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The diversity of experience and perspective within the feminist movement create a divide
that fractures the movement, ultimately rendering it less effective for achieving equal rights for
women. Particularly in regards to the Pro-life versus Pro-choice movements. Instead of uniting
for common goals, the emotional arguments and extremist stereotypes, blind either side to the
other’s contributions. This paper seeks to a) identify the historical influence on both sides b)
examine added intersectionality and black feminism c) examine how today’s culture enforces
these perceptions and d) apply sociological theory to explain the development of this movement
since its formation in the 19th century. While these achievements have meant improvement in
their overall condition in society, there is much to be addressed and corrected before true equality
can be claimed. A number of the inequalities still impacting the lives of women today include,
job discrimination, unequal pay, poverty, reproductive and healthcare rights, sexual
discrimination, objectification, and conflicting behavioral and beauty standards. The issue within
the movement, is that the large amount of diversity in social class, location, culture, and race
opinions on what constitutes inequality and the extent that it impacts women. This impacts the
ability of the women’s movement to create a united front. Making it more difficult to address
even the more agreed upon structural inequalities that are oppressing women.
One of the largest disagreements within the women’s movement is on the issue of
Reproductive Rights, or Abortion. On one side, the Pro-life supporters believe in the criminality
of abortion and base their platform on protecting the rights of the unborn infants. On the other
hand, the Pro-Choice movement argues that it should be a woman’s personal choice to decide
what she does with her body, and that includes the ability to choose abortion if that be the
necessary choice for her. The media influences each side’s perception of the other, in particular,
by highlighting extremists on either side. This further divides the movement by pushing
commonalities out of the conversation. Instead, their differences control the narrative and
prevent rational discussion. The Pro-Life supporters are seen as callus in their apparent disregard
for rape victims, and the lives of mothers in dangerous pregnancies. They are portrayed as Bible-
hugging hypocrites and ignorant housewives. The Pro-Choice supporters are often portrayed as
man-haters, or Nazi-feminists, with contempt for feminine qualities, and an agenda to promote
promiscuity. These are narrow images that capture a distorted reality of what either side stands
for.
The women’s movement historically was comprised of white, middle class women
fighting for their own rights. They have focused primarily on issues that affect their personal
lives. While many also contributed to humanitarian and abolitionist movements, their
understanding of these complexities of inequality and their prioritization of them, has been
limited. The added element of intersectionality seeks to extend the goals of feminism to reach
minority women, who have been historically excluded from the conversation, and by association,
the rights awarded. Feminism, in its first two waves in particular, largely ignored the perspective
of minority women, how their lives were doubly impacted by oppression, and the unique
experiences that shape their impression of society. Intersectionality provides insight into how
other influences like race and social class add further complexity to the issues that are already
in religious values from my upbringing, and the need to reconcile morals with practiced reality,
poses conflict when I try and form a clear position. While my own experiences have encouraged
the value of unborn life, and the trials and miracles I’ve seen within my immediate community
encourage these sentiments, I can no longer claim ignorance to the trials that those outside of my
The Pro-Life movement argues that there is a moral obligation to protect unborn infants.
They believe that, regardless of scientific input, a fetus is unarguably a human life. That
regardless of circumstance, it unjust to end a life for the preservation of another. They believe
that current sex education and access to birth control proves that regardless of such tools, people
will still choose abortion, and that increasing access to birth control will only promote future
abortions when and if it fails. They believe that the dangers of illegal abortions are not as
prevalent as the Pro-Choice movement argues, and that legalizing abortion only encouraged an
The Pro-Choice movement argues that the Pro-Life movement seeks to limit the rights of
women. They believe that there are circumstances, like rape, incest, or the risk of losing the
mother, that justify performing an abortion. They believe that the current sex education and
access to birth control is far more limited and ineffective than perceived by society. They believe
that illegalizing abortions will force women to endanger themselves, or by not being able to
make necessary choices, lead to a lower quality of life for infant and mother. (European, 2012)
There will not be a solution that leaves either side satisfied. Compromises must be made
in order to unite and continue to fight for equality. Perhaps making abortion illegal will reduce
the number of abortions, which is favored by the Pro-Life. However, one misconception of the
Pro-Choice movement is that they are in favor of abortions. The level of debate that surrounds
this argument shows the gravity of the action. It seems unlikely that people would be in favor of
ending a potential life simply for the convenience. More likely, is that real circumstances put
people in positions where they have to make difficult and uncomfortable decisions. There is a
necessity to remove a level of personal emotion, and consider what leads people to the point
where they feel there is a choice that must be made (Luna, 2009). There is certainly validity in
the Pro-Life argument, in that nothing can change the fact that a life is growing inside a woman.
The very engagement of arguing the matter is an admission of that fact. There is certain validity
in the need for personal responsibility across the board in regards to situations of engaging in
voluntary sexual intercourse, using protection, and being aware of involved risks. However, what
must also be recognized is the added oppression if nothing else is done to alleviate the growing
The Pro-Life arguers must recognize their own biases that influence their position. The
reality is that many involved in the Pro-Life movement use religion as a basis of their argument.
Generally, those who share these beliefs also share a similar socio-economic and racial status.
They are privileged in their ability to care for themselves in spite of increased difficulty. In
remaining steadfast in their argument, they are failing to see how the argument for abortion is
decreasing structural inequality, would that lead to a decline in the perceived need for abortions?
