WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN PANCHAYATI

RAJ INSTITUTIONS AND ITS IMPLICATIONS

ON HIMACHAL PRADESH POLITICS

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO HIMACHAL PRADESH UNIVERSITY, SHIMLA

FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN
POLITICAL SCIENCE
2016

Supervised by: Submitted by:

Dr. Mridula Sharda Pawan Kumar

Associate Professor
RGGDC Shimla

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

HIMACHAL PRADESH UNIVERSITY
SUMMER HILL, SHIMLA-171005
 Department of Political Science
Himachal Pradesh University
Summer Hill, Shimla -171005

CERTIFICATE

It gives me immense pleasure to certify that the work

embodied in the thesis entitled, “WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN

PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS AND ITS IMPLICATIONS

ON HIMACHAL PRADESH POLITICS” by Pawan Kumar has

been carried out under my supervision.

The thesis is genuine to the best of my knowledge. It

represents his original work and the thesis is worthy of

consideration for the award of Doctor of Philosophy in Political

Science.

Dated: Dr. Mridula Sharda

Associate Professor
RGGDC Shimla
 Dedicated
to my
Loving Parents
 PREFACE

Presently India is a substantial democratic country in the world

where the women folk constitute almost half of the total population.
The provisions of Indian Constitution render equality to women
political rights by legitimizing their role for contribution in community
inside the formal and legal framework. Women political participation
is one of the important issues in Indian politics and concern of
intelligentsia. It has been more than six decades of independence still
there is a quite diminutive impact on women’s active participation in
politics. Since the enactment of 73rd Amendment, it is perceived that
space in local bodies will give rural women space for political
participation. The journey of last twenty years indicates mixed results
while women voter turnout in different elections enhanced and women
participation in informal activities also increased. But in the present
time there is a glaring gap still remains between de-jure and de-facto
status of women in the political arena of the country.

The Present study is an attempt to analyse the participation of

women in PRIs in the last twenty years and its impact on the
Himachal Pradesh State Politics and evaluate the effectiveness of
reservation for women in Panchayti Raj Institutions as medium to
ensure the overall improvement in political participation of the women
at all level e.g. participating in Gram Sabha meetings, Panchayat
meetings, voting, campaigning and holding the various positions. The
focus of the present study is to investigate the New Panchayati Raj as
medium to enhance the political participation of women for the state
Legislature and Parliament.

The present work would not have been possible without the help
and assistance of several individuals and Institutions. It is my
pleasure to thank all those who have helped me to complete this work.

First and foremost, I would like to express my deep sense of

appreciation and gratitude to my reverend Supervisor, Associate
Professor Dr. Mridula Sharda, Department of Political Science,
RGGDC Shimla, under whose supervision, I completed this research
work. The present work could have been an utter failure in itself
without her indispensable help, unbound interest, unlimited patience
and vigilant supervision. Her able guidance made it possible to carry
out the complete exercise efficiently.

I am very much indebted to all my respected teachers of

Department of Political Science Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla
for their regular encouragement and help during the course of study.

I am also grateful to Dr. N.K. Sharda (Ex Pro. Vice Chancellor,

Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla) Dr. V.K Pandey, Dr. Shrawan
Singh, Dr. D.K Sharma (Retd. Principal), Dr. Hema, Ajay Sharma,
Sheetal Chauhan for their valuable suggestions and concerned from
time to time.

I am highly indebted and I have no words to express my deep

hearted gratitude to my worshipped and beloved parents (Late) Sh.
Inder Singh & Smt. Saroj Devi, who gave me privilege to study up to
this stage and without their blessings, motivation it was not possible
to complete my work.

Words are insufficient to appreciate the affectionate co-

operation of my family. I am also indebted to my Brother Rajiv Kumar,
Bhabhi Mrs. Manju, Sister Veena and Brother-in-Law Sanjay Jaswal,
for their love, inspiration, co-operation and wishes which have always
been the driving force towards the completion of this work.

I have an immense pleasure in expressing my cordial thanks to

my friends, Dr. Kewal Krishan, Dr. Vivek Chandel, Dr. Brijender
Bhushan, Dr. Yog Raj, Dr. Tara Negi, Dr. Lata, Dr. Sanjay Sharma,
Mr. Pankaj Kumar, L.D Thakur, Jai Mahelwal for their moral support
& constant encouragement.

My special and heartiest thanks to my wife Seema who always

stood by me through the good times and bad and it was her whole
hearted support which made me able to complete my work. I am also
grateful my niece Pranjal, Swinal, Aarisha, Nephew Renish, Shreyansh
and my children Savya and Sanidhay for their emotional supports.

How can I forget my Cousin Mr. Sunil Kumar who extended

various types of co-operation at all stages of the present work and
Miss Sushma Munihal, Research Scholar Punjab University
Chandigarh who provide me valuable books during this work. I also
received all possible moral supports, blessings and encouragement
from Ved Airi. I express my sincere thanks to her.

I am also grateful to the staff members of the libraries of

Himachal Pradesh University, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, HP
Vidhan Sabha, HP Secretariat and District Library Una.

I am thankful to all the elected women leaders and rural women

for their co-operation in responding to our questionnaires and provide
me required information. Without their co-operation, it would have
been difficult to complete this work. I owe thanks to all those who
have directly or indirectly helped me during this study.

Last but not the least, I would like to thank Rajinder Singh and
Suneel Kumar for their untiring efforts and co-operation in setting the
chapters and giving a final shape to the thesis skillfully and well in
time.

