Professional Documents
Culture Documents
• 2009: Enrolled in graduate school in linguistics, seeking to “bring together semantics and
sociolinguistics.” Advisors:
– Eckert: Variation and social meaning are inextricably linked! (e.g. Eckert 2005, 2008)
– Potts: Look for pragmatic sources of social meaning! (e.g. Davis & Potts 2010; Potts
2011)
• 2010: Invited by Potts to collaborate on project linking the social meaning of demonstratives
to their semantics; took “Analysis of Variation” with Eckert
2 Introduction
• Both (Neo-)Gricean pragmatics and meaning-based sociolinguistics recognize that non-entailed
content is a vast and essential component of linguistic meaning
• Both have uncovered and illuminated a wide range of phenomena (see e.g. Labov 1963;
Grice 1975; Horn 1984; Levinson 2000; Benor 2001; Campbell-Kibler 2007; Potts 2011)
1 Many thanks to, among others: Penny Eckert, Chris Potts, Daniel Seely, the Stanford Semantics and Pragmatics
Group, the Stanford Socio Group, and audiences at SUNY Buffalo, the University of Pittsburgh, Eastern Michigan
University, the University of Michigan, and the Redrawing Pragmasemantic Borders conference for their insights,
questions, and critiques in the ongoing development of this line of research.
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• Still, a vast swath of non-entailed content remains under-explored or under-explained (though
we are very much making progress!)
• Goals:
1. Present a generalized socio-pragmatic framework that addresses this gap—retaining
the insights of prior approaches and expanding their empirical reach
2. Put it to work
First, an example. . .
(1) It was an energy bill on the floor of the Senate – loaded down with goodies, billions
for the oil companies – and it was sponsored by [Republicans] Bush and Cheney.
You know who voted for it? You might never know. That one [pointing to Obama].
– “You are trying to be the president of the United States, and you’re referring to another
man as ‘that one’?”
- P. Diddy
• Of course, that one does not entail a view of its referent as subhuman or “Other.” Consider:
2
4 Steps in the right direction
• Appealing to Grice
– This example has the feel of Gricean implicature. But Grice’s formulation of implica-
ture doesn’t get us to the meaning of interest:
* That one doesn’t run afoul of any of Grice’s maxims – it’s relevant, informative,
true, concise, orderly, and clear.
• Appealing to Neo-Grice
– Levinson’s (2000: 38) M Heuristic: “What’s said in an abnormal way isn’t normal.”
Tied “directly to Grice’s maxim of Manner (‘Be perspicuous’), specifically to his first
submaxim ‘avoid obscurity of expression’ and his fourth ‘avoid prolixity.’”
– These principles/heuristics help make sense of examples like the following. (Why use
a clunky periphrastic if Lee’s car-stopping was prototypical?)
– Alas, as stated, they’re only so helpful for us: that one isn’t particularly “complex,”
“prolix,” or “obscure”. . .
– A partial fix: On a broader reading of marked/abnormal, they take us part of the way!
* Though he focuses on cases of prolixity/complexity, in deriving DPL Horn does
speak of a “marked expression E’” as one “containing ‘extra’ material (or [being]
otherwise less basic in form or distribution)” (Horn 1984: 22; emphasis added).
* That one, in the present context, does qualify as marked in that parenthetical sense.
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Still, issues remain:
• Appealing to sociolinguistics
– Sociolinguistics, too, has long-recognized meaning beyond the entailed, with a special
emphasis on socially expressive meaning.
– Focus has been primarily on indexical meaning—i.e., the associations of a given form—
and its relation to variation (e.g. Eckert 2008).
A sketch:
– Many insights into how associations and ideologies are formed and transformed.
– That one likely does carry certain associations important to its interpretation.
But the dynamics behind its associations are different—they depend crucially
on semantics (unlike, say, the phonetic realization of /aI/ or -ing)
– Thus, an account of that one based strictly on indexicality—roughly, that one had the
relevant interpretation simply because of associations with prior uses of the phrase—
leaves certain insights uncovered.
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meaning and the profound role of context and ideology in interpretation.
What to do?
Language users:
1. Speak in service of their goals, of which the exchange of information is but one.
(Firth, 1966; Grice, 1975; Romaine, 1984; Keller, 1994; Traugott, 2011; Smith, 2016)
2. Eagerly seek to explain and interpret stimuli, appealing to reason and context.
(Levinson, 1983; Horn, 1984)
3. Have context-sensitive expectations about what makes for a normal/appropriate utter-
ance on a given occasion of use.
(Grice, 1975; Horn, 1984; Brown & Levinson, 1987; Keller, 1994; Traugott, 2011)
• An informal def.: the charactera of an expression consists in its semantic character (à la
Kaplan 1989) and its profile of associations (à la Eckert’s 2008 indexical fields)
• Three principles:
1. VE Principle: When a (sub-)utterance violates (or, if taken at face value, would vi-
olate) a hearer’s expectations for what a normal or appropriate utterance would have
looked like in the context, the hearer is likely to attach special significance to it (i.e.,
significance beyond its entailments).
– Inherent in Grice (1975); reflected in his Cooperative Principle and maxims.
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– Importantly, the relevant comparison-class is context dependent.
This framework extends the reach of Grice’s central insights—generalizing beyond his
maxims, incorporating associations/connotations, and underscoring the role of ideology
and the social.
