Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the University of

Debrecen CAHS

HEGEL IN ENGLAND: VICTORIAN THOUGHT RECONSIDERED

Author(s): TIBOR FRANK
Source: Angol Filológiai Tanulmányok / Hungarian Studies in English, Vol. 13 (1980), pp.
49-58
Published by: Centre for Arts, Humanities and Sciences (CAHS), acting on behalf of the
University of Debrecen CAHS
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41273768
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TIBOR FRANK (Budapest)

HEGEL IN ENGLAND: VICTORIAN THOUGHT RECONSIDERED

Although most experts agree that it was Georg Wilhelm Friedrich H

who, from amongst the great German minds of the day, made the most sign
icant impact on representative English thought, it was, nevertheless, sur
ing to see the extent of insufficiency that characterises the few analyses
lished on the subject. For instance, I think few Victorian scholars would
with L. E. Elliott-Binns when he denounced "Hegelianism ... both in me
and content" as "alien to the English mind": a paradox like "Oxford is t
place to which good German philosophies go when they are dead" can har
serve as an adequate explanation for the influence of Hegel on Victo
thinking.1 In assessing the causes and effects of Hegel's considerable influ
in Britain in the second part of the Victorian era, I will try to point out
there was an essential link between Hegelian philosophy and the Victor
idea of progress. A study of Hegel in England may thus not only help tow
a better understanding of Victorian philosophy and the "Geisteswissensc
ten", including theology and government, but it might also serve as a gui
the thinking behind much Victorian literature, both poetry and prose, a
indeed, cast fresh light on the basic features of "Victorianism" as an ideo
It is hardly necessary to point out that the present paper cannot under
such a vast task by itself; it may, however, establish guidelines for furt
research.

Romance or Sword?

■ Historians of philosophy consider the victory of Idealism a strange inter-

lude in English thinking. "For both before and after the interspace of Idealist
dominance, British thought has been marked by a strong mistrust of meta-
physics and by the preference for the language of common sense, by empiri-
cism, hedonism, and the occasional tendency to exalt scientific method as the
proper model for ethics and political philosophy."2 Idealist philosophy, of
course, was never left quite without its advocates. The cultivated mind was
prepared to some extent, first by the Cambridge Platonists and, on the second
occasion, by Berkeley, to accept Hegel and his British followers. It must be
noted, however, that on the two occasions when Idealism had flourished in
England previously, it did so as a defence against the growing materialistic ten-

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dencies of the day. The scientific developments of the seventeenth century
and, later, Newtonian science in particular had alarmed Idealist philosophers.
"There was no continuous tradition of Idealist philosophy in Great Britain"
and everyday thought was influenced by quite different intellectual currents.3
To illustrate typical mid- 19th-century English thinking I should like to quote
from a hitherto unknown document which reveals the general attitude to-
wards German Idealism and Hegel in particular in a remarkably witty way.
Doing some research in an entirely different field, I happened to come
across the unpublished letters of Joseph Andrew Blackwell (1798-1881), a
British diplomat and the official agent of His Majesty's Government in Hunga-
ry before and during the revolution of 1848-49. Blackwell was a life-long ad-
mirer of tliis country and, as a token of his affection he left all his personal
and official papers to the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.4 Unable to return
to Hungary, Blackwell settled in Liibeck as Vice-Consul in 1854 and spent the
rest of his long life in Germany. His papers present a picture of an Englishman
of excellent education, a wide sphere of interests, considerable receptivity to
new ideas and a passionate thirst for knowledge. In a letter to a friend dated
Stettin, March 24, 1863 he gave an account of his views on and contacts with
Hegelianism and I could hardly produce a more excellent summary of what
the average Englishman thought of Hegel - before his triumph in Britain.5
'The last time I met with a Hegelian - and that too with a Young-
Hegelian of the purest water - was at Liibeck in 1854. On returning one
evening from Tivoli (the Liibeck Summer Theatre so-called) towards 10
o'clock, before mounting to my ... apartment at the Hotel "Stadt Ham-
burg", I entered the Ordinary and found, what was very uncommon only
one gentleman seated at the long narrow table... Being ... fond of a little
chat, ... and judging that the solitary gentleman from his tete carree Al-
lemande and his whole appearance must be either a Professor or a Ge-
lehrter vom Fache, I sat down opposite to him and looking over the
Speisezettel was not long in making my choice, ordering the waiter to
bring me a Mayonnaise de saumon en macedoine a la gel£e and a bottle
of Rudesheimer. As the waiter "Herr Consulled" me the solitary gentle-
man after a few observations on the theatre, the last news from the seat
of war6 &c began with the usual German phrase Habe ich die Ehre -
Have I the honour to speak to a consul of one of the Great Powers? "I
am the English Vice Consul here" I replied; on which the tete carree ob-
served that he was delighted to have an opportunity of speaking to an
English Consul, and then asked me, somewhat abruptly, ... "Do you
know the cause of the present war?" "The cause is well-known" I replied
"the Russians entered the Principalities which they had no right to do
and England and France supported Turkey against Russian aggression,

