the people of God In partnership with God there Is an
aim, a direction to the change that Is different from that of a
transformational change motivated by some other set of factors. This
aim Is to Increase the suitability of the culture to serve as a vehicle
for divine-human Interaction.

The Dutch misslologlst J. H. Bavlnck labels this concept with the

Latin word possesslo, stating In explanation of his choice « f the term
that

the Christian life does not accommodate or adapt itself to

heathen forms of life, but It takes the latter In possession
and thereby makes them new. Hhoever Is In Christ Is a new
creature (1960:178-79).

While I agree with Bavlnck that Christianity seeks to take

possession of cultural forms and to employ them with new meanings, the
label he chooses Is, to my way of thinking, misleading. It seems to
betoken [al God-against-culture position___ The picture that
posses^jo brings to my mind Is of God and his people approaching the
forms of culture as outsiders and attempting to capture them by force.
While recognizing that there Is some truth In this, my preference Is
for a term like "transformation," which focuses on the fact that
Christians, like yeast (Mt. 13:33), are to work with God from within
culture. We are to use the forms (l.e., the dough) already there In
such a way that they are gradually transformed (though occasionally
replaced) Into more adequate vehicles of the meanings that God seeks to
convey through them. This Is "possession" of cultural forms but It Is
from the Inside rather than from the outside— like spirit possession,
rather than like capture. And It will n?ver be complete possession (or
transformation), though-the Impact may be cc tsIderable.

This Is the kind of change that eventually did away with polygamy
In Hebrew culture, so that by New Testament times the custom was
disapproved and very seldom practiced within Hebrew culture. Over a
period of several centuries the Hebrew people had developed culturally
appropriate alternative forms to fulfill the functions decreasingly
served by polygamy. A new way of looking after the rights and needs of
widows was one thing that had to be developed (see Act 6:1 and Jas.
1:27 for New Testament Jewish concern over this matter). A system of
hiring rather than marrying additional members of a family's labor
force was another necessary Innovation. An alternative way of handling
barrenness (quite frequently, unfortunately, Involving divorce)
Involved the revision of another set of cultural factors. And so on.
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514

The transformational process Is not easy. Habits of long standing

are not ordinarily replaced rapidly or without some trauma. In
general, though, the slower the transformation takes place, the fewer
and less drastic the changes that have to be made at any given point In
time. And the fewer and less drastic any given set of changes, the.
less traumatic the transformational process.

Doing away with the practice of slavery In western society is

another example___ The fact that In the United States the slower
transformational process was Interfered with by the desire of the
nonslaveholding segments of the population to impose their will on the
slaveholding segments has made many aspects of the process considerably
more traumatic. The pressure exerted by that Interference undoubtedly
speeded the process somewhat, but it also increased the trauma....

Had the changes taken place more slowly— transformationally rather

than revolutlonarlly— things might have been better.... Even yet large
numbers of blacks have not found it possible to develop the habits,
attitudes, and skills that will enable them to function well In
contemporary American society. Nor have whites In general learned to
accept blacks as human beings. For the conceptual cores of both black
and white worldviews have been only slightly altered. He have
succeeded In the easy part— we have changed a peripheral custom or
two. But, probably because of the rapidity of the peripheral changes,
many of us have "holed up" in our traditional worldview (including the
strong feelings of what the "place" of blacks and whites should be)
rather than seeking to change It In such a way that It supports the
changes In the more peripheral areas of our culture.

True transformational change, as opposed to more superficial

external alteration Is (as pointed out earlier) a matter of change In
the central conceptualizations (worldview) of a culture. It Is this
worldview of a culture or subculture that governs the way the members .
of that culture/subculture perceive of reality. It also governs the
"output" or response of its people to that reality. • When change occurs
In the worldview. Its effects "ripple" throughout the rest of the
culture. Changes In any of the other aspects of culture also produce
ripples. But such ripples result In pervasive change in the total
culture only to the extent thaj change is effected In the worldview.
From there, change Is generated throughout the culture.

With respect to attempts to bring about change at the worldview

level... a basic problem of the transformatlonal approach Is how to
keep the^ pressure on for change while a t the same time assuring that
such change will be minimally traumatic. Many who claim to advocate
slow change In areas such as race relations are In reality not pressing
for change at all. They are simply ignoring the need for transfor­
mation. I do not side with them---
 5)5

My aim Is to discover (1) how desired change can be brought about

constructively rather than destructively at the worldview level and
(2) how to press for such change In Christian rather than unchristian
ways. Such problems have faced God and his people through the ages.
There Is, therefore, a considerable amount of Insight to be gained from
the Scriptures on these matters___

The need of and possibility for conceptual transformation, or

"paradigm shift,"...Is paralleled by the processes of Christian witness
and conversion. In both transformational processes the same steps need
to be followed: (I) a change of allegiance that Issues In (2) a
concomitant change In the evaluatlonal principles within the
person's/group's worldview and (3) a resultant series of new habits of
behavior.

I_.__ The basic change upon which transformational processes are

built Is the change In allegiance. With respect to Christian
conversion, this change Is from allegiance to such things as self,
tribe, or occupational or material allegiances to faith allegiance
(commitment) to God through Christ. Hlth respect to lesser changes,
the change of allegiance Is from one paradigm or set of assumptions and
models to another.

2^__ This basic change produces a major change In the worldview

principles In terms of which one evaluates as many of the aspects of
life.as the new allegiance Is app lied to. Changes In allegiance are of
different magnitudes. Á change from allegiance to self to allegiance
to God Is Intended to result In transformation In every area of life.
Unfortunately, whenever this change Is reduced to a mere change of.
religion, the extent of the transformation Is usually severely
reduced. Change of allegiance from one religious system to another
often devolves into the kind of cultural conversion. Other paradigm
shifts and model changes are usually also less pervasive than Christian
conversion. Often a chang'e of career, a new friendship, marriage, or a
change of perspective Involves only partial change In evaluatlonal
principles___

A short-circuiting of the evaluatlonal process Is a frequent

occurrence whenever an allegiance that Is Intended to be pervasive Is
applied only to selected aspects of life. Such Is the case when people
evaluate what they do In church on Sunday according to their commitment
to God but refrain from applying such evaluation to their business
practices throughout the week. Understandings that focus on
Christianity as peripheral religion rather than as worldview-generated
behavior often give rise to the short-circuiting of Christian
transformation In this way.

3;__ The Intended result of a new allegiance followed by

f?!Ü terpretatlon and re-evaIua 1 1 on on the basis of that a jI eg U n c e Is

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revision o f behavior. Psychological and socio cultural health demand a

high degree of consistency between belief and behavior. A new
allegiance, If It Is to produce health rather than Illness, should
result In "rehabltuatlon" (see below) as well as In reinterpretation
and re-evaluatlon. The overt manifestations of such new behavior may
be greater (as In the case of those converted to Christ from radically
unchristian lifestyles) or lesser (as In the case of those brought up
In the Christian way). But even In the latter case the new habit of
relating one's behavior to a new Christian commitment Is a significant,
though less visible, type of réhabltuatlon.

RE-EVALUATION/REINTERPRETATION AND RtllABI1UATI0N

IN THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS '

The task of Christianity vis-a-vis any given culture or subculture

Is primarily the transformation of the conceptual system (worldview) of
that culture. Such transformation is accomplished by bringing
Christian understandings of supracultural truth to bear on the
worldview of the culture. These understandings of the supracultural
will always be clothed in the perceptions and conceptualizations of a
cultural worldview. Thus we may learn much about effecting Christian
transformation from a study of how cultures In contact influence each
otlier's worldviews.

I do not contend that the Scriptures present us with a culturally

unencumbered Christian worldview to which people are to be converted in
total replacement of their own cultural worldview (see McGavran
1974:8-9). The view here presented Is that we may study many aspects
of the process and results of conceptual transformation as seen In the
scrlpturally recorded working of God with ills people within a variety
of Hebrew and Greco-Roman cultures. The Ideal, supracultural worldview
(If there Is one) Is never observable except as its Influence Is
manifested In terms of a specific culture. As Americans our task Is
not to convert conceptually to a Greek (or medieval European) Christian
worldview. We are, rather, to attempt to transform our contemporary
conceptual framework In the direction of the insights we discover Into
supracultural truth from our exposure to case studies such as those
recorded In the Bible. An Important part of this transformation Is our
own reinterpretation and rehabituation to a new (more Christian)
perspective on reality. That Is, the place to start Is with ourselves
as Individuáis and In groups of committed Christians (churches).

Paul says In Romans 12:2 that we are not to conform to the

standards of this world (Including Its Interpietations of events) but,
rather, we should allow God to transform us Inwai dly--deep down in our
minds and hearts. He are to learn in our experience with God to
re-evaluate and reinterpret all events from His perspective and to make
this our habit of life. Re-evaluation and reinterpretation thus become

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517

the first step toward transformation (whether for an Individual or for

a culture), and rehabltuatIon the second.

The Scriptures are full of references to such re-evaluation,

reinterpretation, and rehabituation. Jesus both predicted and
admonished us to such when he said.

And what happiness will be yours when people blame you

and ill-treat you and say all kinds of slanderous things
against you for my sake! Be glad then, yes, be tremendously
glad— for your reward In Heaven Is magnificent. They persecuted
the prophets before your time In exactly the same way (Mt. 5:11
JBP).

Joseph re-evaluated and reinterpreted a whole major portion of his

life during and after the events that culminated In his great statement
to his brothers: "You meant to do me harm; but God meant to bring good
out of It by preserving the lives of many people" (Gen. 50:20 NEB).
Paul reinterpreted the handicap that he calls a "thorn" (2 Cor.
12:7-10). In writing to Philemon, Paul reinterpreted the relationship
between a slavemaster and a believing slave. Symbols such as baptism
and the Lord's Supper were reinterpretations of previously existent
rituals as, later, were the Christmas tree and .the dates of Christmas
and Easter. Death Is reinterpreted by Christianity to such an extent
that Paul (and thousands of others down through the centuries) could
regard death as "gain" (Phil. 1:21). Job reinterpreted his sufferings
in sp’
ite of all the advice of his friends---

A Christian Interpretation of life leaves us with no doubt that

even In trivial events "God works for good with those who love him"
(Rom. 8:28 TEV). We are compelled to see God at work In every one of
the thousands of "normal" situations In which we are Involved dally. I
came to see this graphically on one occasion when the brakes failed in
my automobile. My ChrVstlan evaluational perspective enabled me to see
that even car brakes and my operation of them are not merely governed
blindly by cause and effect. The Maker and Sustainer of the universe
participates with me In my use of both the brakes and the laws of cause
and effect that come Into play when I step on the brakes.

This, of course. Is the Christian rationale for prayer. God Is

there, he participates with us, he delights In hearing from us, and he
even allows us to change his mind on occasion (see Kings 20:1-6; Lk.
11:5-8). And we Christians are to Interpret all of life In terms of
our recognition of this fact and then to develop habits of thought and
behavior appropriate to this reinterpretation. One of my acquaintances
has so habitual leed this understanding of God's Involvement In all of
life that his reflex action when he sees or hears of a problem is to
immediately pray to God about It. This habit Is, In fact, so much a
part of him that he has difficulty maintaining an appropriate degree of
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detachment from the events depicted In television or movie drama.

Often he finds himself so wrapped up In such TV presentations that when
someone In the drama Is depicted as getting into difficulty, his
instinctive reaction is to begin to pray for that person! The humor of
that particular expression of the habit notwithstanding, such a habit
(applied in real-life situations) is, I believe, a proper expression of
a Christ-transformed worldview.

But the American worldview denies the participation of God in

day-to-day events. Many of the subcultural varieties of the American
worldview, in fact, deny the very existence of God. These attitudes
toward God, therefore, are prime candidates within this worldview for
Christian transformation. Indeed, the atheistic extreme, like the
allegiance-to-another-god extreme, is one of the very few conceptual
elements of this or any culture that Christianity requires to be
transformed as a precondition to faith, rather, than simply as a fruit
of that faith. Such alternative allegiances demand power encounter and
replacement, "For anyone who comes to God must believe that he exists"
(Heb. 11:6 NEB).

FACTORS AFFECTING CONCEPIUAL TRANSFORMATION

Any attempt to bring about Christian transformational change in a

culture (whether one's own or that of another) must constantly take
cognizance of two facts. The first of these is that Christian
transformation of a culture is primarily a matter of transformational
change In the worldview of that culture, it is to the heart of a
culture, just as it is to the heart of an individual, that God's appeal
Is made. Paul speaks of the influence applied to the root of a tree
affecting the branches that derive their sustenance from that root.
The centrality to culture of worldview and its functions with Its
concomitant conservatism raises one set of problems with regard to any
attempt to transform it.

A second fact, however, raises even more problems. This Is the

fact that any diseguiiIbrium at the center of a culture ramifies
strongly throughout a culture. If, therefore, some major aspect of a
people's worldview comes under attack from without or suspicion from
within the culture, the effects of such calling into question will
manifest themselves in many areas of the people's thought and
behavior. For many American Indian tribes such disequilibrium was
brought about when they came into conflict with white invaders.
Previously many of these tribes had conceived of themselves as the
people. They, like the Jews, saw themselves to be a superior people,
blessed and protected by God In their own territory. Their conquest
and subsequent utter domination by whites, however, forced them to
abandon this important understanding of their relationship to reality;
leading them Into demoralization and psychocultura 1 disaster. White
Americans, of course, have a similar belief concerning their own
 5)9

superiority. Invincibility, and divine support. And much contemporary

psychocultural malaise within American society Is rooted In the fact
that Americans are being forced to take more and more seriously a
variety of Indications that they have been misled with respect to this
part of their perspective on reality.

Cultural disequilibrium Is frequently the result, even If It is the

Influence of Christianity that provides the Impetus leading to the
questioning of basic conceptualizations. He have discussed one example
above (l.e., slavery In America). John Messenger (1959 and 1960)
documents a particularly disturbing Instance when he describes the
disequilibrium occasioned by the calling Into question and partial
displacement of the Anang (Nigeria) conception of God's attitude toward
sin' and forgiveness. The Indigenous concept of God's response to sin
Is vastly different from the Christian concept as It has come to be
understood by the Anang. But the Indigenous view has been largely
discredited, at least among the youth.

Hhereas abassl (God) Is conceived In the Indigenous

religion as one who Is largely unforgiving and will punish
all misdemeanors, the Christian God Is regarded as a forgiving
deity___ Belief In a divine moral code and the ability of
abassl to punish any deviations from Its strictures are the
most potent social control devices In Anang society. The
acceptance by youth of the concept of a forgiving deity has
greatly reduced the efficacy of supernatural sanctions and has
actually fostered immorality. Lacking well-developed Internal
controls and freed from Important external restraints, the
Christian can deviate from prescribed ways of behaving with
Impunity (Messenger 1959:102).

Had the Anang been presented (at least Initially) with a more Old
Testament understanding of God's attitude toward sin (requiring less
drastic reinterpretation),-the transformation of the Anang c mceptuali-
zatlon might have been less traumatic and disintegrative, for an Old
Testament understanding Is clearly culturally closer to the Anang than
the Euro Americanized understanding of the New Testament. It Is,
furthermore, Scrtpturally endorsed as a place where God Is willing to
start.

Given the radical difference between a Christian perspective and

that of cultures uninfluenced by Christianity, Is it possible to keep
them from "cultural explosion"? for some, perhaps not. Perhaps Satan
has so taken control of the operation of some cultures that rather
sudden and total disruption of their worldview Is the only workable
approach to Christianization. But for most It Is my conviction that
such Is not the case. In these It Is the gospel as yeast rather than
as dynamite that God desires.

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H0RK1NG HITH CULTURE TO BRING ABOD[ TRANSÍORHATION

Bringing about Christian transformational change is a particular

way of using the cultural patterns and dynamics available to us. He
have spoken about using culture and the reference points that may be
looked to when culture change Is consciously encouraged. Christian
transformational culture change seeks to be guided by a supracultural
point of reference as understood through the Bible and to involve the
lloly Spirit In bringing about the reinterpretations and consequent
transformations.

In order to bring about such change (If one is inside the culture)
or to stimulate It (If one Is an outsider), persons are more likely to
be effective If they are aware of the cultural patterns and processes
of the culture In which they work and If they work with or In terms of
these patterns and processes to bring about the changes they seek. It
frequently happens, of course, that Christian transformation Is brought
about by those who employ cultural patterns and processes of which they
are unaware. Certainly, few of the great transformations of history
have Involved the kind of analytical understanding of cultural patterns
and processes that Is available to us. It would, however, be going
much too far to suggest that a lack of this kind of analytical
knowledge always meant that those who sought to transform were naive
concerning their cultures. On the contrary, Calvin In developing a
representative type of church government. Hllberforce In his efforts to
abolish slavery, the early Christians In deliberately transforming the
meanings of countless Greco-Roman linguistic and cultural forms, and
many others were aware that they were employing available social
patterns for Christian ends.

Indeed, they succeeded largely because they chose to work to a

great extent with the culture In order ultimately to work against It.
Hllberforce and his co-laborers made their point because they appealed
to the already partially awakened sensibilities of their compatriots.
Ilie process of reinterpretation of the meaning of slavery was already
well underway. Likewise with Calvin, who worked in a country "where
there already existed the beginnings of a representative democratic
system" (Hinter 1962). The transformations they sought were extensions
of processes that were to some extent already underway rather than the
Initiation of completely new processes. Thus they were working with
the culture as well as speeding up and at least partially redirecting
the process of culture change. It Is unlikely that these changes would
have taken place as rapidly or with such widespread Impact throughout
the culture had It not been for the Christianity-inspired efforts of
such men.

At least with respect to the slavery Issue there was already a

groundswell of public opinion In England on which Hllberforce and the
other leaders of the antislavery movement could capitalize. That is.

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these advocates of change were speaking to a widely felt need within

the culture of their country. A large problem arose In England and
even more In America, however, over the fact that those who most
strongly felt the need for change were not those who were involved In
slave-holding. Thus In America's Individualistic, pluralistic society
the change, once made. Involved the imposition of a change advocated by
one segment of the society upon another segment of the society. And
most of those most vitally affected neither felt the need for the
change nor were prepared to make the major adjustments in lifestyle,
occupation, acquisition of assistance in labor, etc. that such a change
entailed. Nevertheless, speaking In terms of the culture as a whole
(rather than In terms of the subcultural varieties within the culture)
the antislavery forces were promoting a change that spoke to a widely
felt need.

The development and spread of representative democracy in the

Germanic countries after the Reformation was likewise due in large part
to the widespread existence of a felt need among at least certain of
the Germanic subcultures of Europe. An Important part of the felt need
was the conviction that whatever political system was practiced In or
supported by Rome was to be rejected. But even such negative feelings
produce important felt needs.

When desired changes can be attached to felt needs, therefore, the

advocacy of these changes is facilitated considerably. Usually the
advocates can devote their attention primarily to winning others to
their point of view (reinterpretations) concerning the Issue(s) and to
stimulating them Into action in changing the present situation. There
are, however, frequent situations where we are seriously hindered In
our attempts to bring about transformational change by the existence of
one or more of the following conditions:

1. The problem may be completely unrecognized by those affected by

it.

2. The problem may be more or less recognized but felt to be

"natural" (l.e., biological) rather than learned (l.e., cultural).
Since it Is "natural," It Is felt that nothing can be done about It.

3. The problem and the possibility of doing something about It may

both be recognized, but there Is not sufficient agreement among those
who have the Influence to advocate change effectively as to what to do
to create enough social pressure to effect the change(s).

At points where any of these factors are at work It Is Important

that Christians learn to employ the analytic techniques, Including the
reinterpretations, of the behavioral sciences as tools to discover both
the existence of social problems and possible approaches to their
solution. This Is equally true whether the problems be those of our

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own society or those which outsiders (perhaps missionaries) think we

can see In other socieitles. Analyses and proposed solutions must
focus on recognitions such as (I) the centrality of worldview, (2 ) the
necessity that cultural eqüillbrlum be maintained (especially as it
pertains to the worldview) if the changes are to be properly
constructive rather than destructive, (3) the superiority of slow
transformational (yeastlike) change to revolutionary (dynamite-like)
change. (4) the place of allegiance and paradigm shifts issuing In
reinterpretation and rehabituation within the culture In
transformatlonai change, and (5) the desirability of an informed use of
all these processes to achieve Christian ends---
 Chapter Thirty-three

CULTURE AND THE PHENOMENA OF CONVERSION

by Donald R. Jacobs

Ibis chapter offers the reader significant Insight Into

the process of conversion. The first section presents
philosophical presuppositions as the underglrdlng of the
worldview system. The second part Investigates the post-
conversion experience In relationship to culture. The change
that occurs In this process Is seen not as a "single moment
event." but as an extended event consisting of many components
occurring at different points In tlliie, even extending to several
generations. The Introductory remarks by Jacobs have been
retained In a briefer fprm than In the original. It clearly dis­
plays his presuppositions as an evangelical misslologist.

This paper Is not really a theological essay because it does not

employ theological categories as the starting point for the analysis of
contextualIzalIon. Out It Is a "Christian" paper, written by a Bible-
honorlng Christian who employs anthropological and sociological Images
In speaking of the theologizing process. Nevertheless, I make certain
theological assumptions, all of which, I hope, are evangelical In
nature.

From Jacobs 1978:4-14

 524

Firstly, when a person In the fallen state responds in repentant

faith to Jesus Christ as revealed In the Scriptures, he or she
experiences what Is commonly known as Christian conversion.

Secondly, this conversion will exhibit Itself in changed behavior

no matter what the cultural context.

Thirdly, all levels of one's life are not changed or altered to the
same extent.

Fourthly, while It Is agreed that conversion Is an ongoing process,

for we all have many "turnings," nevertheless the conversion which is
produced by an assent to the known will of God In Jesus Christ upon the
awakening of faith Is discernible and consequential.

Fifthly, conversion happens to Individuals, but always In cultures,

not in vacuums.

Sixthly, I will employ an anthropological construct which makes no

distinction between the sacred and the secular, between religion and a-
religion, between pre-llterate and literate societies.

I have treated the subject In two ways, both synchronlcally and

dischronically. In the first section I will deal with what happens
within a person's cultural experience upon conversion and thereafter;
in the second part I will trace what happens as Christian communities
shift their relationships vis-a-vis the cultures from which they sprang.

THE HUMAN CULTURAL IMPERA 11VE

Human beings are unhappy Just to receive data; they have a

compelling, almost relentless desire to Interpret data in light of some
frame of understanding which helps them to categorize the data and
assign labels. They therefore create cultures which aie, in the last
analysis, each group's grids for analyzing, sorting out, and tabulating
data. People would be hard pressed to cope with life at all If It were
not for the fact that from the time when they were but children their
group molded their worldview; this in effect gave them a ready-made
structure for comprehending life.

Cullures enable groups to accumulate and tabulate the learnings of

many generations in their own particular philosophical, ecological, and
liIs tor leal context. These cultures and subcultuies are, to the

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participants, absolutely self-evident, universally applicable, and

eminently "human." (Outsiders may, however, have a different view.)

THE PHILOSOPHICAL UNDERGIRDING OF A CULTURE

Because of a great number of variables, the philosophical systems

undergirding cultures can differ dramatically from culture to culture.
A culture's epistemology, simply one factor in its philosophical
orientation, may illustrate this. "What is important to know?" is one
of the epistemological questions which are answered in accordance with
the group's own way of perceiving reality. There is a serious bus
accident and we ask, "What caused it?" In seeking the cause, my
culture leads me to Inspect the steering, the brakes, and maybe the
condition of the road.

A Kuria from Tanzania will probably look for “facts'' which are, in
the Kuria worldview, more consequential; for Instance, who was angry
with whom? The relational facts not only describe for the Kuria
community more adequately the cause of this misfortune but establish a
scenario in which the malevolent powers are exposed and subsequently
placed in a position where the community can deal with them. I say,
“The truth of the matter is that the steering gear broke and that is
that"; the Kuria says, “That is obvious, but that is not what
ultimately caused the accident. The truth of the matter is, so-and-so
willed someone's death on that bus. To know how the accident happened
is only incidental. To know why it happened is essential.”

We could examine with profit other aspects of the two worldviews,

mine and the Kuria's, and in so doing discover phi losoplhlcal matr.lces
quite out of kilter with one another. "Whose is right?" we may ask. I
suppose all we can demand of a system is that its parts be consistent
with one another. Each culture has an internal consistency in which
the worldview clusters around some self-evident philosophical presup­
positions. It is hardly fair to Isolate an element in one culture and
then examine that element in light of the philosophical presuppositions
of another culture. I suppose this is a pastime we all indulge In at
one time or another. But it really flies in the face of the internal
consistency of each culture, which Is a fact which must be reckoned
with.

. Each culture. In summary, has a view of existence, a sort of guide

to the understanding of what life Is all about and how to survive as
happily as possible as an Individual In a community. The primary grid
of a group's worldview is Its philosophical presuppositions which are
more often implicit than propos itiona)I zed. Why, a culture asks, argue
with the self-evident? These self-evident philosophical
presuppositions have to do with elemental concepts such as time, space,
ontology, epistemology, and so on. A diagram may be helpful. (Fig. I
on next page)
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526

PHILOSOPHICAL PRESUPPOSITIONS

Time Space
Concepts Concepts Epi stemology Ontology

EVENT

Figure I

I will pose a question or so to Illustrate each area of the grid

andlts consequences for understanding life's mysteries.

TJme concepts: Is time conceived of as quantitative, linear, or

relational? What Is meaningful history? How much control does a group
have In shaping Its future?

Space Concepts: Is space merely material, or is it a "spirited

universe"? In other words, what does space enclose?

Epistemology: What Is worth finding out? How does one ascertain

what is fact and what Is subterfuge?

Ontology: What is a being? Do beings Influence one another? What

Is the nature of freedom and power?

These questions should identify the grids. Events are examined in

light of these considerations. Every culture has its understanding of
what is logical. It Is obvious that cultures differ greatly on the
ways they conceptualize their settings. That is at the heart of
"tribalness" or ethnicity.

1. Philosophical Presuppositions and Conversion

The philosophical presuppositions provide a culture and individuals

within that culture with a readymade key to an understanding of the
nature of the universe. But what happens to the philosophical
presuppositions of people when they are converted to Jesus Christ? Or,
we might ask. must these presuppositions be altered before authentic
conversion can occur? Or do they change at conversion, or after
conversion?

After pondering these questions for many years I am coming to the

conviction that they are not very relevant. Yet they must be
 527

addressed. I am convinced that Jesus Christ reveals himself

meaningfully to people “just as they are.“ A restructuring of the
presupposItional grid Is not required as a precondition for conversion.

The New Testament Itself tells the story of how the Gospel which
first came to one particular people, the Jews, was then liberated from
that culture so that It could be accepted by all. The thrust of the
Scriptures Is clear: the evangelist must assume that the receptor's
philosophical presuppositions form the context In which they will
comprehend Jesus Christ, at least Initially. Jesus' own Incarnation Is
the basic model. Paul, In his evangelistic methodology, grasped the
concept clearly. Ills sermon on Mars Hill, which was preached In the
heart of Hellenism, was couched In Hellenistic presuppositions. In
contrast, his approach to the Ephesian occultists appealed to the
miraculous. The philosophical presuppositions of these two audiences
varied greatly: consequently Paul's philosophical matrix for the Gospel
was different.:..

The story plot of the Acts traces how Christ's presence became
meaningful in both the Hebrew and Hellenistic cultures. This happened
In such a way that Hebrew Christians were permitted to retain their
Hebrew philosophical presuppositions while the Hellenistic Christians
experienced Jesus Christ's presence In their own world. As I
understand it, neither culture's concepts of time, space, epistemology,
or ontology had to be altered significantly as a precondition to
conversion.

In order to grasp the consequences of this problem It may be

helpful to consider briefly each category, tilth regard to time
concepts, the least we can conclude Is that Jesus Christ can be
meaningfully experienced by persons who hold a great variety of time
concepts. Furthermore It would appear that people of different
cultures need not move toward a linear, quantitative concept of time In
order to believe or <, ow i'n'falth. However, In the process of learning
more of the Gospel they may well discover that by deliberately
hlstorlclzing their minds they can gain new and Important Insights; In
this case they may expand their understanding of time to Include the
linear appraoch as well. The reverse process could apply to us
westerners....

By employing Kurla concepts of time which are basically relational

rather than sequential I discovered that many previously foggy areas of
the Scriptures became refreshingly clear. I then found myself
unsatisfied with a purely linear approach. I recognize that Hebrew
history and many aspects of New Testament eschatology are stretched
across a linear time frame; but I have also discovered that God redeems
persons who experience time relationally.

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 528

He could likewise contrast space concepts. Hlien I as a westerner

Hi Ink of space I think materialistically. I Imagine space as that
which contains matter In a variety of shapes and densities. To think
otherwise requires effort. I must almost do a “ double take" every time
I am required to think of that same space as the habitation of
spiritual beings. It Is not easy to step out of a chemistry class In
Philadelphia and go to Sunday school, for the Scriptures of the Sunday
school posit a “spirited" universe. Maybe in this area the Kuria need
to shift less than westerners In order to understand the Scriptures.

But the truth of the matter Is, people In both cultures can and do
experience Jesus Christ within the context of their own under­
standings. By communicating with one another In love they can enlarge
ohe another's horizons; but when all Is said and done kuria Christians
remain undeniably kuria in their perception of space, and Germanic
Americans perceive space as Germanic Americans.

The same can be said In the areas of ontology and epistemology.

Individuals within these cultures will Inevitably respond to the Gospel
in terms of their own philosophical presuppositions. Through
painstaking effort they may stretch their categories somewhat, but the
“stretch" will be slight: the findings of cultural anthropologists
generally support the premise that at the level of phi losplilcal
presuppositions shift occurs— very slowly.

2. The “
Powers" and Conversion

He now move to a different level within the worldview, to the area

of the cosmology In which the “ powers" are identified and classified.
People in each culture conceive of a variety of sources of power which
Impinge upon them. These are local or exotic, malevolent or benevo­
lent, Immanent or distant, demanding or Indulgent, complicated or
simple, tractable or Intractable, etc. This, too, is learned quite
early in life. Strong emotions are communicated when reference Is made
to this or that power: he Is to be feared,- she to be trusted, never do
tills or that power will affect you. etc.

Cultures go to great lengths to provide each person with an

inventory of the powers, and one does oneself harm by not taking proper
need to the wisdom and experience of the group. Iliese powers are in
conflict with one another at times, and at times they reinforce one
another. The constellation keeps changing, lhe point Is that a
cosmology o*f power sources Is at the very center of a group's
existence. This Is such a critical area for the discussion of tills
paper that I place It right at the center of the worldview.

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529

Figure 2

When a person Is converted to Jesus Christ, what happens at the

level of these powers? I am convinced that for a sustained conversion
experience, a person must elevate Jesus Christ to a position of
Lordship In his or her power constellation and keep him there through
Christ-honorlng living. Unless this happens little else really
matters. This will become clear later.

No matter where In the world a person lives, when he or she is

converted, Jesus Christ must be made Lord In order for the conversion
to be sustained. No culture Is amenable to Jesus Christ, even In the
so-called "Christian" West, for In each culture anti-ChrIstly powers
are at work; In fact, they control large areas of the culture.

Here we are at the crux of the Issue. Unless Jesus Christ Is

elevated In the person's cosmology as he Is In heaven, dualisms
persist, syncretism Is advanced, and Jesus Is reduced to being simply
an additional helpful source of power, perhaps equal In power with
traditional spirits and personalities. But one might well scrutinize a
so-called conversion experience In which Jesus Christ Is not exalted
above all powers. It Is not easy to ascertain the place of Jesus
Christ in another person’s world,-and sometimes not even In one's o.n.
Most of the world's Christians would no doubt score high on a doctrinal
questionnaire as to the person of Christ. The test comes, however. In
times of crisis when we require power or knowledge which we feel Jesus
withholds. Such crises bring out one's true cosmology.

3. Kinetology and Conversion

Clustered around the central core of "powers" we can envision

another layer for which we will Invent the term "kinetology" to denote
the ways powers work and Interact [See Figure 31.

Kinetology Is almost philosophical because It Is closely allied to

a culture's presuppositions. It emerges from the philosophical
framework, providing a scheme for understanding cause and effect.
Cultures are survival conscious; we know that If we do not constantly
 r

530

analyze events to determine cause and effect connections we are In

danger of annihilation. In all cultures people believe that It Is
Important to discover why ,things happen In order to better control
their destiny. This is the purpose of kinetology, the dynamics of
power. It defines the nature of power, how power operates, the concept
of life-force and vital protection, curses, blessings, the dynamics of
how events are caused and controlled, and how power moves effectively
from source to point of motion.

Does conversion alter a person's learned kinetological

understandings? I am convinced that this must be answered In the
negative. One exception might be an absolute materialist who could
never, even In his or her wildest moments, imagine the existence of a
disembodied person In any shape or form. If such a person were to put
his or her mind to believing in Jesus Christ as a living Presence,
I presume that he or she would have to come to terms with the spiritual
nature of the universe, an exercise which would require a significant
shift In kinetological orientation. Normally a person's pre-conversion
kinetology will be the context In which he or she experience; the
Gospel.