Dated: (Pawan Kumar)

 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BDC Block Development Committee

BDO Block Development Officer

BJP Bharatiya Janata Party

BRMC Balwant Rai Mehta Committee

CDP Community Development Programme

DC Deputy Commissioner

GP Gram Panchayat

GS Gram Sabha

HP Himachal Pradesh

HPPR Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj

INC Indian National Congress

LSG Local Self Government

NDC National Development Council

NES National Extension Services

NGO Non-Government Organisation

NPR New Panchayati Raj

OBC Other Backward Classes

PRIs Panchayati Raj Institutions

PS Panchayat Samiti

SC Scheduled Caste

SHG Self Help Group

Sq. Kms. Square Kilometers

ST Scheduled Tribe

UNDP United Nation Development Programme

UNO United Nations Organisation

ZP Zila Parishad

% Percentage
 CONTENTS

CHAPTER TITLE PAGE NO.

I INTRODUCTION 1-73

II EVOLUTION OF PANCHAYTI RAJ IN 75-146

INDIA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
HIMACHAL PRADESH

III WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 147-188

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
HIMACHAL PRADESH

IV ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE IMPACT 189-275

OF WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN THE
PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS AND
STATE POLITICS (HP)

V POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF RURAL 277-323

WOMEN AND THEIR PERCEPTION
REGARDING POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS
AND ROLE

VI CONCLUSIONS, INFERENCES AND 325-336

RECOMMENDATIONS

REFERENCES & BIBLIOGRAPHY 337-361

APPENDICES i-xv
 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE NO. TITLE PAGE NO.

2.1 Election of Gram Panchayats in Himachal 135
Pradesh
2.2 Amendment in the Himachal Pradesh Panchayti 143
Raj Act,1994 (up to2015)
3.1 Percentage of Women Voting in Lok Sabha 162
Elections (1952-2014)
3.2 Representation of Women Members for First to 164
Sixteenth Lok Sabha
3.3 Women Representation in Rajya Sabha (1952- 165
2014)
3.4 Women Contestants in Lok Sabha (1952-2014) 166
3.5 Participation of Women in Voting in Different 170
H.P Legislative Assembly Election (1972-2012)
3.6 Representation of Women in HP Legislative 172
Assembly (1972-2012)
3.7 Representation of Himachali Women in Lok 175
Sabha (1952-2014)
3.8 Representation of Himachali Women in Rajya 176
Sabha
3.9 Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal 184
Pradesh 1995-2000
3.10 Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal 184
Pradesh 2000-2005
3.11 Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal 185
Pradesh 2005-2010
3.12 Number of Seats of Women in PRIs in HP 186
(2011-2016)
3.13 Women Elected on Un-reserved Seat in PRIs in 186
HP (2011-2016)
4.1 Classification of the Women Leaders According 192
to their Age Groups
4.2 Educational Status of the Elected Women 194
Members
4.3 Occupational Classification of the Selected 195
Women Leaders
4.4 Annual Income wise Grouping of Elected 197
Women
4.5 Women Leader’s Caste Status 198
4.6 Classification of the Women Leaders According 200
to their Marital Status
4.7 Classification of the Women Leaders on the 202
Basis of their Family
4.8 Elected Women Members: Their Role 205
Performance in the Gram Sabha
4.9 Opportunity to Perform in the Gram Sabha 206
Meetings
4.10 Questions Regarding their Role in the 208
Development Programmes, Projects and
Financial Auditings
4.11 Elected Women Leaders Capacity and Courage 209
to Suggest Measures to Improve the
Development Activities
4.12 Women Leaders Opinion about the Satisfaction 211
Regarding the Feedback Given by them and
Steps to be taken by the Panchayat
4.13 View about the Dominance of the Elected 212
Representatives in the Gram Sabha Meetings
4.14 Views on Influence of the Elite Groups in Gram 213
Sabha Meetings
4.15 Women Leaders View about the Satisfactions 214
with Women Participation in the Gram Sabha
Meetings
4.16 Previous Electoral Experience of the Women 216
Leaders
4.17 View about the Comparison between Male and 217
Female Regarding Quality and Quantity Time
Spent in the PRIs
4.18 Determining Variables of the Women 218
Contestants
4.19 Women Participation and Recognition of their 220
Role in PRIs by their Counterpart Members
4.20 Official Attitude (Co-operation and Co- 222
ordination) of the Govt. Officials Towards
Women Leaders in PRIs
4.21 Perception of the Elected Women Members 223
Regarding Encouragement by the Bureaucracy
at the Grass-root Level
4.22 Participation of women in PRIs after 73rd 225
Amendment
4.23 Opinion about the Status Elevation after 226
becoming the Panchayati Raj Representative
4.24 Factors Affecting the Women Voting Behaviour 228
4.25 Political Affiliation of Family 230
4.26 Party Affiliation of the Individual Elected 233
Women Members
4.27 Elected Women Members Associated with 234
Different Political Parties
4.28 Support of the Political Parties to the Women 235
Contestant in the PRIs Election
4.29 Reason Expressed by the Elected Women to 237
Join the Political Party
4.30 Measures to Check the Women PRIs Leaders 238
Participation in Political Parties
4.31 Views of Elected Women Leaders in PRIs 240
Regarding their Participation in Party
Discussion
4.32 Attending Meetings Independently or with the 241
Help of Others
4.33 Subject of Interest in Discussions 243
4.34 Membership with Voluntary Association 245
4.35 Member of Mahila Mandal, Self Help Groups 246
and Others
4.36 Involvement of Political Parties in Rural Local 247
Institutions
4.37 Reasons for Non Involvement of Political Parties 248
from Rural Local Institutions
4.38 Participation of the PRIs Leaders in the State 250
and the Parliamentary Elections
4.39 Participation in Election Campaign 252
4.40 Opinion about Variable as Hurdles in Politics 254
4.41 Women Leaders Attitude Towards ‘Politics as 256
Male Dominated System’
4.42 Main Reasons why, Politics Considered as 257
Men’s Activity
4.43 Participation in Politics and Household 258
Activities Conflict with Each Other
4.44 Identification of Main Reasons Conflicts 259
between Politics and Household Activities
4.45 Opinion about the PRIs are Nursery for the 261
State and National Politics
4.46 Expression of Elected Women Regarding 263
Reservation as Positive Aspect in Active Women
Participation in Democratic Process
4.47 Reservation Helps Grassroots Women Leader to 264
Enter Main Stream of State and National
Politics
4.48 Perception Regarding Reservation for the 266
Women in the State and National Parliamentary
Elections
4.49 View about Satisfaction with Fifty Percent 267
Reservation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh
4.50 Leaders Attitude towards the Reservation as 268
Landmark Step in the Overall Development of
Women
4.51 Perception of Rural Women Leaders about the 270
Role of State Women Leaders to Convince and
Motivate the Women to be Part of Politics
4.52 Women Leaders Opinion Regarding State and 272
Parliamentary Election
4.53 Satisfaction of Elected Women Leaders of PRIs 274
with Present Position
5.1 Age Profile of the Rural Women 281
5.2 Caste Classification of the Selected Sample 282
5.3 Educational Status of the Rural Women 283
Respondents
5.4 Occupational Profile of the Rural Women 284
Respondents
5.5 Income Distribution and its Classification of the 285
Respondents Family
5.6 Marital Status of the Rural Women 286
5.6. A Classification of Rural Women According to 287
Their Family
5.7 Rural Women Response Regarding their 288
Participation in the Gram Sabha Meetings
5.8 Opinion of the Rural Women About their 290
Participation in the Gram Sabha Meetings
5.9 Opinion of the Rural Women about their Role in 291
the Development Programme, Schemes,
Projects etc.
5.10 Rural Women Participation in Suggesting 292
Measures to Development Activities in the
Gram Sabha Meetings
5.11 Opinion About the Elite Role and Status in the 293
Gram Sabha
5.12 Classification of the Rural Women According to 294
their Views on the Dominance of Elected
Representatives in the Gram Sabha Meetings
5.13 Opinion about the Satisfaction of the Women 295
Participation in PRIs
5.14 Rural Women Views Regarding the Role 296
Performance of the Women Pradhan and Other
Members
5.15 Opinion Regarding the Previous Experience to 297
Contest PRIs Election
5.16 Views of the Respondents Regarding the 298
Commitment and Job Performance of Women in
PRIs
5.17 Opinion about the Determinants of 299
Voting Behaviour
5.18 Views of the Rural Women Regarding their 300
Family Involvement in Politics
5.19 Classification of the Rural Women According to 301
their Association or Closeness with Different
Political Parties
5.20 Rural Women Views about Attending the 302
Political Party Meetings
5.21 Views of the Rural Women Regarding their 303
Participation in Discussion in Party Meetings
5.22 Views of the Rural Women According to their 304
Subjects of Interest in Discussion in Party
Meeting
5.23 Classification of the Rural Women as per their 305
Membership with Voluntary Organisation
5.24 Rural Women Membership with Mahila 306
Mandals, Self Help Groups
5.25 Opinion of the Rural Women about the 307
Variables as Hurdle in politics
5.26 Response of the Rural Women Regarding their 308
Interest in the State and Parliament Election
5.27 Response of the Rural Women Regarding their 309
Participation in the Election Campaign
5.28 Opinion of the Rural Women Regarding 310
Involvement of Political Parties in the Rural
Local Institutions
5.29 Reasons for Non Involvement of Political Parties 311
in the Rural Local Institutions
5.30 Rural Women Attitude towards Politics is 312
Considers as Men’s Activity
5.31 Views of the Rural Women on ‘Why Politics is 313
Considered as Men’s Activity
5.32 Opinion of the Rural Women about the PRIs are 314
Nursery for the State and National Politics
5.33 Response to Question on Participation in the 315
Household Duties and Politics Came into
Conflict with Each Other
5.34 Main Causes of Conflict for their Participation 316
in the Household Duties and Politics
5.35 Views of Rural Women Regarding Reservation 317
in State and National Politics
5.36 Classification of the Rural Women Respondents 318
According to their Views on ‘Will Reservation
Increase Women Participation in State and
National Politics’
5.37 Expression Regarding Reservation as Positive 319
Aspect in Active Women Participation in
Democratic Process
5.38 Satisfaction with 50% Reservation in PRIs in 320
Himachal Pradesh
5.39 Perception of Rural Women about the Role of 321
State Women Leaders to Convince and Motivate
the Women in Politics
5.40 Opinion of the Rural Women Regarding Contest 322
Election in Future
 CHAPTER-I
INTRODUCTION