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that's all." Wishing to postpone any discussion until after I had finished
my Mayonnaise, I added "Whether it has been a wise policy for England
to enter into an alliance with France, for that purpose, is another ques-
tion which I will not enter into as British Consul. I, of course, approve of
the policy adapted by the British Gevornment." That, I thought was a
pretty broad hint that he would get nothing out of me and therefore
might remain quiet until I had finished my Mayonnaise. The tete carree
however did not take the hint but exclaimed "So that (an emphatic
German das) is the cause, is it? As that is the cause generally consigned
[?] but I will tell you the real cause. You are aware that in the 5th Cen-
tury the Roman Empire was broken at by the so-called Irruption of the
Barbarians that is to say by the valour of our ... ancestors the hardy Teu-
tons located in the forests of Germany." "But what has that to do with
the present war?" I asked. "That is precisely what I am going to tell
you" said the learned German, and then began a historical dissertation -
a long concatenation of causes and effects - so long indeed that by the
time I had finished my Mayonnaise, he had only got down to the Crusa-
des; so I lighted a cigar, and offered one the Gelehrter vom Fache, which
he lighted and then proceeded in his learned dissertation, I only inter-
rupting him by an occasional ja - puff - gewiss - puff - Sie haben
recht - puff &c &c - until he got to the Emperor Nicholas and after de-
ducing, as he imagined, the cause of the war from the Irruption of the
Barbarians - q. e. d. concluded, with an air of self satisfaction "that is
the real cause of the war and that is what I wished particularly to impress
on you as English Consul." "But why" I modestly asked "did you not
remount a little higher, to the Siege of Troy, for instance or to the ear-
liest Egyptian Pharaohs, who, according to Lepsius, flourished some
4000 and odd years before the Christian Era?" "In one respect you are
right" said the Philosopher "but I merely wished to show the more im-
mediate cause of the war and you would do well" he significantly added
"to state this, the real cause, in your next despatch to Lord Clarendon, it
might perhaps, be of great advantage to you." ... I merely observed, in
reply to the long dissertation that our Statesmen were eventually prac-
tical men who did not care much about the Philosophy of History. "Ay"
exclaimed the Young-Hegelian, "I am aware that you English boast of
being practical men and regard us, Germans as mere dreamers. But with
all your practical notions you are ignorant even of the first principles of
Philosophy. Now you, Mr Consul - I say it without flattery, appear to
be a very intelligent, well-informed man and speak our language, more-
over, to perfection; nevertheless I would venture to say you know noth-
ing of our Philosophy. You no doubt have heard of Hegel. Who has not?