If there was a consistent and effective sex education, and a true equal access to birth control and
contraceptives, would that lower the number of unplanned pregnancies? If the education system
valued students as individuals, would they recognize a need for reasoning and motivations when
teaching children, instead of simply saying “don’t have sex.” If there was a cohesive curriculum
that promoted abstinence, while educating on the emotional and physical risks of sex, and the
responsibility of engaging in such activities, would there be such a high number of abortions as
there is now?
Examining how feminism, or the women’s movement, became a social phenomenon, the
history of women’s position in society reflects the evolvement of an implicit bias that is actively
impacting their current status. First, from the early stages of American life, women were not
given a voice and essentially considered property of either father or husband. Once married,
white women lost their legal status, forfeited all assets to their husbands, and were socially
conditioned into motherhood and performing duties for the household. In comparison, African
American women were facing the oppression of chattel slavery which defined them as property,
resulting in the dehumanization and exploitation of their race. They lacked any ownership over
their own bodies. Patterns of abuse, specifically rape, experienced under their white masters,
often resulted in pregnancies that further compromised their situations. Their own relationships
and freedoms to reproduce were restricted, and they were often forced to be separated from their
families through the slave trade. They were later conditioned into domesticated jobs that had
them caring for other people’s children in order to provide for their own. For white women, their
historical roles as mothers, influences the current social pressures for them as women to
reproduce at some point in their lives. This conflicts with an increasing desire for equality in the
workforce and many women choosing to put off motherhood or choose against it all together to
pursue careers. White women hold a generally higher socio-economic status that allows them the
freedom to pursue such endeavors. For them, the 20th century influenced their role within the
home through growing consumerism and encouraged homemaking. While these expectations
influenced women across all sections of society, additional societal factors such as eugenics were
experienced specifically by women of color. Medical professionals practiced these racist theories
Today, there are conflicting expectations put on women that influence their decisions.
Growing support for equality is met with societal norms that continue to discriminate between
men and women. First, a general attitude that persecutes women for engaging in sex while
simultaneously applauding men for it. Second, in addition to the conflicting value placed on
motherhood, there is an expected responsibility of women to be caretakers while men are nearly
exempt from responsibility within the home. Third, the standards that ostracize women who
choose not to marry or have children, and yet also blame wives for “trapping” men and keeping
Karl Marx used his theories to make sense of the lives of white men. However, expanding
on them now, they can be used to explain how women are kept in their roles. The system of
capitalism simultaneously encourages free labor, in this case the labor of motherhood, and at the
same time, finds no value in it, because there is no tangible profit to be made. By encouraging
the expectations of women to reproduce, and contributing to circumstances that make it difficult
for mothers to work, capitalism aids in controlling women by keeping them out of the workforce.
Marx’s theories can also be used to argue that false consciousness works against both women as
a whole, and between women of different socio-economic and racial backgrounds to keep them
from seeing their position in society, and further alienating them from each other. This focus on
differences, often perpetuated through society’s pitting of women against each other, even further
Jane Chaftez’s theories of gender inequality also explain how women have been kept
subordinate. Through the legitimacy of power in the male role, these expectations of women
have been considered normal as determined by males. Society encourages these roles and women
commit voluntary gender inequality by then continuing to perpetuate these roles. She recognized
the difficulty in uniting diverse groups of women on any commonality because of the depth of
differences and a lack of mutual respect and understanding, particularly from the majority
This historical lack of ownership that women had over their own bodies, contributes to
their desire to fight for them now. Patricia Hill Collins’ theory of black feminist epistemology
can be used to examine how individuals within the opposing sides form their opinions. She
believed in a necessity for personal accountability. There is a responsibility that comes from
knowledge and claiming beliefs, and as part of it we must examine every aspect of our lives in
order to understand how our perspective has both been shaped and how it has shaped our beliefs.
She believes when engaged in this kind of thinking, we discover examples of inequality and
discrimination that go against the ideas of a shared experience (Faul, 2018). In addition, Collins
would likely examine how African American women have unique positions based on their
experience with oppression. They are better able to see the circumstances surrounding the
decision of abortion. They are more accustomed to poverty, lack of healthcare, limited to no
community support, and other injustice. They are influenced by an even greater lack of
ownership of their own bodies historically, which influences a greater number of minority
women to support the Pro-Choice movement. White, middle class women who support Pro-Life
may do so, but are also accountable for their position and what it reflects. By refusing to see the
current state of education, and the lack of community resources, they are denying the existence
Is the government- as an institution legally separate from religion- not accountable for
the welfare of all its citizens? Yet so much inequality exists. So the challenge becomes- whether
or not the core movement’s objective, is the pro-life argument used to legitimize a forfeit of
religious values, to investigate or to be accountable for the policies that are contributing to the
In order to move past this divide, there has to be a willingness for accountability. Either
side must examine their own bias and make compromises to re-center the focus towards
A Brief History of Civil Rights in the United States: Feminism and Intersectionality. (n.d.).
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Kelly, J. (1999). Sociology and Public Theology: A Case Study of Pro-Choice/ Prolife Common
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3711744
Luna. 2009. "From Rights to Justice: Women of Color Changing the Face of US Reproductive
Lynne Marie Kohm and Colleen Holmes, The Rise and Fall of Women's Rights: Have Sexuality
and Reproductive Freedom Forfeited Victory?, 6 Wm. & Mary J. Women & L. 381
(2000), http://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl/vol6/iss2/3
Smith, A. (2005). Beyond Pro-Choice versus Pro-Life: Women of Color and Reproductive
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