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American Identity and Nationalism: University of Washington College Students’ Indoctrination into
Far-Right Politics

The 21st century in the United States amounted to a series of diplomatic and economic crises
which undermined public confidence in democratic institutions and the widely held belief that the
United States acts as a benevolent arbiter of justice and propagator of democracy in geopolitical affairs.
These crises included the arguably genocidal “War on Terror” abroad, the maltreatment large numbers
of Latin American immigrants emigrating to America due to the nation’s detrimental foreign policy and
trade deals, and the government’s failure to justly deal with the housing market collapse and economic
turmoil from the 2008 “Great Recession”. After terrorists associated with Osama Bin Laden and Al
Qaeda toppled the Twin Towers in New York City, George W. Bush launched the longest war in U.S.
history with the invasion of Afghanistan; approximately 32,000 civilians have died since 2008, with
civilian deaths hitting a record high in 2018 (Al Jazeera, 2019). Soon after, Bush launched the disastrous
invasion of Iraq which killed approximately 500,000 civilians between the start of the war in 2003 and
2011, according to a public health study conducted in part by the University of Washington (Hagopian et
al. 2013). The poorly conceived and outrageously costly “War on Terror” resulted in the Islamic State of
Iraq and the Levant taking control of territory in Iraq and Syria, and empowered the United States’
ostensible ally Saudi Arabia to bomb Yemen and to siphon off weapons to Islamist extremists under the
pretext of combatting terrorism.

Large numbers of documented and undocumented immigrants also emigrated from Mexico
between the ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994 and 2007 (Neiwert,
2017). The Agreement impoverished local Mexican corn farmers who could not compete with the cheap
subsidized corn imported from the United States and Mexicans employed in sectors like auto-
manufacturing lost their jobs after U.S. based auto companies relocated to lower-wage countries like
China, despite reassurances that NAFTA would lead to beneficial foreign economic development in the
country (Neiwert, 2017). The economic turmoil induced by NAFTA combined with drug cartel violence
thus compelled many Mexican nationals to relocate to the United States, and often immigrants had to
enter the country illegally because the U.S. refused to issue a sufficient number of green cards to
working class Mexican nationals who performed the exploitative unskilled labor jobs American citizens
avoided (Neiwert,2007). However, later on in the decade and into the 2010s, the majority of Latin
American undocumented immigrants originated from Central America, and countries like Honduras
specifically (Lakhani, 2016). Honduras is the 2nd poorest country in the Americas and in 2009 President
Obama’s Secretary of State Hillary Clinton exacerbated the instability and poverty in the nation by
financially and logistically backing a coup which replaced the center-left, democratically elected
President Manuel Zelaya with Pepe Lobo Sosa from the far-right National Party (Lakhani, 2016). After
the coup, the military then sold indigenous Lenca territory to multi-national corporations so they could
exploit the land for mining interests, hydroelectric power, and palm oil plantations, and during that
expropriation killed indigenous environmental rights’ activists like Berta Caceres and tortured labor
rights’ activists like Berta’s older sister, Agustina Flores (Lakhani, 2016). The instability furthermore
enabled violent gangs to seize control of the nation’s failing institutions and to make Honduras the
primary transit destination for cocaine traffickers seeking to sell their narcotics in the United States
(Lakhani, 2016). The coup thus established Honduras as the most dangerous country outside an active
warzone (Lakhani, 2016) and many Hondurans had no choice but to flee north to the United States or
Mexico without legal documentation in order to survive.
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Within this context, the United States endured long-term economic stagnation and decline.
Wealth inequality concentrated in the top one percent of the income distribution to an extent
unprecedented since the 1920s and younger Americans experienced considerable downward economic
mobility, with the median income of families headed by someone under age 35 in the 2010s twenty
percent less than the median income of similar families in 2001 (Longman, 2015). In fact, each
generational cohort past the early-wave baby boomers are seeing their inflation-adjusted incomes peak
at a relatively earlier age and then their incomes decline more quickly thereafter, with millennials and
late-wave gen-Xers seeing markedly slower wage growth compared to their older contemporaries a
generational cohort earlier (Longman, 2015). Furthermore, an astonishing 40 percent of Americans can
not afford to cover a $400-dollar emergency without having to sell belongings or take out a loan,
according to a Federal Reserve Board report from spring of 2018 (Bahney, 2018). Most shockingly, a
report from the special rapporteur on extreme poverty in the United States from the U.N. Human Rights
Council revealed that 40 million Americans lived in poverty with 5.3 million living in conditions
approximating third world poverty (Alston, 2018). The United States additionally features the highest
youth poverty rate among the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries and
the highest infant mortality rate compared to other OECD countries with similar levels of affluence
(Alston, 2018). This correlates with the lowest level of voter registration per capita among OECD
countries and tax policies, deregulation, welfare cuts, and exorbitant defense spending which
disproportionately favors the wealthy, and hurts the poorest, particularly members of racial groups
which continue to suffer from the effects of institutionalized racism (Alston, 2018).

Alternatives to liberal democracy appear increasingly appealing in a political and cultural context
where many Americans suffer silently from downward economic mobility, poor health, addiction, and
poverty due to institutional neglect. The Occupy Wallstreet movement of 2011 and the social
democratic candidacy of Bernie Sanders in the 2016 Democratic primary provided the inspiration for an
insurgent left-wing political movement which questions the validity of capitalism (or at least neo-liberal
capitalism), and seeks to broaden the franchise and democratic participation. More conservative and
disproportionately white segments of American society increasingly favor a return to closed borders and
trade with a restricted franchise, the legal and social reinforcement of “traditional values”, and more
deregulated markets. The insurgent paleo-conservative candidacies of Ron Paul in 2012 and his son
Rand Paul in 2016 reflected this impulse along with the political victory of the authoritarian president
Donald Trump that same year.

The changing racial demographics of the country combined with downward economic mobility
increasingly explain why white constituents in particular favor nationalism, authoritarian-right political
leaders, and paleo-conservative political perspectives. According to the Wall Street Journal, racial
diversity (as measured by the diversity index) at least doubled between 2000 and 2015 among 244
counties mostly clustered in 5 Midwestern states, and Donald Trump won the Republican primary and
general election in these states along with Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, which also
experienced demographic shifts primarily driven by Hispanic immigration (Neiwert, 2017). This support
for Donald Trump was not reflected in counties situated in states that already had well-established
Hispanic immigrant communities and experienced large increases in the Hispanic immigrant population
within the same period (Neiwert, 2017). The increase in racial diversity within formerly homogenously
white areas as indicated by the diversity index also correlates the most strongly with increases in the
proportion of hate crimes against racial minorities, while little correlation exists between increases in
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hate crimes and increases in poverty (Neiwert, 2017). The proportion of racial minorities within a
majority-white neighborhood can still remain rather low when hate crimes begin to increase and when
the white population demonstrates increasing support for authoritarian polices targeting minorities;
these changes start to manifest in neighborhoods where the proportion of minorities in formerly all-
white neighborhoods reaches 15 percent or more, according to Heidi Beirich of the Southern Poverty
Law Center (qtd. By Neiwert, 2017). Beirich also darkly noted that from a historical perspective,
membership in the Ku-Klux-Klan peaked during the 1920s when America had a similarly large proportion
of immigrants and comparable levels of wealth inequality, and membership in the modern iteration of
the Klan known as the Knights Party also increasing since Trump’s election (Neiwert, 2017). According to
the same institution, the proportion of hate crimes directed toward Hispanics have also sharply
increased within the past decade (Neiwert, 2017). Racism associated with growing racial diversity, and
the imagined “humiliation” of America in the bloody military adventures in the Middle East, combined
with the downward economic mobility created by 2008 recession, likely induces a climate favorable to
authoritarianism and outright fascism.