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 His name is world-wide. But you have probably never studied or even
glanced at his system of Philosophy. I do not blame you. It is quite natu-
ral one cannot expect that Foreigners, however well versed they may be
in our literature, should study our profound Philosophy."
I am not, as you are aware, ever remarkable for shyness and being
moreover invigorated by my Mayonnaise and Riidesheimer, I soon show-
ed the somewhat too self-complacent German that I was tolerably well
versed in the Philosophy of Kant, Fichte, Sclielling & Schopenauer [sic]
and even in that of his adored Hegel; showing him that I knew something
about the identity of the subjective and objective - of mind and matter,
of divinity and humanity and the synthesis of the Finite and Infinite,
peppering him with the Hegelian Sein, Dasein, Fiirsichsein, Beisichsein,
Anderssein &c and winding up by expounding the famous Hegelian posi-
tion "Sein und Nichts ist Dasselbe" - on which the Young-Hegelian ...
came round the table, seized both my hands, stared me in the face and
expressed his astonishment, more by looks than by words, that an Eng-
lishman and ... an English Consul should be so well acquainted with Ger-
man Metaphysics. It was a phenomenon not dreamed of in his philos-
ophy and which he was obviously quite at a loss to account for. He then
sat down on a chair on my side of the table, turned the chair toward me,
I, turning mine towards him and at length said "Yes you do understand
our Philosophy. But what do you think of it? What do you think of the
all-embracing Philosophy of my revered Master?" "What do I think of
the Philosophy of Hegel" I said "why that is the most interesting, most
attractive, most marvellous, most brilliant metaphysical romance excogi-
tated by the mind of man since the days of Plato." Up bounced the
Young-Hegelian from his chair and exclaimed "A Romance! a metaphys-
ical romance! I must have misunderstood you. You certainly do not
mean that Hegel's Phanomenologie is a Romance!!"
Seeing that he was quite shocked at the opinion I entertained of his
"revered Master" I took out my cigar case, lighted a cigar, offered him
one and called "Waiter another bottle of Riidesheimer ... and said
"There's nothing like a cigar and a glass of good wine for cooling down a
person, let us discuss such knotty questions sine ira." So we sat down,
smoked our cigars, sipped our Riidesheimer and discussed the various
systems of Philosophy, he contending that Hegel's was the nec plus ultra,
the all-embracing, all-pervading &c & and I maintaining that a system of
Philosophy essentially based on a paradoxical assumption, though wor-
ked out in all its logical consequences with consummate dialectic skill
even by such a transcendent genius as Hegel, was after all little better
than a splendid metaphysical Romance and thus we went on chatting un-

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 til the clock struck 2 and as he was to leave by the 6 o'clock train, I sug-
gested that it was time to break up - so ... we parted very good friends,
he greatly regretting that ... he could not remain another day in the old
Hanseatic town in order to prove to me that Kant's Philosophy was eine
uberwundene Standpunkt, and I ... telling him not to forget the some-
what too sceptical and, in respect to the Philosophy of his revered
Master, sadly heterodox British Vice-Consul at Liibeck."
A 'metaphysical romance' in 1854, Hegel made a surprising career in the
1860s and '70s. Translations and commentaries introduced the tide of impor-
ted Idealism. Hegelianism was first presented in a comprehensive form in
Britain by James Hutchinson Stirling, whose The Secret of Hegel (1865)
reflected "the theological impulse behind the new interest in Hegel", and was
openly partisan in tone. Though ridiculed by some contemporaries for keep-
ing Hegel's "Secret" too well, Stirling's book seemed to justify the opinion of
William James: "It is a strange thing, this resurrection of Hegel in England and
here [ i.e. in the U.S.A.] after his burial in Germany. I think his philosophy
will probably have an important influence on the development of our liberal
form of Christianity. It gives a quasi-metaphysical backbone which this
theology has always been in need of."7 Just about the time The Secret of
Hegel was published in Britain, enthusiastic Idealists in the United States
formed their own Hegelian community at St Louis under the leadership of W.
T. Harris. 1867 saw the launching of The Journal of Speculative Philosophy,
the first of its type in the English-speaking world. In 1874 The Logic of Hegel
was translated and annotated by William Wallace; Edward Caird produced his
powerful Hegel in 1883. It is perhaps interesting to remark that Stirling, Caird
and Wallace were all Scottish philosophers whose interest in Continental
thinking was partly motivated by their aversion to the Scottish tradition in
philosophy.8
Some histories of British philosophy consider the Idealist thinkers of the
late Victorian period a homogeneous group of 'neo-Hegelians'. This was far
from being the case. The next set of British Idealists did not stand so firmly
for Hegelian principles. Although they admired Hegel, they were not Hegelians
in, the original sense of the word. The most influential among them was Tho-
mas Hill Green who left a lasting imprint on the intellectual and, curiously
enough, political careers of many of his generation. F. H. Bradley went as far
as to describe him as "in some respects anti-Hegelian even". Certainly, the dia-
lectic of Bradley himself was very different from the dialectic of Hegel.9
Green and his contemporaries, Bradley and Bosanquet testify to the fact that
though the historical origins of English Idealism are to be found in German
Idealism and in Hegel's philosophy in particular, Hegel's most eminent English
successors developed their own philosophy for themselves. Leading ideas, such