Many western missionaries to Africa have failed to comprehend the

significance of this fact. This was a mistake, because most of
Africa's cultures have elaborate systems which help them to detect
cause and effect relationships, which In turn enable them to
Incorporate powers Into their own life patterns. Too often western
missionaries presented the Gospel in such a way that it had very little
to do with the kinetological world of the people. It was assumed,
perhaps, that Jesus should be conceptualized and not actualized in
terms of power. If Jesus is not part of a person's cause and effect
conceptions, he remains an interesting but Irrelevant figure....
 531

4. C u ltural Themes and Conversion

Philosophical presuppositions and an understanding of powers give

rise to cultural themes which are In turn embodied In myth systems
which exist In the mind. To Illustrate, a Gferman-Amerlean theme which
arises from our presuppositions Is the theme of thrift. This
encourages the accumulation and protection of quality products. It
Includes a certain disdain for the free spenders, the non-savers, and
people who do not take care of what they accumulate. Many myths key on
tills theme which laud work and deplore laziness in culturally conceived
terms. Our myths are embedded In almost every aspect of our lives.

What happens to a person's cultural themes and myths when he or she

Is converted? It is my experience that thematic or mythical shift Is a
slow process Indeed, unless the myth in question Is In direct conflict
with a theme of the Scriptures which the convert esteems of major
Importance___

In anthropological theory It Is assumed that any one culture will

seek to integrate its themes. It Is highly unlikely that a culture
will be able to sustain*at the same level of Importance two equal
competing themes. One will take dominance.

But thematic shift will not produce sustained Christianity If there

has not been a prior adjustment at the "powers" level. The surest
answer to syncretism Is to attack the problem at the "powers" level and
not at the thematic level.
 532

5. Values and Conversion

As we move to the value level, more shift tan be expected. In fact

Is necessary, as a result of Christian conversion. Ordinarily the
values grow out of the thematic/mythical matrix and are consistent with
the dominant cultural themes. Yet within a culture considerable
latitude is permitted for differences in value orientation. In fact
several quite different value systems may stem from the same commonly
held theme. A major theme among the Hakurla, for example, is that of
egalitarianism. Upon conversion, a person of this culture might find
this theme reinforced by the Christian doctrine of human equality and
the worth of all human beings. This could conceivably result in the
new believer's rejection of the myth that Hakuria should only marry
Tiakurla.

He may rightly expect some degree of value shift to occur when a

person believes. This squares with social change theory, which
suggests that change occurs at the value level before it does at the
inner levels. Cultures, as well as individuals, can usually tolerate
considerable internal conflict at this level. At the value level a
culture tests the non-tradltlonal Ideas which penetrate Its periphery.

He do well to pause at this point and ask a very bothersome

question. Hhen value shift occurs, in wh1cl» direction will it occur
and why? He might readily assume that the shift would be away from
previously held values to values clearly expressed in the Scriptures.

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533

But when a transcultural advocate (missionary) Is Involved, the shift

Is probably toward the outsider's value orientation___

Hhat often happens Is that new believers swap some of their own
cultural values for some of the cultural values of the advocate. This
often serves. Incidentally, to Isolate the Christians from their own
cultures, a position which to them seems reasonable because they desire
a separate Identity In the early stages of the establishment of a
Christian community In a dominantly non-bellevlng society. Then, too,
persons and communities desire new sources of power. In this case the
advocate. They therefore develop power linkages with the advocate,
symbolized by a yielding to the advocate's value orientation. Ideally,
the Christian community should through meditating on the Scriptures,
move Its value matrix toward the values that they see In the
Scriptures. However, this Is usually the result of nurture and not of
conversion. More of this In the second section of the paper.

6. Symbols, Ritual. Behavior, and Conversion

Up to this point we have been dealing with the conceptual aspects

of culture, the worldview. But culture does not remain In the head, It
must be formalized In life. Both the metaphysical and the cosmdlogical
beliefs will find expression in a multitude of symbols, rituals, and In
everyday behavior. The process can be diagrammed.

Upon conversion the most obvious changes occur at the formal level.
People find ways of symbolizing their newly found relationship with
Christ. This Is understood by all. The catch Is that change at this
level may be Inconsequential. In the minds of many, a conversion
experience can be accomplished by a substitution of one set of rituals
and symbols for another. Unless there Is a significant shift In the
'appropriate areas at the conceptual level, the formal changes will
probably not be sustained.

In summary, as a result of Christian conversion In any culture, one

can reasonably expect change to occur at the power level, the value
level, the theme level, and the formal level, one hopes in that order.
Change at any level has some effect upon all other areas but not
 534

equally so. A change at the formal level does not necessarily trigger
a change at the worldview level, even though this is often the process
one Is tempted to rely on to effect change. A change at the core of
the power hierarchy, however, can and does send shock waves through the
entire system.

CHANGING CULTURAL EXPECTA1IONS AND CONVERSION

When Christianity is introduced into a culture by advocates of

another culture several distinct stages may be defined. As a small
community of Christians emerges who have seen Christianity modeled by
the foreign advocates living among them, they usually develop an
antagonistic stand vis-a-vis their pre-Christian culture. Rejection
inight best describe this stage.

1. The Rejection Phase

Presumably cultural rejection is seen by the minority as a way to

enhance their chances of survival as a group. For as they'reject their
own culture and run the risk of depowering themselves, they compensate
by laying power conduits to the foreign advocates.

The new Christian community does not reject its pre-Christian

culture In Its entirety; rather It selects very carefully what it
wishes to reject and what It can live with. It is still a mystery to
me how the group decides what they want to reject. They must in some
way detect what will most obviously compromise their newly discovered
understanding of the nature and power of Jesus Christ and the Christian
Gospel, and what will guard it. In East Africa I discovered that the
initial confrontation had to do with the power of Christ contrasted to
the power of the other spirits, especially the spirits of the
ancestors. Here the battle was Joined. In order to draw clear lines
of demarcation between their belief in the supremacy of Jesus Christ as
a spirit and their previously held beliefs about the power of o..ier
spirits, they disassociated themselves from any rituals In which the
ancestral spirits were consulted or even assumed to be meaningfully
present___

I find It interesting that even the paraphernalia employed In the

former rituals connected with the ancestral spirits were often
rejected. The advocates had some difficulty accepting this cultural
stance. I was among those missionaries who thought it unfortunate that
drums were abandoned for so long in regular Christian worship, but I
see now that It has taken a long time to "launder" drums of their
association with pre-Christian ritual---

During the rejection phase, the semi-isolated community, having

deliberately cut Itself off from many of its traditional sources of
power, lays power conduits to the exotic culture represented by the
 535

foreign advocate. Having detected some potentially beneficial power

sources In the foreign advocate, the new community deliberately builds
cultural bridges to him or her. They participate to a great extent In
the advocate's ritual and symbolic life, hoping thereby not only to
demonstrate a rejection of much in their traditional culture but also
to signify that they are laying new power conduits which will
ultimately make the traditional power sources Inconsequential.

This process of realigning the power conduits explains why there

seems to he an affirmation of the exotic culture and a concurrent
denial of the traditional culture.

The* new Christian community detects a fountainhead of power In the

advocate, but It does not fully discern the difference between
spiritual, sociological, scientific, organizational or other categories
of power resident In the advocate. He should hasten to say that the
advocate does not either, even though he or she may suppose otherwise.
The new Christian community may link with the advocate In what the
advocate might term secondary sources of power such as education,
technology, and management, and miss what to the advocate Is the real
secret of power, a vital living relationship with Jesus Christ as
revealed In the Scripture and as experienced by the church for
centuries. Some advocates become so Incensed by this that they refuse
to encourage a coupling in these secondary categories, lest they be
accused of making "rice" converts---

During the rejection phase the local Christian coimnun Ity

experiences quite a flood of cultural Innovations whose origins are
exotic. Many of the new symbols and rituals are borrowed directly from
the advocate's culture. This further Isolates the Christian community
because a gap develops between the code lexicon of that community and
the traditional one. This interferes with good communication.

During the rejectLn*phase the new community sees Itself In

contradistinction to the traditional culture; therefore new believers
are expected to exhibit the proper anti-traditional stance. In this
case much emphasis is given to the parts of the baptism formula which
have to do with the renunciation of the past and the promise to begin a
new life In a new community of faith. In this context It Is not
surprising that so much is made of the ritual of renaming. For many
this was perhaps still Is the public demonstration of a shift of
sociological base from the traditional society to an exotic one. The
renaming consolidated the conversion stance, perhaps even more than the
ritual of baptism Itself.

Persons who are converted In the context of a rejection phase will

have cultural expectations placed upon them which do not apply, at
least not as markedly, in later phases. They usually accept Christ and
reject their traditional world at one and the same time___

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 536

2. The Accommodation Phase

Various forces ultImateJy'come to play upon a Christian community

both from within and from without to effect a shift In Its cultural
stance. When the prevailing national mood, for example. Is Integrative
rather than Innovative, as In many parts of Afilea today, a "stand­
offish" group like many Christian communities is made to feel quite
uncomfortable. Many African churches have therefore moved Into a new
pliase in which, they attempt to accommodate themselves to national or
ethnic expectations.

This move toward accommodation often accompanies a renewed Interest

in evangelism on the part of the churches. Since evangelism is
basically an exercise in communication. It is clear that some of the
"petty separation" must go. And so the sharp edges of radicalism are
dulled, some cultural innovations which were a bone of contention are
modified and the Christian community, In a sense, rejoins society,
perhaps two generations after the Initial rejection.

The theological perils of this pliase Include the temptation to

syncretism. For this Is the time when the Christian community tries to
Integrate Its own themes, values, and cosmology with that of the
traditionalists. Precarious though this period may be, It Is never­
theless quite a significant one if the Christian community is to
evangelize effectively.

During this phase the power conduits are relaid. Many channels
which had formerly gone to the exotic culture are now directed toward
local power sources. This explains in part why political rapprochement
marks this era and why a moratorium Is called on the aggressive
cultural expansionism of Impinging cultures.

Persons who are converted during this era are expected to be

respectable citizens as well as keen Christians. If the prevailing
mood is accommodation they will, of course, display signs of this
altitude by, perhaps, getting involved in social issues, entering
politics as Christians, or empowering the Christian community by some
other means, usually laying tiie conduits to local power sources.

3- Reestablishment of Identity

A third stage is marked by a renewed desire on the part of the

group to come to terms with the dominant culture In a relevant, dynamic
way, in which case symbols of separation are again sought. During the
initial rejection stage, the foreign advocate assisted the new
community to determine the proper cultural battles, so to speak, which
were then symbolized. In the third stage, the Christian communities
decide for themselves what battles they feel compelled to fight.
Usually they choose some social evil which ttiey feel threatens their

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537

Christian values. They seek to express their realigned boundary of a

separation by employing symbols which everyone In the culture is
expected to understand. This is generally a period of reexamining the
symbols and ri tuals.

This era is usually noted for Its potential for dividing churches,
because entire Christian communities are unable or unwilling to move at
the same speed, sometimes becuase of vested interests. The outcome is
usually that there Is a new fringe rejection movement on the one hand,
and a more complete accommodation movement on the other. The accomo­
dation movements tend to blur their boundaries with the dominant
society, laying their power conduits to It without apology. The
community of rejection withdraws many of Its power conduits from the
dominant culture and turns these conduits In on Itself, hence feeding
on its own Internal resources. It may or may not relay conduits to
external sources, because by this stage It has become conditioned to
its own style of Christian life and so does not feel compelled to move
very far beyond itself.

The rejection community is recognizably a participant in the total

culture's ethos, yet with a difference. It rejects specific parts of
that culture, but It does so by employing meaningful local symbols, so
that the not-yet-belleving people can see clearly what the Christian
community’s agenda is. In this way it differs from the rejection
community in slagé one.

' As the rejection community readjusts its stance vis-a-vis the

dominant culture, it becomes a subculture. When persons are converted,
they are expected to join this group, whether they are the children of
the group or are reared In other homes. They are expected to display
signs of conversion by submitting themselves to the discipline of this
subculture. Whereas in phase one conversion was supposed to exhibit
itself in a liberation from traditional culture, phase three determines
that conversion shouh .1 "domesticate" a person culturally. Denomi­
nations, or parts thereof, which have taken this route substitute
baptism for the traditional puberty ritual; that Is, they assume that
the converted one will Join their subculture.

For the group which moves in the direction of even more accomoda­
tion to the dominant culture, conversion Is not marked with such
radical Intent. In fact, other than participating in certain required
rituals from time to time and paying dues regularly, nothing much is
expected from converts. Converts in these groups tend to take a line
of accommodation in their own lives.

These three stages are not always generational. They can all be
operating at one and the same time; yet If a particular Christian
community is examined it will be found that such a sequential
development is not unusual.
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538

What are, therefore, the universal signs of conversion? This

question is complicated by cultural evolution and social change. When
an Amish young man in eastern Pennsylvania in U.S.A. Is converted, he
knows at once how his community will expect him to exhibit his
conversion; in fact his conversion occurs in the context of cultural
expectations. If a Roman Catholic in eastern Pennsylvania is
converted, an entirely different set of cultural expectations comes
Into play.

Summary

We have examined the phenomena of Christian conversion from two

angles: first by asking what happens to a person's worldview upon
conversion, and second by tracing the way cultural expectations may
change as the Christian community readjusts Its stance vis-a-vis the
cominant culture in which it exists.

, The cultural and psychological variables which go into the

believers' understanding of conversion vary widely. It is impossible
to make very many general statements. Yet a few may be helpful.

1. Conversion takes place in the context of cultural expectation

and is greatly lofluenced by that fact.

2. Unless Jesus Christ enters the convert's cosmology In a

meaningful way as a primary source of power, the experience of
conversion will be brought into question as alternative power sources
dominate life.

3. It Is presumptuous for persons of one culture to dictate the

"normal" cultural signs of conversion for another culture. The culture
in question Is equipped by the Scriptures and the Holy Spirit to make
these judgments.

4. Even within one culture the signs of conversion may differ,

depending upon the extent of the formation of Christian subcultures
within it.

5. Conversion must be symbolized. The symbolization Is determined

largely by the particular group the person is in.

6 . While conversion may be accompanied by a significant shift in

betiavior, the pre-conversion culturally defined philosophical
presuppositions will be minimally affected.

In summary, how to get converted and how to wltnéss about the

experience are largely culturally controlled.
 Chapter Thirty-four

FACTORS INFLUENCING THE ADVOCACY OF CHANGE

by Charles II. Kraft

The following short chapter focuses on the change agent.

The thrust of the chapter Is to see the agent as one who
relates to a host culture but through the grid of his own.
The relationship In comparative terms, between the agent's
own culture and the one In which he works Is a major factor
in the receptivity of the host culture to change.

Ihe worldview of the receptor pervasively Influences any attempt to

advocate change. This Is true whether the advocate Is regarded as an
outsider or an Insider, "foY It Is the worldview of a culture, sub­
culture, or individual that will specify which. If any, areas are
closed to change (transformation) and which are open. And for those
areas specified as open, the worldview determines Just how open and on
what conditions. ■

We may usefully summarize a representative number of these factors

In Figure 1 (see next page). The stance taken by the worldview with
respect to each of these factors and to groupings of them greatly
Influences the attitudes and behavior of one group with respect to
Ideas that come to It from the members of another social group. A
discussion of the factors follows.

From Kraft 1979:366-370

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 540

figure I

factors influencing acceptance or rejection of worldview change

Hindering fact 11 tat log

factors Acceptance Acceptance

1. Basic Premises of Source Very Different Very Similar

and Receptor Worldviews

2. Attitude of Receptor(s) Highly Positive Very Negative

toward Their Own Culture

3. Attitude of Receptores) Despised Respected

toward Source Culture

4. Openness to New Ideas Closed Open

5. Pace of Present Change Slow Rapid

6 . Borrowing Tradition Rejection Borrow freely

7. Morale Proud Demoralized

8 . Self-Sufficiency Self-Sufficient Doubting

Self-Sufficiency

9. Security Threatened Secure

10. flexibility Resistant Adaptive

11. Advocate Nonprestlylous Prestigious

12. Reiation of Idea to Perceived as Perceived as

felt Needs Unrelated to filling a felt
felt Needs Need

13. fit of Idea Discontinuous Congruent with

HI th Piesent Present
Worldview Worldview

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541

If (No. 1 in Fig. 1) the basic premises on which the worldview of

the receptor is based are similar to those of the advocate, the
potential for acceptance, or at least of understanding. Is Increased.
Understanding and acceptance are not, of course, the same thing. But,
other things being equal, an Increase Ir\ the ability of the receptors
to understand will Increase the possibility that they will be favorably
disposed toward the idea. If, for example, one's worldview regards the
addition of fertilizer to the soil as Impermissible tampering with an
area of life that lies wholly within the province of God, It is .
unlikely that a simple recommendation that fertilizer be used will be
either understood or accepted. If, however, both the recommender's
worldview and that of the potential receptor accept the premise that
such tampering Is legitimate, the arguments of the recommender are
likely to be understood and regarded as convincing.

If, even in spite of similar worldviews, such a recommendation were

to come to the members of a social group whose (2 ) attitude toward
their own culture was so positive that they believed they had no need
of suggestions from outside, the likelihood is that even good Ideas
would be rejected. Such was the case when attempts were first made to
innovate western (Christian) schools into Hausa (Muslim) society. The
llausas, who believed in and operated Koranic schools, saw no need for
what they regarded as inferior western schools promulgating an Inferior
western value system. Today, however, they find themselves competing
at a disadvantage with their more thoroughly westernized compatriots of
other tribes because their cultural pride led them to reject, while
certain other tribes, manifesting perhaps a less positive attitude
toward their own educational techniques, accepted educational
Innovation.

Likewise, (3) the attitude of a group toward the source of a

would-be Innovation affects the likelihood of acceptance. If a group
despises the source, the likelihood of acceptance of Ideas from that
source is dlminished— no matter how persuasively such Ideas may be
communicated.

Because of their worldview, certain groups are (4) more open to

cross-culturally communicated ideas than others. Western culture In
general has manifested a remarkable openness to such Innovation. We
believe in and expect to find good ideas coming to us from cultures and
subcultures other than our own— especially if we respect the source.
Many cultures have, however, traditionally taken the opposite posture
and have been virtually closed to innovations advocated by outsiders.

In cultural dynamics (5) change tends to beget change. A culture

that Is changing rapidly tends to believe in change, and therefore to
readily accept recommendations for further change, even if the
recommenders are outsiders. If, further (6 ), there Is a tradition of
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54 2

borrowing in the society, the potential for acceptance is increased.-

If, however, the tradition is one of rejection, the potential for
acceptance is decreased. ,

In our day when the intensive Impact of westernization is producing

widespread cultural disruption, the effect is frequently-greater or
lesser (7) demoralization on the part of the receptor culture. Such
demoralization constitutes a serious morale problem resulting
frequently in both the questioning of the (8 ) self-sufficiency of the
Ideological underpinnings of the culture and a predisposition to
experiment with innovative approaches to a restructuring of the
Ideology. People cannot live without values and when the old values
are called into question they will bend every effort to discover new
.values and to integrate them into a new, more satisfying worldview.

A. L. Kroeber documents such a happening .among the Kota of the

Nilgiri plateau In South India (Kroeber 1948:503-8), while Anthony
Wallace points to such occurrences in literally thousands of cultures
throughout the course of history (Wallace 1956; see also Ramseyer
1970). In each case cultural breakdown issuing in psychological
demoralization and doubt of the sufficiency of the traditional answers
to life problems has Issued in a conscious attempt on the part of
certain members of the culture to reformulate or accept from an outside
source a more satisfying worldview around which to reconstruct their
culture. The roots of most of the world's religious movements— from
Christianity to natlvistlc religious, political, and economic
movements— are usually to be found in such revitalization of societies
that were in some advanced state of self-doubt and demoralization.
Societies in such a condition are peculiarly susceptible to the
communication of Christian concepts.

Before this stage of cultural demoralization is reached, however,

there may be an almost opposite attitude toward ideological change. If
a group feels (9) threatened rather than secure In the face of
Intensive outside influences toward change, it may be less, rather than
more, receptive to the advocacy of change. Such is the case with many
Latin American Indian tribal groupings who, due to their lack of soclo-
psychological security, are prone to react to even very worthy
suggestions by rejecting them without serious consideration.

Such cultures tend to develop (10) a highly resistant rather than

an adaptive attitude toward new ideas. American fundamentalists (and
other closed conservatives) have been characterized by a similar
approach to Issues such as evolution, Biblical criticism, and cultural
relativity. Rather than considering the possibility of revising their
worldview to Incorporate any truth In the new ideas, fundamentalists
have characteristically built their walls higher and thicker to keep
themselves and their children insulated from concepts that they define
as "anti-Christian." The result is frequently the opposite of their
 543

hopes. For, one way or another, many children of fundamentalists

become exposed to such Ideas and end up adopting them all uncritically
In more or less total reaction against their fundamentalist Ideology.
A more adaptive worldview will characteristically examine even
initially threatening concepts and accept at least those parts of the
new concepts that can be easily Integrated Into their value system.

With regard to (II) persons who advocate a given idea, much depends
upon the prestige assigned to them by the potential receptor group.
The worldview of a group will lead It to expect worthy Ideas from
certain types of persons and not from others. If a culture believes
that the privilege of Innovation belongs only to those of royal
lineage, It may well require that even an outsider demonstrate royal
connections before the new Ideas will be taken seriously. Or, If a
group expects to accept Innovative Ideas only from those who have
demonstrated their abilities from within their cultural context. It Is
unlikely that a person who has not acquired such credentials will be
taken seriously. For this reason'certain Nigerian cultures have been
very resistant to agricultural innovations even from Euro-Americans
(whose prestige is generally high otherwise), since they have never
observed these "agricultural experts" to have actually grown a superior
crop (or any crop) of guinea corn.

The (12) relationship of the proposed Idea to an area of felt need

in the culture is clearly an Important factor In Its potential
acceptance. All worldviews have within them areas of inconsistency
and/or inadequacy that are to a greater or lesser degree a part of the
consciousness of the society. Wise Christian advocates seek to
discover the questions concerning reality that the people of the
society regard as beyond their ability to answer. They then attempt to
communicate In such a way that the hearers perceive a relationship
between that communication and questions that they feel to be left
unanswered or poorly answered by their present perspectives.

Similarly, an idea Is more likely to gain acceptance If It (13) Is

congruent with the receptor culture's present frame of reference than
if it is discontinuous with It. If the new can be built upon or
grafted into the old rather than being Introduced as unconnected or
even In competttllon with It, the likelihood of acceptance Is
Increased. In recognition of this fact perceptive doctors working
among peoples whose concept of disease Is that It Is always caused by
personal forces have learned to discuss germs as If they were personal
rather than Impersonal forces. Likewise, with respect to the
acceptance or rejection of a "world religion" such as Christianity or
Islam. The crucial issue Is not the dedication of the advocate but
whether or not the recommended changes In worldview can be fitted Into
the receptor's conceptual framework without completely remaking it.

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These factors are not mutually exclusive. They frequently overlap

or occur In association with each other. It Is clear that culture with
a highly positive self-image (2 ) may also he chaiacterIzed by such
things as lack of respect for other cultuies (3), pride (7), and self-
sufficiency (8 ). Or It might feel itself so secure (9) that It adopts
a very adaptive posture toward new Ideas (10). And the list is by no
means exhaustive.

It should be clear by now that such worldview-based factors as

these pervasively affect both the process and the results of Christian
advocacy. No communication takes place in a vacuum. Ihere are always
presuppositions, beliefs, understandings, concepts in the minds of the
participants that pervade the presentation and the reception of the
•communication. Furthermore, the personal worldviews of two persons
within the same social group will differ slightly, affecting the
conununlcation process In a variety of ways. .The worldview differences
between members of the same Social group will, however, be very small
compared to the differences between persons of different groups. The
greater the difference in worldview between groups, the smaller the
number of mutually accepted presuppositions and the greater the
difficulty In adequately and effectively advocating Christian change.

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SECTION NINE

STUDY
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546

INTRODUCTION TO STUDY

This section addresses the matter of the study of worldview.

"Study" here means research and Investigation Into a particular subject
area as opposed to a purely academic involvement with theory. This
Introduction, therefore, takes a look at the etic and emic perspectives
of study, the relationship of the observer's values to field study,
methodological principles that contribute toward effective worldview
analysis, and the discovery of cultural themes.

THE ETIC AND EMIC PERSPECTIVES

The terms "etic" and “emic" have their origin in the work of the
linguist Kenneth Pike. Pike's goal was the discovery of the total
Inventory of sounds used In all languages. Such a study focuses on
what Is called phonetics. Phonemics, on the other hand, shifts the
focus from the broader study to a study of the specific structuring of
the sounds of a given language. The word "etic," therefore, carries
with it an Implied breadth of perspective. It has come to be used by
anthropologists to refer to the perspective of one who stands outside,
comparing many systems, observing and assessing their regularities and
differences. "Emic," then, is used to refer to the viewpoint of one
who stands on the Inside and understands reality in terms of the
categories meaningful within that system alone.

The study of worldview is thus an etic activity that seeks to

discover the emic point of view. Worldview itself Is an etic concept,
as are the "universal categories of worldview" in terms of which we set
up this Reader. Those who stand inside a system generally do not think
about their way of life in terms of these broad categories, and if they
do, they are attempting to take an etic view of the data from their own
culture.

THE OBSERVERS VALUES IN RELATIONSHIP TO FIELD STUDY

No one can study worldview (or anything else for that matter) with
a total sense of objectivity. The observer or researcher seeks to be
objective, but he/she has a storehouse of presuppositions and values
that cannot simply be shed like a change of clothing. Those values and
perspectives undoubtedly affect the choices of the observations one
makes. Wayne Dye has recorded an early experience In which he expended
a great deal of energy writing a "treatise" on the cruel treatment of
dogs by the local people In his area. Ostensibly the rationale for
this project was to practice with the language on something less cru­
cial than Scripture. In fact It was a convenient occasion to deal with
a local cultural practice that violated his own values (Dye, 1976).
Dye's honesty has recorded what many of us have experienced at one time
or another. The fact is that the grid of our own values system Is
always in our line of vision. Becoming aware of this fact is the
 54 7

first step toward reducing Its Influence as a barrier to our study of

worldview.

The observer's value system ordinarily affects his or her choices

as to what to focus In on and what to Ignore. Not Infrequently key
behaviors and values are missed because they do not seem Important to
the observer. Such problems stem from our ethnocentrIsm. The stronger
a person Is bound by the cords of his/her own ethnocentrIsm, the less
capable he or she will be of getting a grip on the perspectives of
someone else. Blind spots may exist that keep the observer from seeing
certain behaviors and their underlying values for what they really are
to the people who practlce/belleve them.

The following process line may be helpful In depecttng the major

stages an outside analyst needs to go through to achieve the desired
goal In worldview study.

A B C 0
Naive Appreciation of Understanding
Ethnocentric __ Informed____and committment__ ^ of Insiders
Etlc ~ ^ to discover and (Ernie) *
(Naive Etlc) understand the Perspective
Emlc Perspective

(by Kraft during consultations

. . for this Reader)

Point A Is a naive ethnocentric position. This might also be

called the "naive etlc." Point B Is a position arrived at through
training and experience that can lead to the attitude of position C and
eventually to position D. He, of course, consider It desirable and
necessary for our purposes to move toward position D. How that gets
done, of course. Is a different matter, but the fl-st, and perhaps the
most crucial step. Is an awareness of the tendency toward ethnocentrlsm.

TOHARD EFFECTIVE HORtDVIEH ANALYSIS

In the study of a worldview there are at least three points to

ponder. The first Is that the desired goah for this kind of analysis
Is the meaning of things to the Insiders. The direct approach,
however. Is quite often less than productive. Anyone who has ever
asked, "What does that mean?" has discovered that the answer can be
disappointing. A more effective approach Is for the analyst first to
move Into position B then C on the above line. He/she should then set
out to discover such things as how something is used, who uses It, when
It Is used, when It Is not used, etc. As these are discovered, an
understanding of the emlc meaning begins to take shape.

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The second consideration Is an acknowledgment of one's specific

presuppositions and related theories. It is naive to think that no
such preconceptions exist.or'that this will not affect one's research.
It Is equally unrealistic to assume that one's preconceived etlc
theories will be proven. To keep one's etlc conceptions In proper
perspective Is a step forward In the discovery process.

Thirdly, a similar attitude toward methodology Is needed. There Is

no "pet" methodology to follow. An Informant may be useful at times.
Other occasions, however, may call for an experimental approach. There
are, however, at least a couple of core issues concerning methodology
that are less negotiable than others may be. Ihe first Is the
advantage of a participant-observer method over the observer only
appraoch. Getting Inside a culture may not ever he possible, at least
to the extent of qualifying fully as an Insider, but any movement in
that direction Is an advantage. The other Issue relates to language.
Using the people's language (a most desirable condition) does not
guarantee that one will discover the emlc point of view. Horldvlew
lies deeper than linguistic categories. Rut one Is likely to get
closer to that goal with the use of the venacular. The main point to
be made here Is that whatever methodology Is used, the aim is discovery
not simply the use of a method. Some discoveries may even be
accidental, but the fact that they are made is more important than how
they were made.

THE ÜISCOVERY OF THEMES

A major area to explore In worldview research Is In the direction

of cultural themes. Opler, In Chapter 36 of this Reader, explains
themes as "a postulate or position, declared or implied, and usually
controlling behavior or stimulating activity, which is tacitly approved
or openly promoted In a society" (Opler 1945:198). These themes assert
a high degree of generality that keeps culture from being just a
collection of bits and pieces.

Ihe discovery of themes begins with the Identification of those

cultural bits and pieces. This Is to be followed by an analysis of the
relationship of the parts to each other and the relationship of the
parts to the cultural whole. By working on these relationships one may
be able to Identify worldview themes.

Spradley (1979) has suggested eight techniques or strategies for

theme analysis. These have been condensed and listed below:

(1) Immersion In the culture

(2) A cultural inventory; l.e., a collection and transcription

of all data collected.

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549

. — a list of cultural domains; he defines a domain as

"a major subsystem of a group's acquired knowledge"
(Spradley 1975:77).
— Another list of suspected, but yet unidentified
domains. (Helpful points to question Include other
kinds of objects, events, acts, actors, activities,
goals, ways to achieve things, ways to avoid
things, ways to do things, places for things,
places for doing things, things that are used for
something, stages in tasks, stages in activities,
stages in events, objects that have parts, places
that have parts.)

(3) An analysis of the componants of folk domains

(4) Identification of the way a domain is organized, such as steps

or stages involved.

(5) Construction of a schematic of the culture scene, demonstrating

in graphics the relationship to domains.

(6 ) Identification of the universal themes that become apparent In

the relationship of domains. (Examples Include social
conflict, cultural contradictions, Informal techniques of
social control, management of Impersonal social relationships,
aquisitlon and maintenance of status, problem solving.)

(7) A written summary of the culture scene

(8 ) Comparison to other culture scenes.

SUMMARY

The discovery process that seeks to uncover the worldview of a

society is an effort to enter Into an emlc perspectlc on that society's
life. The analysis of the data within the society's worldview and
culture, however, Is clearly an etlc activity. The observers seek as
great a measure of objectivity as possible, while recognizing that
presuppositions nevertheless form a grid through which the observers
view the world. An awareness of this grid Is In Itself an effective
step In diffusing it as a barrier to the discovery of worldview.

Aside from acknowledging the existance of one's presuppositions In

general, effective worldview analysis Involves at least three factors.
The first Is the fact that the discovery of meaning is the desired
goal. A second is a recognition of the particular preconceptions and
theories one may have of the society being studied. One may be so
engrossed In supporting a theory, he may miss the facts. The third
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550

element relates to methodology. The goal Is not to be a purist. If

discovery Is made even by mistake. It Is still discovery. Ho
methodology should be slavishly served. Yet two things related to
methodology are most important. The role of participant-observer and
the use of the venacular.

Finally, the goal of discovering the emic meaning Is achieved by

identifying worldview themes. Themes are at the heart of worldview,
and are the reasons the culture is more than mere bits and pieces. By
discovering the way those pieces relate to each other as well as to the
cultural whole, one probably will be able to locate themes.

CONCERNING THE CHAPTERS THAT FOLLON

Spradley's chapter Is unquestionably directed at field study

method, and particularly with a heavy emphasis on the participant-
observer method of research. His clear presentation of what should be
studied is Illustrated at each point in a way that leads the reader
through the discovery process. •

The chapter by Opler on themes is an Invaluable source. This

particular article Is recognized by those in this field as a major
contribution to worldview theory. Its importance to the study of
worldview is that the identification of themes is the discovery of the
conceptual cohesion In a given society, thus giving the collected data
some focus Instead of It being a mere compilation of bits and pieces.

The chapter by Cole (et al> focuses on the discovery of classifi­

cation. The authors have referred to several techniques they used In
compiling the noun chart of the Kpelle. (The noun system is explained
in Chapter Six of this Reader.