* Obama: young, first black presidential candidate from a major U.S. political party
* McCain: older, white, long-time politician
– Narrow, well established conventions for referring to one’s opponent: proper names
(typically with titles), gendered pronouns, a few stock expressions (e.g. my opponent).
– FS Principle states that that significance depends crucially on what distinguishes that
one from contextually relevant alternatives.
What distinguishes that one from those in (4)?
2. Only that one employs that, which foregrounds the notion of distance between
speaker and demonstratum.
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In brief: relative to the alternatives, that one downplays Obama’s personhood and
plays up his distance from McCain.
This competition with relevant alternatives, together with the adversarial nature of de-
bates, the broader black-white, insider-outsider discourse, and an ideological link be-
tween distance and differentiation, explains reactions to McCain’s utterance as e.g.
“dehumanizing.”
• There is, of course, inter-hearer variation in interpretations of that one: some compared it to
referring to “an annoying child,” others said any disrespect was probably unintentional, etc.
– This is to be expected under the present framework: just as expectations, beliefs, atten-
tion, ideologies, and personal histories vary from one person to the next, so, too, does
interpretation
– Still, we have principled predictions: we have a reason for why people read into Mc-
Cain’s utterance, and why the kinds of inferences drawn were what they were
– Note: no one commented, for instance, that McCain’s utterance downplayed the fact
that Obama is trim.
Why? A phrase like the slender fellow to my right, though certainly not ruled
out entirely as a possible alternative, would, in the main, get far less weight
in the interpretation of that one than the other terms in (4) by the DW Prin-
ciple: it’s wordier and less frequent and it highlights a feature of Obama not
especially germane to the discourse at hand.
• In brief: Reasoning over contextual considerations and what sets that one apart from related
alternatives yields the interpretation of interest.
* To maintain the belief that B is being cooperative, we assume that B means good
but not as good as would be entailed by more informative terms like great.
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– The present account is the same in spirit:
* If good is semantically under-informative, its use would appear to violate conver-
sational expectations, thus warranting special significance (VE Principle)
* By the FS Principle, the full significance depends on what sets the (sub-)utterance
apart from relevant alternatives (e.g. great, excellent, perhaps also bad, terrible.)
* What sets good apart from all of these other expressions is that portion of the
goodness scale corresponding to “good but not great”—i.e., the only portion of the
scale unique to good.
* Use of the less expected the form thus invites an inference (VE Principle)
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* Cannot simply derive this degree of pejoration from reasoning over semantic char-
acter (compare with the Ohioans)
• Other examples:
– the wife (compare with my wife—also your son v. our son)
– Social meaning of demonstratives (Acton & Potts, 2011; Acton, 2014; Acton & Potts,
2014)
8 Conclusion
• The Gist (a reprise): (1) Utterances violating conversational expectations are especially
likely to be ascribed significance beyond their entailments; (2) the full significance of an
utterance depends upon context and what distinguishes it from competing alternative utter-
ances (including associations!); (3) especially those that are similar to the actual utterance
and/or coincide with expectations.
• Concluding thoughts:
1. This framework offers testable predictions.
2. Research into indexicality is essential. The framework tells us not what associations
and connotations are like (their ontology, dynamism, etc.), but rather how they figure
into interpreting utterances, and, in some cases, helps predict what kind of associations
a particular form may take on.
3. Finally, echoing Grice (1975: 47)—“[. . . ] [O]ne of my avowed aims is to see talking
as a special case or variety of purposive, indeed rational, behavior”—I want to suggest
that our collective work on these phenomena presents another example of the study of
language yielding insights into human nature more generally. In this case, I submit that
this particular framework applies not only to the interpretation of linguistic signals, but
to that of a broader range of human actions.
– Do we not apply the same principles, for instance, in drawing inferences based on
what people wear?
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References
Acton, Eric K. 2014. Pragmatics and the social meaning of determiners: Stanford University
dissertation.
Acton, Eric K. & Christopher Potts. 2011. ‘That straight talk’: Demonstratives, solidarity, and
Sarah Palin. Paper presented at the 40th New Ways of Analyzing Variation conference. Wash-
ington, DC: Georgetown University.
Acton, Eric K. & Christopher Potts. 2014. That straight talk: Sarah Palin and the sociolinguistics
of demonstratives. Journal of Sociolinguistics 18. 3–31.
Beltrama, Andrea. 2016. Totally tall sounds totally younger: Gradability, intensification, and social
perception. Paper presented at the 2016 Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America.
Benor, Sarah Bunin. 2001. Sounding learned: The gendered use of /t/ in orthodox Jewish En-
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Campbell-Kibler, Kathryn. 2007. Accent, (ing), and the social logic of listener perceptions. Amer-
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Davis, Christopher & Christopher Potts. 2010. Affective demonstratives and the division of prag-
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language, and meaning: 17th Amsterdam Colloquium revised selected papers, 42–52. Berlin:
Springer.
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Annual Meeting, Oakland, CA, January 7.
Eckert, Penelope. 2008. Variation and the indexical field. Journal of Sociolinguistics 12(4). 453–
476.
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9 Appendix
pr. names
it/they X
that/those X X
this/these X X X
she/he X X X
I/we X X X
you X X X
Table 2: Semantic features of expressions with primarily definite uses. (Acton, 2014)
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