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is for instance the notion of the concrete universal, were indeed taken over.
?ut not just simply restated by the best of English Idealists.10 This can also
:>e documented by the third - and last - group of Victorian philosophers
,vho, unmistakably neo-Hegelian in spirit though they were, condemned the
.lissolution of human personality by the Hegelian Absolute. A characteristic
product of this trend of argument is Andrew Seth's Hegelianism and Person-
ility (1887) which seeks to defend even "the meanest thing that exists", as
laving "a life of its own, absolutely unique and individual."11 Another typ-
cal representative of the un-Hegelian Hegelians was J. E. MacTaggart. He was
jissatisfied with the incapacity of most British philosophers to consider
Kegel's dialectic anything but 'Teutonic mystery-mongering'. However, his
Studies in the Hegelian Dialectic (1896), Studies in Hegelian Cosmology
(1901) and A Commentary on Hegets Logic (1910) show that the Hegel he
described did not exist outside his "fertile imagination. 12 ^
The turn of the century witnessed the decline of Hegel's ^ popularity in
England. Once an admirer of the German philosopher, Bertrand Russell turn-
ed strongly against Hegelianism, which was also attacked by other Cambridge
dons. The years of triumph were over. Few people felt, at the outbreak of the
Great War, the ambitious prophecy of the St Louis Hegelians to be justified:
the Anglo-American version of neo-Hegelianism did not become "a sword
wherewith to smite the three-headed monster of anarchy in politics, tradition-
alism in religion and naturalism in science."13

Idealism as Politics

It would be highly misleading' to imagine that the influence of Hegel in

Victorian Britain was restricted to the narrow sphere of philosophy proper.
Hegelianism permeated theories of government, influenced historians of the
standing of Sir James Frazer and Frederick Powicke and impressed men of let-
ters in the widest sense of the word. Ousted from Germany, Hegelian thought
established itself in British bulwarks such as Oxford and Glasgow. Two exam-
ples will perhaps suffice to throw light on the nature and mechanism of the
application of Hegelian thought in such vastly different fields as public life
and historiography. .
Assessing the impact of
policy, R. G. Collingwood
social reformer. In his A
school of Green sent out in
with them the conviction

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they had learnt at Oxford, was an important thing, and that their vocation
was to put it into practice. This conviction was common to politicians so
diverse in their creeds as Asquith and Milner, Churchmen like Gore and Scott
Holland, social reformers like Arnold Toynbee. ... Through this effect on the
minds of its pupils, the philosophy of Green's school might be found, from
about 1880 to about 1910, penetrating and fertilizing every part of the na-
tional life."14 As Melvin Richter stated in a recent book on T. H. Green, "Phi-
losophical Idealism, which in Germany had so often served as a rationale of
conservatism," was converted by Green "into something close to a practical
programme for the left wing of the Liberal Party. From aristocratic Oxford ...
there came a stream of serious young men dedicated to reform in politics,
social work and the civil service. Many of them were to spend their lives in
improving the school system, establishing settlement houses, reorganising
charity and the Poor Law, and working in adult education. ... The literary crit-
icism of A. C. Bradley, the economic history of Arnold Toynbee, the view
of the history of political thought taken by C. E. Vaughan, Sir Ernest Barker,
and Lord Lindsay owe as much to Green as did the London Ethical Society,
an agnostic organisation outside the Church of England, and the Christian
Social Union and Lux Mundi movements within it."15
Hegel exerted influence on British public policy not only through disci-
ples and followers. In the heyday of Victorian Hegelianism John Morley's
rationalist Fortnightly Review published a fascinating account on "Hegel as a
Politician: His Views on English Politics."16 Drawing on Karl Rosenkranz's
voluminous Hegel-biography, J. Scot Henderson traced back the origins of the
German philosopher's interest in and knowledge of matters English to his ear-
ly years and found that Hegel's many volumes of extracts contained elaborate
quotations from the London Morning Chronicle and various English reviews.
He made especially long extracts from the English papers on the Parliamenta-
ry debates about the poor-laws and the poor-rates. It is interesting to note
that the "Lectures on the Philosophy of History" were delivered exactly at
the time when the first Reform Bill was being prepared. In fact, the philoso-
pher wrote a paper on the Bill which reveals his knowledge of British politics
and society. In his view England was generally much "behind other civilised
countries in Europe, because the well-being of her people was secondary to,
and was often sacrificed for the maintenance of the privileges of the aristo-
cratic few." He pointed out the "grievances imposed on the populations of
Britain and Ireland through the exceptional privileges of the landed proprie-
tors." I find it highly characteristic of the pro-Hegelian atmosphere of the
1870s that this sharp criticism of British social and political conditions was
warmly welcomed by leftist Liberals. Henderson concluded his article by