Women are an integral part of society. They play an important

role in determining the destiny of a nation. Therefore, due recognition
to them in the society and their greater involvement in socio-economic
and political affairs becomes all the more important. However, history
reveals that women have not been given their due status in the
society. Socially women are harassed and ignored lot. They have been
and still are the victim of various social taboos particularly in
developing countries like India. Though they enjoy equality is more in
legal terms than in the reality, (Rao, 2011: 23-24). Their participation
in political process is not better. Women all over the world have
remained out of the political realm for quite a long time. For centuries
they were not welcomed at the helm of political affairs. Women’s quest
for full citizenship and participation in politics began during the
eighteenth century enlightenment, (Faridi & Parveen, 2011: 25).

Industrial revolution spread movements for democracy,

equality, and social justice in the Western Europe and North America.
New Zealand was the first country to enfranchise women in 1893.
Finland became the first European country to enfranchise women in
1906, Australia and Canada 1908 and 1913 in Norway. After a long
struggle for equal political rights, women in USA got voting right in
1920 and in United Kingdom in the year 1928. In Germany women
were enfranchised by the Weimer Constitution in 1919 and 1944 in
France. In Switzerland women got voting right in 1971. Gradually,
women got voting right almost in all the countries of Asia, Africa,
Europe, America, Latin America but in most of the Middle East
countries women have no voting rights, till the end of twentieth
century, (Vidya, 1997: 2-3).