Defining Nationalism and Fascism

According to art historian Andrew McClellan of Tufts University, nationalism entails a sense of
“national consciousness” cultivated by “state-sponsored social engineering or schooling” and requires a
framework of “…political and ethnocultural allegiances binding an individual to an enlarged community”
within the emergence of increasingly centralized state power (McClellan,1996, p.26). The sense of
community is too large and distant to directly impact the individual, yet paradoxically the individual
“holds the nation’s interests ahead of local ties, the family, or the self” (McClellan, 1996, p. 26) and
identifies the political status of the nation with their own self-worth and self-conception. Nationalism
inherently involves delineating those entitled to the rights granted by citizenship and those legally
foreclosed from the same rights by virtue of their political categorization as non-citizens. For example,
those designated politically as prisoners, colonial subjects, “illegal immigrants”, or invaders (such as with
the Japanese-American internment camps during World War Two), lose or have no opportunity to
obtain the full rights of citizenship, regardless of their actual contribution and personal connection to
the nation. Often belonging to a non-white, colonized group during empire expansion entailed the
denial of any opportunity to earn citizenship and thus basic recognition of human rights. Historically the
United States in the mid to late 19th century concluded the genocidal murder of Native American tribes
and showcased surviving indigenous people “as the last of their kind” in museums without their free
consent and this display reinforced both nationalism and white supremacy through distinguishing
human from inhuman and civilized citizen from uncivilized non-citizen (Fusco, 1994, p. 98). In Professor
Rosmarie Garland Thompson’s account of so-called freak shows which were at the height of popularity
during America’s colonial expansion, the putative “truth of the body” served to distinguish the disabled
or non-white, colonized “non-Westerners” featured in the “freak shows” from the normative white male
citizens centered in both popular discourse and in political power (Thompson, 1997, p. 63). Phrenology
and the pseudo-science of eugenics thereafter expediently naturalized this hierarchy. The political
categorization determined thorough the subjugation of colonized peoples, immigrants, or other
elements deemed detrimental or subversive to the “health” of the nation justified the deprivation of full
citizenship rights and the expansion of authoritarian state power, with a post-hoc biological deficiency
explanation deployed to rationalize such actions discursively and politically.
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In developed colonial countries, an increase in nationalist sentiments correlates with support

for authoritarian and fascist policies, which includes enthusiasm for a politics of “elimination” (Neiwert,
2017) toward perceived social undesirables and a distaste toward “liberal individualism” or
“cosmopolitanism” (Paxton, 2004, p.10). The body or one family with a unified will functions as a
metaphor for the nation and the metaphor of pestilence or invaders applies to the ethnic minorities or
political opposition allegedly thwarting the nation’s great destiny (Neiwert, 2017). Facism is
fundamentally idiosyncratic and varies greatly depending on the cultural and temporal context;
therefore, contemporary American fascism will not take after the specific policies of Mussolini’s Fascist
Party or Nazism (Paxton, 2004). Fascism is thus truly localized and draws upon the national mythology or
religious and cultural signifiers of a given country in order to illicit sentimentality and popular
mobilization. Unlike socialism or liberalism, no consistent unifying principles or doctrine explains Facism,
with Mussolini truculently expressing contempt toward journalists from the newspaper Il Mondo
critiquing his lack of a consistent political program with the retort, ‘The democrats from Il Mondo want
to know our program? It is to break the bones of the democrats of Il Mondo. And the sooner the better’
(qtd. by Paxton, 2004, p. 17). Although Hitler appropriated socialist ideas and rhetoric for ‘The 25 Points’
program he initially authored in 1920, he disregarded many of the provisions outlined in the document
and cynically used the plan to foreclose debate while characterizing specific policies as ‘cheap promises’
(qtd. By Paxton, 2004, p. 17). In contrast, Stalin assiduously attempted to incorporate his deranged
vision for socialism into the writings of Marx (Paxton, 2004).

However, several underlying features characterize fascist regimes. One characteristic is the
suppression of democratic processes with the “will of the people” channelized though a charismatic
leader (Paxton, 2004). The leader acquires power through harkening back to a halcyon past and
promises to fulfill the great destiny of the people through eliminating corrupting external or internal
enemies of the nation and through restoring a more traditional, provincial way of life while curtailing the
social disruption and materialism of capitalism and modernity (Paxton, 2004). The external enemies in
Mussolini and Hitler’s time constituted the Jews corrupted by either international finance or Marxism
while the internal enemies constituted the press or gentile leftists, with Hitler’s regime classifying the
Roma, the disabled, and the so-called morally degenerate as additional internal threats to the glorious
Reich (Paxton, 2004). Fascism also embraced machismo and contempt for “effete intellectualism” and
women outside assigned defined role as homemakers and mothers submissive to their husbands (Eco,
1995). Fascist economic policy involved the suppression of strikes, the halting of wage increases, and the
suspension of independent unions with leaders such as Hitler and Mussolini fundamentally refusing to
redistribute capital or alter the control of private industries (Paxton, 2004). At most Mussolini or Hitler
would have private industries undergo state economic management with the owners’ assent in order to
optimize production or lower unemployment for the political aims and power of the nation (Paxton,
2004). Fascism ultimately described an irrational “aestheticization of politics” (Paxton, 2004, p.17)
which appealed to alienated people with no clear sense of identity aside from their belonging to a
nation, and resistance and struggle toward perceived enemies constituted that national identity (Eco,
1995). The fascist state forgoes individual rights and due process to serve the destiny or mission of the
nation and the only unifying value of fascist ideology is “the success of the chosen peoples in a
Darwinian struggle for primacy” (Paxton, 2004, p. 20). The conservatives interested in preserving
existing hierarchies of property distribution and power outside the state sided with the fascists in this
struggle along with liberals interested in preserving “free markets” (Paxton, 2004).
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The Modern American Version of Fascism

The modern version of Fascism entails a restoration of America’s alleged past greatness where
white men unequivocally dominated politics and economics, where white women kept white birthrates
high, and where the country supposedly maintained a unified white Christian heritage while brutally
excluding outsiders like LGBT people, non-white immigrants, or Muslims. The external enemies are
immigrant invaders from Latin America, Africa and the Middle East replacing the greying populations of
“Christendom” according to the histrionic vision detailed in the racist book known as “The Camp of
Saints”, which paleoconservative writer Patrick J. Buchanan called “prophetic” in his polemic “Death of
the West” (Buchanan, 2002). The plot of the “Camp of Saints” entails European men shooting boats of
death-scented, non-white refugees commandeered by a literal feces’ eater (Jones, 2018). Conservative
stalwarts like National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr. praised the book in 2004 along with Iowa
Congressmen Steve King, while members of “The Donald” subreddit conducted a live reading (Jones,
2018). Blatant white nationalists like Jared Taylor of American Renaissance and Matthew Heimbach of
the neo-Nazi “Traditionalist Worker’s Party” enthusiastically recommended the novel to their followers
(Jones, 2018).