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stating: "We think our readers will agree with us, that, while his minute
knowledge of English politics and English life in general is remarkable, his
insight into the conditions of English progress is not less so. ... Hegel ... was
termed a friend of absolutism in Prussia - in England he would perhaps have
been a constitutional Radical. In seeking real freedom, he would certainly not
have stopped at the removal of old grievances. The principles of a new organ-
isation still more stable, and consecrating authority still more thoroughly than
the old, were sunk deep in his political thought, and construction would have
been his end - destruction of feudal privileges only the means to it."17 The
acceptance of Hegel's direct criticism of the. English social structure - and
note that the article was published during the Franco-Prussian War - suggests
that theory of government was open to the influence of Hegelian thinking.
As far as historiography is concerned, let me choose a lesser figure as an
example. G. G. Zerffi started to teach history and the history of art in the late
1860s and produced A Manual of the Historical Development of Art in 1876
and The Science of History in 1879. 18 Continental refugees were, in many
cases, enthusiastic followers of Hegel and, especially in Italy and England,
even the least competent were ready to enter into a discussion of Hegelian dia-
lectic.19 The Science of History was intended to introduce the results of Ger-
man philosophical and historical scholarship into Britain. Zerffi drew on all
that he considered essential in Hegelian thought. The significance he attri-
buted to the idea of historicity, his manner of dividing the history of mankind
into periods, and his establishing of a pattern for the development of human-
ity point to the fact that Zerffi found the Hegelian interpretation of history
a useful model for his historiography. It can, however, be quite easily de-
monstrated that Zerffi was not only influenced by Hegel directly: almost all
his major sources like Henry Thomas Buckle, Hippolyte Taine and the Ger-
man school of historians confessed or betrayed their debt to the German phi-
losopher. However, for Zerffi Hegel is the German philosopher par excellence,
and his philosophy has a direct political function in Zerffi's History. Zerffi
ardently supported the cause of German unification and his book is a glorifica-
tion of all things German throughout. An earlier publishing venture, a school-
edition of Goethe's Faust "with critical and explanatory notes" was intended
to serve the cause of "Anglo-German brotherhood."20
There are quite a few characteristic features in Zerffi's Science of History
which explain the Hegelian renaissance in Victorian Britain. Zerffi was not
only a disciple of Hegel and the German historians in general, but he was also
an advocate of most of the basic ideas of Positivism as well. Zerffi, who was
certainly not an original thinker, had a curious ability to blend all contempo-
rary ideologies into a more or less homogeneous mixture. Hegelianism with
him appears hand in hand with Positivism, and he also forges a direct link be-