With the advent of the Feminism in USA 1960s, the concept of

the participation of women in the political process took a new

1
direction. Feminism comprises a number of social culture and political
movement theories concerned with gender inequalities and equal
rights for the women. According to some, the history of Feminism
consists of three waves. The first was in the Nineteenth and early
Twentieth Century, the second was in the 1960s and 1970s and the
third extends from the 1990s to the present.

To understand the need of the participation of women at the

state level politics and at grassroots level, first enumerate the
important initiatives taken by international institutions. Various
International Organisations, Government Organisations and Non-
Government Agencies took initiative to promote the socio-economic
and political status of the women in society. Equality in all the
spheres is inseparable from the active participation. In 1946 the
United Nation Organisation (UNO) established a commission on the
status of the women. The primary focus of the commission was to
promote implementation of the principle that ‘men and women shall
have equal rights’. In 1948 the United Nations issued its Universal
Declaration of Human Rights which protects “the equal rights of the
men and women,” and addressed both the equality of man and women
and equity issues, (Trivedi, 2010: 41-43). The issue of empowerment
of the women came to the forefront with the convention on the
‘Political Rights of women’ (1952) and the International Covenant on
Civil and Political rights (1966), aimed at providing women equal
opportunity in the public life. The First World Conference was held in
1975 in Mexico City and United Nations declared 1975 as the
International Women’s Year and 1980 as the year for ‘Development of
Women’. In 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted by the General
Assembly of United Nations. In 1985 the world conference on Women
in Nairobi, advocated the “forward looking strategies for the
advancement of women’s”, (Singh, 2003: 257). This decade created
consciousness all over the world regarding the need for raising status
of the women in society and thereby enhancing their role in the

2
process of development. Further in the last decade of the twentieth
century and the present era at the international level efforts have been
made in this field. Food and Agricultural Organisation Plan of Action
for Women in Development (1996-2001) promotes gender based
equality, enhances women’s participation in decision and policy
making processes at all levels. United Nation Development Programme
(UNDP) promotes the empowerment of women by advising, supporting
and facilitating. International Research and Training Institute for
Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) stimulates and consist the
advancement of the women and makes women’s contribution to
development more visible through research and training. United
Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an
autonomous agency that engages in multidisciplinary research on
social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development.
The Fourth World Conference on Women was held in Beijing in 1995.
It was the most enterprising event for women empowerment and equal
treatment in all spheres. International Labour Organisation (ILO) has
been focusing on women and gender equality in the world since its
inception in 1919, (Kumar, 2005: 313-320). The “World–Wide
Declaration of women in Local Government” by the International
Union of Local Authorities in 1998, identified the local bodies as the
most accessible and best suitable launching pad for the involvement
of women in governance,(Dhaliwal in Singh, 2003 :258).

Despite of all these efforts at the global level, in 1990 less than
four percent of the world’s cabinet ministers were women and in 1991,
only seven countries had women as their heads of the state.
Universally, women’s entry into political decision making is viewed
inevitable to deal with the various forms of the womens’ oppression
and to improve their status. This is because the level of the women
participation in absolute numbers is low all over the world, (Singla,
1997:26). There is slightly positive change during the last decade of
the 20th century with regard to women’s political participation all over
the world. Out of the total heads (nominal) or executive heads the 32

3
women who have served as Prime Ministers and Presidents during the
same period. In the early 1995, Sweden formed the world’s first
cabinet to have equal number of the men and women. The
percentages of the female cabinet ministers worldwide have doubled
from 3.4 percent in 1987 and 6.8 percent in 1996. In 1998, there were
only eight countries without any women in their legislature, (Kumar:
5).

The 21st century started with an even stronger confirmation that

in the globalized, liberalized and privatized world, a society or a
country which do not realize the potential of the women and provide
them their due place in the new world order would be marginalized in
the present scenario. Since the Beijing Platform For Action in 1995,
the global average of the women participation in national politics has
been gradually increased from 11.3 percent to almost 17 percent in
2006, (Sheela in Rao, 2011:54).

As on August 2015, at the international level 11 women served

as Head of the State and 13 served as Head of Government,
(www.unwomen.org). Beside this as on November 2015, 22.9% women
elected in the lower House and 21.3 percent women elected in the
Upper House as per World Average. As per latest data compiled by
Inter Union Parliaments on 1st November 2015; Rwanda (63.8%),
Bolivia (53.1%), Cuba (48.9%), Sweden(43.6%), Mexico (42.4%), South
Africa (42.0%), Spain (41.1%), Norway (39%), Germany (36.5%),
Switzerland (32%), New Zealand (31.4%), U.K (29.4%), Australia
(26.7%), Afghanistan (27.7%), France (26.2%), China (23.6%),
Pakistan (20.6%), Bangladesh (20%), U.S.A (19.4%), Russian
Federation (13.6%) have higher percentage of elected women in their
legislatures than India i.e. (12.0%), (www.ipu.org). It is inferred from
the data given above that the lesser developed Asian countries such as
Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan and other developing countries
like South Africa, Cuba, Vietnam have better representation of the
women in their legislatures, than the developed countries like U.S.A

4
and Russian Federation. Beside this there are regional variations on
the women political participation. These vary from 41.1 percent of
Parliamentary representatives being women in the Nordic countries to
a lower 13.1 percent in the Pacific world. It indicates that socio-
economic development of a country has not very much direct
correlation with the level of women political participation.

