Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Werner Bonefeld
The previous three volumes of Open Marxism were published between 1992 and 1995. What
a time that was! The Soviet Empire had collapsed, and capitalism was duly celebrated with
great fanfare as not only victorious but also as the epitome of civilisation that had now been
confirmed as history’s end – as if history maintains in the service of vast wealth a class of
dispossessed producers of surplus value. History does not use pursue its own ends and it does
not assert itself in the interests of bourgeois civilisation, morality and profitability. History
does not make society. Nor does it take sides. It is rather that society makes history. And
society is nothing other than the social individuals pursuing their own ends in their class
divided social relations. History was truly made in the late 1980s and early 1990s. About this
there is no doubt.
Amidst the fanfare, the debtor crisis of the 1980s had started to move from the global South
to the global North, from the crash of 1987 via the third global recession in less than 20 years
in the early 1990s to the various currency crises, including those of the British Pound and the
Mexican Peso in 1992 and 1994 respectively. The Peso crisis coincided with the uprising of
the Zapatistas in 1994. Then there was the emergence of China as a world power, founded
on a labour economy that combines authoritarian government with the provision of cheap
labour and disciplined labour relations. And it was the time also of the first Gulf war, mere
posturing of might in search for a global enemy that was needed to secure the domestic
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containment of the querulous rabble, as Hegel put it when remarking on how a successful
war can check the domestic unrest and consolidate the power of the state at home.
Since the early 1990s, with the passing into oblivion of the Soviet Empire, the entire edifice
of Marxism-Leninism has tumbled also. It had served as the official doctrine and source for
legitimation of state socialism and its various derivative ideologies that found expression in
that proclaimed their allegiance to Trotsky, Lenin’s military commander and suppressor of the
Kronstadt uprising of 1921. Although these traditions continue to force themselves onto the
critique of political economy, their history has come to an end. They no longer provide the
ideological foundation to what is now yesterday’s idea of the forward march of socialism. To
be sure, some still believe in the revolutionary party as an end in itself. Yet, in reality the party
is no more – it had in fact been gone a long time before. It died in Spain during the civil war
and during the show-trails in Stalinist Russia and its morbid foundation perished finally in
either 1953 or 1956, or indeed 1968. Like Jeremy Corbyn in the UK, Jean-Luc Mélenchon in
France is just a ghost of yesterday. Neither is a Chavez or a Maduro, or indeed an Ortega - and
that is a relief. In fact, both, Corbyn and Mélenchon, seek political power for the sake of justice
in an unjust world. Instead of the critique of political economy, the endeavour now is to
In distinction, the Open Marxism volumes did not argue for justice in an unjust world by
means of state socialist planning of labour economy, and progressive schemes of taxation and
just ideas for redistribution. Nor did they argue in favour of hegemonic strategies for the
achievement of political power on behalf of the many. They did not endorse the state as the
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institution of institutions. Rather, they understood that profit is the purpose of capital and
that the state is the political form of that purpose. They understood also that world market
competition compels each nation state to achieve competitive labour markets, which are the
condition for achieving a measure of social integration. The politics of competitiveness, sound
money, fiscal prudence, enhanced labour productivity, belong to a system of wealth that
sustains the welfare of workers on the condition that their labour yields a profit. In this system
of wealth, the profitability of labour is a means not only of avoiding bankruptcy; it is also a
free trade – and in relationship to labour markets, it amounts also to an anti-immigrant policy
of exclusion and racialization, of the national us and the ‘othered’ them, citizens from
nowhere.
The profitable exploitation of labour is the condition for the sustained employment of
workers. It allows workers to maintain access to the means of subsistence through wage
income. It is the case also that there is a fate far worth than being an exploited worker and
that is, to be an unexploitable worker. If labour power cannot be traded, what else can be
sold to make a living and achieve a connection to the means of subsistence? That is, first of
all, the producers of surplus value, dispossessed sellers of labour power, are free to struggle
to make ends meet. Their struggle belongs to the conceptuality of capitalist wealth – that is,
money that yields more money. In this conception of wealth the satisfaction of human needs
is a mere sideshow. What counts is the time of money. What counts therefore is the
valorisation of value through the extraction of surplus value. There is no time to spare. Time
is money. And then suddenly society finds itself put back into a state of momentary
barbarism; it appears as if famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of
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every means of subsistence to the class that works for its supper. And second, the
values, of money that yields more money, lies in the concept of surplus value. There is trade
in labour power, and then there is the consumption of labour that produces a total value that
is greater then the value of labour power. The equivalence exchange relations are thus
founded on the class relationship between the buyers of labour power and the producers of
surplus value. This social relationship, which entails a history of suffering, vanishes in its
Contrary to a whole history of Marxist thought, class struggle is not something positive.
Rather, it belongs to the capitalist social relations, and drives them forward. Class struggle
does not follow some abstract idea. Nor does it express some ontologically privileged position
of the working class, according to which it is the driving force of historical progress as the
traditions of state socialism saw it. Rather it is struggle for access to the means of subsistence.