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tween the philosophies of Kant and Hegel. This is why I consider Zerffi's ide-
ological mixture a fairly adequate representation of at least a part of what we
call "Victorian ism." His interpretation of Hegel in The Science of History
seems to justify the statement of Geoig Lukacs on the causes of the basic dif-
ference between the philosophical development of Germany on the one hand
and Western Europe on the other. 'The revolution of 1848 marked the end of
Hegelianism in Germany; it was the irrationalist Schopenhauer who became
the leading philosopher of post-revolutionary Germany. Hegelian philosophy,
however, preserved its leading role in the Anglo-Saxon countries and in Italy,
and its influence was even on the increase. This was because the bourgeois
idea of progress was not caught up in an open crisis there, as it was in Ger-
many: the crisis remained latent and hidden but, as a consequence of the fail-
ure of 1848, the notion of progress was on the wane. From a philosophical
point of view this led to Hegelian dialectic totally losing its aspect of "revolu-
tionary algebra" (Herzen) and to its gradual identification with Kant and
Kantianism. That is why this sort of Hegelianism was, especially in the Anglo-
Saxon countries, a parallel phenomenon with advancing sociology which,
especially in the case of Herbert Spencer, preached Liberal evolutionism."21
This is, of course, only part of the truth. The question of why Idealism
became a reforming creed even in Oxford in the last quarter of the century
can only be answered by taking into account the fact that the Victorian mind
in general was committed to and conditioned by the idea of progress. Belief
in the steady expansion of human power won ever more adherents as the
quality of middle-class life improved. The Hegelian message struck a chord in
those who suffered the acute crisis of conscience which troubled Christian
believers who at the same time considered themselves thinking men.22 Hege-
lian philosophy, we may safely conclude, was thus admirably well-suited to
the intellectual climate of Victorian England; it is only too natural that it was
swept away by the First World War.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. L.E. Elliott-Binns, Religion in the Victorian Era, London, 1946, pp. 274-275. Cf.:
K. Dockhorn, Der deutsche Historismus in England, Gottingen, 1950, and K. Dock-
horn, Deutscher Geist und angelsachsische Geistesgeschichte, Gottingen, Frankfurt,
Berlin, 1954.
2. M. Richter, The Politics of Conscience. T.H. Green and his age, London, 1964, p. 14.
3. J. Passmore,^ Hundred Years of Philosophy, Harmondsworth, 1966, p. 52.
4. Blackwell Papers, Hung. Academy of Sciences, Dept of MSS, MS 10.009, ff. 358-364.
5. Ibid.

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 6. The topic of the conversation was obviously the Crimean War.
7. J. Passmore, op. cit. pp. 5 1 , 54.
8. J. Passmore, op.cit. pp. 54-55, pp. 536-537.
9. M. Richter,op.aY. p. 57.
10. A.J.M. Milne, The Social Philosophy of English Idealism , London, 1962, pp. 14-15.
11. J. Passmore, op. cit. p. 72.
12. Op.cit. p. 76.
13. Op. cit. p. 77 and p. 51; B. Russell, '^he Mental Development", in: P. A. Schilpp
(ed.), The Philosophy of Bertrand Russell New York, London, 1963, I. pp. 9-12.
14. Quoted in J. Passmore, op. dr. p. 56.
15. M. Richter , op.cit. p. 13.
16. J. S. Henderson, 'Hegel as a Politician: His Views on English Politics , in: The
Fortnightly Review, Vol. VIII NS (1870), pp. 262-276.
17. Ibid.
18. T. Frank, "Hungarian Art-Historian in Victorian Britain: Gustavus Georg
Acta Historiae Artium Acd. Sci. Hung., XXIII. (1977), pp. 121-124.
19. M. Rossi (ed .),Sviluppi dello hegelismo in Italia, Torino, 1957, pp. 78-
20. T. Frank, "Gustavus George Zerffl, Scientist of General History", in: Ann
Sci. Budapestinensis de R. Eotvos Nominatae, Sectio HistoricaXX (197
21. G. Lukacs, Die Zerstorung der Vernunft, Neuwied - Berlin, 1962, W
p. 22.
22. Cf.: W.E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind , 1830-1870, New Haven - Lon-
don, 1957, p. 145; H. Grise wood (ed ),Ideas and Beliefs of the Victorians: an histor-
ic revaluation of the Victorian Age, London, 1949, pp. 33-34 and p. 38; B. Russell,
op. cit. p. 9.

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