Tpindler and Goldschmidt have provided a look at methodology In the

study of culture change that differs significantly from the other
chapters. Their use of the Rorschack test, as well as the fact that
they work from a base which effectively combines the disciplines of
psychology, sociology, and anthropology contributes to its uniqueness
in this section. Although some readers will not be trained to use the
same tools that the authors used, can profit from an understanding of
the usefulness (and limitations) of the tools as well as the variety of
steps taken by the authors In their study. They demonstrate that
change, especially acculturation, is cultural, social and psychological
In nature.
 Chapter Thtrty-ftve

ETHNOGRAPHIC DISCOVERY PROCEDURES

BY James P. Spradley

This chapter by Spradley contains the following subjects

for consideration:

(I) Barriers to understanding cultural meaning

• (2) The Importance of identifying folk concepts, and
(3) Organizing folk concepts.

The concepts that Spradley examines are well Illustrated

by using an American college community as the sample
field.

Spradley has attached to this chapter Is a summary of the

eight steps in the ethnographic study procedures as suggested
in the body of the chapter. The example used for this summary
is from a nonwestern society.

HIDDEN BARRIERS TO CULTURAL MEANING

As the weeks go by. student life at Brandon College becomes more

familiar to you. The strategy of participant observation has opened up
new opportunities for understanding tills culture. You now attend
classes with some of your Informants, join them frequently for Informal
parties in their dorm rooms, listen to their discussions late Into the

from Spradley 1975:72-107

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night, and go with them to nearby eating places for pizza or hamburg­
ers. You roam around the campus freely and wherever you go some
students now recognize you aqd stop to talk. Your field notes contain
more and more Interpretations offered by informants; the effects of
culture shock seem less with each passing day. Your Identity as an
anthropologist, unfamiliar with the ways of American students but
desirous of understanding their point of view, has become firmly
establIshed.

In spite of your progress, the feeling persists that the situations

you observe and the Interpretations gleaned from Informants are like
the tip of an Iceberg. Much of the cultural meaning seems to H e
beneath the surface. Inaccessible to your questions and unobtainable by
other means. You listen to students as they talk, but It seems as If
many subtle meanings escape you, locked away In the words they use. '
Clearly, the native terms like “ grass," doing dope," and “stoned" are
symbols that refer to objects, behavior, and experiences. While you
partially understand these concepts, your Informants grasp their
meaning In a much more profound way. Your experience Is not uncommon;
the best ethnographers encounter invisible barriers to cultural
meaning, barriers that require the use of more specific discovery
procedures. Let us look at three of these hidden barriers.

Translation Competence

In the days when anthropologists went to remote societies where

people had little Information about outsiders, Informants could not
translate their concepts into terms familiar to the researcher.
Communication was almost entirely based on one culture: the anthropolo­
gist had to employ the categories and terms of the Informants and work
to find out their meaning. Informants could not be relied on to assist
by explaining things In the categories and terms of her own culture.
Through contact with missionaries, traders, and others, people in
remote areas began to acquire the blllty to translate their cultural
knowledge Into the culture of outsiders. In the last 50 years, this
phenomenon has spread rapidly as people all over the world have
attended schools, learned foreign languages, and traveled widely beyond
their own communities, furthermore, when anthropologists work within
their own society, almost any Informant can translate what they know
Into the researcher's categories.

Translation competence Is the ability to ti ansíate the meanings of

one culture Into a form that Is appropriate to another culture. In the
process of translation, considerable distortion can occur. Take the
case of an anthropologist mapping the culture of skid row men. If he
asks a rather simple question like, “How much income did you earn last
year?" something like the following occurs, first, unknown to the
ethnographer, the informant translaies this question into, "How much
money did you get last year from working at a steady job?" Because he
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553

only "worked" for three weeks picking apples during the year, he
replies, "A couple hundred dollars." Then the ethnographer may ask,
"Where do you live?" Again, because the Informant knows the
anthropologist's culture, he translates this question Into something
like, "lie wants to know if I have a home or apartment where I stay all
the time," and the reply Is, "I don't have a place to stay." These
same answers could then be elicited from other informants, leading the
ethnographer to conclude that these are "homeless men" who live on less
than $500 per year. Yet hidden from view is the extensive cultural
knowledge that tramps have about ways to make It, about the sums of
money they acquire yearly by such actions as junking and panhandling,
and about hundreds of places they "flop," and "homes" such as cars and
under bridges. This same process can occur with Informants anywhere
and with similar results. The ethnographer may thus unconsciously
guide informants to conceptualize their own culture from the
perspective of an outsider.

Words for Things

A second hidden barrier to cultural meaning is the tendency merely

to seek the words Informants use for things In their experience. Early
In your research on the drug culture you observed a student doing
something and at your inquiry an informant said, "She Is hyper­
ventilating." To you It appeared that she was smoking and so you made
a mental note that smoking = hyperventilating. You had discovered a
word for a form of behavior. Another student showed you what looked
llké a ciragette and said, "This is a joint," and so you decided that
cigarette ° joint. You had discovered a word for one of the things In
student experience. The net effect of seeking merely to discover words
for things Is to leave vast areas of cultural knowledge uncharted!

If, however, Instead of "getting words for things," we redefine the

task as one of finding the "things" that go with the words, the
eliciting of terminologies acquires a more general Interest. In
actuality, not even the most concrete, objectively apparent physical
object can be Identified apart from some culturally defined system of
concepts. An ethnographer should strive to define objects according to
the conceptual system of the people he Is studying.'

The discovery procedures discussed In this chapter were developed

by anthropologists in their efforts to find the things that go with the
words used by informants.

Ana 1y tic Concepts

A third hidden barrier Is created when the ethnographer prematurely

Introduces her own analytic concepts to understand events and
behavior. Any concept that Is part of the ethnographer's culture and
Is employed to describe or explain the experiences and social behavior
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554

of other people Is an analytic concept. It may be a technical term

such as "culture." "symbol," or "latent function"; on the other hand,
commonly used words such as "smoking," "talking." and "fighting" can be
analytic concepts If they are used In reference to another culture.
When anthropologists make cross-cultural comparisons, they must employ
numerous analytic concepts, and while some are necessary for
ethnographic description, it Is Important to begin with folk concepts.
A folk concept Is one that Is locally defined by members o f a society;
It makes up part of their cultural knowledge.

Ethnography begins with the search for folk concepts. But after
you have Identified the more obvious ones In the culture of your
college student Informants, there Is a temptation to create your own
categories to describe their experience. You discover, for example,
that three Important folk concepts, "freak," "head," and " a d d head"
refer to different kinds of student drug users. At this point, Instead
of seeking to discover all related folk concepts and their meanings,
you might Introduce some analytic concepts such as "casual user,"
"experimental user," "regular user," and "nonuser," defining each of
these concepts by some measurable frequency of drug Ingestion. At any
stage in ethnographic research it Is possible to Introduce the
categories and concepts that you know as an outsider. When it Is done
prematurely, this practice acts as a barrier to exploring fully the
cultural knowledge that Informants are using to Interpret their
experience and generate social behavior. Franz Boas, one of the
founders of anthropology In the United States, pointed to this problem
long ago.

We know what we mean by family, state, government, etc.

As we overstep the limits of one cuiture we do not know how far
these may correspond to equivalent concepts. If we choose to
apply our classification to alien cultures we may combine forms
which do not belong together___ If it is our serious purpose
to understand the thoughts of a pecóle the whole analysis of
experience must be based upon their concepts, not ours . 2

We turn now to the discovery procedures that enable the ethno­

grapher to base his study on the folk concepts of another culture,
reduce the influence of translation,competence, and find the things
that go with the words used by informants. The first step Involves the
identification of cultural concepts; then the ethnographer goes on to
discover how these concepts are organized.

IDENTIFICATION OF FOtK CONCEPTS

In order to Identify more systematically the Important folk

concepts of this student drug culture, you now go back to see which
 555

terms students use frequently. It Isn't long before you have a lengthy
list of phrases that Include terms llkp "roach," "smoking," "water
pipe," "hyperventilating," "red death," “peyote," and "paranoid." Some
of these terms are words you do not understand while others appear
quite familiar. One thing you do know: all of them are folk concepts
used by your Informants. You can now begin to formulate guestjons and
then go on to find the domains that students recognize as the large
categories of their culture.

Questions

There Is a common belief that one can find out what other people
know by merely asking questions and recording answers. This notion
falls to recognize that questions Inevitably determine answers. Let's
examine a simple exchange.

Ethnographer: "How often do you use drugs?"

Informant: "I use drugs every day."

This seemingly direct question and answer may. In fact, lead to

misinformation, for you do not know what Is Included In the concept of
"drugs." If coffee, tea, tobacco, alcohol, aspirin, peyote, heroin,
Vietnamese Red, grass, psilocybin, and a d d are all Included In the
Informant's definition of drugs, as Is often the case, this answer
means one thing. If, on the other hand. It Includes only heroin and
opium, It means something quite different. Ethnographic discovery
Involves more than asking questions: one must discover the questions
to ask from those whose culture Is being Investigated ---

Culturally appropriate questions often elicit many answers, opening

the way to an In-depth analysis of a culture. Instead of forcing a
person to select a single "most appropriate" response that would only
sklmoff a bit of surface .Information, the ethnographer asks for all
the possible responses an Informant can think of. For Instance, "What
are all the different kinds of stashes? " 1 would elicit more than 30
additional concepts. Furthermore, Informants will not puzzle over this
query or cónslder It a strange question.

Doma In s

A cultural domain Is any major subsystem of a group's acquired

knowledge. It consists of a class of objects or events that share at
least one feature of meaning that differentiates It from other
domains . 4 Like a rough map of the world that Identifies the
continents and oceans, the domains of a culture reveal the broad
contours of a culture. Tramps have a cultural domain they call
"flops," all the categories of places to sleep. One domain or
subsystem of student culture at most colleges Is "courses." A domain

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of cultural knowledge for the Slave Indians of Northern Canada Is

"Ice," a large category that Includes more than a dozen different
kinds. Among the Hanunoo of the Philippines, the cultural domain of
"plants" Includes hundreds'of subcategories.

One of the ways to Identify the domains of a culture Is to locate

that Is, labels for large categories. The best way to
find out If a word Is a cover term Is to ask an appropriate cultural
question and see If It generates a long list of terms. For instance,
you might hear someone say, "I was smoking dope because I was bored."
You could then treat this as one reason for doing dope and ask, "Are
there other reasons students have for doing dope?" If this question
leads to many answers, "reasons for doing dope" would constitute a
cultural domain.... Not all cultural domains have linguistic labels,
and you would therefore want to observe things that your informants
treated as similar but could not group together under a name. He think
It Is best to start by a careful examination of cover terms. Once
these have all been Investigated, the ethnographer has gained an
Intimate familiarity with the culture and will have an Idea about tacit
domains that could then be Investigated.

Domains of a student drug culture. Once the ethnographer has

Identified the major cultural domains, he can make a rought map of the
culture. Like the cartographer who is making a map of an unknown land
mass, the anthropologist begins with a preliminary sketch. This
oversimplified map leaves out many important details, but allows the
ethnographer to orient himself In the new social setting. Then It Is
possible to go back over the ground covered and make a detailed
analysis of the cultural landscape. Let us look briefly at several
domains you would quickly discover In the student drug culture at
Brandon College. Again, we would point out that this cultural sketch
and the more detailed analysis of one domain that follows refers to a
specific population at one point in time. Cultural change has altered
many features of this culture.

One of the first domains you would find In your study Is one that
drug users employ to organize their social world Into different kinds
of people. As one student said:

"A straight Is one who does not smoke. There are people
who have tried once and have some knowledge of it. but really
are not in. There are people who have a little stash of their
own and occasionally smoke, which Is where I classify myself, who
aren't heads but know what Is going on or know a dealer."

Another student recalled:

"Yes, there are acid heads and pot heads and mescaline
heads and usually people who are using acid quite a bit and are

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557

considered way out there. Heads are people for whom It becomes a
very big part of their life, who do it fairly regularly. There are
a lot of kids who say they are just doing weed. I mean, not
dropping."

With this kind of cultural knowledge, a student can Identify

different types of people In his world. Straights, heads, dopers,
smokers, needle freaks, and other terms are only a few of the labels
for people who associate in this culture___ Only by learning to use
and interpret each of these concepts in the way students at Brandon
College did would it be possible to operate in this group as a
native---

In your attempt to outline the domains of this culture it would

soon become apparent that, in addition to concepts for people, there
are many concepts for the domain kinds of drugs. In fact, different
types of drug users are ultimately related to the way students define a
variety of chemical substances--- You would encounter many other
concepts, all of which would be referred to as drugs. Red hash,
peyote, red death, downer, Acapulco Gold, ganga, old basement,SDMT,
kief, Mary Jane, and Kentucky Blue would only be a few of the nearly
100 terms you would encounter— al 1 referring to drugs. Furthermore,
many chemicals that nonstudents would probably refer to as dope, or
drugs, such as aspirin, caffeine, and alcohol, would be included right
along with marijuana and heroin. As an ethnographer you would not be
concerned about who had the "correct" concepts. Instead, you would
realize that in order to grasp the meaning of the drug culture from the
student users' point of view, it would be Important to discover how
they organize their knowledge___

For most students, one drug would stand out as being most
important, that is, marijuana. As you observed them passing a water
pipe or joint, you would hear a variety of names being used. The most
general term would be dope. This would refer to other things also, but
in most contexts that involved students, it would mean marijuana. As
more and more students dropped by your dorm room to talk, other near
synonyms would appear. One girl recalled her first experience.

"I was sitting in my room minding my own business and a

friend of mine from across the hall knew I wanted to smoke some
grass sometime so she came over and asked me if I wanted to...and
we all sat down and smoked this one little joint."

You have heard other informants say things like, "I have some good
stuff," or "Do you want some Mary Jo Juana?" again referring to
marijuana. In addition, shit, joint, boo, tea, pot, weed, drugs, and
Alice B. would all refer to the same substance, marijuana, and be part
of the domain, names for dope. Their use and meaning depend on the
context of each situation. An adequate ethnography would map these
differences In great detail and allow you to use these terms and to
Interpret them as student drug users do.

The social aspect of drug use would also be apparent from the
start. You would find that nearly every time a student smokes grass,
it Is with other people---

The social aspect Involves rules that govern where, when, and with
whom one smokes. Most students are careful to smoke with their
friends. Evenings are good times to Ingest marijuana in contrast to
mornings. The list of places for using pot Is very long with specific
meanings attached to each. Smoking grass at a music concert, you
discover, has a different meaning from doing It in a dormitory room.
How a person feels, what he experiences, and the way he ingests
marijuana all depend on where it Is done. As a set of instructions for
appropriate behavior, your ethnography of this culture will Include a
complete analysis of the social meaning of drugs and their use---

One of the most Important domains of this student culture has the
cover term, experiences when stoned. In every society. Individuals
learn to feel in ways that are recognized as appropriate--- Students
who are users train the novice to experience the appropriate feelings.
They teach him to expect certain stages of being hjgh or stone d . One
begins coming on and after a while has peaking experience followed by
coming down or perhaps even crashing___ Undoubtedly the chemical
substance augments these feelings, but It is not entirely responsible
for them.

The feelings and Inner experiences are not, however, limited to

these few. Your Informants have a large number of terms for talking
about...feelIngs....tastes, sounds, and visual stimuli--- A complete
ethnography of this culture would be like a recipe that an outsider
could use to know which feelings and experiences were appropriate. One
would know when to feel hungry or drowsy and be able to act In a manner
judged acceptable by students.

Domain members. To further understand a cultural domain. It Is

necessary to place it under a microscope that will enlarge the details
of cultural meaning so they can be described. Since domains are large
cultural categories, they include a set of things that are treated as
if they were equivalent. Your task is to identify the members of
cultural domains. Each time a student at Brandon College ingests dope
of any kind, his actions differ slightly from every previous act and
from the behavior of every other student. This means that there is an
Indefinite number of ways in which college drug users actually consume
chemical substances labeled dope. This complexity is simplified Into
less than 50 smaller categories of behavior, each of which can be
 559

referred to as "a way to do dope." You would discover these by

listening to Informants as they Identify their actions and by asking
specific questions. At least the following categories would emerge,
all members of this domain:

1. Smoking dope 16. Snorting a stem

2. Blowing grass 17. Drinking tea
3. Turkeylng 18. Smoking a joint
4. Eating brownies 19. Eating on pizza
5. Smoking a sneaky peak carburetor 20. Drinking In water
6. Eating gingerbread 21. Hyperventilating
7. Snorting a roach 22. Snorting from a pipe
8. Eating dope 23. Drinking in wine
9. Smoking from a scuba tank 24. Snorting dope
10. fating cookies 25. Eating in peanut butter
II. Smoking a pipe 26. Eating a roach
12. Eating grass 27. Eating Kief
13. Eating it plain 28. Taking a nose hit
14. Drinking dope 29. Eating an Alice B. Toklas
15. Smoking a water pipe 30. Smoking a hookah

Although It may not seem especially significant to have discovered

that there Is such a variety of ways to do dope, this discovery Is no
small accomplishment, for you have refrained from one of the most
common human acts: applying your own categories to someone else's
culture. Eventually you can proceed In a similar way to Identify each
of the more than 50 domains that constitute the cultural knowledge of
student drug users. Only then will your ethnographic description begin
to reflect what your informants know.

ORGANIZA! ION OF fOlJCCONC EPTS

Cultural meaning InvoFves more than using folk concepts to Identify

persons, places, and objects. Meaning Is based on the way folk
concepts are organized___ It Is the various parts [of culture] that
are arranged Into relationships that constitute the structure of a
particular culture. Identifying cultural domains and their members Is
only a starting point; we must now go on to discover the way folk
concepts are organized---

Your Investigation will now turn to a search for the principles

that students employ to organize their cultural concepts. We shall
discuss ways to discover the principles Involved In terms of folk
taxonom|es and contrastaseis. While there are other ways cultural
knowledge Is organized, these two forms are the most Important.

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 560

Folk Taxonomies

A taxonomy Is a set of, categories organized on the principle of

Inclusion. Inclusion occurs when a general category Is used to refer
to a group of more specific ones. When a tramp says. "Making the blood
bank, peddling, and Junking are all ways of m aking It," he Is Including
several specific categories In a more general one. Inclusion appears
to be a universal way that folk concepts are organized, and yet It is
so commonplace that we do not often think about it....

You actually started your Investigation of the taxonomic structure

of the domain, "doing dope," when you asked for all the different ways
recognized by students. But many folk taxonomies have multiple levels.
A Ford and Thunderblrd are both kinds of cars but a Thunderhird is also
a kind of Ford....

As you talk to your student Informants you would now begin to ask
questions such as, "Is smoking a roach a way to snort a roach?” and
"Is hyperventilating a way to take a nose hit?" Or, Instead of asking
for the relationships In this way, you might write all the names for
doing dope on slips of paper and ask your Informant to sort them Into
groups that are all the same way to do dope. These procedures lead you
to tiie important discovery that among Brandon College students there
are only four major ways to do dope: smoking dope, snorting dope,
eating dope, and drinking dope. These four terms constitute the
highest level In the folk taxonomy of the domain, and all otiier terms
are Included In them.

Synonyms. As you work with Informants to discover which terms are

Included In other terms, some of the ways to do dope that you
Identified would turn out to be synonyms. Synonyms are two or more
terms that refer to the same category--- Speech Is a complex form of
behavior, and every culture structures not only the meaning of words
but also the appropriate ways to use speech....

Of the various ways to do dope that you have discovered, the

following are related by the fact that they are synonyms.

"lo smoke dope" means "to blow grass."

"To eat grass" means “to eat it plain."
"To eat brownies" means "to eat an Alice Ü. loklas."

In your ethnographic research you would want to exercise great caution

not to confuse synonymns with other kinds of ielatlonships. Some
informants would undoubtedly say that "to smoke dope means to smoke, a
Joint" or "to do dope means to smoke grass." These are not synonyms,
but relationships of Inclusion. In order to discover synonyms, the
ethnographer must first check the taxonomic relationships within a
domain. These are shown in-Figure I for the domain "doing dope.”

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 561

Taxono m ic Relationships. When we discover the taxonomic structure

of the categories In a domain, we focus primarily on one kind of
relationship. For example, each of the lines between terms In Figure 1
can be expressed in the statement "X is a way to do Y.“ (Hyper­
ventilating Is a way to smoke dope.) The ethnographer seeks first to
Identify a domain and then find the members of that domain; the next
step is to discover the taxonomic structure of the domain In question.
Some other kinds of relationships that occur are shown In Figure 2, but
this list Is by no means exhaustive. Let us look briefly at one other
kind of structure, one based on the sequential arrangement of domain
members.

, FIGURE 1

Hays to Do Dope

Drinking tea
Drinking Drinking In water
dope Drinking In wine
Eating in peanut butter
Eating grass
Eating brownies
Eating Eating gingerbread
dope Eating a roach
Eating cookies
Eating on pizza
Eating a kief
Snorting a stem
Snorting Snorting a roach
dope Snorting from a pipe
Taking a nose hit
Smoking a water pipe
Smok ing Smoking a joint
dope Smoking a sneaky peak carburetor
Smoking from a scuba tank
Hyperventilating

All cultures recognize the passage of time, and some domains

organize categories in a temporal order. We say that "Saturday follows
Friday," and "Graduation comes at the end of the senior year in
college." In a complete ethnographic description of the student drug
culture, there would be several domains organized sequentially. For
Instance, some experiences are called "stages of a trip," and students
learn that after ingesting certain drugs they can anticipate these
stages. "Peaking" on a drug trip is followed by "coming down" or even
"crashing." Your Informants would be surprised If another student
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562

FIGURE 2
Kinds of Taxonomic Relationships

ETHNOGRAPHIC
STATEMENT EXAMPLE QUESTIONS

1. Strict Inclusion X Is a kind Acapulco gold Is What are all the

of Y a kind of dope kinds of dope?

2. Part-Whole X Is a part The stem Is part What are the

of Y of the marijuana parts of the
plant. marijuana plant?

3. Cause-effect X Is a result Getting stoned Is What are all the

of Y a result of results of
smoking dope. smoking dope?

4. Rationale X Is a rea­ Being bored is a What are all the

son for reason for doing reasons for
doing Y dope. doing dope?

5. Location-for- X Is a place Concerts are a What are all the

actlon for doing Y place for doing places for doing
dope. dope?

6 . Purpose X is used A roach clip Is What are all the

for Y used for holding other things a
roaches. roach clip Is
used for?

7. Means-end X Is a way Buying from a What are al 1 the

to do Y friend is a way ways to get
to get dope. dope?

8 . Sequence X Is a step Scoring dope Is What are all the

(stage) In a step in making steps In making
Y a deal. a deal?

FIGURE 3

Taxonomy Based on Sequence

Steps In Making a Deal

I/'
1 2 3 4 5
Check for Check Quote Score Get
Interest wl th prices dope. rid
among contacts. to of
customers. customers. dope.
 563

said, "I'm coming down now so pretty soon I'll start to peak." One
domain In this culture Is a set of folk concepts for activities that
occur when students gather for the purpose of doing dope. The order of
events on these occasions Is never random: greetings do not occur at
the end of the evening; students do not eat all evening and then smoke
grass for a few moments at the conclusion of the party. Like
ceremonies In every society events have a culturally defined sequential
arrangement.

In your research at Brandon College, you would meet one or more

Individuals who sold drugs to other students. Informants refer to
these people as deajers.... They tell you about an Important domain,
“steps In making a deal," and you find that the basic relationship
expressed In the taxonomy of this domain Is one of sequence. He only
show the highest level of this taxonomy (Figure 3); It actually
Includes dozens of smaller categories For Instance, in "scoring dope"
a dealer first tells Ills contact he wants the dope and then asks him to
"freeze It"; this is followed by getting the necessary money together;
then the dealer makes a trip to purchase the dope. Before the actual
transaction, he will test the dope to see If Its quality Is the same as
his contact promised. The purchase Is made, and the dope Is brought
back to the dealer's room on compus. Another step, "getting rid of the
dope," also involves many smaller steps such as "cleaning the dope,"
"letting the customers sample It," and finally, "making the sale."

Because a taxonomy represents only one type of relationship among a

set-of folk concepts, much Important Information Is left out. The
purpose of a taxonomy Is not to describe all the meanings of a domain,
but merely to show the basic structure. For example, the taxonomy of
steps in making a deal would not usually provide any Information about
which step comes first and the subsequent order of the others. (He
have noted this by numbering this order.) Every taxonomy contains a
wealth of hidden information that Is not reflected In the single
relationship expressed. - I.i ortfer to discover that Information and
represent It, we must turn to procedures for analyzing contrast sets.

Contrast Sets

In the search for cultural meaning, the ethnographer continually

looks for things Informants treat as slmllar and also things they
consider d ifferent. He want to know how Informants divide up their
world, which things they put together and which ones they keep apart.
Contrast Isajjeceplively sImple pr Inclpje of meaning that focuses on
the differences among concepts. A folk concept puts a spt of things
together: they are similar. But other things are left outside the

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 564

category: they are different. If someone says, “ Joe Is smoking dope,”

it not only Indicates (I) what he Is doing, and (2 ) that it Is similar
to tiie acts of others, but (3) it also calls attention to what Joe is
not doing. To the outsider. It carries the message that Joe Is not
snorting dope, not drinking dope, and not eating dope. In order to
know the meaning of the folk concept “smoking dope," we need to know
how it contrasts with these other terms.

The principle of contrast suggests that what something does mean Is

intimately linked to what It does not mean. In the most general sense,
nearly every concept of a culture contrasts with all the others, but
for the study of meaning, some contrasts are especially significant.
For example, the concepts “moon," “grass," and “peyote" all contrast.
However, only the differences between grass and peyote are of
considerable significance for the ethnographer in search of meaning.
He shall use the word contrast In this more restricted sense: “Iwo
categories contrast only when the difference between them is
significant for defining their use."*

A contrast set refers to a group of terms in a taxonomy that are

ail included in a single term at the next higher level. The next step
In your Investigation Is to select a contrast set for analysis. The
domain “ ways to do dope" contains five contrast sets, which are
Identified in Figure 4. All the ways to smoke dope make up a single
contrast set: they share some features of meaning, but each concept Is
also different from ail the others. In order to understand what It
means to smoke a roach, you would need to find out how It Is different
from hyperventilating, smoking a Joint, and all the other concepts in
this contrast set. As you listened to students talk about their own
behavior, you would note many concepts that were significant for
meaning. For example, someone says “I don't mind smoking from a scuba
tank so much, but smoking a roach is really harsh on my throat." Ihis
statement reflects a basic contrast that students make between various
ways to do dope. Someone else recalls his experience with another
contrast: "I wasn't Just stoned last weekend, I was wrecked!" Almost
any use of a cultural concept Involves an implicit contrast, even
though it may not be expressed. If someone orders a hamburger at a
restaurant, she Implicitly contrasts it with a cheeseburger and other
kinds of sandwiches. If someone says. "I'm taking Biology 101.“ she
Implicitly contrasts It with Biology 200 and all the other courses
offered at Brandon College. Part of your ethnographic research among
students would be aimed at discovering these implicit contrasts and
finding out what Information students use to signal differences among
categories.

Attributes

The differences in meaning between concepts are signaled by the

attributes that people associate with them. An attribute can be

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565

FIGURE 4

Contrast Sets In the Taxonomy "Hays to Do Dope . 11

(Each box Is a separate contrast set.)
Ways

defined as any element of Information that Is regularly associated with

a concept. Consider, for Instance, the attributes associated with the
concept smoking a roach. When a student Invites someone to smoke a
roach with him, much more information Is communicated than that smoking
a roach is one way to smoke dope. In your ethnographic research you
would discover that this category has numerous bits of Information
attached to it. Because roaches are like small cigarette butts, this
concept has the attribute of requiring equipment, a roach cl Ip. which
Is a small device for holding the roach. Because this equipment makes
It difficult to conceal the action from others easily and quickly, an
additional behavioral attribute Is associated with smoking a roach: it
must be done In private. See Figure 5 for some of the attributes
attached to smoking a roach. These do not exhaust the components of
meaning for this concept, but they do show many of the more significant
features of this behavior in the culture of student drug users.
Furthermore, doing dope In this way Is harsh on a person's throat.
When students refer to smoking a roach, when they engage In behavior
labeled by this concept, when they think about this category, these
attributes make up part of the total information they have learned.
You can quickly see the Importance of knowing these attributes; they
help one to decide whether or not to smoke dope In this way, where to
engage In this behavior, and to anticipate the possible consequences of
smoking a roach.
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566

FIGURE 5

Some Components of Meaning:__ A ttributes of Smoking a Roach

It Is harsh
on your throat

It requires
It Is not equipment___ It Is difficult
convenient to conceal

It requires It must be done

only a smal1 SMOKING ___ Inp rI vate
amount of dope
A

It usually ROACH It cannot be

follows smoking combined with
a joint other ways to
smoke dope

There Is danger
of burning It does not give
your lips an Intense high

Every cultural concept has numerous attributes. Some of these are

formal properties of an object, such as weight, color, or density.
Other attributes are emotional feelings associated with a concept.
Some attributes are based on the relationship one concept has to other
concepts. For example, smoking a roach Is related to kinds of highs In
that It produces a less .ntense kind of high than smoking a sneaky peak
carburetor. Each attribute of a concept is an Individual part, or
component, of the total cultural meaning of that category. If you are
talking with someone who mentions his brother's automobile, you
understand the meaning of brother and automobile because you know at
least some of the attributes of these categories. A brother has the
attribute of being a male; automobiles do not have sexual gender in our
language. Both categories have the characteristic of being able to
move, but only automobiles have the attributes of private ownership and
wheels.'

Component Ial Analysis. The attributes of cultural concepts serve

to distinguish among members of a contrast set. Once the ethnographer
has discovered the structure of a particular domain and selected a
contrast set for analysis, he then proceeds to search for the
attributes associated with each of the categories in the set. The
 567

search for attributes Is called componentlal analysis.* Componentlal

analysis begins by searching through your field notes to see If
Informants have Identified the attributes of categories or If they have
contrasted any of the terms you are studying. He can Illustrate the
process of componentlal analysis with the contrast set. ways to smoke
dope.

As you carry out your ethnographic research among students you will
find they often reveal the attributes they are paying attention to as
they Interpret their behavior. For example, an Informant reports:

One way to do dope we call a sneaky peak carburetor. You

take a toilet paper roll, and you put a hole In the side of It
toward one end, and you stick a "J" In It, and then you cover
one end and Inhale. Hhat you do Is f|11 the shole roll with
smoke. Then you take your hand off. It Just rushes Into your
lungs, and you get a higher concentration of smoke and a
tremendous rush.

One attribute of this method Is that It requires equipment, and It

shares this feature with smoking a pipe, a water pipe, a scuba rank,
and a roach. The "tremendous rush" that Is experienced by this method
also gives a more Intense high, an attribute not associated with
smoking a joint.

.Many attributes are taken for granted and are thus difficult for
Informants to recall. But by asking Informants to contrast each method
of smoking dope with all the others, you are often better able to
discover from Informants the attributes they know. You might, for
Instance, present the two contrasting terms "hyperventilating" and
"turkeylng" and ask an informant to name the distinguishing
attributes. Or you could ask. "In what way Is smoking a joint
different from smoking a water pipe?" Your informant might respond:

Hell, my favorite way of smoking Is to use a water pipe.

It's the least harsh on your throat, and usually It's really
. smooth compared to smoking a Joint. That's one thing about
grass that can sometimes be a downer. It can really be harsh
and you sometimes have a hard time getting the smoke In. But
a water pipe Is really smooth, and especially if sometimes you
put wine in the water pipe Instead of water.

As In this example. Informants often respond to a requested contrast

with more than one attribute.

Another way to have Informants contrast their concepts Is by

presenting them with three or more concepts and asking them to sort
them Into sets on the basis of similarities and differences.' This
task Is uniquely suited for ethnographic research In any culture

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 S6 B

because it does not predefine the attributes one Is searching for.

Indeed, as an ethnographer, you do not know which ones you are looking
for— only your Informants have that knowledge. For example, you could
present a college student with all seven ways to smoke dope and ask him
to sort them into two or more plies. One result would be the
following: (I) smoking a water pipe, from a scuba tank; (2 ) smoking a
Joint, a pipe, a sneaky peak carburetor, a roach, and hyperventilating.
Then you would ask, "Why did you divide these categories In this way?"
What you would discover Is that the first set of methods all require a
relatively large amount of marijuana, whereas the second set does. not.
You would then proceed to have your Informant sort the same terms Into
other groups, each time requiring for the attributes he was using to
distinguish among the concepts. Eventually, you would use the same
approach with a sample of other Informants to discover more attributes
and check on your analysis.

Paradigms. It Is often useful to represent graphically the most

important attributes for a set of terms. Then one can easily Inspect
the set to see which categories are most and least alike. The
taxonomy. Figure 3, shows only the hierarchical arrangement of
categories that shared a single relationship: they are all ways to do
dope. When you discover all the attributes for a set of terms, you
have multiple relationships to represent. For this purpose,
anthropologists employ a parad igm,*as In Figure 6 . Note In Figure 6
that these categories of smoking dope contrast on six major
dimensions. For each dimension of contrast there are several possible
attributes and these are given numerical or one-word symbols that are
explained below the paradigm. Figure 6 shows much of the more
Important Information that students are using to organize their
behavior. In effect, whenever someone selects one way of smoking dope
over another, she Is asking such questions as, "Is It convenient?",
"Can I combine It with other ways to do dope?", "Will It be harsh on my
throat?", and "Will It give me a more Intense high?" The answers to
these questions, along with other information about time of day, place,
future plans, and present circumstances will be used to make decisions
about what to do.