Buchanan hysterically asserts that Africa will imminently invade Europe in the 21st century
(Buchanan, 2002, p.100) due to feminists and Marxist intellectuals like Antonio Gramsci and the
Frankfurt School promoting “women’s liberation from the traditional roles of wife and mother”, with
contraception, sterilization, abortion, and euthanasia constituting the “four horsemen of the ‘culture of
death’” (Buchanan, 2002, p.88). “The pill and the condom have become the hammer and sickle of the
cultural revolution,” decries Buchanan, who calls political correctness “cultural Marxism” and considers
it analogous with the bloody religious intolerance characterizing the Spanish Inquisition (Buchanan,
2002, p.89). He also lamented how the “gay rights militants” compelled the American Psychiatric
Association to delist homosexuality as a disorder and complained that people call him a nativist or
xenophobe for believing that “our immigration is too high for social cohesion” (Buchanan, 2002, p. 90).
The internal enemies are the feminists, leftists and “cultural elites” propagating “cultural Marxism”,
along with gay people, black civil rights activists and Native American rights activists seeking to decenter
white Christians from their outsized power in politics and discourse. Buchanan now casts Christian
White male conservatives as the “intimidated majority” besieged by the “cultural elites” in the press and
by civil rights activists like Dr. King, who observed that the Goldwater campaign showed ‘the danger
signs of Hitlerism’ (Buchanan, 2002, p. 217); Meanwhile hate crime statistics and campaigns against
Confederate flags represent propagandistic assaults on “the soul of America” (Buchanan, 2002, pgs. 256-
57). The culture war Buchanan referenced represents a Darwinian struggle for the pirmacy of white
Christian men against external invaders and internal saboteurs in order to restore an imagined glorious
past. The modern fascist and far-right political movements later adopted the framing and strategy
outlined by Buchanan in their struggle against political and social equality and civil rights.

Modern Manifestations of Fascism: The Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer

Buchanan’s book “The Death of the West” later inspired the formation of the arguably fascist
men’s group known as the “Proud Boys”, founded by former Vice Media executive Gavin McInnes (Hall
and Monroe-Kane, 2018), who also touted the polemic on his web show affiliated with the Rebel Media
(McInnes, 2015). The Proud Boys forbid women from joining their main organization and believe women
should assume the role of fertile homemakers (Hall and Monroe-Kane, 2018) according to the ideology
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recommended in “The Death of the West”. Although the Proud Boys is ostensibly a non-racist
organization, the Proud Boys’ founder Gavin McInnes said the following about white supremacist, so-
called “alt-right” figures like Richard Spencer and Jared Taylor: “When I think about the big names on
the alt-right, whom I know…their followers can get annoying but the actual guys are pretty good guys”
(McInnes, 2016a). McInnes furthermore says that neo-Nazi Richard Spencer secured him a job at the
fascist Taki Magazine and describes him as reasonable. “I’ve known alt-right pioneer Richard Spencer
since he got me the job at this magazine and even he, the head of the snake, comes across as perfectly
reasonable in conversation. He doesn’t think nonwhites can be included in a harmonious America, but
everything else on his plate is relatively civil” (McInnes, 2016b). McInnes also posted a rant sponsored
by The Rebel Media entitled “10 Things I Hate About Jews,” despite denying he liked the alt-right
(Sparks, 2017). Furthermore, avowed Proud Boys have participated in street violence across the United
States, particularly in Washington State and Oregon (Bernton, 2018). For example, Proud Boys Donovon
Flippo and Tusitala “Tiny” Toese attacked a black teenager named Mykel Mosley in the parking lot of the
Vancouver Mall after he swore at Donald Trump (Bernton, 2018) and the pair later attacked a 34-year-
old man named Tyler Ledwith on a Portland street after he expressed his disapproval for Trump’s border
wall (Wilson, 2018). A Proud Boy named Geoffrey Young also beat and choked a young Muslim woman
following an anti-Islam “March Against Sharia” rally held in New York City in 2017, and in the fall of
2018, Young implicated himself in a Proud Boy street brawl targeting mostly peaceful protests against
the NYC Metropolitan Republican Club hosting Gavin McInnes as a speaker (Offenhartz, 2018). The
current chair of the Proud Boys is Enrique Tarrio, who attended the deadly Unite the Right Rally in
Charlottesville although he is of Afro-Cuban decent, and he regularly posts propaganda extolling
dictators like Augusto Pinochet, who killed or tortured tens of thousands of leftists in Chile (O’Connor,
2018); he holds similarly eliminationist politics toward undocumented Latinx immigrants.

Figure 1: A meme from Tarrio's Facebook page celebrating and making light of Augusto Pinochet’s atrocities
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Figure 2: Another "ironic" meme based off the movie "The 300” from Tarrio's Facebook page hints at his wish for the Proud
Boys to kill "commies" and undocumented immigrants coded as Hispanic.

Joey Gibson and Patriot Prayer

Joey Gibson heads the far-right organization known as Patriot Prayer which has extensive
connections to the Proud Boys, outright white nationalists, and millitia groups such as the Oregon Three
Percent (Wilson, 2018). For example, Gibson frequently organizes with Proud Boy Tusitala Toese
(Wilson, 2008) and avowed white nationalist, anti-feminist Haley Adams (Gupta, 2018). The infamous
white supremacist murderer Jeremy Christensen also attended multiple Patriot Prayer “Freedom
Rallies” hosted by Gibson before he stabbed two men to death on a Portland Max Train after they
intervened to stop Christensen from menacing two black teenage girls for their Islamic faith (Park,
2017). On an August 4th “Freedom Rally” in 2018 in Portland, Oregon, a group of Gibson’s supporters
perched on top of a parking garage overlooking the site of
the counter-protest with long guns and the police refused
to notify the mayor or detain the group because they had
conceal and carry lisences (Shepard, 2018). During a
“Freedom Rally” on October 6th, 2018 in Providence, Rhode
Island, Gibson chanted “Build the [Mexican Border] Wall”
and brawled alongside Toese and a white nationalist
associated with the rebranded-skinhead group American
Guard (Behind the American Guard: Hardcore White
Supremacists, 2017) named Josh Cameron (Webber, 2018).
Although Gibson is half-Japaneese, he assisted and rallied
alongside members of the anti-Semetic white supremacist
group known as the Rise Above Movement (formerly
known as the DIY Divison) during the violent street clashes
characterizing the Berkely Free Speech Rally of 2017
(Sunshine, 2017). Rise Above Movement members are
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currently implicated in a federal criminal trial related to the violence in Charlottesville, Virginia and in
California (Thompson, 2018)

Figure 3: In the picture on the previous page, Joey Gibson poses for a photograph with American Guard
Member Josh Cameron in Providence, Rhode Island on October 6th, 2018.

Figure 4: Josh Cameron speaking in a video chat while a “White Pride Worldwide” flag associated with
Neo-Nazis hangs on his wall in the background.