Today India is the largest democratic country in the world where

the women folk constitute almost half of the total population. The
Indian Constitutional provisions of equality gave women political
rights by legitimizing their role for participation in the public life,
within the formal and legal framework. After the six decades of the
independence there is little development in the women’s active
participation in the politics. Their performance quantitative as well as
qualitative has been rather than insignificant with a few exceptions in
this field; women have remained outside the domain of the power and
political authority. Very few women have been able to reach the higher
decision making posts in the legislature. Indira Gandhi became the
first woman Prime Minister in 1966, after the four decades Pratibha
Devi Singh Patil became first woman President of the India in 2007. In
2009, Meera Kumar became the first woman Lok Sabha Speaker of
India. In this respect, India is at least ahead of the U.S.A, where no
woman President has been elected as yet in the history of modern
USA. After independence, many women have held berth in the council
of ministers and also held important position of the Governor and
Chief Ministers of the Indian states. The notable women Chief
Ministers who led their state governments successfully include
Sucheta Kriplani and Mayawati (UP), Shashikala Kakodhar (Goa),
Satyapathi (Orissa), Janki Chandran and Jaylalitha (Tamilnadu),
Saida Anvara Thaimur (Assam), Rajinder Kaur Bhattal (Punjab), Uma
Bahrti (Madhya Pradesh), Sushma Swaraj and Sheila Dixit (Delhi),
Rabri Devi (Bihar), Mamta Benerjee (West Bangal), Vasundhra Raje
Sindhia (Rajsthan). In this line Anadiben Patel became the first
woman Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2014 and in 2016, Mehbooba

5
Mufti became the first woman Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.
The women Governors include Sarojini Naidu (UP), Vijay Laxmi Pandit
(Maharastra), Padmaja Naidu (West Bangal), Jyoti Vanketchaylam and
Ram Dulari Sinha (Kerla), Sharadha Mukerjee and Kumud Ben Joshi
(Andhra Pradesh), Chandrawati, Rajendra Kumari Vajpai and Rajni
Rai (Pondicheri), Sarla Grewal (Madhya Pradesh), Justice M. Fatima
Bibi (Tamil Nadu), Sheila Kaul, Prabha Rao and Urmila Singh
(Himachal Pradesh), (Shukla, 2007:112-113).

No doubt Indian society has accepted women leadership but the

experiences show that women have rarely occupied leading position
with few exceptions. Women have not made much progress inspite of
the laws and constitutional provisions that guarantee equality of
opportunities to both sexes. The position depicted through the sixteen
general elections so far reflects a low representation of the women in
the Parliament, State Legislature, in Political parties and other
decision making bodies. The average percentage of women’s
representation in Parliament, Assemblies and council of Ministers
taken together has been around ten percent.

Although the representation of the women in the Indian politics

is relatively low, yet it must be noted that some women leaders have
played vital role in the Indian politics today. For example Sonia
Gandhi as leader of the Congress, Jayalalitha as leader of the
AIADMK, Mamta Bannerji as leader of Trinamool Congress (TMC) and
Mayawati as the leader Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) are in instances in
point. If the women leadership in the country is analysed from their
socio-political background; in majority of the cases the women leaders
held their position due to their political family background. Most of
the leaders were wives, daughters and daughters-in–laws of the
political leaders.

At the National level, in Independent India the Constitution

guarantee equality to the women in all the spheres left their political
representation to their own willingness, opportunity and support even

6
while providing the reservation for the Schedule Castes (SC) and
Scheduled Tribes (ST) in the Parliament and State Legislatures.
Several committees on local self-government advocated reservation for
the women (Dube, Padalia: 175). In addition to this various
development programme were also introduced especially for the
women to be part of the political system.

A major programme for the development of the women in rural

India was firstly conceived at the time of introduction of the
Community Development Programme in 1952 (Roy, 1999: 464). The
participation of the women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI) was
brought in focus in Balwant Rai Mehta (BRM) Committee’s report
(1957) which recommended induction of the two women members in
Panchayats to carry out the specific programmes for women and
children, (Dahiya, Singh & Singh, 2000: 178).

The Committee on Status of the women in India was set up in

1971 to look into all aspects of the women’s status in India, specially
their political participation. The committee in its report submitted in
1974 recommended the establishment of statutory women’s
Panchayats at the village level with autonomy and resources of their
own for the management as well as administration of the welfare and
development programmes for the women and children. The purpose of
such recommendation was to raise the issues of women in the local
bodies. Provisions were made for the direct election of women
representatives by the women of the villages and rights were given to
them to send their representatives to the Panchayat Samiti and Zila
Parishad, (Sabanna in Rao, 2011:38). In 1977, again a committee
under Ashok Mehta laid stress on the need for the recognizing and
strengthening women’s role in the decision–making process of the
Panchayats. The committee recommended reservation of two seats for
the women in the Panchayats and co-option of the women in case they
did not come through elections .With a view to improve the role and
status of the women in India, the National Perspective Plan (NPP) for

7
women 1988-2000 A.D. clearly recommended 30 percent reservation
of seats in the favour of the women at the village Panchayats to the
Zila Panchayat level and at the municipal bodies, (Ahmed, Nilofer &
Parveen, 2008: 662).

A historic movement arrived for the women of India on 24th

April, 1993 when the 73rd Amendment Act related to PRIs came into
force. This Act constitutionally empowered the women by giving them
33% representation in the Panchayati Raj Institutions as well as
reserving one third of the chairperson’s post in three tier system.
Beside this the government adopted the National Policy for the
empowerment of the women on 20th March 2001. The main objective
of this policy is to bring about the advancement, development,
empowerment of women and to ensure their active participation in all
spheres of public life and activities, (Raju in Rao: 143). In the field of
empowerment, Right to Education (2002) is also one step because the
Human Development Index (HDI) indicates that women are more
vulnerable and less educated as compare to their counterpart. In
addition MNREGA (2006) also enhanced as the economic viability of
the depressed classes.

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act has provided

necessary conditions to usher in the vibrant local governance
institutions and has helped women in challenging deeply entrenched
traditional power structures like those of the patriarchy, castism and
feudalism. However the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1993
opened a new history of democratic decentralization in India by
development power to the people and gives opportunities to the
women folk to express their voice in the decision making process.
Socio-economic and political development of the Indian System
indicates that the pace of the development varies in all the three
systems and that affects the each other. Social System that is an
transitional stage. Traditional institutions have dominance in
determining the social system it also affects political system also.

8
Keeping in mind this assumption it is imperative to understand the
gap between perception and practice in the context of the 73rd
Amendment.

