NORDISK ARKITEKTURFORSKNING 1995:3

In the Absence of Authenticity:

An Interpretation of Contemporary Chinese Architecture

by Pu Miao

T HE HISTORY OF CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECTURE i n China be-

gins i n 1949 w i t h that year's fundamental changes i n the
country's social infrastructure. I n 1978 the Economic Re-
form brought on another important phase in the development o f
China and its architecture. Since the Reform, the volume o f con-
Like human beings, archi-
tecture has to choose its
way of existence: a per-
sonality true to one's own
nature or the preconcei-
ved roles of an actor. From
struction has expanded dramatically . However, many architectural
1
this Heideggerian view,
critics, both in China and abroad, agree that contemporary Chinese the paper examines the
architecture as an art has yet to develop a language specific to its own formal characteristics of
contemporary Chinese
unique conditions . 2

architecture. It also ex-

Using German philosopher Martin Heidegger's theory of authen- plores how social and cul-
ticity as a tool, this paper offers a personal opinion of what has gone tural conditions and in-
wrong with Chinese architecture and attempts an explanation of the tellectuals' sense of re-
causes. The paper concludes that the responsibility lies i n the sponsibility have contri-
buted to the current state
absence o f shared values relèvent to today's China and i n the innate
of architecture in China.
timidity o f Chinese intellectuals in creating such values.
It should be noted that there have been some brave architectural
experiments i n recent years, such as the Guangzhou School i n the
1970s. However, the new spirits have been few and short-lived, and
they are not representative o f the thinking o f mainstream Chinese
architects. The problematic state of architecture i n China has been
the topic o f a few insightful Chinese architectural critics such as
Zeng Shao-fen and Cheng Zhi-hua. Nonetheless, their arguments
have basically followed the traditional battle line o f "modern" ver-
sus "national"; the deep roots o f the problems have never been
explored.

Authenticity in Architecture Pu Miao

W h y should we examine Chinese architecture through Heidegger's University of Hawaii
eyes ? His insights have been tremendously influencial in the culture at Manoa, USA

7
o f c o n t e m p o r a r y western society w h i c h is w i d e l y used i n C h i n a
t o d a y as a m o d e l i n a "universal w o r l d c i v i l i z a t i o n " . I t w o u l d be i n -
3

teresting t o see h o w Chinese architecture rates a c c o r d i n g t o a stan-

d a r d i t holds h i g h .
Heidegger develops his concept o f " a u t h e n t i c i t y " w i t h an i n q u i r y
i n t o the essence o f entities such as a h u m a n b e i n g , a l i v i n g c u l t u r e ,
o r an i n s t i t u t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o Heidegger, such entities d o n o t have
a d e f i n i t e w a y o f b e i n g as a table o r house does. T h e y define t h e i r
n a t u r e i n each m o m e n t o f t h e i r existence. A h u m a n being or c u l t u r e
c o u l d have three ways o f d e f i n i n g itself: " i t can, i n its v e r y B e i n g ,
choose' i t s e l f a n d w i n itself; i t can also lose i t s e l f a n d never w i n
itself; o r o n l y 'seem' t o d o so". A person, for example, m a y actively
choose an objective for his life b y his o w n conscious w i l l ; he m a y
n o t w a n t t o pursue the m e a n i n g o f his existence at a l l ; or he m a y
i d e n t i f y h i m s e l f w i t h certain social stereotypes t o escape the b u r -
d e n o f creating his o w n i d e n t i t y , h a p p i l y b e l i e v i n g t h a t he has al-
ready f o u n d the m e a n i n g o f his b e i n g . Heidegger calls the first case
the " a u t h e n t i c " m o d e o f existence, a n d the other t w o " i n a u t h e n t i c " . 4

B y a p p l y i n g Heidegger's p h i l o s o p h y t o e n v i r o n m e n t a l design,
C a n a d i a n geographer E d w a r d R e l p h identifies the t w o m o d e s o f
existence as manifesred i n p l a c e - m a k i n g . A n a u t h e n t i c place is "the
total expression o f a culture t h r o u g h an unselfconscious design t r a -
d i t i o n " o r t h r o u g h " t h e selfconscious a t t e m t t o express man's c o n -
d i t i o n a n d h u m a n i t y " . T h i s echoes Heidegger's use o f a G r e e k
5

t e m p l e a n d a farmhouse i n the Black Forest o f G e r m a n y t o i l l u -

strate h o w a b u i l d i n g as a w o r k o f art can " o p e n u p " the " t r u t h " ,
n a m e l y the essence o f a people's b e i n g . B y contrast, the makers o f
6

i n a u t h e n t i c places either gather c u l t u r a l cliches - images superficially

related t o the c u l t u r e (the " k i t s c h " approach) - or enforce a pre-
conceived p o l i t i c a l or e c o n o m i c agenda, c o m p l e t e l y disregarding
the users (the " t e c h n i q u e " p l a n n i n g ) . 7

T o s i m p l i f y o u r discussion, we m a y c o n c l u d e t h a t an a u t h e n t i c
architecture m u s t actively seek forms w h i c h p l a i n l y express the t r u e
c o n d i t i o n s o f its users' social, c u l t u r a l , a n d e c o n o m i c life. I n c o n -
crete terms, the forms chosen s h o u l d be those that best reflect u t i l -
i t a r i a n a n d c u l t u r a l f u n c t i o n s , available c o n s t r u c t i o n technology,
a n d the e c o n o m y o f the p a r t i c u l a r society . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , c o n -
8

t e m p o r a r y architecture i n C h i n a is far f r o m f u l f i l l i n g these c r i t e r i a .