Culture, as we have said. Is a set of rules for Interpreting

experience and generating appropriate behavior. College students who
use drugs employ their culture In much the same way that corporation
executives or tribal hunters employ theirs. Ibis Information and much
more is used by college students when smoking dope or when interpreting
this behavior on the part of others. Everywhere in the world people
acquire cultural knowledge, and in order to decode and describe that
knowledge, you can use the discovery procedures that we have discussed
In the context of students who use drugs.

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569

FIGURE 6
Paradigm of Ways to Smoke Dope

DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST

HARSH COMBINED MORE LARGE EASILY

ON WITH INTENSE AMT. CONCEALED
THROAT? OTHERS CONVENIENCE HIGH REQUIRED i
Smoking a
water pipe No 1 No No Yes No

Smoking a
joint Yes 2 2 No No 1

Smoking a
pipé Yes No 1 No No Yes

Smoking a
sneaky peak
carburetor Yes No 3 Yes No No

Smoking from
a scuba tank No No 4 No Yes 2

Hyperventilating . XX 3 3 Yes No XX

Smoking a
roach Yes No 3 No No No

Turkeying Yes No 2 Yes No No

Dimensions of Contrast: Ways to Smoke Dope

a . Hprsh on throat:
No: Smoke Is cooled by water or other process.
Yes: Although temperature may vary, depending on nearness to
heat, al I are harsh.
b. Combines with other ways to do dope:
1. May drink water or liquid In water pipe.
2. Eat grass dropped while preparing joint.
3. Combines with any type of Inhalation.
No: Generally not combined with other ways to do dope.
c. Convenience:
1. Most convenient.
2. It Is convenient, but still requires assembling a joint.
3. Not as convenient as 2 because It requires additional
equipment or action.
4. Temporary inconvenience but results In a convenient supply
of smoke to inhale.
 ( (

570

[Figure 6 continued]
No: Takes several other objects or substances.
d. More Intense high:
Yes: A higher concentration of sinoke is Inhaled, resulting In
heightened sensations.
No: Normal result that can vary with amount over time.
e. Large amount required:
Yes: Amount varies depending on size of water pipe and scuba
tank.
No: Can Ingest dope with relatively small amount.
f . Easlly concealed:
No: Must be done In private.
Yes: May be done in private.
1. May be done in public and easily concealed depending on type
of joint.
2. Substance is very well concealed but would not be used in
public.
xx: Not applicable to this term.

Summary

Every culture is a system of meaning, and the ethnographer's task

is to decode the Information It contains. Field work begins by
participant observation in an alien society, recording what you see and
hear and trying to make sense out of It. Certain hidden barriers can
prevent the ethnographer from exhaustively mapping a culture. These
Include the translation competence of informants, limiting inquiry to
the words for things, and a premature use of analytic concepts.

In order to discover the meaning of folk concepts, the ethnographer

begins by collecting native terms. He notes the way they appear in
phrases and sentences and formulates questions that are culturally
relevant. Because questions inev.tably determine answers, he will seek
to find which questions are valid by testing the response of Informants.

Every culture contains large chunks of knowledge, cultural domains.

These are identified by the presence of cover terms or a large number
of categories that Informants group together into a single larger
category. Once a domain has been Identified, the next step is to
Identify the members of a domain and then work to discover the
taxonomic structure of a domain. The concepts in a taxonomy form one
or more contrast sets and the ethnographer seeks to discover the
attributes that distinguish each term from all the others. The search
for attributes Is called componentlal analysis; the attributes for a
single contrast set are shown in a paradigm.
 571

FOOTNOTES

1. Charles 0. Frake, "The Ethnographic Study of Cognitive Systems," In

Anthropology and Human Behavior. Thomas Gladwin and H. C. Sturtevant
(editors) Washington: Anthropological Society of Washington, 1962, p.
7 4 . This section Is based on Charles Frake's discussion of the
relationship between words and things In this article.

2. Franz Boas, "Recent Anthropology," Science. (98) 1943, pp. 311-314,

334-337.

3 . A "stash" refers to a place where dope Is concealed.

4. This definition Is based on the one Tyler presents In the

Introduction to Cognitive Anthropology: Readings. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1969, p. 8 .

5. This name for a kind of dope arose from the fact that It was grown
locally by students In the basement of a residence.

6 . Charles frake, "The Ethnographic Study of Cognitive Systems" In

Anthropology and Human Behavior. Thomas Gladwin and W. C. Sturtevant
(editors), Washington: Anthropological Society of Washington, 1962, p.
79.

7. See Hard II. Goodenough, "Componentlal Analysis," Science. 156,

1967, pp. 1203-1209, for a detailed discussion of this method.

8 . Tills approach Is called triadic sorting and Is discussed In James

P. Spradley, “ Adaptive Strategies of Urban Nomads: The Ethnosclence of
Tramp Culture." In The Anthropological Study of Urban Environments.
Thomas Weaver and Douglas White (editors), Society for Applied
Anthropology. Monograph No. II. 1972, pp. 21-38. It Is based on the
work of George kelly, The.Psychology of Personal Constructs. New York:
Norton Press, 1955.

9. A paradigm organizes a set of terms that shares at least one

feature of meaning and can all be distinguished by at least one feature
of meaning (attribute). For technical discussions of this concept, see
Harold Conklin, “ Ethnogenealoglcal Hethod," In Explorations In Cultural
AntTiropology, Hard II Goodenough (editor), New York: McGraw-íil 11,
1964, and Oswald Werner and Joann Fenton, "Method and Theory In
Ethnosclence. or Ethnoepistemology.” In A Handbook of Method In Cultural
Anthropology, Raoul Naroll and Ronald Cohen (editors) Garden City, New
York: Natural History Press, 1970.
 572

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 35

STEPS IN THE ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF E01K CONCEPTS

Identification of Folk Concepts

He can summarize the discovery procedures discussed In this chapter

In eight steps. An example from a non Hestern culture will help to
show the usefulness of these discovery procedures.

Step I: Collect Native Terms

In the southern part of Rajasthan State, India, Is a tribal village

whose people are known as Bhlls___ He shall examine In detail the
kinship customs of the Bhlls. If you studied the village of Ratakote,
you would collect native terms for a variety of things. Near the dirt
road that winds Its way through the community Is a structure not quite
like others. It Is made of stone plastered over with mud and dung and
has a covered porch like nearby dwellings, but it possesses two doors
Instead of the usual one, and the porch and doors face east. Taking a
closer look at this building, you discover that there Is a shelf
running the length of the Inside west wall and that above this shelf
are fixed Images of horsemen, camel riders, and cobras, as well as a
few flat stones. Nothing In what you have observed suggests(lhe
meaning of the building for Bhlls. You begin to collect native terms
that occur In the context of this building. At least the following
ones would be recorded:

gajanand bherojI
dharamraja rebarlbaba
pol la hanuman
kala bhero gora bhero
deva devra
namuna hingaN
bavj I sor

Step 2: formulate Culturally Appropriate Questions

SeveT'al questions appear to be meaningful to your Informants,

Including:

“
Are there different kinds of devra?"

“
Are there different kinds of bherojl?"

"Are there different deya that belong to the devra?"

Step 3: Identify Cultural Domains

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 573

One of the questions that elicits a list of terms you take to be a

cover term for a small domain.

DEVA THAT BELONG TO THE DEVRA < - cover term

Step 4: Identify Domain Members

DEVA THAT BELONG TO THE DEVRA c cover term

kala bhero pol la

gajanand
bheroj 1
hanuman
dharamraja
rebaribaba
gora bhero
c domain members

ORGANIZATION OF FOLK CONCEPTS

Step 5: Discover Taxonomic Structure

DEVA THAT BELONG TO THE DEVRA

c cover term

4
c
P 2c bherojl

a «
first level

5A•s c
O «-O

•
a
c
d
£a
k
o
-C
~o
"7°
-ao
1
C

-c »_
»-**
_«/
~Q

o
a

<n
terminal level

Step 6 : Select a Contrast Set for Analysis

There are two contrast sets in this taxonomy. The one you select
Is at the first level of the taxonomy composed of six contrasting terms:

1. gajanand
2 . bherojl
3. dharamraja
4. rebaribaba
5. polla
6. hanuman

Step 7: Discover Attributes by Making a Componential Analysis

In order to discover attributes, you ask Informants to characterize

the differences and similarities between deva, which you have
discovered in the interim are godlike supernatural beings. As
villagers talk, one mystery is solved. The Images and stones found
above the altar In the devra represent particular deva. Two gods.
 ( (>

574

polla and hanuman, are represented by rock shrines outside the devra
that you had not noticed before. Some contrasts offered by your
Informants follow:

1. gajanand and dharamraja are vegetarians, the others eat meat and
drink liquor.

2. gajanand and hanuman do not possess people during ceremonies. All

others Inhabit individuals, causing them to shake and fall to the
devra floor.

3. gajanand gives his blessing to start a ritual activity; bherojl

dharamraja, and rebaribaba cure Individuals of Illness.

' Step 8 : Construct a Paradigm

By systematically contrasting all the terms in the contrast set,

you can distinguish each folk concept from the others by a unique
cluster of attributes. While all the terms share at least one feature
of meaning (they are deva that belong to the devra). they can each be
distinguished by one or more attributes.

ATTRIBUTES OF THE DEVA WHO BELONG TO THE DEVRA

DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST

Function Possess Diet Personal 1ty

Gajanand Bless No Vegetarian Pious

Bheroj i Cure Yes Goat, liquor Stern
Dharamraja Cure Yes Vegetarian kind
Rebaribaba Cure Yes Any meat, 1 iquor Earthy
Pol la Guard Yes Meat, liquor Bureaucratic
serve gods
Hanuman Provide No Meat, liquor Frightening
power but controllable

Obviously, if you are to understand Bhil culture, the investigation

of a small domain like this one Is insufficient. But what you learn
about deva, particularly the attributes that distinguish them and give
them meaning, suggests many other ethnographic questions about
additional domains. For example, devra gods belong to a larger domain
of deva and these In turn occupy a very large domain that includes all
supernatural beings. In fact. It Is possible to work up to a very
large grouping of categories analogous to our own superdomains of
animal, vegetable, and mineral. It is also possible to investigate
kinds of objects that represent supernatural beings, places where
ritual Is held, the kinds of people at rituals, kinds of diseases.
 575

kinds of cures, kinds of foods, kinds of personalities, and so on. In

fact, once the Initial step Is made, the number of possible questions
about the system of cultural knowledge seems almost endless. And once
we know this system, the behavior of the Bhlls becomes meaningful to
us.

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 Chapter Thirty-six

THEMES AS DYNAMIC FORCES IN CULTURE

by Morris Edward Opler

INTRODUCTION

In every culture are found a limited number of dynamic

affirmations, called themes , which control behavior or stimulate
activity. The activities, prohibitions of activities, or references
which result from the acceptance of a theme are Its expressions. Such
expressions may be formalized or unformalized, limiting factors, often
the existence of other opposed or circumscribing themes and their
extensions, control the number, force, and variety of a theme's
expressions. The interplay of theme and counter theme is thi key to the
equilibrium achieved in a culture, and structure in culture is
essentially their interrelation and balance.

A study of any society, nonliterate or “modern," ordinarily divides

into familiar categories, such as political organization, economy,
social life, religion, art, etc. Yet, In spite of the universality of
human needs which this suggests and the historical connections between
peoples of which we are aware, each culture, in specific respects and
in its totality. Is different from every other, both in content and In
organization.

from Opler 1945:198206

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(

We have, of course, ways of referring to the uniqueness of the

individual culture. We speak of the "flavor," the "feel," the
"spirit," or the "genius" of a particular way of life. We may ascribe
Its peculiar characteristics to the "pattern" into which Its elements
have fallen or to a "configuration" into which the behavior and
thinking of its carriers fit. But this expressive vocabulary, though
it has been useful and even at times Illuminating, implies more than it
actually reveals. To borrow terms and concepts from art, psychology,
and philosophy may add flexibility and sparkle to the social
scientist's descriptive offerings, but it has its limitations for
serious analytical work.

Before the entrance of the United States into World War II, I
began, with the help of two graduate students, to apply to a body of
data a viewpoint, method, and vocabulary which had evolved out of my
field-work experiences and my contracts with social scientists and
their writings. War has Interrupted the work, but It may be tliiiely In
spite of its incompleteness to present briefly some of the concepts and
definitions involved.

It is the thesis of this paper that a limited number of dynamic

affirmations, which I shall call themes, can be identified in every
culture and that the key to the character, structure, and direction of
the specific culture is to be sought In the nature, expression, and
interrelationship of these themes. So that the principal examples
cited can be easily followed, I shall take them from a single
volume--my Chlricahua Apache ethnology (The Apache Life Way, 1941).

The term "theme" Is used here In a technical sense to denote a_

, postulate or posltlon declared or Implied, and usually control 1 1 ng~
behavior or stimulating activity, which Is tacitly approved or openly
J promoted in a society.

The nature of a theme may be illustrated by a concept that Is far

from being exclusive to Chiricahua Apache society, namely, that men are
physically, mentally, and morally superior to women. Hints that this
is, Indeed, a theme of the culture are found in more than one aspect of
Chiricahua thought and behavior. Even, predictions concerning an unborn
child are guided by this theme, for. If a fetus "has lots of life," It
is assumed that the child will be a boy. The value given to prenatal
movement derives from the fact that, In this society, success depends
largely on activity and participation. There are many other clues.
Chiricahua women are charged with being more excitable and unstable
than men and more likely to say or to do things that cause domestic or
Interfamily strife. They also are credited with less will-power than
men and are said to be more easily "tempted," In regard both to sorcery
and to irregular sexual conduct. It must be remembered that this Is
 (

578

not the judgment of the men only but an appraisal which the Chiricahua
women accept and help to perpetuate.

There are constant reminders of the same theme in political life

and in social forms. The tribal leaders are all men, and all posts of
importance are formally assumed, by men. In council It is ordinarily
the oldest active male who speaks for the extended family. In social
etiquette the same deference to men is evident. Men must be allowed to
precede women along paths. At feasts a special place is arranged for
the men; the women eat wherever they find a place. If guests are
present, the male guests are served first and the women of the
entertaining household last of all.

In ceremonial life, too, women suffer some restrictions. For

instance, they may not use the sweat lodge or impersonate important
supernaturals called "mountain spirits." A menstruating woman Is
particularly dangerous. Her condition may endanger the health of men
with whom she comes In contact at this time and may even "spoil" good
male horses.. While the thoughtless act of individual men can bring
misfortune, males are not contaminating because of sex-linked natural
functions.

Even recreation Is not free from the Influence of this theme.

Thus, women are not expected to sing social dance songs, and the
grounds of the hoop-and-pole game, where men gather daily, are strictly
forbidden to women under the supernatural sanction of blindness. Women
have no comparable sanctuary.

All these translations of a theme Into conduct or belief I call its

a term by which Is designated the activities, prohibition
of activities, or references which result from the acceptance or
affirmation of a theme in a society. The expressions of a theme, of
course, aid us in discovering it.

Expressions of a theme are not all o f one piece. The quest for
"long life" is an important Chir icaTíüa A p a c h e concern and theme.
During the girl's puberty rite, in keeping with this theme, the
adolescent always walks through a "life-trail" of pollen footprints.
There is no room for latitude or judgment in regard to the time of
occurrence or the manner of performance of this act. At puberty every
girl must pass through this rite, and this element is deemed essential
to the completion of the ceremony. Its omission could not be ration­
alized in terms of the personalities involved or modified by special
circumstances. Such a conventionalized and ordered response I name a
formalized expression of a theme. This term refers to activities,
prohibitions of activity, or references which have become fixed In time
or place and to which everyone to whom ttiey apply must respond without
significant variation.
 579

In contrast to this type of expression stands the variety which has

the force of a inore general guide to conduct rather than that of an
undevlatlng rule. The Chlrlcahua woman, for example. Is expected to be
retiring and deferential in the presence of men and to allow them to
make the first friendly overtures In speech or action. But what Is
considered becomingly modest In a woman is likely to depend on the ages
of the persons involved, on whether the man and woman or their families
are well acquainted, on the distance separating the two families, and
on a number of other Intrusive factors. The actual expression of the
theme, consequently, becomes a function of a web of elements and
therefore cannot be agreed on In advance. What Is really expected of
the woman is that she meet any novel or unexpected situation In which
men are Involved In the spirit of the theme. As far as specific
behavior Is concerned, she Is allowed various solutions compatible with
a socially accepted standard of conduct. Such fulfilments of a theme,
which test the resourcefulness. Ingenuity, and originality of those who
devise them, I term unformalized expressions. These are the expres­
sions of a theme whose precise character, tíme, or place are not
carefully defined by the culture.

Expressions of a theme can be analyzed from still another

direction. When the man always precedes the woman In walking or In
eating, It Is not difficult to establish the concept of super-ordlna-
tlon-subordlnatIon which Is Involved. Expressions such as these, which
are so directly and obviously related to the theme, may be considered
Of!ffiry_express!ons. It may require more Inquiry and more familiarity
with the culture than Is necessary for the recognition of primary
themes to discover that excessive movement of a fetus during gestation
is interpreted to mean that a male child Is about to be born. Here the
movement or activity stands for the male principle. Such substitutive
realizations of a theme we may call symbolic expressions. These may be
defined as substances, gestures. Ideas, or figures of speech not
necessarily logically related to themes but which have become
recognized vehicles for their representation. Symbolic expressions may
also be formalized or unformalized and may be of a material or a
nonmaterial nature. Thus the "trail of pollen" of the girl's puberty
rite is a formalized, symbolic, nonmaterial expression of the theme of
the Importance of long life.

As this suggests, the terms "formalized," "unformalized,"

"primary," "symbolic," "material," and "nonmaterial" are co-ordinate
concepts. Thus a formalized expression can also be primary and
material, symbolic and nonmaterial, symbolic and material, primary and
nonmaterial, etc. There Is no rank order Involved; none of these
concepts takes precedence over any other, as far as I can see. If
there Is any particular correlation or tendency to nexus. It Is, for
obvious reasons, between symbolic and nonmaterial expressions.

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 580

But to Identify a theme Is not to evaluate it. How Is the

Importance of a theme to the culture to be measured and Its place in
comparison with other themes -to be gauged?

One approach to this problein--the simplest and crudest because It

avoids qualitative consIderatIons— Is to count the number of
expressions of a theme. In general, a theme which Is expressed many
times In a culture, especially In a variety of contexts, is likely to
be more fundamental and to exert more Influence than one which Is
expressed Infrequently. In fact, to be considered a valid theme In the
sense in which the term has been defined here, an interest must be
expressed quite a few times in the cultural round. In the study of
Jicarilla Apache culture, for example, I have been interested in a
theme which I tentatively call "the affirmation of the family qhaln of
responsibility___ " The expressions of this theme are many and varied
In JicariI la society___ .

Even the task of determining the number of expressions of a theme

which pervade a culture may not be as easy as It at first seems,
formalized expressions, because of the regularity or Inevitability of
their appearance, are relatively simple to note--- But for the
Identification of unformalized expressions of a theme, close observa­
tion, accounts of personal experiences, and autobiographical materials
must be utilized in addition. Also It requires a better acquaintance
with the culture to interpret symbolic expressions correctly'than it
does to recognize the derivation of the more explicit primary expres­
sions. Moreover, nonmaterial expressions are generally more elusive
than material evidences of a theme.

Another rough indication of the Importance of a theme is the degree

to which a group shows concern when Its terms are violated. Ihe
Intensity of the reaction and the cliaracter of the sanctions invoked
are significant clues.

In assessing the position of a theme Is a given culture, It Is also

well to determine in how many facets of the total system of Ideas and
practices It appears. The theme of male dominance Is not by any means
the most striking or important affirmation of its kind In Chlrlcahua
culture. Yet It Is represented In more than one branch of tribal
thought and endeavor___

But more Important than anything else in judging the place of a

theme In the cultural whole is the recognition of the restraints which
exist to Its extreme and unimpeded expression. These are the limiting
factors, the circumstances (often the existence of other opposed or
circumscribing themes and their extensions) which control the number,
force, and variety of a theme's expressions. Unless I am mistaken, the
concept of limiting factors Is the key to the understanding of the

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 I

581

Integration or equjjIbrIurn tliat is achieved or approximated In the

structure of most cultures.

The pertinence of these guides to the evaluation of a theme can

best be Illustrated by applying them. Is*the doctrine of male
superiority a dominant and overshadowing tenet of Chlrlcahua society?
Is the Chiricahua woman a virtual slave to man in this culture and may
man play the bully with Impunity? In terms of the criteria which have
been introduced, I believe it can be established that the superiority
attributed to men Is comparatively slight, that the disabilities of
women are minor, and that women are relatively well treated and
protected In this setting.

In the first place, there actually are not a very large number of
expressions of the theme of male dominance and female Inferiority. I
have mentioned all of them that I can find or that I can recall.
Moreover, those expressions of the theme that do exist are not too
Important In context. Women may not use the sweat lodge, but the sweat
lodge Is not a particularly vital element of Chlrlcahua ceremonialism.
Again, a woman may not Impersonate the mountain spirits, that Is. she
may not act as a masked dancer. Yet she may seek and obtain super­
natural power on a plane of equality with men and accordingly may
become a powerful shaman--somethlng much more fundamental to the ritual
life.

Fprther, the sanctions against violating the spirit or the letter

of this theme are not very drastic. If a woman walks too near the
grounds of the hoop-and-pole game, the men stop their play and stand
with poles erect until she Is out of sight. Her punishment, if she. has
watched the game, Is left to the supernaturals. A woman who Is brash
in her contacts with men or who usurps her husband’s place In council
or In dealings with her neighbors Invites ridicule and perhaps a
certain amount of ostracism. But nothing more severe is done to her.
In short, Chlrlcahua women do labor under some handicaps and
disqualifications, but these are not too serious or overrestrlctlve.

When we examine the limiting factors which prevent the theme of

male dominance from becoming too powerful, the structural reasons for
the mildness of the expressions of the theme become apparent.

To begin with, residence after marriage among the Chlrlcahua Is

matrilocal. The husband comes to live at the encampment of his bride's
family. Obviously, he cannot abuse his wife without inviting
retaliation from affinal kin to whom he owes obedience and deference.
The Chlrlcahua woman remains with or near her closest relatives all her
life. She Is protected by them before marriage, she stays among them
after marriage, and If she should be widowed or If her marriage should
end In divorce, they continue to offer her a haven.
 582

Also, because men leave the paternal encampment at marriage while

girls attract strong sons-in-law to provide for the older relatives,
girls are quite as welcome.as boys in the Chlrlcahua household. There
Is no tendency to female infanticide. The girl's puberty rite, which
marks a girl's approach to marriageable age, Is an occasion of public
rejoicing. Tribesmen come from all over the surrounding region to
congratulate the family on having reared their daughter to matur­
ity....

Hlthout multiplying examples, it Is not difficult to see that the

theme of male superiority and female subordination could never become a
pre-eminent note of Chlrlcahua culture unless decided shifts occurred
in other aspects of the culture as well. It is apparent that the
Chlrlcahua conception of the place of women and of the proper behavior
of women In relation to men crosses other themes and expressions of
themes, and these act as limiting factors and moderating influences.

Such a view of the Interplay of theme and countertheme has

Important Implications for social theory. It Is probable that much of
what we have loosely called "structure" In culture Is essentially the
Interrelation and balance of themes. Also this analysis of the nature
of themes offers a clue to the unformulated but real dissatisfaction of
social scientists with writers who present extreme aspects of "exotic"
cultures as typical, and who arrive at a caricature of a culture
because they overemphasize unusual themes and pay far too little
attention to the limiting factors which provide equilibrium.

Moreover, the approach points to the essential weakness In the

theoretical views of social anthropologists and sociologists who limit
inquiry into the nature of the structure of culture to the study of the
realm of social organization. Even from the few examples given ábove
It should be clear that themes Important to the structure and ordering
of a society are not delimited by kinship or Its extensions. Familial
structure is not more Important by definition than, ;ay, religious
structure, and both of these respond to the more comprehensive system
of themes. Structure Is not something to be abstracted from one aspect
of a culture. Rather it Is the organization of fundamental Ideas and
their derivatives revealed by empirical study of actual behavior.

In order to Illustrate how the expressions of a theme are

distributed throughout the various fields of interest and how the
limiting factors operate. It may be well to examine a theme of
Chlrlcahua Apache culture which can be summed up in these words: "Long
life and old age are Important goals."

The desire for long life Is common to much of humanity, of course,

and not Infrequently we of Western culture offer a toast to a friend's
longevity and health. For the Apache, however, long life Is not a
vague desideratum but a condition to be achieved by the incessant
 583

manipulation'of supernatural power and the unflagging efforts of men.

It Is an end-product of constant strivings, punctuated by a number of
definite steps.

The process begins as soon as the Chirlcahua child Is born.

Shortly after delivery, the umbilical cord and the afterbirth are
placed In a young tree, so that the life and growth of the child may
parallel that of a natural object which ordinarily reaches a great
age. Later, when the child wears his first moccasins, he Is led
througli four footprints outlined In pollen, a symbol of the path of
long life. Not long afterward a spring halr-cuttlng ceremony Is
performed for the child, a rite that Is In large part a prayer for his
continued health and longevity. Parents are especially pleased when an
old person whom they have befriended blesses their child, for the
youngster Is then likely to live, to the age of the one who voices the
blessing. Also. It Is fortunate to have an old person conduct a
ceremony over a child; the child Is then likely to attain a like age.

The girl's puberty rite serves as a focus for many expressions of

the theme. If a girl does not undergo a puberty rite, she Is doomed to
• a short life. At one point In the rite, the girl's body Is rubbed and
massaged in order "to straighten out her life and make It long." To be
assured of old age, she walks through a trail of pollen footprints and
runs to the east along a symbolic trail of long life. The fire poker
used by the ceremonial 1st during the rite Is termed the "age stick" and
represents the cane on which the girl will lean when she has attained
old age. Allusion Is made to the "age stick" In many of the songs.

There are other Indications of the quest for old age. A first
cigarette Is rolled for a youth by an old person, so that the smokér
may reach the age of the one who has acted for him. One of the central
anxieties of the Apache Is that witches and ghosts are trying to
shorten their lives. Existence Is conceived of as a struggle for long
life, with good men and beaeflc nt supernatural power on one side and
witches, ghosts, and evil power on the other. So frequent are
references to old age and long life that mere children respond to the
theme as an Ideal and a goal: I have a record of a child of eight who
dreamed that the supernaturals had promised him long life!

Quite naturally, the great Importance attributed to old age as such

has resulted In deference to those who have attained It. An old person
Is respectfully permitted to open conversations and to take the
Initiative in greetings. The older person always takes the lead in
embracing, the Apache form of greeting at a time of great emotional
stress or when returning after a long absence.

It may appear to some that such intense concern for long life and
old age must result In a gerontocracy. We may well ask whether those
who survive to old age are unchecked In their control of Chirlcahua

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 584

society. They are not. Again there are limiting factors which offset
and moderate the workings of this particular theme.

One theme which checks any tendency to the predominant influence of

the aged Is one which I call "validation by participation." Chirlcahua
society Is particularly congenial to activists. Wisdom and sagacity
are valued, but they are subordinate to and must be linked with
performance. A leader Is one who actually commands in warfare or on
raiding or hunting expeditions--- But when a leader can no longer
keep pace with the strenuous young men, his years and his knowledge do
not prevent his retirement.

It is much the same In matters of ceremonial. The relationship

between the shaman and the supernatural power through which he works Is
an extremely close and persona) one. The shaman draws the power’ s
attention to the rite and to the patient's plight by prayer and song
and then pleads with his power for help--- Age Qften blurs this
control and dissolves the relationship. "The older you get," an
informant has told me, "the weaker you become with your ceremony."
Thus, despite the theoretical prerogatives of age, the Inability of a
very old person to enter Into ceremonial life with the former gusto may
result In his gradual withdrawal from ritual life.

The theme that affirms the existence of sorcerers capable of

causing trouble, sickness, and death also operates against unqualified
approbation for the aged. If all goes moderately well with the affairs
of an elderly person and those associated with him, there will be no
tendency to suspect him of sorcery. But if an Individual lives on to a
great age while young and seemingly healthy individuals inexplicably
become III and die around him, It may be rumored that this occurs
because, when his turn to die approaches, he bargains with evil power
and "sacrifices" a younger victim In his stead...

I do not wish to give the impression that I consider a culture

always to be in a perfect state of equilibrium as a result of the
balancing of themes and that I do not take cognizance of the
predominant role that any one theme may occasionally play.... ¡here
are periods when the system of equilibrium Is in flux. There are times
when a theme, because of changes which weaken or remove the ordinary
limiting factors, becomes abnormally influential, lhese conditions can
be Illustrated by reference to a single Chirlcahua theme.

Even before the historical period, one of the most poorly adjusted
areas in the structure of Chirlcahua culture was that which dealt with
sorcery. Around this concept were organized some of the most serious
tensions and anxieties of the culture. A Chirlcahua usually relied
upon his kin to defend hI in against injustice. But witchcraft was so
horrible a subject that no one. It was said, would prefer accusations
of witchcraft unless he were “ sure." And. since witches were reputed

f
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to make a specialty of victimizing their own relatives, the kin of the

accused had reason to treat the charges with some respect. Then, too,
witches were usually Identified In ceremonies by shamans. To refuse to
heed the message was to fly In the face of religion. Moreover, to
defend a witch was most unprofitable and dangerous, for. on the theory
that witches defend one another. It placed the advocate under suspicion
for the same offense. As a result of all this, the principal barrier
to the unhealthy growth of the witchcraft theme was a sense of
proportion and a general state of good will among the Chirlcahua
themselves. As long as reverses were overbalanced by successes and a
sense of security prevailed, morbid preoccupation with Ideas of
witchcraft did not menace the welfare of the tribe.

With the coming of the white man and the beginning of the Indian
wars, the situation changed drastically. The tribe was plunged Into a
series of conflicts and suffered an enormous number of casualties. The
tribal territories were lost. During this period the group was
decimated by epidemics. Because of the frustrations, the
uncertainties, and the pressures, factionalism flourished. In keeping
with the religious pattern, shamans sought explanations for the
misfortunes and found them in the usual revelations concerning the
activities of sorcerers. Charges and countercharges Increased.
Murders, executions, and retaliations were common, and deuds raged.
The furor over witchcraft threatened for a time to complete what the
white man's weapons and diseases had begun.

Thus a study of the themes In culture can often illuminate the

history of the cultural synamic. It can also offer clues to the
direction of the cultural dynamic and to problems of acculturation..
Another comparison between Chirlcahua Apache and Jicarllla Apache
practices will perhaps make this.clear.

According to the major religious theme In Chirlcahua culture, the

universe Is pervaded by Supernatural power accessible to any man or
woman who earnestly wishes to become a shaman and "to know something to
live by." On the other hand, the Jicarllla Apache in their religious
thinking emphasize traditional or "long-life" ceremonies. These are
not the result of an individual power quest but were supposedly taught
by the supernaturals in the early days of mankind. Consequently, they
should be continued without change or personal interpretation by
successive generations of practitioners who learn them by rote.

The shamanistic Chirlcahua religious round, because It rests on

personal experiences. Is flexible and adaptive. Christianity can be
accepted, for Instance, as simply another "power," with Jesus as Its
source. As a result of the adjustments and rationalizations which Its
themal form has permitted It to take, Chirlcahua ritual life has
retained Its vitality to a remarkable degree....
 (

586

This paper represents a very short excursion into the vast domain
of structural analysis and cultural dynamics. It is meant to be
suggestive rather than exhaustive and provocative rather than
definitive. Yet it does seek to explore concepts in which the social
scientist Is becoming increasingly interested.
 Chapter Thirty-seven

CLASSIFICATION
(Part 2)

by Michael G. Cole, J. Gay, J. A. Gllck, and D. H. Sharp

This chapter of the Reader Is the second part of Chapter

Six which deals with classification. The Introduction to the
first part of this essay will serve to Introduce this part as
well. The second part, however, focuses on the "how-to" of
classification. It Is also well Illustrated, making It a very
useful reference.

Note: the opening sentence refers to a sen chart which

Is explained In th^ previous section of the essay as a
classification of Kpelle nouns.

SFNIFNCF SUBSTITUTION

As a first step toward assessing the sen chart’s representation of

the structure of Kpelle noun classes, we chose a technique designed to
minimize the Inquirer's Influence on the Informant. Using class names
selected from the sen chart, Informants were asked to make up sentences
employing each of tírese words. Then he was asked which of the words
could sensibly be used In which sentences. The resulting data matrix
reflecting the degree to which words could be used Interchangeably In
different sentences, was analyzed, using a technique developed by
Stefflre (1963), In which the set of words was rearranged so that those

From Cole (et. al.) 1971:65-71

(
 588

that substituted In a similar manner Into the various sentences are

placed near each other. Our concern was to determine If words
classified together on the ¿en-chart would appear as groups according
to this sentence-substitution method. In general, classes defined by
the sen chart appeared again In the results of this study.