Participation

Present era is dominated by the mass involvement in

multifarious activities of the society. Albeit masses were considered as
the passive receivers and the elite of the society dominated the
decision making process, prior to the evolution of democratic
institutions in most of the parts of the world these practices were
common. With the rise of the concept of the nation-state and indirect
democracy many new institutions like representative
institutions(legislatures) at the different levels, process of decision-
making, participation of the masses in electoral processes and in
other such processes has enhanced considerably. Due to the
participatory nature of the polity; participation as the concept and
process has been widely taken up by the academia. In the sixty years
(after Second World War) studies related to the participation as
process at different levels have been taken up vividly.

Participation is the essence of democracy and modernization. A

democratic society is a participant society. Democracy is being
considered as the best form of the governance because it is ‘right’ and
‘useful’. Right because people may participate in the policy
formulation and its implementation at all level of the political system
and useful because the entire political administrative system is
accountable to the people and committed for their welfare. Infact
people’s participation is the core of the democracy lies in its intimate
relationship with the people, (International Encyclopaedia, 1968:253).

Participation is a rich concept that varies its meaning and its

definition. The way participation is defined largely depends upon the
context and background in which it applied. Participation means that
people are closely involved in the economic, social, cultural and
political process that affects their lives, (UNDP Report, 1993:31).

9
Participation is viewed in broader sense as well as the restricted
senses. In the broader sense, the term participation is used to refer to
all those action taken by people to participate in the process of social
change. In a restricted sense, participation is a specific process by
which the people endeavour to achieve a limited goal, (Sharma,
1971:185-198).

Again, participation may be distinguished between means and

ends. As ‘means’ it implies the use of participation to achieve some
predetermined goal or objective. Participation as an end attempts to
empower people to participate in their own development more
meaningfully, (Narayanasamy, 2009:04). Participation is not a unitary
concept, but it does consist of inter-related elements. Three elements
central to the concepts of participation are influence, interaction and
information sharing, (Singla, 2007:63). The term participation is also
used as self-reliance, self-help and empowerment. In this sense
participation is an essential part of human development. All are
obviously demand attention in the present study.

Participation as phenomenon is not new to the human

knowledge. It has been existing since the beginning of human society.
Aristotle was of the opinion that people’s participation was essential
for the development. According to him the best state was one where
broad participation with class domination. The need of people’s
participation has been underlined by many scholars such as J.S Mill,
Robert Owen, Rousseau, Bentham and Karl Marx etc. Similarly the
literature on development shows that followers of various approaches,
i.e. structural functional approach, comparative historical approach,
social process approach, political approach etc. have also emphasised
the significance of people’s participation in the development, (Singh in
Singh, 2006:333).

Participation is considered a voluntary contribution by the

people in one or another of the public programmes which are
supposed to contribute to national development but the people are not

10
expected to take part in shaping the programme or criticizing its
contents, (Palmer, 1976:50-57). The Dictionary meaning of the
participation is sharing in common with others, the action of taking
part in an activity or event, (Oxford English Dictionary, 2005:654)
United Nation Organisation has evolved comprehensive literature on
the concept of participation. Participation, as defined in a UNESCO
document from a broader perspective, is “collective and sustained
activity for the purpose of achieving some common objectives,
specially a more equitable distribution of the benefit of development”,
(UNESCO, 1978:15). United Nations International Children
Emergency fund (UNICEF) defines participation as active involvement
in decision making at every stage starting with the identification of
problems relating to the study of feasibility, planning, implementation
and evaluation, (Development Report 1973:45-46). People from
different fields define participation in different ways. Cohen and
Uphoof describe participation as people’s involvement in decision
making process, (Cohen and Uphoof 1980; 213).

Santhanam defines participation as commitment on the part of

individual towards all forms of action by which the individual can
“take part” or “play a role” in the operation without being conscious of
any socio-economic barriers,” to achieve certain common goals in a
group situation, (Santhanam, 1993:419).

This means that to make participation effective people of all

classes and castes should involve in all stages of plan process. This
would be possible only when people are involved in the need
identification, fixing priorities among the needs and associated in the
planning, decision making, implementing and evaluation process and
give an opportunity to create local organisations.

According to Yadav people participation means “involvement of

the people in the development process voluntarily and willingly, such
participation cannot be coerced”, (Yadav, 1985:68). To Kumar,
participation means the full involvement of the community in the

11
planning and sharing benefits in all the developmental works, (Kumar,
2009:45).

Singla expressed that participation is an interaction among the

individual to achieve specific goals and outcomes. She further stated
that influence, interaction and information are the three basic
elements to the concept of participation, (Singla: 63-64). To Malik
participation means sharing or taking part or involvement in the
development process or decision making process, (Malik in Chahar,
2005:182) Soysal also views that the term participation is used to
cover all forms of actions by which people take part in the operation of
administration (Quoted in Bava, 1984:21). Mathur discussed that
participation means a local autonomy in which people discover the
possibilities of exercising choice and hereby becoming capable of
managing their own development, (Mathur, 1986:19).

Various authors have put forth different frame work for

analyzing the concept of participation.

Mishra on the basis of the perusual of the study of participation

involves three dimensions, namely; What kind of participation?, Who
participates?, How does participation occur? (Mishra, 1984: 25),
further he states in the next work that participation can better
understood in four senses:

i. Participation in decision making;

ii. Participation in implementation of development programmes

and projects;

iii. Participation in monitoring and evaluation of development

programmes and projects;

iv. Participation in sharing the benefits of the development, (Mishra

in Singh, 2000:147).

Lima also point out the importance of the following factors in

order to assess the extent of participation: (1) own education level and

12
educational level of the family (2) social backgrounds (3) Economic
status (Lima, 1983: 192).