Three Symptoms of Contemporary Chinese Architecture

I n order t o reveal the f o r m a l characteristics a n d u n d e r l y i n g values
o f c o n t e m p o r a r y Chinese architecture, I have i n m y research ex-
a m i n e d m a j o r a r c h i t e c t u r a l w o r k s , especially those w h i c h w o n
awards i n C h i n a o r were p u b l i s h e d i n m a j o r Chinese professional
j o u r n a l s . I have also analyzed the ideas manifested b y the designers
a n d reviewers o f those w o r k s . T h r e e p r e v a i l i n g traits can be i d e n -
tified: imitation i n overall design stategy, false image-making in the
particular treatment o f a building, and an affected manner i n the
general appearance o f designs. These traits i n d i c a t e a n i n a u t h e n tic
approach to place-making.

Imitation as a Design Approach

N o matter how many articles i n Chinese architectural journals de-
clare their appreciation for originality in architectural design, there
is i n reality among Chinese architects a fundamental fear o f de-
signing without a stylistic model. The generally accepted design
process as revealed in many architects' desriptions of their projects
consists o f two steps: first, choosing one or several models from a
menu o f styles, and second, displaying their design talent by
making a clever copy o f one model or an ingenious blend o f diffe-
rent vocabularies.
It should be noted that the available models do not include all
styles. They must be powerful, established architectural conven-
tions with appropriate political, moral, or other meanings. A n y mar-
ginal, unfamiliar, or symbolically undesirable language is out o f
the question. I n a process such as this, design is no longer an i n t u i -
tion o f the living culture. I t becomes instead an intellectual play o f
dead forms from other times and places. The ultimate purpose o f
the game is to disseminate ideologies which have unfortunately
often proved to be the opposite of what their proponents claimed
them to be for today's China.
D u r i n g the schematic design phase o f the Great Hall o f the
People i n Beijing (1959), for example, leading architects selected
four models to evaluate the schemes. They were " M o d e r n C h i -
nese", "Modern Western" (Modernism), "Chinese Classical", and
"Western Classical" styles . Eventually the "Western Classical" mo-
9

del was chosen because o f its similarity to the "socialist realistic"

architecture o f Stalin's Soviet U n i o n , a model society for China
at that time. Meanwhile, some Chinese palatial decorations were
mixed i n as a gesture to Chinese nationalism, the other official
ingredient o f the Chinese communist revolution. I t is interesting
to note that, due to its political prestige, the Great Hall itself later
became a model for similar projects i n provincial capitals.
The widely spread trend of imitation has created a design metho-
dology quite similar to that o f 19th Century European eclectic
architecture. Each building type is assigned an appropriate style,
such as Russian Classical for government buildings, Chinese Class-
ical for cultural institutions and gardens, Chinese Vernacular for
tourist facilities, the traditional building styles o f national m i n o r i -
ties for projects i n areas dominated by those minorities, 1930s M o -
dern for mass housing and utilitarian buildings, and current wes-
tern fashions (such as Postmodernism and Deconstructivism) for

IN THE ABSENCE OF AUTHENTICITY 9

Fig. 1 : Shanxi Historical b u i l d i n g s w i t h " m o d e r n " f u n c t i o n s o r l o c a t i o n s (such as a h i g h -
Museum, Xian (1991). rise c o m m e r c i a l b u i l d i n g o n a site o f n o h i s t o r i c a l significance). I n
Northwest China Archi-
a d d i t i o n , each style is associated w i t h a fixed s y m b o l i c m e a n i n g ,
tectural Design Institute.
such as Russian Classical for socialism, Chinese t r a d i t i o n a l revivals
for n a t i o n a l i s m , a n d c u r r e n t styles for t h e " s p i r i t o f the t i m e s " .
T h e recipes o f i m i t a t i o n p r e e m p t a n y a t t e m p t at creativity.
T h e y have p r o d u c e d m a n y stereotyped a n d thoughtless s o l u t i o n s .
A n u r b a n designer, for example, p r o p o s e d m u l t i - l e v e l h i g h w a y
crossings s u r r o u n d e d b y high-rise a p a r t m e n t towers i n densely
p o p u l a t e d Shanghai t o express "socialist m o d e r n i z a t i o n " . M a n y 1 0

architects believe t h a t b u i l d i n g s are m a d e " m o d e r n " b y the use o f

" m o d e r n " materials a n d t h e j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f large glass curtains
a n d s o l i d w a l l s . I n t h e 1980s, t h e designer o f a p u b l i c p a r k near
1 1

H o n g K o n g b u i l t a 4,170-ft (1,380 m ) l o n g c o p y o f t h e L o n g
C o r r i d o r at t h e S u m m e r Palace, B e i j i n g (1888) . 12

D e s i g n reviews a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o m p e t i t i o n s i n C h i n a have
f u r t h e r p e r p e t u a t e d the design strategy o f i m i t a t i o n . A r c h i t e c t u r a l
critics a n d c o m p e t i t i o n j urors search for t h e vocabularies o f familiar
m o d e l s . T h e y recognize o n l y designs easily categorized b y s t y l i s t i c
labels. T h e y t e n d t o p r o m o t e architects w h o have s k i l l f u l l y m a n i -
p u l a t e d f u n c t i o n a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n t o fit the f o r m o f an " a p p r o p r i a t e "
m o d e l chosen f r o m the m e n u discussed a b o v e . I n such a c l i m a t e ,
13

g e n u i n e experiments, w h i c h are d i f f i c u l t t o classify, are destined t o

10 PU Ml AO
Fig. 2: Hanyuan Hall of Darning Palace, Xian (c 634 AD). (N/A).

die i n obscurity. I t is no wonder that o f the eight buildings which

won the prestigious 1988-1992 Architectural Creation Awards o f
the Architectural Society o f China (the Chinese equivalent o f the
American Institute o f Architects), at least four are based on i m -
mediately recognizable models o f architectural style . 14