Figure 5: Joey Gibson in the navy “Trump—Pence 2020 shirt” stands alongside members of the white
supremacist Rise Above Movement in their distinctive skull patterned black facemasks with matching
grey shirts and “fashy” haircuts during the “Berkely Free Speech” brawl of 2017.
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Figure 6: Joey Gibson stands alongside Josh

Cameron who’s brandishing a stick he formerly used
to attack counter-protesters assembled against the
“Freedom Rally” conducted by Patriot Prayer, the
Proud Boys, and American Guard in Providence,
Rhode Island on October 6, 2018 (Webber, 2018).
Josh Cameron belongs to the patriotically rebranded
skinhead organization American Guard.

Figure 7: Josh Cameron is clearly visible in the

photo from Providence on the right wearing the
sheild and meat cleavers insignia adopted by
American Guard (The ADL, 2017) . In the background
the Proud Boy Tusitala “Tiny” Toese (wearing the
flipped over grey baseball cap) stands with his fists
clenched and fights alongside Neo-Nazis although he
is American Samoan (Webber, 2018).
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Gibson attempted to run in the Republican primary in 2018 in an effort to unseat incumbent
Democratic Senator Maria Cantwell, although he spent most of his campaign time engaging in far-right
rallies and street brawls in Portland, Oregon instead (Wilson, 2018). On an Alex Jones Infowars segment
dated to July 3rd, 2018, Gibson described himself as a “libertarian constitutionalist” who had been
listening to Jones’ show for “quite a while”, and Jones’ message in part gave Gibson the impetus to start
street activism against vague external enimies like the globalists and internal enimies like the banker-
funded communists (Johnson and Jones, 2018). The ideology descriptor “constitutionalist” refers to the
Patriot millitia idea that any restrictions on the 2nd amendment amount to tyranny and the constitution
forbids or greatly limits federal law from applying locally while a nefarious “New World Order” works to
undermine citizens’ individual liberty (Neiwert, 2017). Gibson therefore believes that state firearm
conceal and carry permits represent the government tyrannically taking away his freedom and thinks
the federal government should rescind all federal laws and regulations in order to preserve the integrity
of the constitution and promote “freedom” instead (Schultz and Gibson, 2019). In a March 10th, 2019
interview with a British television crew, Gibson elaborated “I think that private companies should be
allowed to to whatever they want…I don’t believe any group needs more protection from the
government right now…Let communities decide on what they want to do and people can move from
community to community based on what fits them (Schultz and Gibson, 2019). He also thinks straight
white men in Portland and Seattle have to pretend they’re gay for cultural acceptance and “in Portland
you have to say bad things about white people or else you’re going to be ostrasized” (Schultz and
Gibson, 2019). While he eschews stronger governmental civil rights protections for LGBT people or
people of color, he concurrently subscribes to a victimhood narrative regarding straight white men and
only fears concentrated federal government power and not concentrated power in private companies or
local political fifdoms. Gibson’s perspective
conforms to the Patriot constitutionalist
ideology that federal laws (including civil rights
laws) constitute tyranny while local sherifs or
businesses should have in practice unrestricted
ability to delimit rights and civic responsibilities
(Neiwert, 2017).

Figure 8:

Joey Gibson gives an interview with a British

television crew in Battle Ground, Washington
on March 10th 2019. He describes his far-right
“Constitutionalist” politics characteristic of the
Patriot and militia movements and the putative
social stigma and legal marginalization of
straight white men in Portland and Seattle.
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The Radicalization of the UW College Republicans After Trump’s Election

The politics of nativists, white supremacists and Neo-Nazis have infiltrated College Republican groups as
surely as they have infiltrated the mainline Republican Party. Neo-Nazi groups present at the deadly
Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville like Identity Evropa have littered college campuses with subtle
propaganda (Schiano and Martinez, 2019). Leaked dischord server chatlogs have revealed that Identity
Evropa members enrolled in college have organized to overtake College Republican chapters and
convert members to “identitarian,” or Neo-Nazi ideology (Schiano and Martinez, 2019).

Figure 9: With the abbreviation “IE” standing for Identity Evropa, Neo-Nazi “identarian” group members
hint at their affinity for Iowa federal Rep. Steven King and announce their plans to infiltrate the College
Republicans. One Identity Evropa member is even a College Republican club officer.
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One prominent College Republican and Identity Evropa member was Washington State senior
James Allsup, who acted as a senior advisor for the Students for Trump Organization during the 2016
election (Palmgren, 2017) and chaired the Washington College Republicans Federation (Allsup, J. and
College Republicans at the University of Washington, 2016). He also served as President of the
Washington State University College Republicans (Jackson, 2019). According to a video currently posted
to the UW College Republicans’ Facebook page, Allsup also gave a speech before a Trump campaign rally
held in Everett, Washington, on August 30th, 2016 (Allsup and College Republicans at the University of
Washington, 2016). Video footage later exposed Allsup marching with Identity Evropa at the deadly
Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville where Neo-Nazi James Alex Fields murdered anti-racist activist
Heather Heyer and he consequently lost his position as President (Jackson, 2019). Despite Allsup’s
involvement in Unite the Right and his appearance on the Neo-Nazi You Tube show Red Ice Radio on
June 4th, 2017 (Palmgren, 2017), Allsup still managed to secure a position as a precinct committee officer
for Whitman County before the Whitman County Republican Central Committee belatedly ousted him
(Jackson, 2019). In addition to Allsup, the President of the Berkeley College Republicans Troy Worden
had a vote of no-confidence against his leadership after club members determined that he had alt-right
beliefs and some of Worden’s supporters in the club even described themselves as National Socialists
(Deruy and Peele, 2017). The conservative media nonetheless championed Worden for his “free speech
crusade” and President Trump invited him to the white house to witness the signing of an executive
order which threatens universities with a withdrawal of federal funds if they rescind a platform from far-
right speakers (Cabanatuan, 2019).
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Figure 10: Former Washington College Republicans Federation Chair James Allsup speaking at a Trump
rally in Everett, Washington. During his speech, Allsup notably described Brexit and the Trump election
as a struggle against “Globalism”, which has anti-Semitic connotations. The “civic nationalist” Proud
Boys also believe they have to fight “cultural Marxism”, as a meme from the now defunct Facebook
page of the Southern Oregon Proud Boy chapter illustrates.
 14

Figure 11: Former Washington College Republican Federation chair James Allsup appears on the Neo-
Nazi program Red Ice Radio on June 4th, 2017. The video title alludes to the “Cultural Marxist” conspiracy
first described by Patrick Buchanan in “Death of the West”. “Globalism” and “Cultural Marxism”
frequently are euphemisms for “international Jewry” in white supremacist discourse.