Further Joseph in his study brings out the different

determinants of participation. These include: Inbuilt organisational
and institutional arrangements, socio- economic characteristics of the
participants, social values, gender bias, income, class, literacy level
etc. (Joseph, 1997:62). Vats also explained that the ideal conditions
contribute towards meaningful and effective participation. She
discussed three conditions namely: proper information, well organised
communication network and administration and citizens must willing
to participate, (Vats, 2004:4).

The foregoing review of different definitions reveals that

participation employees many things to many people. Participation
creates a sense of awareness, belongingness and it is to develop self-
reliance, self-confidence. Participation brings people from periphery to
the core, from passive to active and moulds them as thinkers,
evaluators, decision makers. The ultimate objective of the people
participation is development through democratic ways.

Participation in the context of the development, several authors

argues that it is impossible to establish a universal definition of the
word ‘participation’. Wide range of terms given adds to the air of
generalisation about the concept of participation such as self-help,
self-reliance, co-operation, community involvement, decentralisation,
and local level autonomy, (Oklay & Marsden, 1985:18). Mishra also
supported this view, participation is one of those terms that are very
difficult to define, while it is very widely used in today, the scope and
meaning that are ascribed to it often differ widely, (Mishra:15). But on
the other side Campbell and Salagrama views that, there are many
ways of defining participation and many ways of participating, (BOBP,
1990:2).

The study of participation in development is an area often

neglected by social scientists. It has started receiving some attention

13
in most of the developing nations. Participation has been a part of the
development vocabulary since the 1960s, or even before. But it has
generally referred to only to people’s involvement in particular projects
or programme, (UNDP Human Development Report:31). It was in the
mid-1970s that the search for an ‘alternative development strategy’
was started, (Oklay, 1991:1). This alternative development strategy
was based on a human approach which focused on being people-
centric rather than being capital centric approach. Participation in
development is now being sought the world over, not because it is a
fad but because there has been a consensus on the usefulness of
participation in development projects and programmes several terms
have come into development terminology in respect of involving people
for their betterment. Terms like ‘People’s Participation’, ‘Popular
Participation’, ‘Community Participation’, ‘Public Participation’,
‘Citizens Participation’, and so on are in current use meaning almost
the same thing that people as partners in the development process,
(Chakraborty, 2008: 60). People participation has become the key
element in the whole process of development. Participation is an
essential part of human growth, development of self-confidence,
creativity, responsibility and co-operation. The term participation
generally refers to those voluntary activities by which the members of
a society take part in decision making in the different processes and
aspects of development activities.

People participation in development has short term and long

term goals. Short terms goal means involvement of people in current
programmes and developmental activities while the latter aims at
building self-actuated and self-reliant. It is a continuous process of
democratisation.

Development is primarily a positive phenomenon. It stands for

improvement of human life in all the spheres. It may be identified as a
process, in which system or institution is transformed into stronger,
more organised, more efficient and more effective form and prove to be

14
more satisfying in terms of the human wants and aspirations. In
others words, development implies a conscious efforts for the
attainment of the specific goal, (Gauba, 2009:549-536). Development
is a positive change in the desirable direction, (Joseph: 78). People
participation in the development process relates to active interest,
enthusiasm and cooperation in planning, implementation and
evaluation of development programmes at all levels. Different aspects
of development may be discussed. Economic development is a process
whereby national income increases over a period of time. It ultimately
leads to the achievement of better nourishment, better health, better
education better living conditions and greater opportunity for work
and leisure for the people. Social development means increase in
skills, complexity and internal differentiation. Social development is
antithesis to the social backwardness. It stands for cultivation and
enlightenment of the mind, better understanding of man and nature
and the improved capacity to change the society. Political development
is a process of profound social change in which the tradition bound
societies react to the pressures and demands of modern industrialised
world. It is diffusion of world culture based on a national view of life, a
secular approach to social relations, a feeling for justice in public
affairs and above all the belief of the nation state and acceptance of
democracy, (Gautam, 1999:7).

People’s participation is the most frequently used term in the

literature on the development. In India people’s participation in
development emerged as a favourite theme in the context of the widely
noted failure of Community Development Programmes (CDP) projects
and a critique of the five year plans. The concept which appeared in
the scene at the end of 1960s as an alternative paradigm of
development intervention, slowly emerged in the 1970s, acquired
strength in the 1980s and made its powerful presence felt in the
1990s, both in theory and practice. In the 1990s Governments,
International Development Agencies and United Nation and its
affiliated agencies United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

15
Organisation (UNESCO), Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO),
United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD),
International Labour Organisation (ILO) and Non-Governmental
Organisations supported actively development initiatives which
ensured people participation, (Mohanan, 2005:2).

Lately some Indian scholars have also shown interest in this

theme. But in the present time large numbers of studies have been
conducted by different scholars in different research institutes and
universities which also help us to understand the concept of
participation in development. It is clear from the above discussion that
participation is a development approach, which recognises the need to
involve the disadvantaged segments of the population in the design
and implementation of policies, concerning their well-being. The
socio–economic development cannot be fully achieved without the
active participation of women at the decision making level in the
society.

Present age is considered to be the age of the globalisation.

Synthesis of the diverse developmental approaches is that people’s
participation is the best way to achieve the goals of mass development
with the mass contribution through democratic means. It is also the
best way to ensure the stability of the system that is prerequisite for
the sustainable and persistence development.

In terms of type of participation, it may be ‘voluntary’,

‘obligatory’, ‘induced’, ‘mandatory’, ‘occasional’, ‘once in life time’,
‘recurring’ and ‘continual’. Participation may be direct, as in
community projects and in the work of private welfare organisation or
it may be indirect through elected officials and representatives. In
addition to this it may be political, social or administrative in nature.

Participation is a necessary ingredient of every political system.

The concept of political participation is crucial since the highest and
the broadest fabric of society is the state. It thrives on its political idea
which bear the spirit and principle of that society based on place,

16
consent of the people and their institutional device of the government
operative in nature and effective in administration. In a democratic
form of government, with a mixed economic structure and a
determined hierarchy of values-liberty, equality and progress arranged
in priority of first, second and third respectively, the political
participation is the most important variable.