The most well-known results o f this trend o f imitation are two

projects which have won several prestigious awards in China. Both
o f them enjoyed special attention from the government, a lengthy
design process, and a generous budget, priviledges which eliminate
any excuse for such mediocre results. The first is the Shanxi His-
torical Museum, Xian (1991) [fig. 1]. Both its general layout and
building elevations are derived from the Hanyuan Hall of Darning
Palace, Xian (634 A D ) [fig. 2]. The architect claims that only a his-
torical syle is appropriate for a museum o f history i n a historic
c i t y . From such reasoning one can but conclude that little pro-
15

gress has been made in the sixty years since the revival o f Chinese
Classicism . The second well-known imitation is the National
16

Olympic Center in Beijing (1990), which copied its principle

concept from Japanese architect Kenzo Tange's National G y m -
nasium, Tokyo (1961) [figs. 3 and 4]. The Chinese clone differs from
the original in its awkward proportions, clumsy details, and faked
tensile catenary roof (see below). Ironically, this roof, an imita-
t i o n o f a Japanese design, is hailed as a symbol o f Chinese natio-
nalism . 17

M y p o i n t here is not that originality always produces better

designs than copying, but rather that since contemporary China
presents a social and cultural scenario quite different from that o f
ancient China or any other country in the world, Chinese architects
must develop formal languages unique to their o w n times and
society. This is especially true for the few important public buil-
dings. Unfortunately, most contemporary Chinese architects have
used the design strategy o f imitation to shelter themselves from the
anxious freedom o f genuine creativity.

IN THE ABSENCE OF AUTHENTICITY 11

 by Kenzo Tange. MMBBBBMBBwMM^

Fake Details
T h e p h e n o m e n o n o f fake details is a necessary b y - p r o d u c t o f the
imitative design approach discussed above. W h e n an architect trans-
plants a style i n t o a soil whose social, c u l t u r a l , a n d e c o n o m i c c o n -
d i t i o n s are q u i t e different f r o m those o f the o r i g i n a l site, he i n -
e v i t a b l y generates gaps between the b o r r o w e d image a n d the local
c o n d i t i o n s . These c o n d i t i o n s i n c l u d e the necessary functions, avail-
able b u i l d i n g materials a n d construction technology, and the resour-
ces bearable b y the society. W i t h o u t the d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o create
n e w f o r m s , falsifying appearances is t h e easiest a n d perhaps t h e
o n l y w a y t o m e n d these gaps. T h i s section, t h e n , deals w i t h i n -
a u t h e n t i c i t y i n t h e e x e c u t i o n o f design concepts . 18

A r c h i t e c t s w h o i m i t a t e t r a d i t i o n a l styles have first used fake

d e t a i l i n g as one o f t h e i r i n i t i a l design p r i n c i p l e s . T h e Q u e - l i H o t e l ,
Q u f u (1984), f o r e x a m p l e , is a C h i n e s e Classical revival design. Its
apparently t r a d i t i o n a l s l o p i n g r o o f is supposed t o be m a d e o f clay
r o o f tiles l a i d o n w o o d e n boards s u p p o r t e d b y t i m b e r joists. D u e

12 PU MIAO
to the scarcity o f lumber i n China today, the roof tiles are actually
supported by a reinforced concrete shell under which a relief o f
stucco "joists" was later applied . Such inventions appear i n the
19

numerous classical or vernacular revival buildings and gardens all

over the country.
False image-making is not limited to buildings which m i m i c
traditional styles. Following the Economic Reform o f 1978, many
new entrepreneurs are eager to make their real estate properties or
business headquarters appear "western" or "modern". In architectural
terms, this means high-rise buildings, glass or metal curtain walls,
exposed metal structures, and so on. However, most Chinese con-
tractors lack experience w i t h other construction methods than
mid-rise brick buildings w i t h a stucco finish. I n addition, the
young capitalists o f China cannot bear the extravagance o f real
"western" building. Thus brick bearing wall structures are made
to look like concrete frames, or like steel-framed buildings by
covering them in aluminum skins. A six-story building may be
made to appear to be twelve stories by adding a continuous canopy
in the middle o f the window band o f each floor . 20

One common and revealing phenomenon is the fake curtain

wall. I n commercial buildings one often finds a blank brick wall
hidden behind a large reflective glass curtain. The Chinese owner
cannot afford the transparent multi-story lobby at the bottom o f
a tower he has seen in pictures of foreign cities: having just begun
to accumulate capital, he needs to squeeze out as much rentable
space as possible. He cannot afford a steel stud and gypsum board
partition wall behind the glass since, i n China, such prefabricated
products are still more expensive than those made by manual labor
on site. Finally, even when the client can pay for a new construction
system, the contractors often refuse because they lack the necessary
expertise. These functional, economic, and technical discrepencies
between image and reality inevitably result in a fake architecture.
The practice o f false image-making has become pervasive i n
China, thoroughly saturating the minds of architects. This is appar-
ent from numerous projects i n the everyday environment. The L i n
Baixin H i g h School in Chaoyang (1991), a rural facility built on a
limited donation, actually has a well-functioning scheme [fig. 5].
It w o u l d be a superb design i f not for false images like the red steel
truss at the entrance (the actual structural system is a mixture o f
brick bearing wall and concrete frame), the irrelevant pieces o f
"traditional" tile roofs, and the artificial arches at the end o f the
corridor. But such a pervasive practice occurs compulsively, even
in projects for which a large budget and a first-rate design service
are available. The National Olympic Center i n Beijing, as men-
tioned previously, imitates the form o f a tensile catenary roof,
though the structure is in fact built up o f a series of curved trusses.

IN THE ABSENCE OF
Fig. 5: Lin Baixin High School, Chaoyang, Guangdong Prov. (1991). Shantou Architectural Design Inst.