The sentence-substitution method...arrives at Its classes by

determining the similarity In the way nouns are used in Kpelle
sentences and that no substantive restrictions were places on the kinds
of sentences that people used---

Several studies were undertaken to explore the relation between the

class structure depicted In the sen chart and the class structure
produced by the sentence-substitution method. Subjects for these
studies were traditional Kpelle adults between the ages of eighteen and
fifty years. Whenever possible, a sentence-substitution matrix for a
given subject was elicited In a single session. However, If the
Informant showed signs of fatigue, the work was completed on the
following day. Each study Included data from five to ten informants,
questioned Individually. Each Informant within a given study was
presented with the same set of words, although the order of presenta­
tion was generally varied from one Informant to the next. Informants
made up their own sentences, except that completely general sentence
frames <of the type, “I saw a _______**) were discouraged If they
occurred with great frequency. After the data had been collected from
a group of Informants, the 'Indlvludal data matrices were coded on
data-processlng cards, summed over subjects, and subjected to analysis.

the first study using this technique...employed thirty-five terms

from all parts of the sen chart. Its major features can be summarI zed
as follows: The major split between town and forest things and most of
the classes at the next level of specificity are approximately
maintained. However, ambiguities masked by, but present within, the
orderly presentation of the sen chart appear, for e ample, working
things does not appear as a unitary category; Its ambiguous status In
tiie chart is reflected by Its tendency to divide Into clumps that
attach to other classes on the chart. Cooking things and town animal^
appear In a group next to foods. reflecting what seem to be naturai
relations that are suppressed in the search for order in the dichotomy
between town and forest In the chart, likewise, structures appears
together with clothing, tools, and sleepjng things, all of which are
kept In the houses that compose the village.

Additional elicitations following the same procedure were

subsequently made to evaluate relations within the two major groups,
town and forest. In one case the terms were all town things, and In a '•
second the terms were all forest things. In these studies the terms
used included names of minimal species as well as general class names.
In all these cases we observed ordering of the stimulus terms that was

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589

generally consistent with the ordering In the sen chart but often
sen-chart distinctions failed to be reflected, and occasional large
discrepancies were encountered.

FREE ASSOCIATION

In order to reduce the remaining ambiguity about class membership

and Interclass relations, one further kind of study was introduced, the
free-assoclatlon experiment. This technique for eliciting Information
about the structure of noun classes requires people to associate to
words or other stimuli. For example, a person can be asked, "what do
you think of when I say, 'cars'?" Properly analyzed, the free-associa-
tion technique can provide evidence on the extent to which the set of
stimuli (in our case, words from the sen chart) elicit each other and
other words as associations. The strength of association among a set
of stimuli, as well as class membership, can be evaluated, using both
common associates (cat and dog both elicit the associate hair) and
direct associations (cat and dog elicit each other) as Indicators of
the relationships among words (Deese, 1962)___ Once again the general
result was a replication of the content of classes contained in the sen
chart, although as was the case when the sentence-substitution method
was used, the pattern of relationships among classes was often
different, and In some cases class membership was different (for
example, snake is grouped with Items that fall in the class of
medicines rather than the class of animals).

DISCUSSION OF ALTERNATIVE VERBAL-ELICITING TECHNIQUES

Before considering a more detailed exploration of a limited domain

of nouns,...we would like to comment on the significance of the thfee
general studies of the Kpelle domain of sen. Each of the techniques we
used (formal elicitation, sentence substitution, and free association)
has certain virtues and certain drawbacks. At first glance the formal
Inquiry cai led out by-John Kell emu would appear to be the most direct
way to obtain Information about class membership, class Inclusion, and
class subordination. At the same time our Informants experienced some
difficulty In keeping classes discrete because class membership Is
determined by the attributes considered Important, and these central
attributes shifted from time to time. Agreement about class membership
once given the class name was not a problem, but Items often were
included In more than one class.

As the elicitation was made less constrained (using the sentence-

substitution and free-assoclatlon techniques), the ambiguities of class
relation were more clearly expressed and the resultant structural
description was less definite. The free-assoclatlon task even gave
rise to instances where the preferred responses to category names were
members of different categories. All in all, our impression Is one
 í (

of considerably more variability and ambiguity than customarily appear

In reports of linguistic elicitations of the type studied here.

To some extent the greater heterogeneity in our work with the sen
classes is the result of our own relatively informal approach to
elicitation and the overly ambitious attempt to describe the contents
and relations among such a large set of classes. In addition the kinds
of responses produced In each of the eliciting situations certainly
depends upon subtleties of the way in which the informants interpret
the alms of the elicltor. Considering all the possible sources of
variation among the tasks, we have been Impressed by the fact that the
major contrasts and most of the specific classes of the sen chart
repeatedly occurred In the different studies. However, the
-hierarchical relations among classes at lower levels of the chart
probably represent only one of several possible ways In which various
subclasses of sen can be related.

A DETAILED LOOK AT WORDS USED IN EXPERIMENTATION

Our experimental aims called for us to obtain two lists of twenty

Items each. Both lists had to consist of common nouns naming physical
Items that were small enough to be easily transported by our research
assistants. One set of items (the categorizable list) was to consist
of twenty words divisible Into four closely knit classes (we chose
foods, tools, clothing, and utensils), while Iterns on the second list
(hereafter referred to as the noncategorIzable list) should have only
minimal semantic connections with any other items on that list.
I
Our first objective was to obtain a set of common clusterable
Items. We hit upon the following Informal listing procedure to
generate the list. Our assistant walked around the local town
recording the answers of adult Informants to questions such as the
following: "If you were to go to the market, what kind of things could
you buy?" or- "What kinds of things can you buy In Ukatu's store?" We
assumed that objects named by a majority of the people questioned were
relatively common. From the most commonly named obje.cts, the list of
twenty terms presented In the left-hand column of Table 3-2 was
constructed. According to the sen chart, these twenty words fall Into
four separate semantic categories. Three of these are subheadings of
the general heading, household things (clothes, tools, and utensils),
while the fourth consists of five Instances from the general heading
food, two from the subheading root crops (onion and potato), and three
from‘ the subheading tree fruits (banana, orange, and coconut). In
terms of our desire to obtain clearly discrete "clusters," these
classes do not appear to be optimal since three of our classes are
subheadings of the general category, household things. But since we
needed not only classes that were discrete but a list of common,
familiar objects as well, our overall purpose seemed to have been
 591

fulfilled, although Judgment about class discreteness had to await

verification by verbal-el le Itat Ion studies.

Table 3-2
List of Items Used In kpelle Free
Association and Experimental Studies

CLUSTERABLE NONCLUSTERABLE
plate bottle
calabash nickle
pot chicken feather
pan box
cup battery
animal horn
potato stone
onion book
banana candle
orange cotton
coconut hard mat
rope
cutlass nail
hoe cigarette
knife stick
file grass
hammer pot
knife
trousers orange
singlet shirt
headtle
shirt
hat

A corresponding list of-noncategorlzable Itrtis was constructed In a

different and slightly more haphazard manner. Working with two
Informants, we constructed a list of sixteen Items that our Informants
claimed (I) were common objects known to everyone In kpelle culture;
(2 ) were small enough to be easily transported by our research
assistants; and (3) If compared with our clusterable list and with
each other, were judged to be dissimilar to the objects on the
clusterable list and would themselves be dissimilar.

The list of sixteen noncategorlzable Items obtained In this

Informal manner Is presented In the right-hand side of Table 3-2. For
experimental purposes we added four terms from the categorlzable list
to this list to complete the set of twenty Items.

1
 592

The Informa) manner In which these lists were constructed was

clearly not an adequate foundation for our experimental work. Not only
did Intuition play a large ro.le.ln their construction, but what little
evidence we had cast doubt on the cohesiveness of one class on the
categorlzable list. Consequently, the entire list of thirty-six Items
(the twenty categorlzable and sixteen non-categorlzable Items) was
subjected to the sentence substitution-analysis previously applied to
the sen chart as a whole. The rearranged ordering of words from this
analysis Is presented In Table 3-3.

At the left side of Table 3-3, from top to bottom, are listed the
thirty-six words In the order of their similarity to each other as
defined by the technique. This list Is separated at Intervals defined
by our a priori hypothesis that utensils, clothing, food, and tools
would tend to group together In the list. Inspection of the table
Indicates that such groupings. In fact occurred-, (here are three kinds
of evidence for this In Table 3-3. First, In the rearranged order
based on similarity scores (which reflect the extent to which two
stimulus words substitute In a like manner Into a variety of sentences)
all of the hypothesized categorlzable classes occurred In groups,
separated by Items from the noncategorlzable list. It should be
emphasized that these words were presented In different random orders
to each subject. Hence the reordering was d early not predetermined.
Second, the average similarity number (which can vary from zero to one)
for all the relations within a semantic group are consistently higher
than the corresponding numbers between groups or between noncategori-
zable words. Third, the similarity among the items from the noncate­
gorlzable list Is lower than among the categorlzable Items. These
average similarity numbers are listed beneath the class name In the
case of wlthin-class scores, and between hypothetical classes in the
case of between-class scores. He should note that Table 3-3 reflects
only the relative degree of "categorIzabl 1 1 ty." The absolute size of
the similarity score Is affected by several factors. An Important
determinant of the overall level of similarity is the generality of the
sentence frame used. This Is why we emphasize the relative nature of
"categorlzabi11ty.“ The results contained In Table 3-3 suggest that we
have Indeed hit upon two lists, one of which consists of relatively
cohesive, distinct classes, while the'other does not.

FRFE ASSOCIATION AND THE EXPERIMENTAL TERM S: THE KPELLE

One further study of the properties of the classes, tools,

utensils, food, and clothing was undertaken, this time using free
association as the eliciting device. The results are discussed here

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593

TABLE 3 3
Rearranged Experimental Terms

ITEM SUBMEAOINO HEAD ING

calabash
bo l i la
pot utensils h o u s e h o ld
pan £14
Cup
plaio

.7 7 3
box
anim al h o rn .7 9 7
b ook

.7 5 6
trousers
singlet
h o u s e h o ld clothes h o u s e h o ld
shirt
.817
h esd tie
hat
.693
c o tto n
ro p e .7 0 2
slick
grass
.6 8 9
on io n
ro o t cro p s fo o d
p o ta to
£93 .821
b anana
tree fru it
orange
£30
co c o n u t

.684
c ig a rette .7 6 6
nail

.7 1 2
file
ham m er
tools
hoe h o u seh o ld
.810
knife
cu tlass

.6 5 6
h ard m at
candle
sto n e
b a tte r y .6 7 9
ch ic k en fe ath er
nickle
 (

594

because up to now we have presented no data for Kpelle groups other

than traditional adults and no data employing similar materials with
American subjects.

In working with young subjects neither the formal eliciting

procedure employed by Kellemu nor the sentence-substitution technique
are easy to use. They both require periods of data collection
considerably longer and more arduous than children are likely to cope
with. The free-assoclatlon technique, on the other hand. Is quickly
and easily administered. With proper analysis free-assoclation data
can yield information about category grouping that Is comparable to the
information yielded by the sentence-substitution technique.

Based on these considerations, free associations to the experi­

mental words were studied in samples of subjects drawn from each of the
following three kpelle groups: ( 1 ) eighteen-.to twenty-year- old
students enrolled in the ninth to eleventh grades; (2 ) eighteen- -to
twenty-year-old nonliterate adults, who spoke little If any English;
(3) ten- to fourteen-year-old children enrolled in the second to fourth
grades. Each group was presented a list Of twenty-four words one at a
time (the twenty clusterable terms detailed above, and the four
appropriate category names— food, tools. clothing, and utens11s.) The
lists were presented in a random order, and each subject was required
to give at least four responses to each stimulus word If possible. All
responses were tape-recorded for later transcription; then the data
were analyzed___ Because the results for the three groups were quite
similar, with an average correlation between group performance of .89,
we present only the data for the group most similar in age and
educational level to the American groups to be described, the ten- to
fourteen-year-old school children (Table 3-4).

TABLE 3-4
Kpelle Free-Assoclation Overlap Scores
for Twenty Experlmt ital Words______

FOOD CLOTHING TOOLS UTENSILS

Food .468 .0 1 0 .016 .0 1 0

Clothing XXX .268 .020 .033
Tools XXX XXX .620 .182
Utens i1s XXX XXX XXX .731

Note: Entries on the diagonal represent within-class overlap

scores, while entries above diagonal represent between-class overlap
scores.

The data In Table 3-4 indicate the degree of similarity in the

assoclational responses to stimuli within a given category and between
 595

categories. The actual numbers.are average “ overlap" scores reflecting

the extent to which the various stimulus words elicit common responses

As can he seen from Table 3-4, the four categories from the
dusterable list emerge as readily recognizable groups; the average
similarity (overlap) among scores within each of these groups Is
considerably higher than the overlap between groups. Tools and
utensils produce quite high similarity scores and appear to be
relatively tight, compact clusters, while food and clothing appear to
represent somewhat looser groupings. In addition, a relatively high
Interrelation appears to exist between tools and utensUs when they are
compared with each other, while there Is virtually no Interrelation
between any other of the possible pairs of classes.

A convenient graphic method for representing the way In which these

Items group themselves according to their overlap scores Is presented
In Figure 3-1. Using a technique Introduced by S. C. Johnson (1967).
Figure 3-1 represents the hierarchical grouping of the twenty four
words according to their similarity scores. The greater the similarity
between Items, the closer to the right-hand side of the figure Is the
point where they are connected by a line. The numbers at the top of
the figure represent the degree of overlap represented by Items that
Intersect at that point. Both the distinct nature of the groups and
the way In which tools and utensils come together to form a higher-
order class are represented In the graph; each Individual class
clusters prior to the point where any Items between classes meet, and
the tool and utensil classes meet at a relatively high level of overlap.

FREE ASSOCIATION AND THE EXPERIMENTAL TERMS: THE AHERICANS

Since much of the experimental work to be reported later Involved

American comparison groups, we felt It necessary to study American free
associations to these classes. In conjunction with this phase of our
work, we studied three groups of American schoolchildren (grades one
and two, three and four, five and six) from the Newport-Costa Mesa,
California school system.

Each subject was seated in front of the experimenter and given the
following instructions:

______________ (child's name), I am going to say several words. Each

time I say a word I would like you to tell me the words that come into
your mind. Eor instance, If I say "cat," you could say “ dog," or
"mouse”or "fur" or anything else you think of. Do you understand?

The stimuli used In the American studies are listed In the left-
hand column of Table 3-5 and appear comparable to those used In the
African studies both In the nature and the membership of the classes.

( (
 FIGURE 3-1

Results of Johnson Hierarchical-Clustering Program Applied to

Free-Assodatlons of Clusterable Stimuli; Kpelle Subjects

0.10 0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50 0.60 0.70 0.B0 0.90

Coconut
Orange
Banana
Onion
Potato
Food

Hat
lleadt le
Trousers
Shirt
Singlet
Clothing

Hoe
Cutlass
Hammer
File
Knife
Tools

Calabash
Pot
Plate
Cup
Pan
Utensl Is
 FIGURE 3-5

List of Words Used In American

Free-Assoclatlon and
Experimental Studies

CLUSTERABLE ITEMS NONCLUSTERABLE ITEMS

glass candle
pot book
pan pot
cup bottle
plate cotton
cigarette
hammer box
knife feather
ax stone
saw mat
file battery
nlckle
banana knife
orange shirt
lemon stick
potato nal 1
onion orange
rope
sox horn
shoes glass
shirt
hat
pants

Note: All are high frequency I terns from the Thorndike-

Lorge (1943) tables.

But such "face validity" Is less compelling than hard evidence that the
stimuli are behaved toward in similar ways by the two cultural groups.
Children were read the stimulus words one at a time and were asked to
give at least four responses to each. The responses were recorded In
order on separate data sheets and analyzed In the same way as the
Kpelle free-association data.

Results of the hierarchical grouping analysis are presented for the

combined age groups in Figure 3-2 and the average similarity scores are
presented in Table 3-6. The results presented In Figure 3-2 and Table
3-6 resemble those for the kpelle subjects as reported In Figure 3-1
 ( (

598

and Table 3-5 above. All four categories emerge as readily

Identifiable units with relatively high withln-dass overlap scores. As
shown In Table 3-6 between-class similarity scores are generally low.
However, all the Intergroup scores are not equal, and there appears to
be some relation between foods, utenslIs . and tools, unlike the Kpelle
data. This Interrelation between categories Is reflected not only In
the average similarity numbers of Table 3-6, but also In the order in
which the categories join In the tree diagram of figure 3-2 (first
tools joins utensils, shortly after, that pair of classes is joined by
the food Items.)

FIGURE 3-2
Johnson Hierarchical Output for All Three American Groups Combined
for Word Stimuli

0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50 0.60 0.70 0.80 0.90

Hat
Sox
Shoes
Pants
Shirt

Pot
Pan
Cup
Glass
Plate

Saw
Ax
File
Knife
Hammer

Potato
Lemon
Onion
Banana
Orange
 599

TABLE 3-6

American Free-Assoctatlon Overlap Scores

for Experimental Words

FOOD CLOTHING TOOLS UTENSILS

Food .547 .014 .048 .104

Clothing XXX .626 .021 .025
Tools XXX .466 .1 0 0
UtenslIs XXX .394

KPELLE AND AMERICAN FREE -ASSOCIATION DATA COMPARED

Perhaps the major generalization to emerge from a comparison of the

group performances Is one of cross-cultural similarity: In both cases
the four basic categories which we have labeled tools . cJotMng, food,
and utensjjs emerge. However,.the similarity Is not an Identity
because the relation among categories seems to differ: tools and
utensils form a higher-order grouping for the Kpelle, while foods joins
tools and utensils In the American data.

Other aspects of the free-assoclatlon data also Indicate that there

may be important differences In the associations evoked by the stimuli,
which are not reflected in general measures of similarity. With the
exception of the category clothing, overlap scores are higher among the
Kpelle. The greater average similarity among responses evoked by these
stimuli among the Kpelle arises from several rftore specific characteris­
tics of the associated responses. For one thing there is better
agreement (more stereotypy) among Kpelle subjects In the particular
words that they choose as associates; the first four most common
responses to each word constitute 55 percent of the Kpelle data but 44
percent of the American da-ta-. Another Indication of higher stereotopy
In the Kpelle responses was that 89 percent of their responses fell
within the same semantic class. The American subjects, on the other
hand, generally gave fewer responses within the same semantic classes,
and there was a clear difference between the children In grades one to
four and grades five to six In this regard (no major differences among
Kpelle groups were detected). The younger American subjects gave
wlthln-class responses about 73 percent of the time, while the fiftli to
sixth graders did so only 35 percent of the time.

On the basis of verbal-classification data presented thus far. It

would not be profitable to speculate on the significance of the

( (
 600

second-order differences In response patterns. He will return to these

data, however, after we have studied how the various groups respond In
other classification situations/

for the moment several conclusions' are suggested by our examination

of the materials to be used In experiments. First, the categories of
tools, utensils, food, and clothing emerge In both the Kpelle responses
are much less variable, tending strongly to be "other examples" of the
class to which the stimulus word belongs. The American responses show
greater variability both In the particular words chosen and semantic
class to which they belong. Finally, the three Kpelle groups yield
very similar assodatlonal patterns, while there is an increase In
response variability with Increasing grade (age) among the American
subjects.

Looking ahead to experimental studies using these stimuli in

learning problems, we can be confident that we are dealing with
categories that are recognized and used by both cultural groups.
However, the secondary differences In the way the Iterns are grouped
Into categories may present problems of Interpretation.

Nonverbal Measures of Classification

He have thus far discussed techniques for discerning categories

implicit In the organization of verbal responses. He found that each
eliciting technique revealed a generally orderly set of categories, yet
with sub-areas of ambiguity and cross-classification. He now consider
tbe relation between semantic classes as elicited by verbal techniques
and classes manifested In nonverbal behavior involving sorting of the
objects themselves. Does semantic organization as measured verbally
describe the actual manipulation of the objects?

llhen we consider the question of the relation between linguistic

categories and nonverbal behavior, we are moving inte an area of great
current Interest for the study of the relation between language and
thought. For example, J. B. Carroll and J. B. Casagrande's (1958)
studies... Involved sorting objects that are categorized differently In
Hop I and English; Greenfield (Bruner, Olver, and Greenfield, 1966) used
a sorting task with Holof children In order to assess the role of
linguistic and educational factors on classification behaviors.

Our emphasis In the chapter differs from that of the authors

cited. He know, on the basis of our linguistic elicitations, that
certain stable semantic classes exist In the Kpelle language and are
expressed In various verbal contexts. He wish to determine the ways In
which these categories control the nonverbal behavior of our subjects.

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601

Sorting. Our first study In which we asked subjects to classify

objects was conducted before we had settled on a set of coherently,
semantically classified Items. In order to test subject's responses to
the request to classify objects and to work out Instructions, we
gathered together a set of Items that were potentially classifiable In
a variety of ways— according to function, semantic class, length, size,
color, and so forth. These objects were laid out on the floor In front
of the subject, who was asked to sort them Into piles that made sense
to him.

The dominant mode of classification In this pilot work was what we

have called "functional entailment." A pair of objects was selected so
that the first went with, or operated on, the second. For example, a
potato and a knife were put together because "you take the knife and
cut the potato." Very rarely was a large group formed, and we
virtually never had a classification Justified in terms of the way
things look or their common membership In a taxonomic category. This
work Is discussed In J. Glick (1968).

When we had settled on the set of clusterable items listed In Table

3-2, we used them to pursue the question: what control does category
membership exert over the classification of objects? Two features of
this work differed from our pilot studies. First, the entire set of
objects could be classified according to membership in a semantic
category (in our pilot studies, no single criterion of classification
could exhause the list). Second, we constrained the number of classes
that the subject could make.

The task of sorting these twenty objects was given to three groups
of Kpelle subjects: ten- to fourteen-year-old schoolchildren in grades
two to five, ten- to fourteén-year-old children who had never attended
school, and nonlIterate Kpelle-speaklng adults aged eighteen to fifty
years.

When the subject entered the room where the experiment was
conducted, he saw the twenty experimental Iterns arranged on a table
before him in a manner that was intended to be haphazard. In addition
there were chairs (two for half the subjects and four for the
remainder) arranged against one wall of the room with a two-foot
distance between chairs. Subjects were then instructed as follows (In
Kpelle):

These things that are on the table, we are going to divide

them into four (two) groups. You should find some sense to
divide these things. Here are four (two) chairs around the
table. Each chair is for one of the groups. (After the subject
Is finished you say): What sense did you use to divide these
things?
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602

Ten subjects from each of the basic population groups were Included in
the two-class and four-class conditions, a total of sixty subjects in
all.

It seemed to us reasonable to assume that the provision of four

chairs (classes), in the presence of objects belonging to four
linguistic categories, might be a powerful cue to sort according to
these categories. The data did not confirm these expectations. The
subjects frequently put objects from one class on more than one chair.
Using as our measure the number of different chairs that members of a
given category were placed on. Table 3-7 shows the distribution of
items from each category for each subject group.

It Is clear from Table 3-7 that each category occurs on an average

of two or more chairs, and hence we are not observing perfect,
semanticaPiy based sorting. As was the case in the free-association
work among the kpelle, there were no statistically reliable differences
among the three groups in the way they sorted the objects.

If the subjects were not performing perfectly.according to the

previously elicited category system, there remains the possibility that
some alternative category system better describes the data. In order
to test this possibility, we computed a score for each item based on
the proportion of times it occurs with each other item on a chair___
This co-occurrence matrix was then analyzed using Johnson's hierarchical
clustering program described earlier in connection with our free-asso­
ciation work.

TABLE 3-7
Chairs per Category - Four-Chair Sorting Experiment

C A T E G O R Y
GROUP CLOTHES UTENSILS TOOLS FOOD AVERAGE
Ten to fourteen year-old
school children 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 2.50

Ten to fourteen-year-old
nonl 1 terates 2.9 2.2 2.8 2.3 2.55

Adult nonliterates 2.8 2.8 3.1 2.7 2.85

Average 2.63 2.47 2.83 2.60

The Johnson method forces the co-occurrence data into a hierarchy,

possibly even one that we might consider inappropriate. If groups and
 603

hierarchies different from those predictable from categorical

membership are produced, we have evidence for an alternative
organizational scheme or perhaps the absence of a consistent scheme.

The hierarchical organization of these twenty Items Is presented In

figure 3-3 for all three groups combined. This figure should be
Interpreted as follows (the Interpretation Is similar to that applied
to the free-assoclatlon data). Two Items have co-occurred to a degree
Indicated by the number on the top of the figure at the point where
they are joined. For example, trouser and cap were sorted together
nineteen times. Since the maximum Is thirty (the number of subjects In
the combined groups), tills would be a relatively strong association
between these two items.

FIGURE 3-3
Hierarchy Generated by.Sorting Clusterable Items onto Four Chairs

I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Orange
Potato
Banana
Onion
Coconut

Trousers
Cap
Shirt
Head tie
Singlet

Calabash
Plate
Pot
Cup
Pan

Cutlass
Hoe
Hammer
Knife
File

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 604

Inspection of Figure 3-3 Indicates that the Items are. In general,

organized with respect to category membership— although Inspection of
the strength of the association.suggests that this mode of organization
Is not strong. A reasonable'concluslon seems to be that there Is an
absence of any general violation of categorical expectations because
there Is no strong alternative way to categorize the Items. The
linguistic categories are weakly expressed, but are stronger than any
other system when the Items are sorted onto four chairs.

In the two-chalr condition, sorting according to categorical

membership appeared at first glance to be much stronger than in the
four-chair condition: most commonly two complete categories were
placed on each chair. In Interpreting this finding it should be
remembered that with only two chairs on which to place the objects,
there Is a greater chance possibility of perfect sorting. Taking the
four-chair condition as a basis for estimation, we might expect a
dispersion measure for the two chairs that is half that presented in
Table 3-7. The expected score would be approximately 1.25 chairs per
category, with an Ideal of 1.0 chair per category, a difference that Is
too small to allow statistical comparison.

Accordingly, some other means was needed In order to study the

apparently better categorical performance encountered in the two-chalr
condition. To do this we shifted our attention to the justifications
given by subjects after they had sorted the objects In either of the
two conditions. Two kinds of reasons were frequently offered by our
subjects: (I) Justification In terms of categorical membership, and
<2) justification In diffuse, noncategorlcal, terms. Typical
noncategorical classifications were "I divided them Into groups”or
“Because my Kpelle sense told me.” He calculated the distribution of
types of reasons for each of the conditions (since there are not
between-group differences of any consequence, the groups are combined
for this analysis).

In the two-chalr condition, twenty-eight of a total of.thirty

reasons were categorical In nature, while In the four-chair condition,
less than half (twelve of thirty) are of a categorical nature.

He have no way of explaining this difference at the present time,

but It raises a point to which we will return tepeatedly: In trying to
assess people's competence with respect to a particular task, one lias
to be very careful to consider more than one form of the task. There
Is no general answer to the question: can the Kpelle describe their
categorizations? The answer, as we see. depends upon the particular
conditions of categorization.

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605

Similarity Mediation: Constrained Category Construction

The pattern of results we obtained when subjects were asked to

categorize the full set of twenty Items seems to Indicate that greater
constraints placed on the mode of categorization produced results more
consistent with the underlying semantic category structure. The
procedure followed in the present ¡experiment imposed a maximum of
constraint under conditions where. It was hoped, the actual basis for
grouping objects could be assessed.

We began the experiment by selecting fifteen of the twenty I terns

listed in Table 3-2, the tools, foods. and utensils. These items were
spread haphazardly on a table at whl,ch the subject was seated.
According to a prearranged list, pairs of Items (the "constraint
pairs") were placed before the subject about twelve Inches apart. The
subject was then Instructed as follows:

Do you see these things on the table? I want you to place one of
these things between the (Item 1) and the (Item 2) so that the
thing you choose and the (Item 1) are alike in some way and at the
same time the thing and (Item 2) are also the same thing in some
way.

When the subject had selected an object for placement, he was asked why
that object belonged with the constraint pair.

These Instructions and paraphrases thereof were difficult for the

subjects to understand. Moreover, several subjects were unwilling to
give full justification of their selections. Nevertheless, we felf
that sufficient understanding was achieved for the experiment to
continue, and as we shall see, consistent categorizing behavior was
observed.

The pairs of objects were presented one at a time and ample

opportunity was given for subjects to respond. Different subjects were
presented constraint pairs in different orders, the only restriction
being that the categorical makeup of the pair changed on each trial.
The selection of constraint pairs (presented in Table 3-8) represented
all possible combinations of the categories food, tools . and utensiIs
(food-food, food-tool, food-utensil, tool-tool, tool-utensil, utensiT-
utensil). Three pairs were chosen to represent each combination of
classes by a random selection procedure.
 í

606

TABLE 3-8
Object Pairs by Category Used in
Similarity-Mediation Experiment

CATEGORY PAIRS OBJECT PAIRS

onion-orange
food-food potato-orange \
banana-coconut
hoe-cutlass
tool-tool hammer-knife
cutlass-hammer
pan-cup
utensil-utensil plate-calabash
plate-pot
coconut-calabash
food-utens! 1 orange-cup
potato-pot
orange-hoe
food-tool banana-cutlass
coconut-hammer
calabash-file
utensil-tool pot-cutlass
calabash-hoe

Approximately thirty subjects were chosen from each of four

groups. Three populations were the same as those in the free-sorting
study: ten- to fourteen-year-old schoolchildren in grades two to five,
ten- to fourteen-year-old nonliterate children, and nonliterate
traditional adults. In addition a group of high-school students,
ranging in age from sixteen to twenty, was selected from the Lutheran i
Training Institute and the Zorzor Rural Teacher Training Institute.

Results. We looked first at the kinds of items subjects used to

mediate between the two given objects. Two major conditions need to be
considered separately: the cases where the constraint items were from
the same class (intraclass groups), and those where the constraint
items represented two different classes (interclass groups).

Table 3-9 shows the category of the item chosen to complete each
trial when the constraint objects belonged to the same class.
According to this table, all groups except the high-school students
made choices In very similar ways. The dominant choice of an object
placed between two food items was a tool of some sort. In 94 percent
of these cases, the tool was a cutting implement, either a knife or
cutlass. In most cases these groups chose food items to mediate
between two utensils. Where both constraint objects were tools, all
groups overwhelmingly chose another tool to complete the set.
 607

TABLE 3-9
Category Membership of Mediating objects for
Like-Class Constraining Objects

CONSTRAINING OBJECTS: FOOD-FOOD

SUBJECT MEDIATING OBJECT
GROUP FOOD TOOL UTENSIL
NC(a) 1 30 2
A<b) 6 22 2
SC(c) 6 27 0
HS(d) 28 4 1
CONSTRAINING OBJECTS: TOOL-TOOL
MEDIATING OBJECT
FOOD TOOL UTENSIL
NC< a) 1 32 0
A (b) 1 29 0
SC(c> 1 32 0
CONSTRAINING OBJECTS: UTENSIL-UTENSIL
MEDIATING OBJECT
FOOD TOOL UIENSIL
NC(a) 12 0 20
A <b) 16 1 13
SC(c) 7 1 25

a Ten- to fonrleen-year-old nonliterate children,

b NonlIterate traditional adults.
c Ten- to fourteen-year-old schoolchildren, grades two to five,
d Iligh-School students, age sixteen to twenty.

On the whole It appears that only hlgh-school students used

consistent categorical grouping. The other groups choose mediating
objects In different ways, "depending on the constraining (.airs. Even
In the case of tools where the grouping appears to be categorical, as
we shall see, the hlgh-school and other groups chose the mediating tool
for different reasons;

The nonllterate children, nonliterate adults, and schoolchildren

also tended to make the same specific choice of an object to mediate
between two tools. The set of objects that constituted the choice set
consisted, after these tools had been removed, of thirteen objects,
three of which were tools. Any of the three remaining tools satisfied
the criterion of category membership. He might expect then that
subjects* choices of mediating object would be randomly distributed
over the remaining tools. In fact, In 93 percent of the cases, the
non-hlgh-school groups chose the file to mediate between all pairs of
tools. In contrast the hlgh-school group chose the file only 34

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 608

percent of the time— thus accurately reflecting Its probability of

occurrence If category members were treated In an equivalent manner.

Similar, though less dramatic, deviations from randomness appeared

for other cases where the object was chosen from the same category as
the constant pair. Since, however. In other categories the percentage
of intracategorlcal choices was relatively low for the non-higli-school
groups, analysis comparable to that offered for tool-tool relationships
was not possible.

The reasons subjects gave for their choices were important In

understanding this pattern of categorization. There are many ways to
describe the subject's choices, but we found that two main categories
of justification Include most of the data, first, there are static
responses which group the Items In some fixed class. Typical are
statements of a common category ("Ihey are all food”) or a common
function ("They are all used In rice farming”). Second, there are
dynamic responses which link the Items In an action sequence that we
earlier labeled functional entallment. In some cases the item chosen
may act on the constraining items (“The knife can cut both the banana
and the orange"); in others one constraining Itern may be said to act
on the mediator and the other constraint Item ("Soup from the calabash
goes In the pan and the cup”); In still others the three items may be
linked in a sequence of actions (“I can take the knife and cut the
orange and drink the juice from a cup"). This type of response seems
most natural when the constraining Items belong to different categories.