The UW College Republicans and the Funding Support for Far-Right Ideology

The drift toward far-right politics within the broader Republican Party during the 21st century
and during President Trump’s campaign in particular also manifested within the UW College
Republicans. Often mainstream GOP supportive NGOs, politicians, and political activists facilitated their
radicalization. Wealthy individuals have also contributed funds to the financing of external organizations
designed to indoctrinate college students into far-right politics. For example, one key organization which
assists UW College Republicans is Young Americans for Freedom, which millionaire far-right publisher
Henry Ragnery helped fund (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008). An adjacent organization that works with
Young Americans for Freedom is the Young America’s Foundation, which the Christian Dominionist,
billionaire DeVos family helped fund (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p.281). The DeVos family also made
significant contributions to a student conservative advocacy organization called Turning Point USA along
with far-right Christian Fundamentalist Foster Friess contributing significantly large donations as well
(Katch, 2017). However, a shipping business magnate who regularly donates to Tea Party causes named
Richard Uihlein dwarfed both contributors with a donation amounting to $275, 000 from 2014-2016
(Katch, 2017). Tech billionaire Robert Mercer also effectively bankrolled the college speaking tour of
 15

fascist pundit Milo Yiannopolous until his connections to Neo-Nazis and apologetics for pedophilia
eventually compelled Mercer to withdraw his sponsorship (Grey, 2017). The influx of funding into The
UW College Republicans to fund far-right speakers’ bureaus, to award grants, to provide equipment, or
to facilitate conferences since the Trump campaign may partially explain the club’s radicalization. UW
College Republican President Chevy Swanson admitted that “we’ve been fully independent, having not
relied on help like that [ex. a heavily subsidized speakers’ bureau, grants] until just a few years ago…But
they’re [the contributions from Young Americans for Freedom, Turning Point USA, and the Young
America’s Foundation] an invaluable resource”. In other words, free speech is not free, and perhaps
without the external funding sources the UW College Republicans would be limited to seeking out more
moderate local Republicans most of the time. Although more left-wing organizations have greater
proximity to left-wing speakers and activists by virtue of the campus’s Seattle location, it’s unclear
whether they have access to an equivalently well-organized and funded network of speakers, activism
training, or grants.

The organization known as “Turning Point USA” pays for far-right speakers such as Charlie Kirk
to speak on campus and provides the UW College Republicans grants and equipment (C. Swanson,
personal communication, February 20, 2019, p. 27). The organization “Young Americans for Freedom,”
even pays for the UW College Republicans to attend their conference (C. Swanson, personal
communication, February 20, 2019, p. 27) where they can meet far-right pundits like Ben Shapiro who
praised Israel for illegally occupying Palestinian land through tweeting, “Israelis like to build. Arabs like
to bomb crap and live in open sewage. This is not a difficult issue. #settlementsrock” (Shapiro, 2010).
The UW College Republicans also flew out to the Turning Point USA Student Action Summit in Florida
where they benefited from “heavily subsidized” purchases of hotel rooms (Turning Point USA, 2018) and
met far-right conspiracists like Mike Cernovitch. Cernovitch ran a misogynist pick up artist site called
“Danger and Play” before gaining internet fame through propagating the Pizzagate conspiracy theory
and conspiracies regarding Hillary Clinton’s health (Neiwert, 2017). He also engaged in witness
tampering to prevent his ex-wife from prosecuting him for rape and a sympathetic judge downgraded
the charge to battery and only required Cernovitch to perform community service while his lawyer ex-
wife paid him a settlement of a million dollars (Marantz, 2016). Regarding the direct support of outright
fascist politics, billionaire GOP donor Robert Mercer paid for white supremacist sympathizer Milo
Yiannopolous to speak on college campuses like the UW Seattle (Grey, 2017), and the UW College
Republicans happily extended their invitation in order to further far-right organizing at their college (C.
Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). The UW College Republicans also invited Proud
Boys to their events and welcomed the Senate candidacy of Patriot Prayer’s Joey Gibson in addition to
extending speaking invitations to Gibson multiple times.
 16

Chevy Swanson and UW College Republican Treasurer Alex Guerrero met Ben Shapiro at the
Young Americans for Freedom Conference which is a project of the Young America’s Foundation.
National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr. helped establish Young Americans for Freedom with
partial funding from Henry Ragnery in 1960. Henry Ragnery was the multi-millionaire son of a textile
magnate who also subsidized Buckley’s magazine, “The National Review” and established the influential
right-wing book publisher “Henry Ragnery Company,” to counter the alleged left-wing bias in publishing
due to ‘a very influential group in this country which, consciously or unconsciously, is exerting a high
degree of control over the communication of ideas’ (qtd. by Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p. 40). Henry
Regnery’s father William Regnery volunteered extensively (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p.36) with the
frequently anti-Semitic and fascist America First Committee (Dunn, 2016), which lobbied against
American participation in World War Two. Henry Regnery’s nephew William II Regnery later provided
the seed money for the white supremacist think tank known as the National Policy Institute, which
formerly employed Richard Spencer (Williams, 2017). Today Regnery Publishing commonly publishes
far-right pundit Ann Coulter’s books (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p.53) and Coulter is currently a

columnist at Taki’s Magazine, which formerly employed Richard Spencer (McInnes, 2016). University of
California Berkeley College Republican President Troy Worden invited Coulter and far-right conspiracist
David Horowitz of the David Horowitz Freedom Center after winning a lawsuit which precluded the UW
College Republicans from having to pay additional security fees the administration deemed reasonable
after the violence at Milo Yiannopolous’s speech in 2017 (Orenstein, 2018).
 17

Figure 12: The UW college Republicans at the Turning Point Student Activism Conference with religious
right conservative Dennis Prager, Candace Owens, and Charlie Kirk giving speeches at the event.

Figure 13: A member of the UW College Republicans attends the Turning Point Student Activism Summit
and poses for a picture with far-right Pizzagate conspiracist and purported rapist Mike Cernovitch
situated in the top photo on the left (Marantz, 2016) .
 18

Figure 14: A bearded Proud Boy wearing the characteristic Fred Perry black polo shirt with yellow trim
on the collar kneels in the foreground of this UW College Republican group photo.

Figure 15: The UW College Republicans welcome the news that Joey Gibson is running for Senator
against incumbent Maria Cantwell.
 19

Figure 16: Here’s a recent Joey Gibson speaking event hosted by the UW College Republicans.

Leveraging the Liberal Value of Free Speech to Normalize the Far-Right

UW College Republican President Chevy Swanson felt the campus social climate and institutional
norms repressed the free speech of conservatives and described the University of Washington as much
more polarized compared to his more conservative hometown of Spokane where he first became
politically aware after attending a Rand Paul rally as a teenager (C. Swanson, personal communication,
February 20, 2019). Witnessing blunt dissent against his views combined with the candidacy of Donald
Trump prompted Swanson to involve himself in right-wing activism and to bring speakers to campus
who would facilitate conservative student organizing but would also contribute to the polarizing political
discourse through alienating center-left liberals and leftists (C. Swanson, personal communication,
February 20, 2019). He ultimately hoped to return the University to a time when the student body
tolerated conservative opinion and policies, as his “Make UW Great Again” Hat (an appropriation of the
Trump campaign’s “Make America Great Again” hat) implicitly communicated.