It is a struggle to make ends meet. The notion that this struggle manifests a socialist
commitment because of itself, is really just an abstract idea. There is no doubt also that the
demand for a politics of justice recognises the suffering of the dispossessed. Political
commitment towards the betterment of the conditions of the working class is absolutely
necessary – it civilises society’s treatment of its workers. Nevertheless, the critique of class
society does not find its positive resolution in the achievement of fair and just exchange
relations between the sellers of labour power and the consumers of labour. What is a fair
wage? Is it not the old dodge of the charitable alternative to the employer from hell, who
nevertheless also pays his labourers with the monetised surplus value he previously extracted
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from them? The critique of class society finds its positive resolution only in a society in which
The Open Marxism volumes of the 1990s saw themselves as a contribution to the attempt at
freeing the critique of capitalist labour economy from the dogmatic embrace of the bright
side view that capitalist economy is an irrationally organised labour economy. In this view
conscious planning by public authority. The anti-capitalism of central economic planning, or,
in today’s flat enunciation of Negri’s and Hardt’s term of the multitude, the politics for the
many is entirely abstract in its critique of labour economy. In fact, it presents the theology of
anti-capitalism – one that looks on the bright side in the belief that progress will be made
upon the taking of government by the party of labour. What is capitalist wealth, what belongs
to its concept, and what is its dynamic, and what therefore holds sway in its concept? Only a
reified consciousness can declare that it is in possession of the requisite knowledge and
technical expertise and know-how for regulating capitalism in the interests of the class that
works for both, the expansion of social wealth in the form of capital and for its supper. The
Open Marxism volumes sought to reassert the critique of the capitalist social relations as a
critique of political economy, of both labour economy and the principle of political power, at
The critical purpose of the Open Marxism volumes was to free Marx from the ‘perverters of
Dialectics. For this to happen, looking on the bright side is not an option. Rather, it entails an
attempt at thinking in and through the logic social wealth, its production and circulation, that
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holds sway in capitalist political economy. In the absence of such an attempt, the sheer unrest
of life that belongs to the concept of capital and sustains its progress will not be understood.
Instead, it will either be romanticised as alienated species being or viewed, with moralising
The said purpose of the attempt at freeing Marx from orthodox ritualization was not in any
case novel. In fact, it could look back onto a distinguished history that included the council
communism of for example Pannekoek, Gorter and Mattick, the work of Karl Korsch, the
critical theory of Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse, the Yugoslav Praxis Group, Axelos’s open
marxism, the Situationist International, the critical Marxist tradition in Latin America
associated with Echeverría, Sánchez Vázquez, Schwarz, and Arantes, the state derivation
debate of amongst others Gerstenberger, Blanke, Neußüss, and von Braunmühl, the neue
Marx Lektüre of amongst others Backhaus, Reichelt and Schmidt, the autonomous Marxism
of amongst others Dalla Costa, Federici, Tronti, Negri, Cleaver, and Bologna, and in the
context of the British-based Conference of Socialist Economists from which it emerged, the
works of especially Simon Clarke and John Holloway about value, class, and state. Simon
Clarke’s critique of structuralist Marxism, especially the works of Levi-Strauss, Althusser and
Poulantzas, and his contributions to state theory and value form analysis were fundamental
The title Open Marxism derived from the work of Johannes Agnoli, a Professor of the Critique
of Politics at the Free University of Berlin. His contribution to the heterodox Marxist tradition
focused the critique of political economy as a subversive critique of the economic categories,
the philosophical concepts, the moral values and the political institutions, including the form
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of the state, of bourgeois society. The direct link between the title of the Open Marxism
volumes and Agnoli is the title of a book that he published with Ernest Mandel in 1980:
Offener Marxismus: Ein Gespräch über Dogmen, Orthodoxie & die Häresie der Realität (Open
Marxism: A Discussion about Doctrines, Orthodoxy & the Heresy of Reality). The choice of the
Open Marxism title was not about paying homage to Johannes Agnoli as the foremost
The much too long delayed publication of this forth volume of Open Marxism does not require
contextualisation. Nothing is as it was and everything is just the same. We live in a time of
terror and we live in a time of war. The so-called elite has become a racket. Antisemitism is
back en vogue as both the socialism of fools and as the expression of thoughtless resentment
and nationalist paranoia. Racism is as pervasive as it always was – as enemy within and
without. The so-called clash of civilisation is unrelenting in its inexorable attack on the
promise of freedom. Even the talk about socialism in one country has made a comeback
without sense of purpose – first because there can be none, and second because there is
none. The political blow back of the crisis of 2008 has been intense and relentless Austerity.
from the early 1990s is that capitalism as a term of critical inquiry has vanished; it is has
disappeared from contemporary analysis. The Zeitgeist recognises neoliberalism as the object
of critique. As a consequence, the past no longer comes alive in the critique of contemporary
neoliberal world. The critique of neoliberalism conjures up a time in which money did not
yield more money but was rather put to work for growth and jobs. Illusion dominates reality.
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While the first three volumes sought to free Marx from the dogmatic perverters of historical
materialism, it seems to me that the purpose of the forth volume is to bring back centre stage
the critique of capitalism, in parts to re-establish in a (self-) critical and open manner what
the neoliberal Zeitgeist disavows, and in parts also to think afresh of what it means to say no.
On the one hand there is the preponderance of the object – society as a real abstraction that
manifests itself behind the backs of the acting subjects – and on the other hand there is the
York