In virtually all cases the hlgh-school students justified their

choices in static, categorical terms, while the choices by the
non-high-school groups were not Justified according to static rules of
classification even In those cases where the object chosen was a member
of the same class. An examination of the actual objects chosen for the
tool tool pair suggests the process Involved. It will be recalled that
a file mediated between two’ other tools In 93 percent of the cases for
these groups. In virtually all these cases, the reason given was of
the form “the file and the hammer sharpen the cutlass (knife)." In
other words, the pragmatic use of the tools rather than their class
membership was the basis for selection.

In general the s¿me pattern of results appears In an analysis of

the responses to the Intercategory constraint pairs.... The
hlgh-school students handled an ambiguous situation by choosing a
mediating Item that shared one category relation with one of the
constraint Items and a different category relation with the other
constraint Item. For Instance, one hlgh-school student said that he
placed a knife between a cup and an orange because the cup and knife
are made of iron while the knife (handle) and orange both come from
trees. The other groups used dynamic, noncategorlcal justifications In
vi rtuaIly all cases ....

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609

Replication of the S 1ml larity-Medlatlon Experiment with American

Schoolchildren. These results obtained among the kpelle naturally
raise the question of how American schoolchildren would respond to the
same task. Unfortunately, we only have data collected from children
six to nine years of age (kindergarten, first and third grades) so that
comparisons are only legitimate with the kpelle schoolchildren.
However, certain patterns In the American data are sufficiently
striking to warrant mention.

Two major contrasts between the American groups and the kpelle
groups stand out. First, the American children, especially those In
kindergarten and first grade, often justified their responses In terms
of only one of the constraint pairs, even though prompted to relate
their choices to both objects. Moreover, static categorical reasons
dominate when only two of the objects are related.

Second, younger American subjects have a strong tendency to give

static categorical justifications In terms of a visual attribute of the
stimulus, such as color or form. On the other hand, the African groups
gave, at most, 1 to 2 percent of their responses in terms of such
attributes___ These modes of Justification, particularly the frequent
restriction of a justification to pairs of objects Instead of the
triplet, make the American subjects appear to be considerably more
adept at static classification than all but the hlgh-school kpelle.
But such a conclusion would overlook the major point that the two
groups, faced with the same task, respond to it quite differently. It
might be, for instance, that our young American subjects, by responding
only to pairs, reflect their Implicit recognition of a "demand" for a
static category. Conversely, the kpelle subjects, for whom no special
mode of classification seems "right" comply better with the
Instructions to consider all three objects I n their choices. This
raises an additional question: are there situations where the kpelle
do respond as If there was a "right" kind of classification?

The following section provides an illustration of one traditional

kpelle activity which seems to foster a particular kind of categorizing
activity.

Sorting Leaves. The kpelle play a game In which twenty to thirty

leaves are tied to a rope. The object of the game Is to name and
describe the function of each leaf without hesltation— a long pause or
an error and the player Is "out." Since we remembered the importance
of leaves in kpelle medicine, this game suggested to us an experiment
on classification In which both the materials and the procedure would
be relevant to traditional kpelle culture. We asked Akki kulah, a
kpelle-speaking college student, to select twelve forest leaves, six
from vines and six from trees. These twelve leaves were presented to
ten nonliterate adult kpelle farmers and ten American adults working in
the Cuttlngton College area In the following manner. The leaves were
 í (

610

spread out on a table In front of the subject, who was told: "I have
some leaves here. I want you to sort them into two piles according to
which ones you think go together. There should be six leaves In each
pile." The experimenter then recorded which leaves were placed In each
of the two piles.

As an index of the degree of category separation, the six vine

leaves were assigned the numbers one to six and the six tree leaves the
numbers seven to twelve. Then the averages of the numbers of items in
piles were computed. If a perfect score was obtained, the averages
would be 3.5 and 9.5 for the vines and the trees, respectively,
yielding a difference between the scores for the two piles of 6.0. The
average difference between the two piles for the Kpelle subjects was
4.90, 84 percent of the maximum. On the other hand, the average
difference for the American subjects was 2.48, roughly half that for'
the Kpelle.

Here is an Instance where the Kpelle were asked to sort objects

that have previously been sorted under similar circumstances. The task
closely resembles the sorting tasks discussed previously In this
chapter. Kpelle performance would be difficult to improve upon.

There should be little surprise at the American performance except

insofar as the American subjects manifest any ability at all to
distinguish the two unnamed categories. Their relative inferiority
simply underscores the necessity of relevance and familiarity for
successful performance of an act of classification.

Summary

We have now completed the presentation of our data on the

classification of Kpelle nouns as reflected both in verbal tasks and In
tasks that require subjects to classify objects. It should be apparent
that even restricting our analysis to Kpelle nouns, the pattern of
results Is quite complex.

On the surface, at lease, .It appears that we have successfully

Identified rather stable class groupings in the way our Kpelle groups
use nouns in the verbal tasks. When explicitly asked to identify class
membership and to Indicate superordinate labels for particular words in
the eliciting technique that generated the sen chart (Table 3-1), we
obtained a fairly orderly set of classes with seemingly well-defined
relations of subordination and superordination. We also noted some
conflicts In the chart caused by changes in class membership stemming
from consideration of different attributes of objects at different
times.

Evidence from the other two verbal-eliciting procedures reflected

both the class structure of the sen chart and the fact that alternative
 611

groupings were possible, depending on context. Using the

sentence-substitution technique, we found that In some cases (for
example, subclasses of town things and working things) similarity of
the way the words were used in sentences better reflected everyday
similarity In the use of the objects than the category relations of the
sen chart. The same kind of relationships were to be found In the
free-assoclatIon data, although semantic category relations dominated.

Our Interpretation of these data Is that semantic classes can serve

as a means of organizing verbal behavior, but the extent to which this
happens in naturally occurring contexts is very much open to question.
It Is nouns, we overlooked situations where quite different kinds of
classification would dominate.

For example, in conducting interviews prior to beginning the work

that generated the sen chart, John kellemu tried out a number of
informal procedures designed to elicit ideas of category membership.
The first few of these procedures produced Interesting results but not
a taxonomic classification system. In one, the men were given an
example of a general class and asked to group all the examples they had
named Into subgroups. This technique elicited what kellemu called
"Informal classification"; the men organized the objects according to
function and use rather than according to a formal semantic system of
classes.

Three other techniques also resulted in functional schemes of

classification. In one, persons were asked to name all the things they
had seen In a given day and then to group these things. A second
technique was to have the men name all the things visible In a given
scene and then to group them. The third asked them to name all the
things similar to a given thing. In each case the subject drew on
Immediate experience.

The use of alternative c asslflcatlon principles emerges from our

studies of the way in which objects are sorted. In pilot work using a
large array of objects bearing no salient class relations to each
other, functional pairing was a dominant means of classification. But
when objects bore a class relation to each other, and when only two
classes were permissible, semantic class relations were strongly
expressed. Finally, where taxonomic relationships are habitually used
as a basis for classification (such as was the case for the leaves that
we asked our subjects to sort), the recognized taxonomic class was the
dominant basis for classification.

In short, we have demonstrated to our own satisfaction that the

kpelle know and use taxonomic class relationships to structure their
verbal behavior. But we have also established that the use of this
kind of structuring Is neither universal nor obligatory for the
situations we have studied.

( .(
 Chapter Thlrty-elglit

EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN IN THE STUDY OF CULJURE CHANGE

by George Spindler and Halter Goldschmidt'

INTRODUCTION

The present paper Is a study In methodology. It Is an endeavor to

present a clear design for Interdisciplinary research in the study of
that kind of social change commonly called acculturation, as It was
used In a study of the Menominl Indians of Wisconsin. It will not
include the results of this study, which will be published else­
where . 1 Ihe presentation of this “
experimental design," as we have
chosen to call it. Is motivated by our firm conviction that the time
has come when anthropologists must be more conscious of their meth­
ods,* must sharpen their tools to fit their Increasingly sharpened
Insights. Specifically they must recognize tlie need to handle data
statistically wherever statistical analyses will serve their purpose,
and must recognize the value In the orderly use of such tools as the
Rorschach. This Is no call— as It has sometimes been--to abandon the
time-honored tools of the trade, participant observation and Informant,
but to integrate with these techniques those of the disciplines of
sociology and psychology. Such integration requires the sharp defini-
tion of procedures.

It Is of no small significance that an increased precision in

method brings about a more precise use of words. Ihe general
definitions of acculturation are so vague as to hinder its

from Spindler 1952:68-83

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 (
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613

usefulness . 4 Without endeavoring to Impose our definition on others,

we find It essential to formulate the term as It Is used for the
present paper and In the Menomlnl research. By acculturation we mean
the process which takes place within a culture, a population, or a
social system, In response to the Impact of stimuli from other cultures
or populations. We emphasize the term process as essential, yet we
remember that no process Is really ever seen. It Is only Inferred from
an examination of a series of conditions. We emphasize also the fact
that we have divorced the acculturatlve process from the diffusion
process (though the phenomena are always associated) by directing our
attention to the changes that take place within one culture under the
impact of these outside stimuli.

Now, however, there remains the crucial fact that this process has
two clearly separate aspects: one deals with the structuring of the
relationships between members of the society and Is essentially social
In character; the other deals with the adjustment of the Individual to
the changing soclo-cultural milieu, and Is essentially psychological in
character.

The research design here presented is oriented toward the

understanding of the processes of change within a society under the
Impact of modern American civilization, and is particularly concerned
with the adoption of outward manifestations of cultural and social
behavior in their relation to changes In the Individual personality
characteristics of its personnel, without, for the present, treating
either as the Independent variable In the situation.

THE RESEARCH LABORATORY

No research ever completely escapes Its laboratory setting—

certainly not In the social sciences. It will be necessary, therefore,
to present the more particular background for which our research design
was created.

The 2,731 Menomlnl Indians live in a heavily timbered reservation

of 236,000 acres In east-central Wisconsin. They have felt the direct
Impact of Western civilization since the mid-seventeenth century, were
in exclusive contact with the French from 1667 until 1760, and have
been under Anglo-European domination since then. The reserve was
created in 1854, and since that time most Menomlnl have lived on this
tract, though a good proportion go to nearby cities for work, and not a
few have been more deeply Involved In the main stream of the American
culture as soldiers and workers In two world wars.

Though such historic factors are admittedly of Influence, our

research design Is not historical, but treats with the Implications of
change from an analysis of the contemporary scene. Paramount In the
present situation is the fact that the economy of the modern Menominl
is dominated by the existence of a thoroughly modern sawmill and
logging industry, which cuts 25 million cubic feet of lumber each year
and affords an annual net income of over a million dollars. Most of
the adult males are employed directly In some phase of Its operations.
Farming, the only other single Important source of subsistence for
reservation families, adds only about $31,000 a year to the tribe's
income. Other miscellaneous sources add an estimated $80,000 to the
annual Income of the people on the reservation, and these Include such
occupations as making and selling "curios," running gas stations, and
"pop" stands, gathering ferns for florists, trapping, and, of course,
subsistence hunting and fishing.

The lumbering I s a modern, high-geared industry, with a variety of

employment opportunities. There are foresters, lumberjacks, truck
drivers, stackers, saw operators, planers, electricians, mechanics,'
engineers, warehouse workers, accountants, clerks, stenographers,
salesmen, and typists. There are supervisory positions at all levels,
from foremen of a six-man logging crew to mill manager. There Is a
range of salary for full-time, year-around employees from $ 1 , 2 0 0 to
$7,500. Ninety percent of these positions are occupied by Menomlnl.
Of twenty-five higher-level supervisory positions, only five are filled
by White men, while a sprinkling of Whites If found throughout the
organization.

The presence of this Industry, together with other occupational

opportunities on the reserve, affords a rather unusual situatlon--a
gamut of economic opportunity from a strictly white-collar,
middle-class managerial activity on one hand, through a series of
lesser officials, clerks, skilled workers, laborers, adjunct and
temporary workers, to persons eking out a living from the land as
farmers, hunters and trappers, gatherers of ferns, and the like. The
situation offers a gamut from a bridge-playing tea-going group to
persons whose life revolves about native-oriented religious cultural
forms. No.ably. It does not offer a group whose mode of life and
cultural form has been uninfluenced by Western culture.

We must note other cultural Influences. European religion, thanks

to the early French contact. Is entirely Catholic; the Protestants have
effectively been prevented from exerting a major influence on the
aspect of culture. Other religious forces include the Peyote Cult,
which came to the Menoinini in 1914, the Dream Dance, which was
Introduced around 1880, and the Medicine lodge (Mitawin), which may not
be ancient Menomlnl but contains many old Algonqulan elements.

The bulk of Menomlnl live In Neopit, the site of the reservation

headquarters and sawmill, and a minority at Keshena, a residential
village. A few dozen families farm in the northeastern section of the
reservation. There are scattered dwellings in the forests about Zoar
 615

and Crow settlement. The reservation Is sprinkled with White

residents, mostly men married to Menomlnl women, with considerable
variation In economic standing, but generally In the middle range.

The great range of economic opportunity and achievement makes

possible an examination of the effect of these differences. The great
contrast with the situation described for the OJibwa 1 Is that there
Is a concrete opportunity for goal-realization In terms of middle-class
White society. At the same time, the forest's fastnesses protect and
preserve the existence of economic activities and cultural forms
oriented to (though not Identical with) that of the native Northeast.

Of this laboratory situation we were aware In advance, as the

Splndlers had spent a summer In the reservation before undertaking the
present study. What we wished to do was to regularize the general
Impression of the various levels of soclo-cultural readjustment among
the Menomlnl, and particularly to understand the relationship between
these evident differences and the psychological evidences of
readjustment.

THE SAMPLE ANALYZED

In a study concerned with cultural variation the problem of

sampling becomes crucial unless one Is prepared to make consistent
observations on all members of the community. In order to eliminate
or reduce from our consideration the variables of age, sex and "blood,"
we took our sample from adult males, all recorded as being at least
one-half Menomlnl. Strictly speaking, our conclusions relate only to a
universe of Menomlnl thus defined. The sixty-eight cases afford a. 20
percent sample of the universe thus reduced.

Hence, the persons studied were selected to represent all degrees

of observable socio-economic status from the richest to the poorest,
and all degrees of cultural participation from Mltawln to bridge club.
The range was established, therefore, In terms of one of the two
generic variables that were subject to testing by the research--the
sociological. It was not necessary, however, to have each area In this
range represented by a constant proportion, and Indeed the extreme
categories are represented by close to a 100 percent sample. The,
theoretical advantage of true randomness (which Is not gainsaid) had to
be subordinated to considerations of rapport, for the Intimate social
and psychological data demanded required a good relationship betwen
student and subject. The actual process was to obtain Introduction
from one respondent to another, asking certain to cover the range In
terms of manifest social characteristics.

Since the research design was directed toward the establishment of

a covariance between two separate aspects of a process, the chief
source of bias would be Introduced by the unconscious selection of

( ( (
 616

persons of certain personality types. In the absence of a clear

predilection as to the nature of the covariance. It seems doubtful If
any such bias was Introduced. .Selection in terms of person to whom the
researcher could relate should tend to reduce Ilie variability of the
personality types Included. The variations actually observed do not
give evidence that such bias did, in fact, take place. Selection
through defusal to participate could not be considered important since
only four persons declined to cooperate.

A "control group" of twelve White men living on the reservation was

used. All of these men have made their homes there. work in the mill
or run small farms, and are a functioning part of the social
structure. All but two are married to Menomini women. They are
-Intermediate in social and economic status.

This control serves as a standard against which all Menomini may be

measured, and serves to show the degree to which certain personality
patterns appear constant among the Menomini, regardless of the degree
of acculturatlon, as contrasted to persons of distinct ethnic origin.
For many purposes a sample of "normal" Rorschach protocols taken by
other scholars might have sufficed, and indeed we have not neglected
the opportunity to use such data. The development of a control group
serves, however, as a check against personal bias In the taking and
analysis of the Rorschach. It also holds constant certain obvious
environmental and social factors which would not be easy to duplicate
in any randomly selected group of protocols fiom non-clinical studies
of Whl tes.

The control sample has Its limitations. Chief among these Is the
fact that in our society a group of Whites who have selected to live on
a reservation and marry Indian women may themselves be considered
aberrant. Second is the fact that the sample was perforce quite
small. Third, it was comparable in detail only to certain
acculturatlonal categories. For these it serves, however, t sharpen
certain distinctions, and taken in conjunction with tlie general
knowledge of personality expressslons in Western society, affords us a
measure of difference between Menomlnl and non Menomini, regardless of
degree of acculturation manifested.

THE SOCIOLOGICAL VARIAME

What we are here calling the sociological variable has to do with

those aspects of the culture which deal with dliect behavior In the
social interaction system, that is, group orientations and inter­
actions, means of livelihood, possessions and conditions of living.
The variation In these aspects of the Menomini culture we have treated
as the independent variable, though the research design neither depends
upon nor proves the priority of these factors.

f
V (
k.
 r (

617

The first order of business was to establish a systematic analysis

of these social phenomena. To this end we prepared a brief schedule of
data covering: amount and source of Income; type, condition and
facilities In the home; education; knowledge of Menomlnl language;
parental occupation, education, “ blood," language, and religion;
religious affiliation and participation; knowledge of and belief In
native lore and medicines; recreational patterns; group affiliation;
and miscellaneous personal data. These Items served as criteria for
determining the degree of social acculturation. They reveal the
individual's economic status and social participation, as well as his
cultural orientation.

The sample population is divisible Into five more or less discrete

categories in terms of the schedule data; four of them along a
continuum of acculturation, and one differentiated on the basis of
socio-economic status. The relationship may be expressed In
dlsgrammatlc form as follows:
E
Elite
Accult-
A urated
Socio
economic
status D
Low Status
(European Accult-
•Values) urated
C
Trans-
sltional

Acculturation

Three of these categories (Medicine Lodge-Dream Dance, Peyote, and

Elite) are actually groups, with defined membership and consistent
group activities. The other two are not so formulated, but are
distinguishable categories on a cultural continuum. The Peyote body
Itself may be considered as a special group variant of a generlcally
transitional mass.
 c

618

Of the many social criteria examined, the religious affiliation and

orientation was selected as the crucial Indicator. A and B of the
chart are defined In religious terms; E is made up of persons who
participate regularly in services and for the most part are members of
the Holy Name Society. The transitional group (C) consists of persons
who have had marginal participation In both Catholic and native-
oriented religious activities, while the low-status acculturated (d)
are persons with exclusive Identification with the Catholic church, but
who participate only Intermittently In regular services and are not
members of the elite Holy Name Society.

That this variation In religious identification acts as an Index

for a functionally integrated complex of social and cultural factors,
Is consistent with the theory that religious commitment connotes also a
commitment to a cultural system. The validity of the Index does not
rest upon this theoretical foundation, but is verifiable by statistical
procedures. The Index chosen was chi-square, which in this case tests
whether these categories are significantly differentiated In respect to
marty other social features such as occupation, home, parental status,
recreational patterns, and use of medical facilities, and further,
permits statistical expression of association between these specific
variables and acculturatlonal categories by coefficients of mean square
contingency. Chi-square is most appropriate for such analysis because
it depends upon counting rather than adding and averaging attributes; a
vital consideration when qualitative or only roughly quantitative data
Is used. Thus we are able to discover syndromes of objective
socio-cultural characteristics for the acculturational and status
groups we have defined, and further, to establish the critical points
of differentiation and to give a statistical statement of over-all
association (in coefficients of contingency) between selected variables
and these acculturational categories.

The Medicine Lodge-Dream Dance group, for example, are not only
participants In these religious observances, but for the most pa i L Its
members live scattered In the forest at one end of the reservation In
rough shacks. Intermittently work for wages, at harvesting or logging,
and depend upon subsistence hunting and fishing to supplement their
larders. They Identify deeply with what remains of the old culture:-
carry on ancient funeral rites, observe "ghost" feasts for the dead and
some menstrual taboos, live under constant threat of witchcraft, repeat
the Mana'pus tales, and speak Henomlnl in most social gatherings.

At the other extreme of the continuum are the elite acculturated;

men who occupy supervisory or white-collar positions in the mill or
agency offices, who have Incomes between three and six thousand dollars
per year, who have high school educations (or better), who live In
excellent, modern frame houses furnished In middle-class style, and who
are, alnwst without exception, members of the Holy Name Society of the
Catholic Church. This group provides the effective leadership of the
 619

tribe today; nearly all of them have served as members of the advisory
council.

The categories occupying Intermediate position have their own

special characters, and exhibit varying degrees of differentiation from
each other. These three categories together are broadly similar In
socio-economic level. Their members live In frame houses of only fair
condition either In the villages or scattered along the highways; their
cash Incomes range around $1,500 annually and are derived largely from
Intermittent unskilled labor In the mill or woods.

But within this broad range of socio-economic similarity there are

reliable distinctions between the transitional and low-status accultu-
rated groups In regularity of wage earning and condition of the home.
Further, these two categories are very clearly distinct In their
relations to the native versus the dominant culture. They are clearly
distinguishable In the knowledge of and belief In magic and medicines,
their use of medical facilities, and their knowledge and use of the
Menoinlni language, and In each Item the transitional element Is closer
to the old way of life. These distinctions are given time depth by
functionally related differences In parental status In respect to
language, education, and religion.

Between the Peyote Cult and transitional category there are no

reliable socio-economic distinctions. It would appear that the
membership of the Peyote Cult Is actually drawn from personnel In
"transition" for whom the stress of this adjustment was especially
acute, and if this is the case such similarity would be expected. The
distinction here consists of membership definition (the cult Is set
apart in the reservation community), and in the cultural patterns of
Peyollsm Itself.

Considering the total configuration of differentiations between all

five of these categories, l-t Is c ’’
ar that there Is a complex continuum
of soclo-cultural and economic distinctions running from the Medicine
lodge-Dream Oance to the elite Catholic acculturated group. The divi­
sions of our sample represent distinguishable segments of tills conti­
nuum with overlap of attributes In the intermediate levels.

Mlthout reference to any specific categories, but for all of the

five categories in relation to each other. It is possible to state the
indices that differentiate most adequately,‘and are therefore most
positively associated with the defined soclo-cultural continuum.’
They are: knowledge of Menomlnl lore, witchcraft, and medicine; use of
medical facilities; parental status In religion and education; type of
games played; type and regularity of occupation; cash Income; condition
of home; and cooking facilities. Other indices provide distinctions
between certain categories but have a less decisive role In over-all
differentiation for the five segments together.'

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 620

Obviously the persons who constitute each category are not stamped
from a mold, and will vary among themselves. Yet, statistical handling
has made It possible for us to determine whether members of one
category differ from those of others, and to establish a complex set of
socio-cultural Inter-relationships within a broad cootInuum of accult­
uration that would otherwise not be reducible to objective statement.

The objectivity of definition and the amenability to statistical

handling make the use of specific criteria particularly suitable for
analysis of this kind. It Is Important to remember, however, that
these items only have meaning In a social and cultural context, and
must be used in conjunction with the field methods more traditional to
anthropological research. In order that meaningful items could be
selected, and in order to understand their meaning in social context
the field workers attended Medicine Lodge and Dream Dance ceremonies,
participated In Peyote Cult meetings, danced at the “ powwows" (In
reservation terminology), made polite Sunday afternoon social calls,
attended "showers" for new brides, each according to the demands of the
appropriate social and acculturatIona I level. Through these they
arrived at an appreciation of the values, attitudes, social alignments,
and Interactions of the present Menomlni. To give further depth to
tills understanding, and to reveal In detail some of the personal
variables that constitute acculturation at the individual level, seven
short autobiographies were collected from subjects carefully selected
for their representation of certain Important social and psychological
processes.*

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL VAKIAHLF

What we are here calling the psychological variable Is that aspect

of culture which lies within the individual's system of attitudes and
persistent organization of bio-emotional and intellectual resources, as
these are given meaning in social Interaction and orient the individual
to his environment. We are not concerned with the qualities of the
individual as such, but rather with the uniformities in such "internal"
cultural organization and with the consistent diversities as they
appear between various groups. To be sure, it can only be observed In
the Individual, and the uniformities must be recognized as abstrac­
tions. Such uniformities In inner personal behavior have elsewhere
been treated as "covert culture," as basic personality structure, or In
Saplr's terms as unconscious aspects of social behavior . 10

Our problem thus becomes one of discovering the degree to which

evidences of personality structure vary In relation to the observed
variances in the more external and social aspects of the personnel of
the group undergoing the accul tural Ive process."He are concerned
with problems such as that raised by ilallowe11: "Are changes In the

( t
(
 ( i

model or basic personality organization a necessary and intrinsic part

of the readjustments that acculturation implies, or can acculturation
take place without radical changes in personality structure?"'*

For this purpose we need a tool by which we can Infer, with

reasonable validity, the dynamic psychological structure of the
individuals In our selected cultural setting. An imposing array of
clinical studies, an increasing list of experiments, and pioneering
attempts In cross-cultural exploration, indicate that the Rorschach
Projective Technique Is such a tool. Lengthy exposition of the
rationale for such application Is beyond the scope of this paper.'*He
merely note that it has already been used, with varying degrees of
success and clarity of purpose In a Guatemalan community, among the
Chinese, Hindu. Sikh, Samoans, Chamaro, Alórese, and the Ojibwa (at
three different places). Wind River Shoshone, Hopi, Sioux, Papago,
Navaho, Kaska, Pilaga, Chamula, and Yakima.

He are not unmindful, either, of the criticisms leveled at those

Investigations. The Rorschach test does not automatically make a study
psychologically penetrating or scientifically useful. It Is but a
tool, and like all instruments, must be used with care. Many of the
studies have been criticized because Important variables were
overlooked or inadequately defined. Either a few heterogeneous
individuals from a population were tested with little or no reference
to their status, roles, or degree of cultural participation or at best
the degree of acculturation was Impressionistically ordered.

There are those who would say that, as the validity and usefulness
of the Rorschach test has not been fully established for our own
culture. Its use In cross-cultural context Is doubly suspect. He agree
that caution must be observed In accepting any tool or technique molded
In our own cultural setting, but It Is well to remember that cross-
cultural psychological Interpretations are always suspect of hidden
assumptions in the form of cultural bias. Use of the Rorschach test
forces one to deal with these assumptions explicitly, directly, and on
the basis of objectively defined distributions of behavior. At the
same time. Investigations such as the one reported here have helped to
sharpen and set limits to the valid meaning of responses.

Rorschach responses are in themselves data on perjonal behavior

collected under semi-control led conditions. If two or more groups are
differentiated in terms of objective social characteristics and they
show Internally consistent but statistically differentiable responses
to the Rorschach test, then we have a relationship between the social
and psychological aspect of human behavior. At the very least It means
that the experience patterns of the Individual and his perception of
these relatively unstructured problems have a direct relationship.
 1

622

But few of us would be satisfied to stop here. Given differen­

tiating uniformities in two classes of variables under semi-control led
conditions, we are In a posi-tlon to make interpretations In context,
using presently accepted principles derived from the study of society,
culture, and the psychological nature of man.

The responses to the Rorschach test are, of course, not "culture-

free"; Indeed, we do not know what this concept could mean as applied
to individual action. It Is precisely because the individual's
responses are cast In their particular form by his culture that we use
such a tool. The Ink blots themselves are, or approach being, culture-
free (l.e., "unstructured") stimuli. The subject's responses are never
culture-free. The protocol Is therefore a personal variant of a
culturally patterned response to a relatively open situation.

Interpretation requires, therefore, not only knowledge of the

psychological principles from which Interpretations are derived, but
also knowledge and understanding of the social and cultural field,
problems of "adjustment," for example, must be considered In their
functional context. (This does not mean that judgments concerning
"adjustment" are Impossible. We would go beyond elementary relativism,
agreeing with Hallowed [1950, 1951] that adjustment as "mental health"
Is not entirely "culture-bound," and has "universal significance both
as a concept and as a value.") The anthropologist who uses the
Rorschach technique cannot merely collect his protocols and leave them
with a clinically trained expert for Interpretation, but must be
trained and equipped to take responsibility for final interpreta­
tion—

The actual treatment involves setting up categories of patterns of

specific scores, such as "Those with three or more human movement
responses," and "Those with less than three human movement responses,"
for each acculturatlonally defined group, and comparing the distribu­
tion of cases. Each score or pattern was tested for sign'flcance of
difference between each Menomlnl acculturation category and the White
control group, and between each Menomini group and every other one.

This procedure reveals the differentiation among the socio-cultural

categories in specific facets of personality structure and function,
such as the Incidence of breakdown In emotional control, the amount and
kind of "Inner" life, intratensive-extratensive tendencies, tension
levels. Intellectual approach, type of control, interpersonal
sensitivity, the role of biological drives, affective responsiveness,
"anxiety" symptoms, and others of similar nature.
 623

PROBLEMS AND HYPOTHESES

The experimental design of the research In culture change makes

possible the testing of a series of hypotheses concerning the
relationship between the social and the psychological aspects of this
process. At. the simplest level, we may examine the direct relationship
between the two: Is there differentiation In one aspect and none In
another? Does the degree of differentiation In sociological patterns
correspond to the degree of differentiation In psychological content?
To what extent Is homogeneity within an acculturatlonal category with
respect to the sociological variable associated with homogeneity In the
psychological? At this level of analysis It Is not necessary to
preserve the sociologically defined categories, for we may relate the
evidences of psychological differences to various factors of social
participation, religious belief, socio-economic status, and the like.
Such questions can be answered without Inferential Interpretation of
the meaning of Rorschach Indices beyond the Immediate connection
between perception and experience. (

Other meaningful questions and testable hypotheses may be posited:

Persons In the transitional categories (B and C), alienated as they are
from the cultural symbols of their ethnic past and at the same time not
having Internalized the symbols which constitute the value system of
Western society, will exhibit more symptoms of personality disorgan­
ization than members of groups closely Identified with the symbols of
elthe,r of these culture types. Or, again, with the emphasis upon a
different aspect of the same general problem: The least and most
acculturated Individuals (l.e., A and E) will exhibit signs of
personality "adjustment." but these adjustments will be of fundamen­
tally different types, presumably because of the divergent cultural*
expectations. The rejection or confirmation of these hypotheses, as
well as the Interpretive-analytic Investigation of the pertinent data
will be a contribution to the understanding of a specific relationship
betwen Cultural and personality Integration, speaking anthropolIgt-
cally, and societal "massness" and Individual "anomie,“ speaking
sociologically. 14

Extending further a logical series of hypotheses, we suggest: A

basic reformulation of personality takes place In the acculturation
process only when the goals and values of the dominant culture are
Successfully attained. This formulation builds upon the studies of
llallowell with the Ojlbwa, which reveal only personality breakdown and
no personality reformulation at any observed level of "overt"
acculturatlon, 1 * and has broad implications for any theory regarding
the continuity and maleability of "basic personality structure."

Because of the utilization of a control group made up of Whites

living on the reservation we are In a position to consider another
significant problem: Due to a general unity of cultural background

<
 624

among all Menomlnl not necessarily reflected in the objective Indices

of socio-cultural adjustment, the Menomlnl of all levels of
acculturation will exhibit significant differences In personality
structure from Hhltes living and working on the reservation, and
subject to many of the same social and economic forces. This will
contribute to the understanding of the relative Influence of cultural,
as compared to social, participation, since the Intermediate categories
of Menomlnl and the Hhltes participate in the same social context, but
the Ir cultural origins are distinct.

These represent the most Important problems and hypotheses broadly

formulated as directives for research before the pertinent data-
gathering phases of the study began. They have, of course, been given
their present form by reference to the actual field. Other problems
have emerged as the analysis of data has proceeded, some of which can
be answered as the study now stands, and some of which will need to be
Investigated further in the field. The research design here described
finds Its validation In the fact that the problems and hypotheses, both
preformulated and emergent, can be Investigated and tested with
security. Hlthout the Isolation, definition, and relation of variables
afforded by such a design, such testing would not be possible.

CONCIUSIONS

The conclusion we wish to stress Is the Importance of rigorous

method to the further study of acculturation. Traditional ethnographic
methods would not have yielded useful conclusions to the problem of
cultural change that we set ourselves. It Is doubtful if we could have
arrived at the proper acculturatlonal groups without the use of a
schedule and sample data; It Is certain that their use could not have
been validated without such data, and obvious that the social
Involvements of these group differentiations could never have been
understood. Once established, traditional ethnographic methods were
essential to the proper appreciation of the character and meaning of
life within the categories, and of course tlie relation between them.

It Is only In the context of such an orderly procedure that the

Rorschach technique can give meaningful conclusions. It may be true
that homogeneous primitive cultures will yield uniform patterns that do
not require such elaborate procedures, but In the dynamics of accultu­
ration it Is necessary to regulate Its usage, lhe treatment of the
Rorschach test as a kind of Aladdin's lamp by the true believer has
resulted In Its summary rejection by the disenchanted. There Is a
middle ground of treating Rorschach data as a measure of an Important
dimension In the total cultural picture. To do this requires the use of
samples, controls, and relationships toother socio-cultural pheno­
mena. Again, we must guard against its use In terms of an ethnocentric
standard; remembering our lesson from Benedict that cultural patterns
result in different norms. At the same time, we should not forget our
 c ( í

625

Durkheimlan lesson, that anomie Is a product of mass society, and that

an absense (or a duality) of cultural norms may lead to the absence of
integration on the personal level.