His perception of campus hostility toward conservatives is not new; in fact, back in the 1950s
far-right book publisher and millionaire son of a textile magnate Henry Regnery described the perceived
liberal bias characterizing campuses as an “inquisition” (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p.46), and decried
the communist slant allegedly permeating mainline college textbooks (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p.49).
In 1951 Regnery then published “God and Men at Yale”, a testimony of young William F. Buckley Jr.’s
persecution for his capitalist, Christian beliefs during his undergraduate education at the college, which
then became a bestseller and propelled the McCarthyite Buckley into pundit superstardom (Hoplin and
Robinson, 2008). He then provided financial and logistical assistance to Buckley’s conservative college
student advocacy organization Young Americans for Freedom (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p.55), which
Buckley established in 1960 (p.76). Buckley became a star on the college speaking tour circuit and by
 20

1964 Young Americans for Freedom boasted 28,000 student members on 100 college campuses despite
Buckley’s narrative of campus conservative oppression; in contrast, the leftist campus organization
Students for a Democratic Society had only 2000 members (Hoplin and Robinson, 2008, p. 80). In fact,
the Berkeley Free Speech movement emerged in reaction to University suspending students for their on
and off campus activism against the Vietnam War, and students had to resort to disruptive tactics like
civil disobedience and sit-ins in order to successfully challenge the college administration (University of
California Berkeley, 2019). Official resistance to left-leaning anti-Vietnam War campus protests
culminated in National Guard troops shooting 9 students and killing 4 during a protest at Kent State
University in Ohio in 1970 (Lewis and Hensley, 1998). Universities appeared to at least tolerate external
conservative political influences and conservative student activism as evinced by the success of Buckley
and Young Americans for Freedom at the time, while the administration expelled or even directed state
violence toward left-leaning anti-war protesters. Therefore, it’s curious that UW College Republican
President Chevy Swanson characterizes the college atmosphere during the era of the anti-Vietnam war
student protests as more tolerant of free expression than the current period when he states:

“When we think about Free Speech protections and general political discourse on campuses,
there were better times for it. Right now we're in a very polarized time. I think a good example isn't U-
Dub, but the University California Berkeley, what used to be known as the place, the origin of the Free
Speech Movement on campuses, and now they recently had events that have been taken down with
protests” (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019, p.3).

The Far-Right Legal Network that Won The UW College Republican’s Free Speech Lawsuit

On Donald Trump’s inauguration day, the UW College Republicans booked Milo Yiannopolous to
speak at Kane Hall on the University of Washington campus despite vociferous objections from other
students and from the broader Seattle community (Neiwert, 2017). Black bloc anarchists and socialists
assembled with student protesters to shut down Milo’s speech and prevent attendees from entering
Kane Hall to hear him speak. Only about 200 attendees managed to get inside the building while a large
proportion remained stranded outside and shouting and physical fighting occurred between the Milo
supporters and the counter-protesters (Neiwert, 2017). An anarchist counter-protester named Josh
Dukes who did not engage in any violence attempted to deescalate the fighting between a Milo
supporter named Mark Hokoana and other counter protesters when Mark’s wife Elizabeth Hokoana
shot him in the stomach, causing Dukes to lose his gallbladder and half his colon (Neiwert, 2017). Milo
Yiannopolous ultimately decided to cancel his speech (Neiwert, 2017) and the UW Seattle
administration determined that they would charge the College Republicans additional fees for security if
they decided to invite other far-right speakers to campus.

Yiannopolous, who has been praised by the like of Red Ice Radio for reciting alt-right taking
points (Palmgren and Lokteff, 2016), fundamentally assumes a posture of dominance and contempt
against classes of people with fewer legal rights (like undocumented immigrants and trans people) while
embracing the grievance politics of straight white men. For example, in his Breitbart editorial “I’m Sooo
Bored of Being Gay’, Yiannopolous lamented, “No other subset of the populace is as relentlessly
maligned and demonised as those with the misfortune of being born white, straight, and a man”
(Yiannopolous, 2015). Then on his college speaking tour, Milo bullied and humiliated a trans woman in
front of a jeering audience at the University of Wisconsin during one of his perfunctory speeches after
 21

he heard she filed a Title XI complaint about bathroom access (Oppenheim, 2017). Furthermore, during
a speech at the University of New Mexico, Milo outright incited violence against suspected
undocumented students through urging the assembled crowd to ‘support women and homosexuals;
purge your local illegals,’ and then he projected the phone number to call for Immigration Customs
Enforcement on projector screen (Hadfield, 2017). Drawing upon Trump’s infamous characterization of
Mexicans as predatory rapists and the broader culture’s characterization of Latinx immigrants as
moochers and parasites, Milo then remarked:

‘Think hard about working class people, about poor people; think hard about the disabled who
desperately in need of state care; think about students in universities in need of federal funding; and
think hard, mostly, about women and homosexuals (Hadfield, 2017).

Milo’s recommendation to call ICE without any practical form proof aside from race or language
had the potential to baselessly subject Latinx students to legal persecution and the eliminationist
rhetoric inherent in words like ‘purge’ could very well incite mob violence. When questioned about
whether Milo’s inciteful rhetoric could infringe upon the civil liberties of undocumented or Hispanic
students more broadly and chill their speech, Swanson asserted that calling ICE even without concrete
evidence of the suspect’s immigration documentation was legally and morally permissible (C. Swanson,
personal communication, February 20, 2019, p. 5). He also then deflected and framed the question in
terms of taking offense to personally disagreeable politics rather than through due process and civil
liberties: “I think that people who worry too about what's going be said at political events need to
understand that well, they're political events. They're going to say things that are against your politics”
(C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019, p.5). Swanson appeared to have no
compunction endorsing a “papers please” legal and social environment on campus that would inhibit
the ability of Latinx students to draw attention to themselves by participating in public life and
discussion, and thus their ability to have meaningful free speech would not exist. On the other hand,
Swanson asserted that according to the Supreme Court ruling Forsyth v. National Socialist Movement,
student protesters who peacefully disrupted Neo-Nazi Richard Spencer’s speech at the University of
Florida in 2017 were acting illegally since they were using the “heckler’s veto” to undermine the ability
of listeners to hear his message (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20. 2019, p. 8). During
the University of Florida speech, three neo-Nazis shot at peaceful counter protesters despite the
University spending
more than $600,000 in
security costs, and
William Fears, who was
one of the gunmen,
previously claiming in
an earlier interview
"They [the students]
don't have to fear us.
It's always the left that
brings the violence,"
(Levenson, 2017).

Picture from (Hadfield,

2017).
 22

Figure 17: The UW College Republicans reposted this tweet from Rand Paul on their Instagram. The
meme and the UW College Republicans whimsically suggest adding spikes to the wall to impale
immigrants fleeing violence and extreme poverty in regions like Central America on one of the most
militarized borders in the world.

The controversy regarding who has the right to free speech, and under what circumstances they
have that right, emerged again when the UW College Republicans invited the militia and Proud Boy
connected Joey Gibson to speak on campus on February 10th, 2018 (Freedom X, 2018c). Given the
violence which occurred at the Milo Yiannopolous event, university administrators determined that the
Gibson event would require added security and thus assessed higher security fees for the sponsoring
club which amounted to $17,000 (Freedom X, 2018c). A far-right law firm based in Los Angeles,
California called Freedom X (Freedom X, 2018b) volunteered to file a lawsuit on behalf of the UW
College Republicans to avoid the imposition of the fee and to challenge the university on first
amendment and civil rights grounds (Freedom X, 2018c). The same law firm with the same lawyer,
“warrior for Christ” William J. Becker, Jr., represented four non-student Milo Yiannopolous fans attacked
outside UC Berkeley by black bloc counter-protesters (Freedom X, 2018a) seeking to shut down Milo’s
speech after UC Berkeley Administration warned Milo intended to out undocumented students,
although Milo denied that accusation (Oppenheim, 2017). A college Republican Chapter based in
California facing similar legal problems regarding speakers and security costs put the UW College
Republicans into contact with Becker, who successfully sued the University of Washington and
compelled them to assess flat security fees which would not change based on ideology and expected
security risks (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019, p. 29-30). William J. Becker is an
“allied attorney” with the Christian Right law firm Alliance Defending Freedom (Freedom X, 2018b),
 23