Similarly, the m e t a l frame i n the

scheme o f the s u m p t u o u s Shen-
zhen D e v e l o p m e n t B a n k , Shen-
zhen (1993), has n o i n h e r e n t re-
l a t i o n t o t h e structural system
[fig. 6 ] ; i t is the c l i e n t a n d h i s
architect's h i g h - t e c h lie.

Affected Manners
T h i s section deals w i t h an ar-
chitectural dimension quite dif-
ferent f r o m t h e t w o described
above. Rather t h a n tangible p r i n -
ciples o f " d o " a n d " d o n ' t " i n de-
sign strategy a n d d e t a i l i n g , i t
has t o d o w i t h the preference for
a certain k i n d o f experience, "at-
mosphere", o r aesthetic "taste",
w h i c h can o n l y be observed a n d
described p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l l y .
T h i s d i m e n s i o n corresponds t o
w h a t architectural theorist C h r i s -
tian Norberg-Schulz calls t h e
"characteristics" o f a place . I 21

w i l l demonstrate that the prevail-

Fig. 6: Shenzhen Development Bank, Shenzhen, Guang-
dong Prov. (1993). Huayi Design Consultants, Ltd.
i n g characteristics o f contem-
porary Chinese architecture i n -
dicate a n i n a u t h e n t i c a t t i t u d e
because t h e y d o n o t represent
the basic c u l t u r a l values still h e l d
b y m o s t Chinese.

14 PU MIAO
 Chinese architects'preference for certain kinds o f visual qualities Fig. 7: Zhenjiang Hotel,
is best revealed i n projects which allow the designers artistic free- Zhenjiang, Jiangsu Prov.
dom. This observation is supported by architects' descriptions o f ( ) - East China Archi-
1 9 9 0

i •j • j i , , i j• i c i tectural Design Institute,

their designs, and particularly in the adjectives they favor to de-
scribe their work. One o f these sought-after qualities is a weightless,
delicate, and genteel (qing-qiao,ya-zhi) appearance. Another inspires
youthful (zbao-qt) and cheerful (buan-kuat) emotions. Still an-
other is grand {xiong-wei), rich {feng-fu, duo-bian), and luxurious
{hua- It) gestures. I n short, all have an excess o f sensation, or what
I call "affected manners".
These popular qualities may be seen i n the forms, materials, and
colors o f a building or interior. For example, Chinese architects
tend to give exposed building elements, such as beams and co-
lumns, a slim appearance. Streamlined configurations, such as spi-
rals and sweeping curves, express the "upbeat spirit" o f modern
China. Cosmetic decorations, such as curved windows, wall re-
liefs, and motifs w i t h trivial symbols, are indiscriminately used to
"beautify" the surfaces o f buildings. Historical clichés such as m o -
numental steps and arches create a sumptuous effect even i n pro-
jects - such as a children's library - for which monumentality is
inappropriate. To give brick wall construction an expensive look,
Chinese architects frequently apply shiny, colorful skins to buil-
ding surfaces. Popular choices are ceramic mosaic, polished metal
panels, mirrors, murals, and the fake glass curtain walls mentioned
previously. Due to aesthetic tastes and the inevitably poor work-
manship, designers avoid using the natural appearance o f struc-
tural materials for architectural expression. The exposed brick
wall, used frequently i n the 50's, has disappeared from their vo-
cabulary. Exposed concrete has seldom been used i n the ele-
vations of a building except for factories, highway structures, and
other utilitarian buildings. Finally, anyone who has visited a C h i -
nese city recently w i l l recall the sea o f light creamy colors, off-

IN THE ABSENCE OF AUTHENTICITY 15

 Fig. 8:
Shenzhen Railway Station,
Shenzhen, Guangdong
Prov. (c 1990). Huyai
Design Consultants, Ltd.

w h i t e , l i g h t y e l l o w , a n d p i n k , j u x t a p o s e d here a n d there w i t h g a u d y
accents.
T h e Z h e n j i a n g H o t e l (1990) exhibits the t y p i c a l weightless feel-
i n g o f m a n y c o n t e m p o r a r y b u i l d i n g s i n C h i n a [ f i g . 7 ] . T h e slender
m e m b e r s o f the skeleton r o o f (a necessary gesture t o t h e n a t i o n a l
style), the c o m p l e t e l y w h i t e , s m o o t h surfaces, a n d t h e decorative
w i n d o w shapes all c o n t r i b u t e to a sense o f frivolous lightness. A n -
other example, the Shenzhen Railway Station (1992) is a g o o d i l l u -
s t r a t i o n o f cosmetic beauty [ f i g . 8 ] . T h e architect i n c l u d e d various
curves, arches, a n d r o u n d w i n d o w s i n the elevations. L i k e the pat-
terns o n a stage set, t h e y are m e r e l y a t h i n s k i n layer a p p l i e d t o the
surface o f t h e b o d y o f t h e b u i l d i n g . These a r t i f i c i a l shapes, w i t h
t h e i r f l i m s y appearace a n d w h i t e color, create a superficial g r a n d e u r
a n d richness u n r e l a t e d t o t h e s t r u c t u r e a n d f u n c t i o n o f the b u i l -
d i n g . T h e same m a y be said o f the e n o r m o u s c r i m s o n truss c a n o p y
w h i c h , t o o h i g h t o shelter passers b y f r o m the r a i n , exists solely t o
reinforce t h e s h o w y atmosphere. T h e w i n n i n g scheme for the
Shanghai M u s e u m C o m p e t i t i o n o f 1993 furnishes yet a n o t h e r ex-
a m p l e [ f i g . 9 ] . Rather t h a n e x p l o r i n g an i n n o v a t i v e spatial struc-
t u r e , the a r c h i t e c t u r a l expression o f t h e design m a i n l y consists o f
reliefs o n the walls a n d f o u r large decorative arches w h i c h are sup-
posed t o resemble t h e handles o f a n c i e n t bronzeware.
Such affected manners lack a u t h e n t i c i t y because t h e y fail t o ex-
press the real c u l t u r a l preferences deeply r o o t e d i n the hearts o f
m o s t Chinese people. W h i l e the c u l t u r a l values o f m o d e n C h i n e s e
society are an issue t o o large t o be t h o r o u g h l y e x a m i n e d here, we
d o have some concise statements m a d e b y i n f l u e n t i a l w r i t e r s o n t h e
subject. A c c o r d i n g t o L i n Y u - t a n g a n d L i a n g S h u - m i n g , t w o keen
observers o f Chinese c u l t u r e , simplicity, frugality, and conservatism
are a m o n g China's m o s t p r o m i n e n t n a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . 22