Finally, we wish to note that the use of a research design has

sharpened our conceptual apparatus. By a conscious effort to see
acculturation process In an orderly fashion, we were forced T o treat as
separate entities the socio-cultural and psychological aspects of the
situation. In so doing we were led to an examination of the internal
variation of each, and to a recognition both of their separations and
their interdependence. We recommend particularly to those engaged In
Integrated research between anthropology and Its sister social
sciences, and to those anthropologists who are dealing with phenomena
related to urban society or Western civilization, that they clarify
their procedure and design their research in such a way that their
significant questions are answered and that these answers be amenable
to checking against other experiments and, Insofar as possible, be free
from crucial subjective decisions.

FOOTNOTES

1. The methodology described In the present paper was worked out by

the authors conjointly. The actual field work, the taking and
analyzing of the Rorschachs, and other analyses are the work of
Spindler, assisted by his wife, Louise Splndler. Acknowledgments are
due tq the Committee on American Civilization, the Department of
Sociology and Anthropology of the University of Wisconsin, and to the
Department of Anthropology and Sociology of the University of
California, Los Angeles, for their support of the project.

2. Under preparation by Splndler.

3. The sociologists have used explicitly experimental designs In

research for sune time (tfjde Chapin, 1947, and Greenwood, 1945).

4. Redfleld, Linton, and Herskovits, 1936; Linton, 1940. herskovl.ts,

1941 has summarized some of the objections to these earlier
formulations.

5. Hallowell, 1951, 1950, 1942, and elsewhere.

6 . With chi-squares of .001 or better for the total Menominl sample.

7. Expressed In mean square coefficients of continuity of over .55

(.80 Is approximately the highest coefficient obtainable In the size of
tables used).
 í

626

8. Among the least decisive are: movie attendance and possession of a

radio. The prevalence of both Items suggests the depth of the Impact
of Western civilization up<?n the Menominl. Variations In age and
degree of Menomini-White'mixture provide the least differentiation of
any of the indices. Age is significantly different only for
comparisons of A and D; "blood," only for A and E.

9. An "expressive autobiographic interview technique" was utilized.

This technique and Its function in the study of acculturation will be
discussed in another publication by Louise Splndler, who Is largely
responsible for Its development in this study and has collected five
similar autobiographies from women at different levels of acculturation.

10. Saplr, 1927. Kluckhohn, 1943, Mekeel, 1936, and Thompson, 1948,
among others have discussed various aspects of covert culture; basic
personality structure Is the term coined by Kardiner, 1939. We need
not here concern ourselves either with terminology or with divergencies
of the theoretical implication of each.

11. It should be quite clear that we are not doing a study of the
genetic development of personality in an acculturating population.
This might be the next logical problem, but It would require a
different research design.

12. RallowelI, 1949.

13. Hallowell, 1945, has covered much of this ground expertly.

14. These are not simply different ways of speaking of the same
thing. Consider, for instance, the relation of such a conclusion to
the theory of mass society as currently expressed by Selznick (1951).

15. Hallowell, 1949, 1951.

 /
Chapter- Thtrty-nlne

THE STUDY OF VALUES BY SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGISTS

by Raymond Firth

This Is not a "how-to" chapter, but rather an Intriguing

look at the variety of approaches that social anthropologists
employ In the study of values In society. The first few
paragraphs will serve to Introduce the direction and purpose
of the chapter.

In a brilliant essay which, to borrow a transatlantic metaphor, had

some of his fellow anthropologists reaching for their guns. Professor
Evans-PrItchard discussed some broad problems of the status and method
of social anthropology. I am-taking a narrower field, though one in
which there Is also a lively Interest. In talking about some of the
problems of values as treated by social anthropologists, I shall be
expressing a personal view. But I think It timely to give a brief
appreciation of Issues which many anthropologists think to be Important.

Social anthropologists are. In general, concerned with social

relations expressed In behavlour--verbal behaviour as well as non­
verbal behaviour; words as well as acts. They can give their study
various emphases. One emphases given by H. II. R. Rivers In outline
more than thirty years ago, but vastly developed In recent years. Is
that on social structure. As a study of social groups and social
relations of a relatively permanent kind, expressed In a very

From Firth 1964:206-224

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 628

systematic, highly abstract form, this emphasis has been of great

service. It has helped us to slf.t and clarify our material, and to
formulate propositions of clear-cut,and testable quality. A second
emphasis, complementary to the first. Is on social organization. This,
less clearly formulated, Is the study of how social relations actually
work out over time. In most fields of social action there are alter­
native courses open, and there must be selection between them if social
life Is to be carried on. Such decision-taking has social repercus-
slons--soclal relations are created or modified and adjusted as a
result of the choices made. This continual ordering and reordering of
social relations is the process of organization. Even where no choice
seems to be Involved, but only Impulsive action, the consequential
adjustments In the activities of others mean social organization. A
third emphasis relates to the quality and ends of social relations— the
material for choice and decision. The preferences in social relations,
their worthwhileness, the standards of judgment applied, give a content
and meaning to social action. This Is the field for the study of
values.

Take an example from the Polynesian society of Tikopia, which I

have recently restudled after nearly twenty-five years. I found In
1952 that the chiefs were still, as In 1929, the apex of the ranking
system. People still obeyed them, knelt in obeisance before them, and
treated them with the greatest respect. Chieftainship liad remained an
Important element In the social structure. But during by long absence
several chiefs had died, and had been succeeded by son or grandson.
These various acts of succession had Involved choices and decisions by
their clans, and consequential adjustments in the status and relations
of the brothers and other kin of each newly elected chief. All these
variations, rearrangements and adjustments were part of the social
organization. The social structure, viewed abstractly as the main
elements giving the society Its characteristic likopia form, was the
same, but there had been a re-orderlng over time of Ihe human compon­
ents and of the social relations In respect of them. Social organi­
zation Is dynamic, part of the social process. During the years I had
been away changes had taken place In the religious sphere too.
Christianity, which had some hold when I was there earlier, had first
suffered a setback, then swept on again. In particular one chief, when
newly elected, had reverted to paganism, and gone over to play once
again the traditional role of his office In the rites of worship of the
ancient gods, later, he was re-evangelIzed, repented of his backslid­
ing and Joined the Church once again. These were significant changes
In his personal conduct, due to the shifting interplay of a complex set
of personal and social values, which left the chieftainship unimpaired,
but Involved change of functions and readjustment among his followers.
In the chief's decisions many value elements were mingled. Including
his belief In the powers of his ancient gods, his respect for repre­
sentatives of foreign spiritual authority, his economic Interest In the
gifts they brought, his attachment to traditional ceremonial among his

<
 ( í

629

peers, his feeling of the Importance of his own status. And these
elements were operative In varying degree also among other members of
the community and affected the Issue. To understand what happened In •
the society It Is essential to understand the significance and
distribution of such values.

THE NOTION OF VALUES

The word 'value' Is a hard-worked one, and often used In a vague

way. Reduction of the notion to any very precise form to serve
anthropologists is difficult. Despite the elaborate analysis of it by
philosophers, anthropologists themselves have hardly begun the
definition of It— that is, the preliminary demarcation of 1t— for their
purposes. Some wish to avoid the term as far as possible, not deeming
it a useful heuristic tool. Some use it in a restricted sense,
variously equivalent to ideals, to social Imperatives, to the basic
assumptions of a society, to the dictates of moral obligation. Some
are willing to extend the term to cover all exercise of preference Into
which an element of worthwhileness enters. Some admit evaluation as a
part of social process, a concomitant of social action, while refusing
to grant the separation of 'values' as useful Isolates for examination.

The Importance of such distinctions lies not In their conclusions,

but in the refinement of our ideas produced*by their discussion. To me
the study of values, properly organized, can give a useful systematic
frame ,of reference for the analysis of social behaviour. It gives
reality to our structural concepts. Studies of social structures deal
by abstraction with the most general, the most common elements in
social action. They tell us much about the form of action— the nature
of society in a relatively stable state, or as Imagined In a set of
Ideal rules. Studies of values help us 'to understand the meaning of
action. Moreover, they help us to take account of variation, arising
in Individual action. By reference to values we help to clarify the
theory of stability and change In social action— and In social anthro­
pology we are much concerned with getting an adequate theoretical basis
for dynamic analysis. In fact what have been called studies of social
structure have usually Incorporated a great deal of study of values
(and of social organization) as well.

Of course we must guard against reifying values, much as we should

avoid reifying social structures. Our statements about values are
inferences from observation of behaviour. Our use of the term 'value'
is a way of talking about behaviour.' It suggests persistence of a
common element over time. He recognize a qualIty-lsolate in antecedent
and consequent.
 BREADTH OF THE STUDY

In studying values we are not doing anything radically new. For

many years, leaders of anthropological thought have been concerned with
value data. In Britain, Radcl1ffe-Brown long ago examined what he
called the social values of the Andamanese, the social effects of their
use of fire, and food and marriage. Malinowski included traditionally
established values at the core of his notion of the charter of insti­
tutions. Evans-PrItchard pointed out how important are the political
values. Including feelings of unity. In the life of the Nuer. He and
Fortes have set common ritual or mystical values as the ideological
superstructure of an African political organization. In the United
States Linton put the acquisition of common values as basic to the
•development of Individuals and to the perpetuation of society. Kroeber
stressed the Importance of a study of values as part of a natural
science of society. Redfield has consistently emphasized a humanistic
aspect of anthropology which gives full weight to personal preferences
and community values. Kluckhohn has explicitly defined the concept of
values and formulated an elaborate field scheme for their study.

Why does the anthropologist study values at all? Primarily because

he thinks his analysis of society is otherwise incomplete.. But
obviously he alone cannot be responsible for value study. He cannot
match the analytical rigour of philosopher or economist, or the minute
examination and experiment of the psychologist. He has not the range
of knowledge of his own society In its geographical and historical
perspective which the ordinary sociologist has. What then can he
give? Ills contribution lies mainly In two directions. In the first
place he can give material to others. He covers a wider field of
comparative data than do any of his colleagues. The exotic char­
acter— to Western views— of many of the value judgments he records Is a
challenge to produce a rational theory of social relations and of the
foundations of social action. Sociologists and philosophers frcm Durk-
heim and Hobhouse to Parse .s. Ginsberg and Macbeath have drawn upon
these findings. In the second place, most of this material is
empirical In origin. One pivotal feature in the anthropologist's
method is to apply field observation consistently to check his theo­
ries. His notions of what values are and how they are used are
verified by systematic appeal to his experience. This experience is
partly obtained by listening to what people say about what they believe
and do. But it Is largely given by watching what they do. So while
conceptually the anthropologist's notions of values may change in
accordance with a changing climate of opinion, empirically a constantly
growing body of field data is accumulated as a test of his ideas. The
anthropological definition of values in its widest meaning Is an
operational one.
 631

But If the anthropologist Is a producer of raw materials, he also

processes them. He provides Interpretation. In this he works with a
framework of theory about societies. He Is not content with an a
priori position derived from a Western or other particular cultural
upbringing. If necessary he Is prepared to take the analysis back to
first principles. He asks what are the fundamental elements In a
social system. Its simplest components. Hardly any principles of human
action are. admltted without question to be 'natural* or given by some
principles of order outside those provided by human association
Itself. So, as compared with that of his colleagues In the social
sciences, the anthropologist's treatment of values tends to be broader
In cultural scope, more realistic In Illustration, and still fitted to
a general social theory. Partly because of this. It Is sometimes more
naive. Philosophically such anthropological views may have their
shortcomings. As guides to action they may be Ineffective. But they
are sincere attempts to meet on more than an empirical level the
problem of diversity of judgments and conflicts of codes in
circumstances when they are claimed to be right by the people concerned.

UNEVENNESS OF TREATMENT

But the anthropological treatment of values has been very uneven.

When judgments on conduct are described, or theoretical analyses of
social action given. It Is only recently that value terms have come to
be much used. Durkheim's great body of work, with Its emphatic and
elaborate analysis of moral obligation and the moral character of
consensus, has probably influenced anthropological thinking on values
at least as much as that of any other writer In this field. But though
there are a few scattered references to the term va[eur In most of his
writings. It appears as a specific subject of discussion only in his
essay of 1911.2 As late as 1942 one of the standard American
textbooks gives a whole chapter on economic Institutions without
mentioning values once; the notion Is Introduced only when the authors
come to the chapter on Money.* Such abstentions may be due to a
conviction that since values are basic to and inherent In all social
action, they are best dealt with Indirectly, and discussed In terms of
their content, without specific reference. It Is perhaps for this
reason that contributors to a British series of broadcast talks on the
values of primitive society discussed beliefs, behaviour, organiza­
tion, Institutions, nodes of thought as much as they did values as such.

But the reason for the lack of discussion In value terms may have
also lain in anthropological notions about primitive processes of
valuing. When Goldenwelser (1937, pp. 407-26) used the term 'values'
sparsely and did not define It, the reason was perhaps the notion that
valuation as a cognitive process Is foreign to the primitive pursuits--
what Is aimed at is achievement, not understanding'. Tools and
Inventions are accepted traditionally and become part of the technical
equipment of behaviour, not of thought and understanding. This, he

<
 632

conjectured, explained In part why objective experience In primitive

life failed to bring Its full intellectual harvest, ihe primitive is
guided by patterns; they are experiences, and the primitive individual
Identifies himself with his experience, so gratifying his pride and his
vanity. There is hardly room for any process of evaluation. This
underplaying of primitive conceptualization, with the virtual exclusion
of consciousness and deliberate thought, was useful in maintaining the
critique of Tylorlan intellectual Isin. But It tended to push values
simply into the realm of the Irrational and the unconscious. In
particular It seemed to give no basis for any change In value
judgments. But Goldenwelser did bring out the way in which the
patterns of primitive culture In their positive quality prescribe and
delineate the acceptable. A pattern is not merely a systematic regular
chain or modal form of behaviour. It also carries an Invitation or
command to reproduce the pattern as well as an exclusion and
proscription of what Is outside It and therefore unacceptable. By
implication here is a most Important aspect of value, namely Its
quality of being something wanted and felt to be proper to be wanted.

Most anthropologists so far have treated values mainly In a

descriptive way. There Is a vast amount of evidence of this kind. He
know about the values of cattle in East Africa, of pigs In Melanesia,
of a head wrenched In triumph from an enemy In Borneo or the
Philippines. Many of these objects of value have symbolic and
therefore Intricate, even arbitrary aspects. Hhat the anthropologist
does is to try to reduce the element of arbitrariness involved, lie
tries to show how the evaluations correspond to what we ordinarily
regard as commonsense requirements of social living. Cattle.and pigs
have some such recognizable uses. He tries to relate the evaluations
to as wide a range as possible of social concomítants--to show that
they do not stand alone but have their place In a whole scheme of
actions which are characteristic of the society concerned. Ultimately
he tries to see them as intelligible in terms of generally recognized
human characteristics. So the values of head taking ca . be linked with
the acquisition of prestige and power, of ritual notions of prosperity
and fertility. To go much further Into the question of why a head has
been taken as an object for valuing would demand psychologica.l
analysIs--for Instance, of the importance of eye and mouth, sight and
speech, as expressions of personality. But even without all this, and
without finding referents in any general human altitudes, values are
treated as significant because of the regular systematic social
operations which express them. There may be no way of ascribing
meaning beyond the closed system, but within it. behaviour can be
'explained* In so far as It can be given a context.

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633

COMPARATIVE APPROACH

When an anthropologist Is thus describing the values of a partic­

ular society he usually has an Implicit comparative approach. F. E.
Williams (1930, pp. 316-22) gives a list of what he calls the 'more
positive virtues' of the Orokaiva, a northern New Guinea tribe. In
this, liberality and good temper come near the top and honesty fairly
low down, while sexual continence before marriage has no place at all.
In examining Orokaiva ideals, actual conduct and sanctions needed to
keep them up to the mark, Williams notes that while their standards are
very different from our own, the village life of these people compares
by no means unfavourably with ours. In Its relative freedom from
quarrels and ill-feeling. When C. K. Meek (1937, p. 33)) Is discussing
the legal system of the Ibo of witchcraft, he says, would be a much
more serious matter than to accuse him of having embezzled a large sum
of money, whereas an Englishman— a modern one— would think nothing of
the one charge and be most deeply concerned at the other. Linked with
this Is the traditional Ibo notion that to kill a witch Is a duty, and
that the European legal process which condemns the murderer is unjust
and brutal. Both of these studies were by anthropologists for whom
such comparisons had a practical administrative relevance. But studies
of primitive economic values, made without this interest, have also
shown this comparative theme. Malinowski, who first opened up several
fruitful aspects of these problems by his field research In the
Trobrlands-, was clearly Influenced by his studies at Leipzig under Karl
Bucher, who worked on problems of comparative economics, especially the
evolution of labour and Industry. When Malinowski pointed out that In
the Trobriand scheme of things display of food gives social status and
therefore abundance Is valued as such; that an artifact may be valued
the more highly because it Is over-ornamented and therefore useless "for
Its original purpose; that an act of exchange may be important for Its
social Implications even more than for the things that change hands, he
was doing more than contributing to our understanding of Trobriand
values. Ills propos 11Ions"were derived from comparative theory, and
Implied a generality which Invited further comparison.

But there are two types of comparison. One Is the ltemistic type
of Westérmarck and other older writers. This compares values In their
bare judgment or practice-different attitudes to lying, to stealing,
to suicide among different societies. The other Is more Integrative.
It compares values In their configuration of social action, in
reference to the different structures of the societies In which they
operate. The method of Malinowski and most recent anthropologists,
while Integrative or 'functional' In analysis, has been to offer
comparative material rather by implication— by parallelism, one might
say. They have co-operated in comparison of values rather than
Individually engaged In such synthetic work.
 *
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634

A study which does make a frontal attack on the comparative value

problems Is Ruth Benedict's comparison of Zuni, Dobu and kwaklutl
societies. This brings out.clearly how diversity of custom Is not
fortuitous, but Is explicable In terms of the integration of patterns
of behaviour for each type of society. These patterns, fundamental and
distinctive, condition the thoughts and emotions of the members of the
society. Benedict's conception of a culture as a neatly rounded whole
and her attempt to perceive In cultures leading themes which can be
characterized as one would describe the character of a person have been
rightly much criticized. So also has her inability to make adequate
allowance for the conflicts of values within a society, for individual
selection and variation. But the appeal of her study In circles
outside anthropology was undoubtedly not only its over-simplification
but also Its emphatic suggestion of passing judgment on our own
civilization. People at large are interested not in the Zuni or the
Dobu but in their own discontents. The growing reputation of the
anthropologist rest in part on a conviction--sometimes Ill-founded—
that If he cannot find the cure at least he can help in the diagnosis
of our social Ills. What In essence Ruth Benedict seemed to offer was
an explanation of dominant traits of civilization In terms of cultural
choice, and the possibility of a more self-conscious direction of
social process on a new value basis. But at the same time she was
stressing the Importance of cultural relativity, of recognizing as
equally valid the pattern of life which each type of society has
created. In doing this she was giving her Western readers the chance
for self-criticism and for an apologia. She was also Implicated in a
value standpoint which has become of considerable Interest to anthro­
pologists themselves___

Cultural Relativism .

In recent anthropological analyses arise the problems of. the

general status of values and the relation of the observer to them. The
most forthright statement, picking up the torch of Westermarck and
Benedict, is that of Herskovits. in terms of 'cultural relativism'.
All evaluations, he argues, are relative to the cultural background out
of which they arise. The primary mechanism that makes for the
evaluation of culture Is ethnocentrism, the point of view that one's
own way of life is to be preferred to all others. In a culture like
that of the West, where the existence of absolute values has been
stressed for so long. It is difficult to understand the relativism of a
world that encompasses many ways of living. Here, it Is argued, is
where the anthropologist steps In. He studies customs and values in
their context, and can so get away from the ethnocentrism of the
ordinary man. The principle of cultural relativism springs from a vast
array of factual evidence, obtained, Herskovits says, by field
techniques that have allowed us 'to penetrate the underlying value
systems of societies having diverse customs' 'It Is not chance', he
says, 'that a philosophy of cultural relativism...has nad to await the
 635

development of adequate ethnographic knowledge' <1948, pp. 63, 6 8 , 78;

1952, p. 6 8 8 ). Moreover, llerskovl ts sees the essence of cultural
relativism In a respect for the values of other societies, leading
directly to the practical Implication that an attempt should be made to
harmonize these variant goals, not destroy them---

Detachment In Value S tudles

Anthropologists have often talked about the degree of detachment

they can really bring to their value studies. That there must be some
personal Involvement on the spot Is clear. But how far Is this
emotional Interest transferred from field situation to lecture room or
book? It is fairly simple to note the occasional overt Judgment that
slips through. Audrey Richards liked the courtesy and etiquette of the
Bemba, and thought European manners apt to be crude and boorish by
compar Ison. fvans-Pr Itchard has said he thought the Nuer interest In
cattle hypertrophied. Clyde Kluckhohn saw Navaho culture becoming an
ugly patchwork of meaningless and unrelated pieces Instead of a pat­
terned mosaic. At the broad comparative level, even those who argue
strongly for cultural relativism can hardly avoid giving marks at times
to the values and institutions they examine, as Ruth Benedict did. In
terms of a scale of social costs or social waste. Such anthropological
judgments seem to be of aesthetic rather than moral order. But what Is
far more difficult to estimate.Is how far the anthropologist's descrip­
tion of the form or the functioning of the society Is In part a
response to some of his own hidden evaluations. To take a hypothetical
example, how far Is an expression of kinship relations In terms of
tension a reflection of some of the anthropologist's own early family
experience...?

But to come back for a moment to the problems of the values In the
role of the anthropologist himself. Robert Redfleld, In a recent
Illuminating discussion of this whole problem, holds the scales fairly
evenly, lie points out the*roles of objectivity: the marshalling of
.evidence that may be confirmed by others, the persistent doubting and
testing of all important descriptive formulations, the humility before
the facts and the willingness to confess oneself wrong and begin
again. 'I hope I may always strive to obey these rules', he says.
'But I think now that what I see men do, and understand as something
that human beings do is seen often with a valuing of It. I like or
dislike as I go. This Is how I reach understanding of It' (1953, p.
165). This humility seems to me of the spirit of science. Acceptance
of oneself as a valuing Instrument with an Initial bias doesn't need to
make one claim tlidt the bias ts either essential or correct.

There has always been some tendency for anthropologists to express

their personal values, often of a humanistic kind, and Identify them
with some extra-cullural norms or unlversals. The International
history of the last two decades stimulated this. The boldest and most
 636

interesting essay of this type Is the attempt by Bronislaw Malinowski

(1947) to give an objective basis for the definition of freedom.
Hritlng during the war, with the rise of Hitler strongly in mind,
Malinowski tried to show from a study of the minimal conditions of
human organization how freedom Is essential to civilization___

Anthropologlcal Definition of V a lyes

From all this you may get the Impression that as Marett once said,
'we (sociologists and anthropologists] are notoriously vague, not to
say confused In respect to our architectonic' (1935, p. 43). this
might be confirmed by a quick look at the way in which we have defined
the notion of values. Values are sentiments (Malinowski and
Evans-PrItchard); conceptions (Kluckhohn and Murray); generalized
meanings (Florence kluckhohn); unconscious assumptions (lloinans);
relations of Interest (RadclIffe-Brown); ethos (Bateson and kroeber).
Sometimes values are Identified with things, sometimes with ends. It
would be harsh to argue that there Is a temptation In the social
sciences to make up In language what Is lacking in clarity of ideas.
But the lack of agreed definition makes for overlapping in the use of
what Thomas Hobbes called 'metaphors, tropes and other rhetorical
figures, instead of words proper*, it is true too that at times the
treatment of values by anthropologists assumes almost the character of
a dimension of the whole of social life.

The notion of values Is clearly complex. But much anthropological

treatment seems to agree In essence though the wording may differ. To
speak of values Implies recognition of preference qualities of
relationships between means and ends in social contexts. Values
Involve a grading of things and actions In terms of the Ir relative
desirability. The emphasis Is positive. (A glance at the dictionary
give the Latin valere, ‘ to be strong', and the Old French valolr, 'to
be worth', as related terms— cf. J. L. and J. P Glllln, 1948, p. 157;
S. F. Nade I, 1951, p. 264.) It aiso Implies systematic behaviour, not
simply random choice. Values have a cognitive aspect, they may be
conceptualIzed, have a shape In Ideas. They iiave also an emotional
charge.... It is this emotional element In values in particular which
makes them promote and guide conduct.... Hence they tend to have an
obligatory character— an element of 'oughts' as well as of 'want*.

As stimuli to action, values operate from the early years of

childhood, once there Is some systematic organization of experience
Into forms which perpetuate motivation. Values are learned, and some
very useful work has been done by anthropologists on the way in which
different processes of child-training in different societies provide
diverse sets of values. But the genetics of value systems, both for
individuals and societies, |s a subject on which much anthropologtcaI
work lias still to be done.

( ( (
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637

An imp }rlcal Classification

As yet, too, anthropologists have made little attempt to classify

values In any very systematic way. I find this a difficult problem, If
only because values vary In quality and In Intensity. But I find It
convenient to distinguish at an empirical level between technological,
economic, aesthetic, normative and ritual elements In any value
configuration. In doing so I make three points. The first Is that
these value elements are of different orders. As such, while
conceptually separable. In practice they may all be present In an
evaluation. A problem for the anthropologist is the Identification of
them and estimation of their relative weight. The second point Is that
In some cases It Is possible to abstract and capitalize a value element
which is especially marked In a range of situations, and refer to these
situations as showing 'values' of a particular type. Thus while a
normative quality may be ascribed to all evaluating, It Is a specific
characteristic of evaluations of an ethical or moral kind, where the
notion of a standard Is the forefront. These are the 'normative
values’par excellence. The third point Is that I think It Is
expedient for the present at least to recognize the use of the term
values In a wide connotation. There Is a case for wishing to confine
the term to those basic conceptions or assumptions which are
'obligatory'; which are regarded as predominant In regulating the life
of the society. There Is no doubt that a most important task In
anthropology lies In clarifying these 'grand values', as they have been
called. But to stop there Is difficult. On this basis economic values
would be excluded, since they often relate to trivially motivated
demands. Yet Durkheim himself has argued that they must be Included,
that all types of values are species of the same genus. There Is then
a case for using the term value, like structure, as an inclusive label
without too precise definition.

Some of these elements have socially and for individuals a more

relative or optional char'.cter than others. The definition of economic
value In terms of supply and demand relations shows a specific
assignment which Is less perceptible In values of other types. In
technological values, concerned with standards of efficiency, despite
Immense variation In range of objects Involved In different culture,
there Is more common measure of agreement than In other fields. Yet
while demand for more efficient tools may be a spur to cultural change,
differences of view may arise over the question: efficient for what?
The argument whether technological achievement Is to be preferred to
another value In given circumstances is typical of many such conflicts.

It Is taken for granted that values are not randomly distributed,

either for an Individual or a society. They are Interconnected in some
systematic way. But the degree of integration of the system may vary.
If with an Individual the integration Is very low, then his actions are
Incoherent. If with a society, there Is conflict. In studies of
 (

638

primitive societies anthropologists have shown the high degree of

Integration of the kinship system. Values In behaviour between cross­
cousins, for Instance, are linked with values attributed to father's
sister and mother's brother; and these In turn are linked with values
attaching to property and social statüs. Field research done by
anthropologists In London and elsewhere in this country indicates that
kinship outside the elementary family has likewise significant values
In our Western type of European society.

But one may adopt the assumption that In all social life there is
necessarily and Inescapably a clash between Interests or values of
individual and society. Even If one does not, it is clear that there
are many spheres of discrepancy. In an economically underdeveloped
territory nowadays, values described as rights to self-government,
political freedom and responsibility may be In conflict with values
attached to the requirements of technical efficiency. Both In turn may
conflict with traditional values of the local people about their class
or caste structure, their releglon, or their use of leisure___

In a clash between values in a social system those In what may be

called the associational field often seem to assert their primacy. In
South Africa the apartheid policy In some respects flies directly In
the face of those economic values which call for the preservation of an
African labour force as an Intimate part of both ritual and urban white
enterprises. This policy also maintains and is supported by a special
sectarian Interpretation of Biblical values. Similarly in the southern
United States the segregation policy draws an almost surrealist dis­
tinction between brown men and pink men— meaning by the latter term a
physical and not a political complexion. As Myrdal has pointed out,
with anthropological support, many Southern white men find themselves
In a grave dilemma In trying to justify with all kinds of rationaliza­
tion the basic Inconsistency between the American Creed and the
Christian religion on the one hand, and the various forms of discrimi­
nation and segregation on the other. The values, both positive and
negative, arising from and attached to close association with other
human beings have Immense weight.

This example bears upon what are often called 'ultimate values'.
These, it is presumed, are the most important, the fundamental
mainsprings of human action. They are frequently identified with, or
thought to reside In, religion. This view is to some extent a matter
of definitions. For the anthropologist as a scientist, his ultimate
values include knowledge and truth, for which he may or may not feel
the need of religious validation. Apart from this, in his material,
empirically, he Is concerned to extract the basic values In the
relations of man to man, man to nature, and man to himself. Here,
moral and religious standards, and even economic standards, seem often
de facto to yield and be redefined In favour of standards of what is
agreeable or disagreeable to have in close human association.
 639

Preference qualities of such association, what may be called the

'companionship value' or 'sharing value', seem to be basic In social
judgment. In trying to establish some unlversals In human values— a
search which I think not In valn--the anthropologist can turn his
attention to defining even more closely than hitherto the conditions In
which such sharing operates as a positive preference.

FOOTNOTES

1. Any conception of 'ultimate values' which are Inaccessible to

scientific study by their very nature does not fall within this field.
But by definition such values (If they exist) are not anthropological
material and do not concern us here.

2. Durkhelm, 1924. Cf. Kurkhelm, 1932, pp. 5, 7, 8 . 12, 17, etc.,

where he mentions the moral value of the division of labour; the value
of dilettantism (negatively); the Intrinsic value of civilization,
etc. In Durkhelm, 1925, p. 637, he alludes to the 'value' attributed
to an effect, but cf. also Parsons (1949, pp. 391, et seq.) who
formulates Durkheim's proposition specifically In terms of 'ultimate
values'.

(
 640

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following key Is used, to-Indicate the section of>thls reader to

which each entry In the bibliography most prominently relates. Some
relate to more than one area, but unless Its contribution Is more than
suggestive only one section Is noted. The numbers appear at the right
hand margin below.

1. Overview
2. Classification
3. Self and Other
4. Space
5. Time
6. Causal Ity
7 . Values
8 . Change
9. Study

Note that all sources that have provided a chapter in this book are '
marked with an asterlskt*).

Achebe, Chinua
1959 Things Fall Apart, 8
New York: Ivan Obolensky, Inc.

I960 No Longer at Ease. 8

New York: Ivan Ovolensky, Inc.

Aldrich, Charles R.
1969 “Mystic Causation and Mystic Participation" 6
The Primitive M lnd and Modern CIvilizalIon
New York: ÁMS Press, pp. 7387.

Alexander. Samuel
1950 Space. Time, and Deity 4
New York: Humanities Press.

Appelbanm, R. P.
1970 Theories of Social Change 8
Chicago: Markham Publishing Co.

Arensberg, C. M.; A. Nlehoff

1971 “American Cultural Values" 7.8
Introducing Social Change
Chicago; Aldlne Press.

(
(
 í
(

641

Avery, Allen Jr.

1980 "Towards an African View of Time" 5
Unpublished paper. School of World Missions,
Fuller Theological Seminary.

Baird, John C.
1970 Psychophysical Analysis of Visual Space 4
Oxford, New York: Pergaman Press.

Barber, Bernard
1941 "Acculturaltion and Messianic Movements" 8
American Sociological Review
6:663-669.

Banfield, Edward C.
1958 The Moral Basis of a Backward Society 7
New York: The Free Press.

Barbour, Ian G.
1974 Myths, Models, and Paradyms 3
New York: Harper and Row.

Barnett, Homer G.
1942 "Invention and Culture Change" 8
American Anthropologist
44:14-30.

1953 Innovat]on and the Basis of Cultural Change 8

New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc.

Barnouw, Victor
1973a "Cognition and Culture," Barnouw 1973b:55-89 1

1973b Culture and Personality 1

(second edition), Homewood, Illinois: Dorsey

1973c "Culture and Personality Research," Barnouw 1973b: 9

203-308.

Bascom, William R., and Melville J. Herskovlts

1959 Continuity and Change In African C u ltures 8
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Beals, Ralph L.
1953 "Acculturation" • 8
Anthropology Today
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
pp. 621-641.
 < c
642

Beattie, J. H. M.
1977 "On Understanding Ritual" 6
Rationality,'Byron R. Wilson, Ed.
Oxford: Basil Blackwell, pp. 240-268.

Bee, Robert
1974 "Acculturation" 8
Patterns and Processes
New York: The Free Press, pp. 94-119.

Belshaw, Cyril S.
1954 Changing Halanesla 8
Melbourne: Oxford University Press.

Benedict, Ruth
1959 Patterns of Culture 3
Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Berlin, Brent, Dennis E. Breedlove, and Peter H. Raven

1968 "Covert Categories and Folk Taxonomies" 2
American Anthropologist
70:290-299.