which filed an amicus brief in favor of continuing to criminalize consensual gay sex in the 2003 Lawrence
vs. Texas Supreme Court case and is currently petitioning the Supreme Court to allow a Michigan funeral
home to legally fire a transgender employee on the basis of the owners’ religious beliefs (Compton,
2018). The board of Becker’s Freedom X law firm also features Michael Finch, the President and CEO of
the David Horowitz Freedom Center founded by racist far-right extremist David Horowitz, who believes
that President Obama is a covert “Muslim terrorist” (Extremist Files: David Horowitz, SPLC). During 2015,
the Freedom X law firm also promoted and attended events (Freedom X, 2016) organized by the anti-
Muslim organization ACT for America (Extremist Files: ACT for America, SPLC) and Proud Boys
(Offenhartz, 2017b) and white supremacists part of Identity Evropa (Krupkin, 2017) have at least
attended their 2017 “Anti-Sharia Law” demonstration in New York City, with Proud Boys like Tusitala
“Tiny” Toese and Patriot Prayer activist Joey Gibson appearing at an ACT demonstration in Seattle as
well (Neiwert, 2017b) . Law firms like Freedom X effectively see white, Christian America as besieged by
the left and multiculturalism while affiliates of the law firm seek to rescind the civil liberties from actual
minorities like Muslims and trans people. Codifying fears associated with minorities subverting the
majority population into law via the legal mechanisms of liberal democracy characterizes fascism.
 24

Figure 18: On July 7th, 2017 Joey Gibson and Tusitala “Tiny” Toese attended a rally organized by Jovi Val
to defend “Patriot” lawyer named Aaron Schlossberg, who harassed two female employees talking with
each other for speaking in Spanish instead of English at a Mexican restaurant, and subsequently lost his
job. Schlossberg himself attended the rally and had a track record of attending previous far-right
functions and harassing counter-protesters (Rosenberg, 2018). Both Toese and Gibson left their
 25

signature of endorsement on a now deleted social media post which promoted the rally and described
protest and ridicule against Schlossberg and speaking Spanish instead of English as “erasing every facet
of American culture” and as manifestations of “Cultural Marxism”, the same term deployed by white
supremacists like Patrick Buchanan and Red Ice Radio. The “Freedom of Speech” talking point served to
obfuscate their real motivation for holding the rally was nativism and fighting “Cultural Marxism”.

The Aestheticization of Politics and the Ideology of the UW College Republicans

The New-Right politics adopted by the UW College Republicans also appeared to

disproportionately focus on cultural issues like immigration, “free speech”, the loss of social cohesion,
and the preservation of social hierarchies rather than right-wing economic policies like supply side
economics and free market liberalism (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). Club
souvenirs like the purple “Make UW Great Again” hat expressed sentimentality for a time when campus
discussion appeared less polarized and students had more tolerance for conservative opinion (C.
Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). The message of “Make UW Great Again” also
harkened back to an earlier time when reduced population in urban centers and less polarization in
politics allegedly generated greater “social capital” among individuals and communities, which resulted
in significantly reduced alienation, economic polarization, and social pathology (C. Swanson, personal
communication, February 20, 2019). Nostalgia for a sentimental past when America supposedly had a
unified identity with less polarized political opinion and alienation permeated discussions with the UW
College Republicans. Recapturing the aesthetic of a more harmonious past or a childhood home more
tolerant of conservatism mattered more than discussing specific policies, historical events, or
economics; essentially politics were astatized and singularly transformed into a culture war like
Buchanan recommended.

Conversation with UW College Republican President Chevy Swanson revealed that young
conservatives largely attribute segregation by income, occupation, or implicitly by race and culture to
natural tendencies and not by-and-large, to material conditions, although technology can certainly
amplify disparities (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). According to Chevy
Swanson, the loss of social cohesion and social capital primarily explains the wealth inequality and sharp
divisions between the “elites”, who can physically and culturally isolate themselves from other social
classes, and everyone else (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). However, cultural
signifiers and not necessarily wealth delimit who classifies as elite, Swanson emphasized (C. Swanson,
February 20, 2019). Social capital entails positive social interaction, behaving in an outgoing manner,
and working together, and these behaviors will improve civic engagement and most aspects of people’s
lives (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). In the words of Swanson, “Essentially
it [greater social capital] kind of just solves most of the problems that most people see around them, I'd
say. And that we're kind of moving away from that for a large variety of reasons; some being technology,
some being the polarization in politics, some being the increase in population in urban centers (C.
Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019). The loss of “common values” through political
polarization conversely undermines the social cohesion necessary for communities to prosper, and
therefore social capital more significantly impacts social outcomes than literal capital.

Chevy Swanson’s ideas about the relatively greater importance of social cohesion in society
came from right-libertarian American Enterprise Institute fellow Charles Murray and Harvard University
Professor Robert Putnam (C. Swanson, February 20, 2019). Swanson specifically mentioned that
 26

Putnam’s book “Bowling Alone” and Murray’s book “Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-
2010” were significant influences upon his politics and illustrated to him why wealth redistribution
would not effectively ameliorate social problems (C. Swanson, personal communication February 20,
2019). Swanson curiously omitted the qualifier “white” when he summarized the thesis behind “Coming
Apart”, and simply said:

“He [Murray] actually talks a lot about how there's sort of two sub-classes to America. There's
the narrow and broad elite which are essentially a group of people who live a lot in the same
areas, go to the same higher-end schools and end up working in the same big companies as
Executives and such… Essentially, because they went to all the same nice high schools, they're
going to get along better with the same people in those executive positions that also went to
those schools, and lived in those zip codes, and they just end up creating a sort of sub-class of
people that tend to self-segregate, and work with each other more, and favor each other more
naturally” (C. Swanson, personal communication, February 20, 2019, pp. 20-21).

He also mentioned that he overall identified as a “civic nationalist” and his “politics align[ed] the
most closely with Tucker Carlson” (C. Swanson, February 20, 2019). Several companies pulled ads from
Tucker Carlson’s Fox News show after he claimed immigrants made the U.S. ‘poorer and dirtier’ and in
2017 he also parroted the white supremacist conspiracy theory of “white genocide,” which postulates
that relatively low white birth rates combined with immigration will make white people go extinct
(Corbett, 2018). The likes of Richard Spencer and Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke praised Carlson’s
program and Unite the Right organizer Jason Kessler additionally contributed articles to Carlson’s
website “The Daily Caller” (Corbett, 2018).