16 PUMIAO
Fig. 9: Shanghai Museum (1993). Shanghai Architectural Design Institute.

Even after modernization one can still observe these traits i n the
everyday behavior o f c o m m o n people. Controlled manners bet-
ween people, seriousness toward life, a reserved attitude in the face of
changes, and a lifestyle of thrift principles not only highly valued
but actually practiced.
It is impossible and unnecessary to pinpoint specific architectural
expressions which correspond exactly to these cultural values. How-
ever, the artificial lightness and sumptuous manner described here
have definitely failed to convey the true spirit o f Chinese culture.
While we await the emergence o f an authentic modern architec-
ture, a look into traditional villages, houses, and other common
places may hint at what genuine architectural expression can be.
These traditional environments are straightforward, simple, solemn,
and heavy. Authenticity abounds i n the frank articulation o f i n -
fill wall and framing system, i n the strong, dark timber beams and
columns and the natural textures o f brick and stone, and the way
the form o f the sloped roof is generated by structure and func-
t i o n . We see authenticity i n the weighty but relaxed stance o f the
buildings, and the tranquility o f neighborhoods and villages en-
veloped i n endless shades o f grey and green. I t w o u l d be danger-
ous to confuse contemporary culture w i t h that o f feudal times.
Nevertheless, authentic qualities, still alive i n the people of China,
must continue to find manifestation i n the fine arts.

The Roots of Inauthenticity

W h y has contemporary Chinese architecture displayed these symp-
toms o f inauthenticity? I w i l l argue that the primary cause is the
lack o f strong collective beliefs or shared values i n China today. By
cultural values I mean beliefs shared by the whole society, such as
life goals, standards by which we judge success and failure, life-
style ideals, and aesthetic tastes. Contemporary Chinese society has
lost most o f its shared values i n the past two decades due to both
external and internal causes.

IN THE ABSENCE OF AUTHENTICITY

 External Cause: Socioeconomic Instability
T h e external cause is the social, p o l i t i c a l , a n d e c o n o m i c unrest t h a t
began w i t h the 1840 O p i u m W a r w h e n the western a n d Japanese
c o l o n i a l powers began i n v a d i n g feudal C h i n a . Since t h e n C h i n a
has been shaken b y the collapse o f the Q i n g dynasty i n 1912, the
f o l l o w i n g t u r m o i l w i t h i n the y o u n g N a t i o n a l i s t Republic, the Japa-
nese i n v a s i o n o f 1937, the C i v i l W a r o f 1947, the c o m m u n i s t take-
over t w o years later, the e c o n o m i c disaster o f the "Great Leap For-
w a r d " i n the late 1950s, the C u l t u r a l R e v o l u t i o n between 1966 a n d
1976, a n d the E c o n o m i c R e f o r m o f 1978. Chinese society has been
devestated at regular intervals o f about ten years b y d r a m a t i c alter-
ations i n t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n o f its p o l i t i c a l o r e c o n o m i c system, o r
b o t h . T h i s p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c i n s t a b i l i t y has been a serious
2 3

h i n d r a n c e t o the d e v e l o p m e n t a n d m a t u r a t i o n o f a m o d e r n c u l -
ture.
C u l t u r e as r e f i n e d h u m a n endeavor b e y o n d " t h e p u r s u i t o f
p r a c t i c a l a i m s " is always f o r m u l a t e d b y t h e social class w h i c h e n -
joys the m o s t respect, resources, a n d leisure i n s o c i e t y . I n a d d i - 24

t i o n the emergence, g r o w t h , a n d sustainment o f shared beliefs de-

pends u p o n society's a b i l i t y t o absorb the n u t r i e n t s o f the n a t i o n a l
h i s t o r i c heritage bestowed u p o n i t . T h e t u r b u l e n t h i s t o r y o f m o -
d e r n C h i n a saw the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the r u r a l getry a n d t h e i r c u l t u r e
b u t d i d n o t a l l o w a p e r i o d o f s t a b i l i t y l o n g e n o u g h f o r an i n d u -
strial m i d d l e class a n d its c u l t u r e to establish themselves. A g o o d
example can be f o u n d i n the h i s t o r y o f m o d e r n Chinese l i t e r a t u r e .
T h e 1920s a n d 1930s p r o d u c e d a g r o u p o f excellent w r i t e r s whose
w o r k s , n u r t u r e d b y b o t h t r a d i t i o n a n d the n e w s p i r i t , began t o
f o r m a n e w c u l t u r a l p a r a d i g m o f the u r b a n m i d d l e class. U n f o r -
tunately, these w r i t e r s all s t o p p e d p r o d u c i n g m e a n i n g f u l w o r k
s h o r t l y after the 1949 r e v o l u t i o n . T h e c o m m u n i s t s have since t h a t
t i m e failed t o create a m a t u r e c u l t u r e o f t h e i r o w n d u e ro the failure
o f t h e i r e x p e r i m e n t , the transcience o f the elite (the E c o n o m i c Re-
f o r m has o p e n e d a n e w w a y t o c o n t r o l p o w e r ) , a n d t h e i r s e l f - i m -
posed i s o l a t i o n f r o m e x i s r i n g c u l t u r a l contexts. T h e Economic
R e f o r m has since 1978 given b i r t h t o a n e w m i d d l e class. H o w e v e r ,
the n e w elite still need t i m e to develop t h e i r c u l t u r e , i f n o t t o c o n -
sider t h e i r fragile status i n t h e u n c e r t a i n c l i m a t e o f C h i n e s e p o l i -
tics a n d e c o n o m i c policy.
I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t , w h i l e a w r i t e r can w r i t e u n d e r any c o n -
d i t i o n s , an architect is b y the n a t u r e o f his m e d i u m m o r e sensitive
t o social a n d e c o n o m i c stability. T o some extent, the unsatisfactory
state o f architecture i n C h i n a u p t o the E c o n o m i c R e f o r m m a y be
a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e scarcity o f c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d t o b u d g e t l i m i t a -
t i o n s w h i c h d e p r i v e d architects o f the o p p o r t u n i t y for experi-
m e n t a t i o n w i t h t h e i r art. Interference f r o m s h i f t i n g p o l i t i c a l p o l i c y
has played a d a m a g i n g role i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l design, c r i t i c i s m , a n d