1973 "General Principles of Classification and

Nomenclature in Folk Biology" 2
American Anthropologist
75:214-242.

Berndt, Catherine H.
1953 "Soclo-Cultural Change In the Eastern Central
Highlands of New Guinea" 8
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
9:112-138.

Berndt. Ronald M.
1951 "Influence of European Culture on Australian
Aborigines" 8
Oceania
21:229-235.

1952 "A Cargo Movement in the Eastern Central Highlands

of New Guinea" 8
Oceania
23:40-65,(see also 137-158, 202-234).

1954 "Reaction to Contact in the Eastern Highlands

of New Guinea" 8
Oceania
24:191-228, (see also 255 274).
 643

Berger, Peter
1973 The Homeless Hind 3
New York: Vintage Books, Random House.

Sidney, David
1952 "The Concept of Value In Modern Anthropology" 7
Anthropology Today
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Bock, Phillip
1973a "Belief Systems," Bock !973c:310-46

1973b "Field Methods," Bock 1973c: 382-410. 9

1973c Modern Cultural Anthropology (second edition) 3

New York: Alfred Á. Knopf

1973d "Social Time and Social Space," Bock 1973c:

173-201. 4.5
* 1973e "Value Systems," Bock 1973c: 347-378 7

Bphannan, Paul
* 1953 "Concepts of Time Among the Tlv of Nigeria" 5
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
9<3>:25Í-262.

Branley, Franklin
1970 "Conceptions of the Universe" 4
Natural History, 79:30 ff.

Brown, G. Gordon
1944 "Missions and Cultural Diffusion" 8
A^ef'ce0 Journal of Sociology
50:214-219 '

Bruner, Edward M.
1956 "Cultural Transmission and CulturalChange" 8
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
12:191-199.

Bryson, Lyman, editor

1954 Symbols and Values:__ An Initial Study 7
New York: ilarper and Row.

Chomsky, Noam
1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax 9
Cambridge, M.I.Í.
 644
1972 "Linguistics and Philosophy" 6
Language and the H ind
Hew York: llarcpurt Brace Jovanlch, Inc.,
pp. 161-194.

Clinton, J. Robert
* 1980 "A Comparison of Some Horldvlew Models" I
Unpublished paper. School of Morid Mission,
Fuller Theological Seminary.

Clough, Shepard B.
I960 Basic Values of Hestern Civilization 7
New York: Columbia University Press.

Cole. Michael; J. Gay; J. A. Gllck; and 0. W. Sharp

‘ 1971a "Classification," Cole et.al. I97ld:59-9I. 2

1971b "Culture and Thinking," Cole et al 1971d : 3-24. 6

1971c "Culture, Logic, and Thinking," Cole et al 1971d:

176-201. 9

1971 d The Cultural Context of Learning and Thinking,

New York: Basic Books

1971e "Toward an Experimental Anthropology," Cole et al

1971d :18-24. 9

Conklin, II. C.
1964 "llanunvo Color Categories" 2
Language In Cul ture and Society, Dell llymes, Ed.
New York: Harper and Row. pp. 189192.

Denber, Hi 11 lam N.
1964 visual Perception;___The Nineteenth Century 4
New York: John Hi ley and Sons.

Oolgin, Janet L., David S. Kemnltzer, and David M. Schneider, eds.

1977 Symbolic Anthropology:__A Reader In the Study of
Symbols and Meaning 1.3.7
New York: Columbia University Press.

Douglas, Mary
1973 Natural Symbols: Explorations In Cosmo[ogy 3
New York: Random House.

( (
(
 <

645

DuBols, C.
1955 "The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture" 7
Arnerlcan Anthropologist
57:123ff.

Ekman. Paul; and Wallace Friesen

1969 "The Repertoire of Non-verbal Behavior: 2
Categories, Origins, Usage and Coding"
Semiótica
1:49-98.

El lade, M.
1954 "Regeneration of Time" 5
The Myth of the Eternal Return
New York: Pantheon Books.

1974 "Sacred World, Sacred Life, Sacred Time"

Manjind the Sacred
New York: Harper and Row, pp. 3-24.

Esser, A. H . , ed.
1971 Behavior and Environment: The Use of Space b y
Animals and Hen 4
New York: Plenam Press.

Evans-Pritchard, E. E.
1939 “Nuer Time Reckoning" 5
Africa
2:189-216.

falrman, Tim
"The 'Ideal Han' Within Maasal Worldview" 3
Unpubl1shed, paper. Fuller Theological Seminary
School of Horld Mission.

Firth, Raymond
1964 "The Study of Values by Social Anthropologlsts.“ 7,9
Essays on Social Organization and V a lues
London: The Atholone Press, pp. 206-224.

Fishbeln, M.; and I. Ajzen

1975 Beljef, Atytude. Intention and Behavior: An
Introduction to Theory and Research 7
Menlo Park, Ca.: Addlson-Wesley.
 ( (

646

Foster, George M.
1965 "Peasant Society and the Image of limited Good"
American Anthropologist 3
67:293-315.

1972 "A Second Look at Limited Good" 3

Anthropological Quarterly
45:57-64.

* 1973 "Cultural Barriers to Change," 3'

Traditional Societies and Technological Change
New York: Harper and Row, pp. 82-104.' ,

1974 “Limited Good or Limited Goods: Observations on 3

Acheson.: American Anthropologist. 76:53-57!

Fraser, J. T
1966 "Time in Indian and Japanese Thought" 5
The Voices of Time
New York: George Braziller, pp. 77-91.

Geertz, Clifford
1957 "Ethos, Worldview, and the Analysis of Sacred
Symbols" 1
The Antioch Review
17:421-37.

Geertz, Clifford; Hildred Geertz

1975 Kinship In Ball 3
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Gennep, Arnold van

1960 The Rites of Passage 5
Chicago: University of Chicagc Press.

Gerlach, L. P. and V. H. Hine

1970 People. Power, Change: Movements of Social
Transfiguration 8
New York: Bobbs Merrill Co.

Gluckman, Max
1955 Custom and Conflict in Africa 8
Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

1963 Order and Rebellion In Tribal Africa 8

London: Cohen and West.
 647

Gorman, Bernard S.; and Alden E. Wessman

1977 The Personal Experience of Time 5
New York: Plenum Press.

Gossen, Gary II.

1974 Chamulas In the World of the Sun 5
Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

* 1979 ‘‘
temporal and Spatial Equivalents In Chamula
Ritual Symbolism" 5
Reader In Comparative Religion. H. A. Lessa and
É. Z. Vogt, eds., (4th Edition), New York: Harper
and Row, pp. 116-129.

Gregory. J.
1975 "Image of Limited Good and Expectation
of Receptivity" 3
Current Anthropoloqv
16:73-92.

Grlndal, Bruce T
1972 Growing tJQ_ln Two Horlds 8
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Hlnston, Inc.

Hall, Edward T
* 1959a “Space Speaks," Hall 1959b:187-209. 4

1959b Jbe Silent Language

Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc.

* 1959c “The Voices of Time." Hall I959b:23-4I. 5

I959d "Three Studies of Change." Hall I959b:225-23l. 8

1966 The Hidden Dimension 4

Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co., Inc.

Hallowe11. A . Irving
1937 "Temporal Orientation In Hestern Civilization and
In a PrelIterate Society" 5
American Anthropologist
39:647-670.

* 1955a "Basic Orientation Provided by Culture," llallowell

1967:83-110 3

1955b Cultural Factors In Spatial Or lentat Ion, "Hal lowe 11

1967:184-203. 4
 648

1955c “The Ojlbwa Self and It's Behavloial tnvlronment,“ 3

Hallowed 1967:172-182.

I955d “Morid View, Personality Structure, and the Self: 3

The Ojlbwa Indians.“Hallowed 1967:112-172.

1967 Culture and Experience

Philadelphia: University of Pa. Press

Harrison, II. S.
1954 “ Discovery, Invention, and Diffusion" 8
A History of Technology. Vol. 1, Singer, Holmyard,
H a d (eds.), Oxford: Clarendon Piess.

lldugliey, John C.
1975 Should Anyone Say Forever? 7
New Vork: Doubleday and Co., pp. 37-54.

llerskovlts, Melville J.
1941 "Some Comments on the Study of Culture Contact" 8.9
American Anthropoloqist
43:N.S.

1967 “Cultural Relativism and Cultural Values” 6

Cultural Dynamics
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, pp. 46 64.

lllebert, Paul
1976a “Ecology" 3
Cultural Anthropology
Philadelphia: 3. B. Llpplncott Co., pp. 89-111.

1976b “Traffic Patterns In Seattle and ilyderbad: 4.6

Immediate and Mediate Transactions"
Journal of Anthropological Research
32:326-336.

1978 “Conversion, Culture and Cognitive Categories" 8

Gospel In Context
1:24-29.

1980 Introduction to Animism 3.7

Unpublished syllabus and lecture outlines.
Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, Calif.

* 1982 "the Flaw of the Excluded Middle," 3

Misstoloqv: An International Review
10(1):35-47.

( ( (
 ( ( (

649

Hollis, Martin
1977 "The Limits of Irrationality" 6
Rational Ity.B. R. Wilson, ed.. New York: Harper and Row
Harper and Row, pp. 214-220.

Holloway, G. E. T
1967 An Introduction to The Child's Conception of Space 4
London: Rout ledge.

llonlgmann, John J
1959 The World of Man 1
New York: Harper and Row,

Horton, Robin
* 1967 "African Traditional Thought and Western Science " 6
Rational ity. B. R. Wilson, ed.. New York:
Harper and Row, pp. 131-140.

Hough, Walter
1893 “Time-keeping by Light and Fire" 5
American Anthropologist
6:207-210.

Howard, Ian P. and W. B. Templeton

1966 Human Spatial Orientation 4
New York: Wiley and Sons.

Hsu, Francis
1972 "American Core Value and National Character" _ 7
Psychological Anthropology
Cambridge, Mass: Schenkman, pp. 209-229.

Hunter (Wilson), Monica

1934 ""ethods of Study of Culture Contact" 9
Africa
7(3).

11tel son, Hi 11 lam H.

I960 Visual Space Perception 4
New York: Springer Publishing Co.

Jacobs, Donald R
1961 The Culture Themes and Puberty Rites of
the Akamba. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms 7

* 1978 "Culture and the Phenomenon of Conversion" 88

Gospel In Context I(3):4-I4
Jarvie, I . C. and J. Agassi
1967 "The Problem of the Rationality of Magic"
The British Journal of Anthropology
18:55-74.

Johnson, Aubrey R.
1964 The Vitality of the Individual in the Thought
of Ancient Israel (2nd ed.)
Cardiff: University of Hales Press.

Jones, H. T.
1972 "Worldviews: Their Nature and Their Function"
Current Anthropology
13:79-91.

Kay, Paul
1970 "Some Theoretical Implications of Ethnographic
Semantics"
Bulletin of the American An Ui ropologica] Assoc.
3(3), part 2:29-31.

Kearney, Michael
1969 "An Exception to the 'Image of Limited Good'"
American Anthropologist
71:888-890.

1972 The Hinds of Ixtepe.l i:__ Worldview and Society in a

Zapotee Town
New York: Holt, Rineholt and Winston.

* 1975 "Worldview Theory and Study"

Annual Review of Anthropology
4:247-70.

* 1983 "Images of Time"

Worldview. Novalto, California: Chandler and
Sharp (Since this publication is in process at the
time of this project, all references are from a pre-
publteat ion copy.)

Keesing, Roger
1976 “World View and Cultural Integration"
Cultural Anthropology:__ A Contemporary
Perspective. New York: Holt, pp. 406-425.

Klesler, Charles A.
1971 The Psychology of Commitment
New York: Academic Press.
 651

kletzman, 0 .H
1958 "Conversion and Culture Change" 8
Practical Anthropoloqy
5:203-210.

kletzman, D. H.; and H A. Smalley

I960 “The Missionary's Role In Culture Change" 8
Practical Anthropoloqy
8:15-24.

kluckhohn, Clyde
1949 "An Anthropologist Looks at the United States" 3
Mirror for Han
New York: McGraw-Hill, pp. 228-261 (also In
Greenwich. C t .: Fawcett, pp. 175-199).

1962 "Ethical Relativity: Sic Et Non" 7

Culture and Behavior
1
New York: The Free Press, pp. 263-285.

1979 "Myths and Rituals: A General Theory" 7

Reader In Comparative Religion (4th edition).,
W. A. Lessa and E. 1. Vogt, Eds., New York: Harper
and Row.

kluckhohn. Clyde and Oorothea C. Leighton

1962 "The Navaho View of Life" 2.3
The Navaho, rev. ed.
Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co.,
pp. 294-321.

kluckhohn. Florence; and Fred Strodtbeck

* 1961a "Dominant and Variant Value Orientations,"
kluckhohn and.Strodtbeck )961d:l-24 7

1961b "Statistical Methods of Analysis" kluckhohn

and Strodtbeck I96ld:121-137. 7.9

1961c "The Research Instrument: Development and

Administration," kluckhohn and Strodtbeck 196)d :
77-120. ‘ 7.9

1961 cl Variations In Value Orientations

Hesfport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.

1961e Variations In Values Orientations as a Factor

In Cultural Change," kluckhohn and Strodtbeck I96ld:
41-48. 7.8
 652

Kohler, Ivo
1964 "» The Formation and Transformation of the Perceptlal
Horld “ ^ ~ 4
New York: International Universities Press, Inc.

Koppers, Ullhelm (S.V.D.)

1955 “Diffusion: Transmission and Acceptance” 7,8
Current Anthropoloqy. HI 11 lam L. 1liornas (ed.)
pp. 169-184.

Kroeber, Alfred Louis

1944 Configuration of Culture G rowth 8
Berkeley, Calif.: University of Calif. Press.

Kraft, Charles II.

1974 “Ideological Factors In Intercuttural Communication" 7
Hlsslology
2(31:295-312.

1979a “Are He Determined by Culture?”, C. Kraft

1979b:60-63 1

1979b Christianity In Culture

Haryknoll, New York: Or bis Brooks

1979c “Different Horldvlew Assumptions Lead to Different I

Conclusions," C. Kraft l979b:57-60.

* I979d “Factors Influencing the Advocacy of Change," 8

C. Kraft 1979b:366-370.

* 1979e "Human Beings In Culture," 45-57. I

* I979f "Transforming Culture with God," C. Kraft

1979b:345-355. 8

1979g “
Horldvlew," C. Kraft l979b:53-57. I

Kraft, MarguerI te G.
* 1978a “Kainwe Guinea Corn Complex . ' 1 M Kiaft I9/Bd:
36-41. 3

* 1978b “Kamwe Mountain Orientation,”M. Kraft 1978d:

29-35. 3.4

1978c “The Kamwe Ideal Person,”M Kraft l978d:52-62. 3

I979d Horldvlew and the Communication of the Gospel

Pasadena: Hilllam Carey Library.

(
 c (
(

653

Laurendeau, Monique; and Adrien Plnard

1970 The Developmen t of the Concept of Space In the Child 4
New York: International Universities Press, Inc. .

Leach, Edmund R.
1976 “Logic and Mytho-Loglc" 6
Culture and Communication
Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press,
pp. 69-70 (see also “Conclusion" pp. 95-97).

1961 “Two Essays Concerning the Symbolic Representation 5

of Time”
Rethinkinq Anthropoloqv
London: The Athlone Press, Unlv. of London,
pp. 124-136.

Lee, Dorothy
* 1949 “Being and Value In a Primitive Culture" 3
Journal of Philosophy
46:401-415 (reprinted in Lee 1959, pp.89-104).

* 1950a "Lineal and Nonllneal Codifications of Reality" 2

Psychosomatic Medicine
12:89-97 (reprinted in Lee 1959, pp.105-120).

* 1950b "The Conception of the Self Among the Wintu

Indians" 3
The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology
45 (reprinted In Lee 1959, pp.131-140).

1959 "View of Self In Greek Culture" 3

Freedom and Culture
Englewood Cliffs. N.Y.: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
pp. 141-153:

Leon-Portl1 la, M.
1973 I line and Reality In the Thought of the Maya 5
Boston: Beacon Press.

Lepley, Ray
1949 Value, a Co-operative Inquiry 7
New York: Columbia University Press.

1956 The Language of Value 7

New York: Columbia Press.

Leslie, Charles
I960 Now He A re Civilized: A Study of the World
View of the Zapotee Indians of Hltla. Oaxaca, 3,8
Levine, 0. N.
1968 "Cultural Integration"
International-Encyclopedia of Social Sciences
7:372-379.

Levi-Stauss, Claude
1966 "The Science of the Concrete"
(1962) The Savage Hind
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
pp. 1-33.

Levy-Bruhl. L u d e n
1923 "The Primitive's Indifference to Secondary
Cause"
Primitive Mental Ity
New York: The Macmillan Company
pp. 35-58.

Linton. Dwight
“The Interaction of Three Categories of Balinese
Worldview: Person-Group, Space, and Time11
Unpublished paper, School of World Mission,
Tuller Theological Seminary

Linton, Ralph
1936 "Participation in Culture"
The Study of Man
New York: D. Appleton-Century Co. pp., 271-287.

1937 "One Hundred Percent American"

The American Mercury, Vol.40, pp. 427-429

1939 “The Social Consequence of a Change in Subsistence

Economy"
The Individual and HIs j>ociety,
A. Kardiner (ed ), New York: Columbia
University Press, pp. 282-290.

1943 "Nativtsttc Movements"

American Anthropologist,
45:230-240.

Little. Kenneth
1970 West African Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary
Association In Social Change
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 655

1971 "Some Aspects of African Urbanization South of

the Sahara" 8
HcCaleb Module In Anthropology
Philippines: Addlson-Hesley Publishing Co.. Inc.

loewen, Jacob A.
1964 "Reciprocity In IndentlfIcatlon," pp. 27-42. 8

1965 "Missionary Method and Role," pp. 349-428. 9

1965 "Self-Exposure: Bridge to fellowship," pp. 54-67. 9

1967 “
Religious Drives and the Place Hhere It Itches," 9
pp. 3-26.

1969 "Socialization and Conversion In the

Ongoing Church" 7,8
Practical Anthropology
16:1-17.

* 1975 "Lengua Indians and Their Innermost" 3

Culture and Human Values
Pasadena: William Carey Library, pp. 135-155

Lucas, J. R.
1973 A Treatise on Time and Space 5
london: Methuen and Co.

Lukes, Steven
1977 “Some Problems about Rationality” 6
Ratlonallty,
B. R. Wilson, ed.. New York: Harper and Row.
pp 194 213.

Luria, A. R.
1976 Cognitive Development: Its Cultural and Social
foundations ” 6 .9
Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Luzbetak, Louis J. (S.V.Ü.)

.1958 “The Middle Wahgl Culture: A Study of first Contacts
and Initial Selectivity" 8
Anthropos
53:51-87?

19/0 “The Processes by Which Cultures Change" 8

Ihe Church ^nd Cultures
Pasadena: william Carey Library, pp. 210-316.

( (
 656

lynch, K.
1972 Hhat Time Is this Place?
Cambridge, Mass.:- H.I.T. Press.

Lynd, Robert
1939 “American Cultural Values: Contradiction and 7
Integration," Knowledge for Hhat? The Place of Social
Science In American Culture. Princeton University Press

MacIntyre, A.
1977 "Understanding Religion and Believing" 6
Rational Ity ,
B. R. Hi Ison, ed.
New York: Harper and Row, pp. 62-77.

Macklln, June
1957 “Culture Change" 8
Review of Sociology: Analysis of a Decade
J. B. Glttler, ed.. New York: John Hiley
and Sons, Inc.
pp. 531-545

Madsen, Hllllam
* 1964 “ Value Conflicts and Folk Psychotherapy In South
Texas" 7
j[al th and J|eal Ing,
Arl Kiev, ed., New York: The Free Press,
pp. 420-440.

Malinowski, Bronislaw
1927 “Lunar and Seasonal Calendars in the Trobriands" 5
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Ins t itute
57:203-215.

1945 The Dynamics of C u lture Change: An Inquiry Into

Race Relations In Africa 8
New Haven: Yale University Press

1954 "Myths of Magic" 6

Magic,_Science and Religion
Garden City, N.Y.: Doubieday Anchor Books.
pp. 138-148.

Maltz, D. N.
1968 “Primitive Time-Reckoning as a Symbolic System" 5
Cornell Journal of Social Re Ia t ion s
3(2):85-111.

A
(
 (

657

Mande 1ba urn. David G.

1941 "Culture Change among the Nllglrl Tribes" 8
American Anthropologist
4 3 :í9-26.

Maxwell, R. J.
1971 "Anthropological Perspectives" 5
The Future of Time ,
Henri M. Yaker, ed.
Garden City, New York: Doubleday
pp. 36-72.

Mayers, Marvin K.
1979 "The Basic Values: A Model of Cognitive Styles 1,9
for Analyzing Human Behavior," unpublished paper.

Mbltl, John S.
1969 "The Concept of Time" 5
African Rel1glons and Philosophy
New York: Praeger, pp. 15-29.

1971 New Testament Eschatology In an African Background 5

London: Oxford University Press.

McGavran, Donald A.
19,74 The Clash Between Christianity and Culture 8
Washington: Canon Press

Mead, Margaret
1952 Male and female: A Study o f the Sexes In a Changing
World 3
New York: Wl11 lam Morrow, Inc.

1953 Cultural Patterns and Technical Change ’ 8

Oakland, California: UNESCO.

1956 New Lives for Old: Cultural Manus.1928-1953 8

New York: William Morrow.

Metzger, D; and C. E. William

1966 "Procedures and Results In the Study at Native
. Categories: Tzeltal Firewood" 9
AmerIcan Anthropoloqlst
68:389-407.

Morris, Charles
1956 Varieties o f Human Value 7
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Murdock, George P.
1956 "Mow Culture Changes"
Man. Culture, and Society.
Harry L. Shapiro, ed.. New Yoik: Oxford University
Press, pp. 247-260.

Neibuhr, II. Richard

1951 Christ and Cu lture
New York: Harper and Row.

Nerllch, Graham
1976 The Shape of Space
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Nida, Eugene A.
¡961 x "Chrlsto-paganism"
Practical Anthropology
8:1-14.

Nilsson. M. P.
1920 Primitive Time Reckoning
Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup

Noble. Lowell L.
1962 "A Culturally Relevent Witness to Anlmists
Practical Anthropoloqy
9:220-222.

Northrop, F. S. C.
1946 The Meetlnq of East and West: An Inquiry
Concerning World Understanding
New York: Macmilian.

1949 • Ideological Difference and World Order

New Haven: Yale University Press.

1952 "Cultural Values"

Anthropoloqy Today
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Ong, W. J.
1969 "World as View and World as Event"
American Anthropologist
71:634-647.

Opler, Morris E.
* 1945 "Themes As Dynamic Forces In Culture"
American Journal of Sociology
53 (3):198-206.
 1955 “An Outline of Chlrtcahua Apache Social
Organization" 3
Sor. [a I An thropology of Worth Ame rlcan TrI be s
fred Éggan, ed., Chicago: University Of Chicago
Press, pp. 173-239.

Otten, Charlotte M , ed.

1971 "let's Hear Hhat He Can See" 4
Anthropolog y and Art
Garden City, New York: Natural History Press
pp. 168-170

Parrinder, Geoffrey
1951 Hest African Psychology : A Comparative Study of
Psychológica 1 and Re 11glous Thought 8
London: Lutterworth Press.

Perry, Ralph Barton

1926 General Theory of Value 7
New York: Longmans, Green and Co.

1954 Realms of Value 7

Cambridge: Harvard Unlverslty Press

Piaget, Jean
1956 The Child's Conception o f the Physical 6
London: Rout ledge and Paul.

1974 Understanding Causality 6

New York: Norton Publishing Co.

Pike, Kenneth L.
I960 "Stimulating agd Resisting Culture Change" 8
Practical Anlhropology
8:267-274.

Pike, E .
1980 "The Concept of Limited Good and the Spread
of the Gospel" 3
Hiss ology
8(4).449-454.

Pocock, David F.
1964 "Ihe Anthropology of Time-Reckoning" 5
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7:18-29.

(
 660

Porter, Arthur T.
1963 Creoledom 8
London: Oxford University Press.

Radln, Paul
1927 Primitive Han as Philosopher 3
New York: 0. Appleton and Co.

Redfleld, Robert
1934 "Culture Changes In Yucatan" 8
American Anthropologist
Vol. 36.

1939 "Culture Contact Hlthout Conflict" 8

American Anthropologist
41:514-517.

1941 The Folk Culture of Yucutan 3

Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

* 1952 "The Primitive Hor'ld View" I

Preceedlngs of the American Phi Iosoplileal Society
44:30-36 (reprinted In Redfleld, ¡962;
pp. 269-280).

1953 The Primitive Morid and Its Transformations I

Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

1955 from Primitive Life to C ivilization 8

Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

1962 Human Nature and the Study of Society I

Margaret Park Redfleld, ed., Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.

Redfield, Robert; Ralph Linton, and Melville J. Ilerskovlts

1936 "Memorandum On the Study of Acculturation” 8
American AnthropologIst
38:149-152.

Reeck, Darrell
19/6 Deep Hende: Religious Interaction In a Changing
Rufa¡Society 8
Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill.

Relchenbach, Hans
1958 The Philosophy of T ime and Space 4,5
New York: Dover Publications ínc.

<
 (

661

Ross, Emory and Myrta

1959 Africa Disturbed 8
New York: Friendship Press

Rowe, J . E .
1946 "The Inca Culture at the Time of the Conquest" 8
Handbook of South American Indians
3. H. Steward, ed., Washington: Smithsonian
Institute.

Sahlins, Marshall
1976 "Colors and Cultures" 2
Semiótica
16:1-22 (reprinted In Dolgln, et. al. 1977:
165-180).

Schapera, I., ed.

1934 Western Civilization and the Natives of South
Africa: Studies in Culture Contact 8
New York: Humanities Press.

Segal I, Marshall H., Donald T. Cambell, and Melville J. Herskovlts

1966 The Influence of Culture on Visual Perception 4
New York: The Bobbs-Merrl11 Co., Inc.

Sharp, J. Lauriston
1952 "Steel Axes for Stone Age Australians" 8
Human Organization
1(2) (also in Practical Anthropology 7:62-73).

Sherover, Charles M.
1975 The Human Experience o f Time 5
New York: University of New York.

Sibley, Willis E.
1960-61 "Social Structures and Planned Change: A Case
Study from the Philippines" 8
Human Organization
19:209-211.

Slertsma, B.
1969 "Language and World View (Semantics for Theologians)" 2
The Bible Translator
20:3-21.

Simon, Yves
1970 The Great Dialog of Nature and Science 4
Albany, New York: Magi Books, Inc.
 (

662

Singer, Milton
1978 “Signs of the Self: An Exploration in Semiotic
Anthropology - Distinguished Lecture for 1978" 3
American Anthropologist
82:485-507.

Skinner, B. F.
1974 About Behavior Ism 1
New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Sklar, Lawrence
1974 Space. Time, and Spacetime 4.5
Berkeley: University of California Press.

Smith, Edwin W.
1927 The Golden Stool: Some A spects o f the Conflict
o f Cultures in Modern Africa 8
London: The Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel In Foreign Parts.

Spicer, Edward H., ed.

1952 Human Problems in Technological Change: A Case Book 8
New York: Russell Sage.

1961 Perspective In American Indian Culture Change 8

Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

1962 Cycles of Conquest 8

Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Sorokin, P. A. and R. K. Merton

1937 "Social Time: A Methodological and Functional
Analysis" 5
American Journal of Sociology. 42:615-29.

Spindler, George D., and Walter Goldschmidt

* 1952 "Experimental Design In the Study of Culture Change" 9
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
8:68-83.

Spradley, James P. and Oavld W. McCurdy

1975a Anthropology - A Cultural Perspective,
New York: John Wiley and Son Publishing Co.

1975b "Culture Change." Spradley and McCurdy 1975a:56i-598. 8

* 1975c "Ethnographic Discovery Procedures." Spradley and

McCurdy !975a:42-7l. 9
 663

1975d "Field Work and Ethnography," Spradley and McCurdy

I975a:72-108. .. 9
‘ i
*, 1975e "Religion and Magic," Spradley and McCurdy 1975a:
423-454. 3

* I975f "Worldview and Values," Spradley and McCurdy 1975a:

455-501. 7

Spradley, James P.
1979a "Discovering Cultural Themes," Spradley 1979b:
185-203. 9

1979b The Ethnoqraphtc Interview

New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston,

1980 "Participant Observation" 9

New York: Holt, Reinhart, and Winston

Staples. Russell L.
1982 "Western Medicine and the Primal World-View" 6
International Bulletin of Missionary Research
rrl. 6(2), pp. 70-71.

Stern, T.
1963 “Ideal and Expected Behavior as Seen In klamath
Mythology" 7
Journal of American Folklore
76:27-28.

Stewart. Edward C.
1972 American Cultural Patterns: A Cross-cultural
Perspective 3
laGrange P a r k , M 11Inols: Intercultural
Network, Inc.

Steward, JulIan H.
1956 The Theory of Culture Chanqe: The Methodological
of Muí ti linear Evolution 8
Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press.

1968 "Cultural Ecology" 3.8

International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences
Vol. 4. New York: MacMillan, pp. 337-344.

( (
Strodtbeck, Fred
1964 "Considerations of Meta Method In Cross-cultural
Studies"
American Anthropoloqlst
66:223-229.

Sturtevant, Hi I M a m
1964 "Studies In Ethnosclence"
American Anthropoloqlst
66 (1). Part 2:99-131.

Szeto, P.
1979 "Approaching a Horld View Transfoimation
Among Chinese Communists," unpublished
paper. Fuller Theological Seminary.

lakakusu. Junjlro
* 1967 "The Buddhist Principle of Causation"
The Indian Hind, Charles H. Moore, ed.
Honolulu: Univ. of Hawaii Press, pp. 91-101

Taylor, John V.
1963 "Hhat Is Man" 3
The Primal Vision: Christian Presence Amid
African Religion
Bloomsbury Street, London: SCM Press Ltd.,
pp. 93-116.

1976 Primal Horld Views;__ Christian Involvement In

Dialogue with Traditional Thought Form
Ibadan: Dayston Press.

laylor, Klchard
1967 "Causation"
The Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Vol. 2
New York: The Macmillian Co. and the Free Press.
pp. 56-66.

Theodorson, Goerge A.
1963 "Acceptance of Indus tria Ii2 atIon and Its Attendant
Consequence for the Social Patterns of Non-western
Societies"
American Sociological Review
18:471-484. 7

(
 ( i

665

Thompson, Laura
1948 "Attitudes and Acculturation" 8
American Anthropologist
50:200-215.

1948 Culture In Crisis:__A Study of the Hop! Indians 8

New York: Harper.

Thurnwald, Richard
1938 "The African In Transition: SomeComparisons
wi th Melanesia"
Africa
11:174-184.

Torrance, Thomas F.
1969 Space, Time, and Resurrection 4.5
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.

Turnbull, Col in M.
1972 The Mountain People
New York: Simon and Schuster.

Tyler, S. A. .
1969 Cognitive Anthropology
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.

Underwood, Alfred Clair

1925 Conversion: Christian and Non-Chrlstlan ‘ 8
London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.

Wallace, Anthony F. C.
1956 "Revitalizatlon Movements" 7.8
American An thropologist
58:264-28Í.

1964 "The Psychology of Culture Change"

Culture and Personal Ity
New York: Random House, pp. 120-163.

1968 "Cognition Theories"

The International Encyclopedia of the Social
Sciences
New York: The Macmillan Co. and The Free Press
pp. 336-539.

1970 "Culture and Cognition"

Culture and Personality, 2nd ed.
New York: Random House, pp. 75-120.
 í c
666

Heathers, Robert S.
1981 "Dualism or Holism? A Look at Anthropology 8
Ethics, and Human Health,"
Journal of the American Sclent if ic Af f»11a M o n ,
(In press at the time of this listing.)

Weidman, H. H.
1969 "Cultural Values, Concept of Self, and
Projection: The Burmese Case" 3.7
Mental Health Research in Asia and the Pacific
H. Caudill, Tsung-YI Lin, eds., Honolulu:
East-Hest Center Press.

Werner, 0.
1969 "The Basic Assumptions of Ethnosclence" 2
Semiótica
1:329-338.

1970 "Cultural Knowledge, Language and World View" 2

Cognltlon: A Multiple View
P. L. Garvin, ed.. New York: Spartan.

White, L.
1959 The Evolution of Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill. 3

Whiteman, Michael
1967 Philosophy of Space and Time and the Inner
Constitution of Nature: A Phenomenological
Study. London: Alien and Unwin 4

Hhlttman, Sir Edmund Taylor

1948 Space and Spirit 4
Hindskale, Illinois: Henry Regency Co.

Hhorf, Benjamin
* 1956 "The Relation of Habitual Thought and Behavior" 2,6,9
Language. Thought, and Reality
Cambridge: M.I.T., pp. 134-¡59.

Wilson, Godfrey and Monica

1968 lhe Analysis of Social Change based on Observation
In Central Africa 8
Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press.

Yaker, Henri M.
* 1971 “Time In the Biblical and Greek Worlds" 5
The Future of Time
Garden City, New York: Doubleday. pp. 15-72.
w