Murray wrote the infamous book known as the “Bell Curve” in 1994, which postulated that the
“meritocracy” inherent in the U.S. economy predetermined that society would become stratified by IQ
scores with the “cognitive elite” increasingly detached from everyone else and the book even suggested
that race biologically determined IQ scores (Murray, 1994). Murray and his co-author therefore stated,
“We want readers to seriously consider the proposition that it is feasible to remove antidiscrimination
law”, since IQ would sort individuals into their proper role anyways and thereby preserve “fairness” by
truly organizing society based on “meritocracy” (Murray, 1994, p. 507). Murray’s enthusiasm to repeal
civil rights laws makes sense considering the fact that a eugenicist foundation known as the Pioneer
Fund provided the funding for many of the race science studies referenced in his controversial book (The
Southern Poverty Law Center Extremist Files: The Pioneer Fund). In contrast to his latter book “Coming
Apart”, which postulated that the unearned advantages granted through the greater social capital of the
cultural elite would exacerbate social divisions, Murray frames the Civil Rights Movement as unfairly
granting unqualified black people higher paying jobs and causing mass institutional incompetence
through denying higher-IQ white people job opportunities (Murray, 1994, pgs. 489-490). Murray
specifically concludes that “Neither education nor socioeconomic background accounted as well as IQ
for differences in the jobs or wages between blacks and whites…Employers hire blacks and whites of
different cognitive ability because of the pressures brought on them by government policies regarding
the representation of minority groups (Murray, 1994, pg. 489). He tellingly does not frame the issue of
“the elites” acquiring unearned advantages by virtue of their social proximity to other wealthy people in
terms of public policy unfairly favoring their innately inferior IQs; biological explanations only apply to
groups with less institutional power while sociological or economic explanations apply to the wealthier,
whiter segments of society.
 27

His later book “Human Accomplishment” purported to demonstrate which civilization

objectively had the most “accomplished” scientists and artisans, and Murray exclusively examined
achievements dating from 800 B.C. to 1950, a date range which specifically omitted the civil rights and
anti-colonialist struggles which enabled people of color, gays and lesbians, and women to more fully
participate in shaping society (Murray, 2003). Murray described his methodology for selecting
achievements to include in his inventory of accomplishment through the following description: “Sources
were sought in the form of histories, chronologies of events, Anthologies, encyclopedias, and
biographical dictionaries (Murray, 2003, p.491), and this method of selecting sources not only contained
a great deal of selection bias but also favored the inclusion of achievements made by the wealthy and
powerful, who could afford to document their accomplishments for posterity and have the opportunity
to engage in more intellectual pursuits in the first place. Although Murray acknowledged that Western
society excluded people of color and women from participation in scientific and artistic institutions until
well into the 20th century (Murray, 2003, p. 265), he refused to comprehensively examine the
achievement of women and people of color outside of cursorily noting the differential in the proportion
of Nobel Prizes awarded to those groups post 1950 (Murray, 2003, p. 273 and p.278), and used the small
change in the proportion of prizes received to justify his biological determinism. Murray predictably
concludes, “Not only does Europe dominate the narrative of human accomplishment, so does the
minority that has become known in recent years as dead white males” (Murray, 2003, p. 265). Instead of
comprehensively acknowledging the institutional historical barriers which foreclosed women and people
of color from participating in the arts or sciences, Murray asks why they could not overcome their
circumstances like Ashkenazi Jews, who he outrageously speculates achieved their allegedly high
average IQs through inbreeding spurred by a genetic bottleneck and sexual selection for “High IQ men”
(Murray, 2003, p.293). Like his forefathers in the freak shows and the phrenology studies of yore,
Murray negates historical context to develop post-hoc rationalizations for inequities in wealth and
power exhibited in society, and the conservative establishment represented by Murray indoctrinates
young men like Chevy Swanson into also naturalizing those hierarchies and ignoring history and
economics.

Robert Putnam’s book “Bowling Alone” praised the strong civil society and social networks
which characterized the relatively whiter 1950s America while a later study he authored suggested that
more immigration and cultural diversity can decrease social capital, or the “social networks and
associated norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness”, in the short to mid-term (Putnam, 2007, p. 137).
Both studies run the risk of aestheticizing politics to feelings of a unified people sharing a mono-cultural
identity through disregarding how material conditions affect segregation and the degree of social
interaction and cohesion between people of differing ethnicities. A study from California State
University Northridge determined that higher socio-economic status among people of Hispanic or Asian
descent significantly correlated with reduced residential segregation and this pattern also held true for
black people with a higher socio-economic status (Allen and Turner, 2012). Furthermore, criticism of the
Putnam study pertaining to social capital and ethnic diversity suggested that the availability of
neighborhood amenities and jobs may more significantly affect social capital rather than diversity
(Dawkins, 2012, p. 215). Segregation also reduces the accretion of social capital through inhibiting the
emergence of social ties between different racial and class groups of workers and thus reduces the
ability of workers to bargain for their interests in the workplace (Dawkins, 2012, p. 215). In addition, the
study contained several significant methodological errors in statistical analysis like analyzing the level of
residential segregation from a given municipality in totality instead of comparing residential segregation
 28

on the basis of census tracts (Dakwins, 2012). Putnam and Swanson’s emphasis on attributing social
problems and alienation to a loss of social cohesion with a “shared identity” risks ignoring the material
basis which also influences social interaction and providing a rhetorical entry point for fascists. Fascists
like South African apartheid apologist Ilana Mercer have already exploited Putnam’s work to argue that
‘Greater Diversity Equals More Misery’, and efforts to promote integration amount to ‘social
engineering’, in mainstream publications like the Boston Globe (qtd. By Jonas, 2007). Mercer writes for
the white supremacist website American Renaissance and propagated the white genocide conspiracy in
post-apartheid South Africa with her book “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-
Apartheid South Africa” (Mercer, 2011).

Figure 19: The UW College Republicans signal boost a tweet from President Trump propagating the
“white genocide” farm murder conspiracy in South Africa which apartheid apologist, “19th century
classical liberal” (TAMU Free Speech Forum, 2018) Ilana Mercer initially propagated to American
audiences via her 2011 book “Into the Cannibal’s Pot” (Mercer, 2011). Mercer admitted that democracy
was only possible in racially and ethnically homogenous societies and conspiratorially suggested that
current SCOTUS Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg played a role in drafting South Africa’s post-apartheid
constitution in conjunction with the African National Congress as a part of a nefarious international
communist agenda (TAMU Free Speech Forum, 2018).

What ultimately results with the “free speech” discourse is an aestheticization of politics
whereby white men humiliated by “political correctness” and “social justice” can reclaim their storied
past as so-called creators of the modern world and can quell their feelings of alienation and ascertain
their glorious destiny through eliminating outsiders like undocumented immigrants or recalcitrant
insiders like “cultural Marxists”. They do not recognize that narratives propagated by conservatives like
Murray serve to justify social Darwinism and the domination of the putative “cognitive elite” over all
others. In “Human Accomplishment”, Murray even acknowledges that the achievements of Great White
Men remain concentrated in what he calls the European Core, which resembles an elongated hexagon
extending over England, France, Germany and Northern Italy while largely omitting Eastern Europe and
Ireland, also known as the European regions which long struggled against domination by other European
 29

powers (Murray, 2003, p. 297). Achievement within the fabled “Core” is not equally distributed and
instead remains concentrated in regions with prominent urban centers like London (Murray, 2003, p.
301), and these peculiarities cast doubt on Murray’s supposition that cultural practices determined
primarily by biology and IQ influences the distribution and frequency of human achievement. Attributing
social alienation and inequality to nebulous factors like social cohesion transforms discussions about
wealth distribution and the distribution of political power into a never-ending culture war which
encourages and banalizes the politics of elimination against groups perceived to disrupt the social
cohesion and prompts alienated people to identify with the goals of “the nation” and its political leaders
rather than with their communities, neighbors, and fellow workers. The warmth of pride in the flag and
the feeling of solidarity inherent in nationalism is ultimately ephemeral and quickly transforms into a
politics of paranoia and exclusion which justifies Darwinian eliminationist violence.

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