18 PU MIAO
education since 1949. Consequently, most Chinese architects have
only a rudimentary knowledge o f basic architectural history and
theory.

Internal Cause: Lack of Metaphysical Thinking

The foreign colonial powers and the communist movement alone
cannot account for the problems. Chinese culture, shaped over the
past two thousand years, contains some seeds o f self-destruction.
The most critical is the neglect o f metaphysical, transcendental
thinking aimed at revealing truths o f broad validity rather than
conforming to current practical needs. This defect and its conse-
quences have beed pointed out by both critics and advocates o f
traditional culture. Contemporary philosopher L i Hou-ze, for ex-
ample, writes that what he calls"practical rationality" is "one of the
most important characteristics o f Chinese people's thinking and
cultural behavior":

This rationality emphasizes practical applicability. Metaphysical

thinking and metaphysical issues are thus deemed unnecessary
pursuits (...). What is important is how to deal skillfully with the
various consequences of these issues in everyday life .25

A Neo-Confucianist philosopher, Tang Jun-yi, maintains that

the Chinese have only "an ideal internal to each individual's
everyday existence" instead o f "a transcendental and objectified
ideal ouside the individual's everyday existence." He cautions
about the results:

We should understand that, without an objectified, transcenden-

tal ideal, we Chinese are prone to the appeal of natural inertia and
survival instincts, easily shirking our responsibility in practice.
The so-called Chinese flexibility then becomes evasiveness and
irresponsibility. Unable to improve itself by adhearing to an ob-
jectified ideal, the human spirit tends to degenetate following
man's natural tendencies. When this happens, all our brilliant wis-
dom, profound knowledge, and graceful etiquette become merely
excuses for hypocrisy .26

The destructive effects of this weakness in Chinese culture become

especially visible whenever a new development throws out familiar
beliefs — an all too frequent situation i n the history o f modern
China. I n these times o f chaos, the Chinese tend to act on survival
instincts, putting off the pursuit of justice, integrity, or beauty. I n
such circumstances people grasp at anything immediately useful,
act only in self-interest, or adopt an ideology that affords instant
hope and comfort, without examining the nature or long-term
social and moral consequences of their actions. By the same token,
Chinese society tends to shy away from serious analysis o f a failed

IN THE ABSENCE OF
 i d e o l o g y w h e n such an assessment can i m p l i c a t e c u r r e n t p r a c t i c e
or d i s t u r b the c u r r e n t social " h a r m o n y " , thus i n s u r i n g the re-
p e t i t i o n o f failures.

Cultural Nihilism and Irresponsible Intellectuals

As a result o f the external a n d i n t e r n a l causes e x a m i n e d above, C h i -
nese society t o d a y suffers f r o m t h e absence o f shared values, a
p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h I shall call " c u l t u r a l n i h i l i s m " . Since n e i -
2 7

t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l n o r n e w values appeal s t r o n g l y t o the e n t i r e so-

ciety, people n o w focus instead o n basic m a t e r i a l needs. B e y o n d
t h e i m m e d i a t e necessities, i n d i v i d u a l s find c o m f o r t i n p a t c h i n g
together useful fragments f r o m o l d ideologies a n d a superficial
u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f " a d v a n c e d " w e s t e r n c u l t u r e . A m o n g these f r a g -
m e n t s , n a t i o n a l i s m p r o b a b l y enjoys t h e m o s t p o p u l a r i t y as a n -
aesthesia f o r s o o t h i n g h u r t p r i d e . G e n u i n e m o r a l a n d aesthetic
ideals have n o place i n t h i s c u l t u r a l v a c u u m .
A society, regardless o f its h i s t o r i c a l m i s f o r t u n e s , does n o t lose
its c u l t u r a l values p e r m a n e n t l y as l o n g as i t can recreate t h e m . Post-
w a r Japan is a g o o d example. I t is the intellectuals i n society t h a t
bear the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the regeneration o f c u l t u r e . Jerzy Szacki
has s u m m a r i z e d intellectuals' "creative r o l e " as "interpreters o f the
w o r l d , producers o f ideas, depositories o f c u l t u r a l values, etc.".
Szacki quotes M a x Weber's assertion t h a t "intellectuals are seen
f r o m this p o i n t o f v i e w as a ' g r o u p o f m e n w h o b y v i r t u e o f t h e i r
p e c u l i a r i t y have special access t o c e r t a i n achievements considered
t o be " c u l t u r a l values", a n d w h o , therefore, usurp the leadership o f
a cultural c o m m u n i t y ' " . 2 S

Chinese intellectuals, however, have played a largely conformist

role i n t h e c u r r e n t crisis. J e r o m e B. G r i e d e r observed t h a t " a l -
t h o u g h m o d e r n Chinese intellectuals have rejected m u c h o f t h e i r
i n h e r i t a n c e , t h e y have received f r o m i t m u c h w h i c h they d i d n o t ,
perhaps c o u l d n o t , r e n o u n c e " . O n e a t t r i b u t e t h e y have m a i n -
29

t a i n e d f r o m the past is certainly the "pragmatic r a t i o n a l i t y " discussed

previously. T h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f the p a i n f u l m e m o r y o f supression
before 1976, the i n f l u e n c e o f the p r a g m a t i c t r a d i t i o n , a n d the al-
l u r e o f c u l t u r a l n i h i l i s m has p r o d u c e d an o p p o r t u n i s t and collabo-
r a t i o n i s t a t t i t u d e a m o n g Chinese intellectuals. I t is n o longer u n -
usual for a r e n o w n e d w r i t e r o r artist t o s u d d e n l y become general
manager o f a soft d r i n k c o m p a n y o r the l i k e . T h e m a j o r i t y o f
3 0

educated Chinese have thus r e l i n q u i s h e d t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for

creating a n d defending n e w c u l t u r a l values p e r t i n e n t t o society.
Instead, they use their professional skills t o serve the needs o f w h a t -
ever social force c u r r e n t l y has t h e m o s t p o l i t i c a l o r economic
power, be i t the o l d c o m m u n i s t guards, the y o u n g capitalists, the
local g o v e r n m e n t bureaucrats, or the m u l t i - n a t i o n a l corporations.
N o n e o f the players i n today's p o l i t i c a l arena feels absolutely safe.

20 PU MIAO
The communists know they are losing control over the public,
while the new entrepreneurs try to make as much money as possible
before the Party changes its policy again. To strengthen their vul-
nerable positions, these powerful clients demand from culture not
works of art but symbols. These symbols refer not to lasting cultural
values but rather to ideologies immediately useful to the patrons,
such as nationalism or commercialism. I n achieving this goal, the
symbols take on forms which rely on conventions sanctioned by
the masses, and whose appearance creates a strong immediate i m -
pression. I n this context, the social powers have wasted no time in
using architecture as one o f the most prominent media for their
propaganda. Deng Xiao-ping, for example, promotes the commu-
nists' "socialist modernization" by proclaiming, "Let us build an-
other H o n g Kong" in China.
I n the past fifteen years, the direct political interference i n art
and other cultural domains so familiar to westerners has greatly d i -
minished. Rather than responding w i t h a burst o f creative spirit,
however, Chinese architecture has as yet made only flamboyant
and empty gestures. The above analysis offers one explanation o f
why contemporary architecture in China has been dominated by
imitation, fake detailing, and superficiality. It is time for Chinese
architects to stop blaming history and look seriously into the role
their own irresponsibility has played in perpetuating this inauthen-
ticity.

Epilogue: The Way to Authenticity

Is there a way for Chinese architecture to break free from its cur-
rent standstill ? Can human w i l l defy the array o f socioeconomic
hindrances facing architects in China ? A n d will the globalization
o f culture and economy allow them the freedom to cultivate a
unique language ? Again, the answers have both external and i n -
ternal aspects. Social and economic infrastructure is key to any
significant cultural development, and China awaits the emergence
o f a new urban middle class confident enough to commission and
protect intellectuals in pursuing a new set of cultural values. Some
architects, however, may not wait for such a golden age. Driven by
the human w i l l to express their deepest feelings, they may sacrifice
immediate personal gain to explore unconventional opportunities.
By experimenting they may find points at which to break through
the present impasse and develop a new architectural language true
to the reality of today's China. A work o f art, as a cultural paradigm,
can awaken the soul o f a people and expedite the coming o f a new
age o f shared ideals . However, Chinese architects and their wes-
31

tern critics should both realize that the new architectural forms, i f
they ever appear, will not spring from preconceived, "appropriate"
models such as "non-western" or "modernized nationalist" styles. As

IN THE ABSENCE OF AUTHENTICITY 21

 Paul R i c o e u r notes, surprise a n d scandal are inevitable ingredients
i n any t r u e c r e a t i o n :

Creativity eludes all definition, is n o t amenable to planning and

the decisions o f a party or State. The artist - to take h i m as one ex-
ample o f cultural creativity - gives expression to his nation o n l y i f
he does not i n t e n d i t and i f no one orders h i m to do i t . For i f one
could direct h i m to do i t beforehand, that w o u l d mean that what
he is going to produce has already been said i n the language o f
everyday technical and political prose: his creation w o u l d be false.
We can o n l y k n o w after the fact i f the artist has really c o m m u n i -
cated w i t h the stratum o f fundamental images w h i c h have made
the culture o f his n a t i o n . 32

Notes
A] = Architectural journal (Beijing)
AT= The Architect (Beijing)

T h e translations o f Chinese titles a n d q u o t a t i o n s i n this paper are

m y own.
R o m a n i z a t i o n is i n the p i n - y i n system.

1. Z h o u G a n - s h i , " C h i n e s e A r c h i t e c t u r e 2 0 0 0 " , ^ 4 / M a y 1993,

pp. 2-6.
2. For e x a m p l e see A c a d e m i c C o m m i t t e e , D e p a r t m e n t o f A r c h i -
tecture, Q i n g h u a U n i v e r s i t y , " A r c h i t e c t u r e , T o d a y a n d T o m o r -
r o w " , AT v o l . 33, p . 6; J o h n M o r r i s D i x o n , " C h i n e s e B o o m
T o w n " , Progressive Architecture September 1994, pp. 49-52;
R i c h a r d D . R u s h , "Shanghai: H o m e o f the H a n d m a d e H i g h -
rise", Progressive Architecture M a r c h 1995, p p . 35-6. U p t o n o w
there has heen n o single design b y a Chinese c o n t e m p o r a r y
architect b e i n g featured i n a m a j o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l j o u r n a l o f
architecture.
3. Paul Ricoeur, History and Truth (Evanston: N o r t h w e s t e r n U n i -
versity Press, 1965), p p . 271-86.
4. M a r t i n Heidegger, Being and Time ( N e w York: H a r p e r a n d
Row, 1962), p. 68; H e r b e r t L . Dreyfus, Being in the World: A
Commentary on Heidegger's Being and Time, Division 1 (Cam-
b r i d g e , M A : M I T Press, 1994), p p . 14-6, 25-8.
5. E d w a r d R e l p h , Place and Placelessness ( L o n d o n : P i o n , 1976),
p . 78.
6. M a r t i n Heidegger, Poetry, Language, Thought ( N e w York: H a r -
per a n d Row, 1971), p p . 4 1 - 5 0 , 1 6 0 - 1 .
7. R e l p h , p. 87.
8. T h e t h e o r y o f "honest" f o r m was questioned i n B r i t i s h archi-
t e c t u r a l h i s t o r i a n D a v i d W a t k i n ' s Morality and Architecture
( L o n d o n : C l a r e n d o n Press, 1977). However, Watkin's a r g u m e n t

22 PU MIAO
 is not very convincing. People may appreciate a building form
which is irrelevant to its function and construction, such as the
cited Victorian hospital w i t h air-conditioning system. But isn't
it better to have an enjoyable form which also corresponds to
other aspects o f the building ?
9. Zhang Bo, "Architects' Education", ATvol. 12, p. 5.
10. She Xiao-bai, "Urban Spaces o f Shanghai", ATvol. 24, p. 69.
11. For example see L i Hui-xian, "Museum o f Nanyue King's
Tomb, Guangzhou", ATvol. 29, pp. 89-91, and Zhang Jin-qiu,
"Shanxi History Museum", A]September 1991, pp. 23-4.
12. Yuan Jing-shen, "The Architecture o f Shenzhen", ATvol. 30,
pp. 14-7.
13. For example see Yang Yong-sheng & Gu Meng-chao, " C o m -
ments on the Design Competition for the Yunsheng Plaza,
Fuzhou", ATvol. 53, pp. 59-61; Xiao M o , ed., Chinese Architec-
ture ip8o~ip8p (Beijing: Jingji Guanli, 1991).
14. See A]January 1994, p. 14.
15. Zhang Jin-qiu, "Shanxi Historical Museum", A] September
1991, pp. 23-4.
16. Such as the Beijing Library (1929) and the Central Museum,
Nanjing (1937).
17. M a Guo-xin, "The Planning of National Olympic Center", AJ
September 1990, p. 13.
18. Some Post-Modernists also did fake things. Even though I do
not condone them either, it should be pointed out that, while
a Post-Modern design acknowledges or even jokes about its
own fakeness, the Chinese examples really want viewers be-
lieve in what they are faking.
19. Zeng Shao-fen, "Three Approaches in Architectural Design",
ATvol. 36, p. 3.
20. X i o n g M i n g , "Problems i n Architectural Design", ^ T v o l . 2,
p. 72; Bai Z u o - m i n , " U n i t y and Variation", ATvol. 4, p. 220.
21. See C. Norberg-Schultz, Genius Loci (New York: Rizzoli, 1980).
22. L i n Yutang, My Country and My People (New York: John Day,
1935), pp. 39, 43; Liang Shu-ming, Zhong-guo Wenhua Yaoyi
(The Essence of Chinese Culture) ( H o n g Kong: Joint Publishing
Co., 1989), pp. 22-3.
23. Readers unfamiliar w i t h contemporary Chinese history may
consult w i t h Jean Chesneaux's China: The People s Republic,
1949-1976 ( New York Pantheon, 1979).
24. Julian Benda, The Betrayal of the Intellectuals (Boston: Beacon
Press, 1955), p. 30.
25. L i Ze-hou, Zhong-guo Gudai Sixiang Shilun {On the History of
Chinese Ancient Thoughts) (Beijing: Renmin, 1985), pp. 29-30.
26. Tang Jun-yi, Tang Jun-yi Quanji (The Complete Works of Tang
Jun-yi) (Taipei: Xuesheng Shuju, 1991), pp. 508-10.

IN THE ABSENCE OF AUTHENTICITY 23

This paper was originally 27. T h u s t h e Chinese N i h i l i s m s h o u l d n o t be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e
presented at the First Inter-
n i h i l i s m o f western p o s t - m o d e r n society.
national Symposium on Asia
Pacific Architecture, "The 28. Ian Maclean, et al, ed., The Political Responsibility of Intel-
East-West Encounter", heldin lectuals ( C a m b r i d g e U K : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1990),
Honolulu in March ipp$. p . 233.
29. J e r o m e B . Grieder, Intellectuals and the State in Modern China,
Pu Miao , M.Arch., A Narrative History ( N e w York: T h e Free Press, 1981), p . 1.
Ph.D. (UC Berkeley), 30. F o r an example o f t h e c u l t u r a l n i h i l i s m i n t h e profession o f
architect. Visiting
a r c h i t e c t u r e , see W a n g Z h e n g - z h a n g , " A r c h i t e c t u r a l E d u c a -
Assistant Professor
t i o n u n d e r t h e Challenge o f C o m m e r c i a l i s m " , y l / M a r c h 1994,
at School of Archi-
tecture, University of pp. 24-6.
Hawaii at Manoa, 31. Dreyfus, p p . 338-9.
Honolulu, USA. 32. Ricoeur, p . 281.

English text revision: John Krause.

24 PU MIAO