The sphere of administrative participation is the exclusive area

of civil servants who participate under the conditions of their service,
and in contract with the government as individuals. This formal
participation must be either a member of the government or must be
deemed to be so for a fixed tenure either as an expert consultant or as
apolitical associate legitimately holding his position vested in the
structure of the law-the rule of law manifested by constitution,
statutes, rules and regulation of the government.

The area of social participation is the widest in its meaning and

is entirely dependent on the understanding, identification and sense
of social responsibility of the volunteering individual or volunteering
group of individuals motivated by the values of social justice and
national objectives.

Means and Methods of Political Participation

In a simple language, political participation refers to those

voluntary activities by which the members of a society take part in the
selection of rulers at different level of the government, directly or
indirectly associate themselves in the process of formulating a public
policy. Their association in operation is classified as political process.
In other words, the political process involves those activities in various
groups as they struggle for and use power to achieve group purposes,
(Tiwari in Arora & Hooja, 2009:24).

Participation in politics is a pre-requisite and minimal

requirement for a successful democratic political system. It is this
feature that distinguishes a democracy from any other form of

17
government. A democratic society in principle is a participant society
in which power is shared and authoritative decisions concerning the
society are made by the representative of the citizens. The ordinary
citizens are expected to take part in the process of governing the
country, irrespective of sex, caste, class, religion or any other
consideration, (Jharta, 1998:9). Participation in political affairs in
democracy is a crucial and necessary because it assures the
legitimacy of the system and also strengthens the democratic system.
It is necessary because it is the right and citizens through which
consent is guaranteed or withdrawn in a democracy and rulers are
made accountable to the ruled. Expressing the importance of
participation in politics, Milbrath and Goel argue that the citizens
must at least participate in the choice of their public officials in order
to keep public action responsive to the wishes and desires of the
people. N.D Palmer also expressed the same view when he said
participation helps the individuals to be effective and it associates him
or her with the political system, (Quoted in Chaudhry, 1995:1).

Participation is closely related to democracy and the theory of

representation. The success of democracy depends upon the extent of
participation especially at local level in their study in six nations
Almond and Verba observe “the citizen unlike the subject is an active
participant in the political input process, the process by which
political decisions are made. People participation in political process
has been subject of abiding interest in political science since the days
of Plato. Aristotle defined citizen as one who takes part in the
administration of justice and holds office. The declaration of French
Revolution of 1789 also says that all citizens have right to take part
personally or by their representatives in the formulation of law. Marx
argued that universal participation is a means and an end of the
manifestation of human freedom, (Roy, 1999: 67-66). Political
participation is the involvement at various levels in the political
system. Involvement expresses itself in various kinds of overt or
manifest political activities, (Ashraf & Sharma, 1983:140). Mc Closky

18
defines, “political participation implies those voluntary activities by
which members of the society share in the selection of rulers and
directly or indirectly, in the formulation of public policy. ’’ (Mc Closky,
1968: 253). By political participation, Huntington and Nelson mean,
“Simply an activity by private citizen designed to influence
governmental decision- making”, (Huntington & Nelson, 1970:67).
Mathew and Protho also defines political participation as, “all
behaviour through which people directly express their political
opinions”, (Mathews & Protho, 1966:37).

In the present times, the term political participation has been

broadened to include all those political act through which people
directly affect the political decision making process, (Khanna,
2009:56).

According to Verba & others, participation is not a single

undifferentiated entity. There are alternative modes of participation
that differ significantly in the ways in which they relate the citizen to
his Government. Besides, voting is accepted almost without exception
as the standard political act. They mention three others modes:
campaigning activity, co-operative activity and citizen initiated
contacts, (Quoted in Chaudhri: 2).

Further Schonfeld has emphasized main activities of political

participation as holding public or party office, belonging to a party or
other political organisation, working in an election, attending political
meeting or rallies, making financial contribution to a party or a quality
and justice, reverse existing situation and brings out necessary social
changes so as to promote a better order candidate, contacting a public
official, publicly expressing a political opinion to convince others,
partaking in political discussions, (voting and expressing oneself to
political stimuli, (Schonfeld, 1975:136-137).

In the developing societies like India, political participation is

really not confined to a relatively limited set of acts such as exercise of
franchise, campaigning or participation through various formal

19
institutions but it certainly has a wider context which refers to any
voluntary action, successful or unsuccessful, organized or
unorganized, episodic or continuous, employing legitimate or
illegitimate methods intended in influencing the choice of public
policies or the administration of public affairs or the choice of political
leaders, (Weiner, 1979:164).

Variables of Political Participation

Political participation is a complex phenomenon, a dependent

variable that depends upon many factors such as the psychological,
socio-economic and political which orient the individuals towards or
away from political participation. Psychological variable refers to the
degree to which citizens are interested in and concerned about politics
and public affairs, (Jharta: 15).

Socio-economic variable also influence political participation.

Socio-economic variable including social class, occupation, sex, (Roy:
69). Education, income, caste, religion, family background, residence
are other major socio-economic variables affect political participation.
These postulates not only affect the nature and scope of people
participation in politics but also determine the variations in their
participatory level. (Khanna, 2009:58).

According to Lipset “The co-relation between levels of education

and extent of participation is particularly not worthy. The educated
citizen is more likely to engage in political process than the
uneducated citizen”, (Lipset, 1959:81-82). But the co-relation between
participation and socio economic factors may vary from culture to
culture with different political contexts and their effect on political
participation may not be stable.

The political variable refers to the nature of electoral system,

party system, means of propaganda and campaign, the influence of
ideology, awareness of people etc. Further Lipset also views that,
political variable is concerned, policies of government, access for an

20
individual to relevant information, group pressure and institutional
arrangement have become important determinants in understanding
the character of political participation (Lipset:85-87).

A political party is a voluntary organisation joined by persons

more or less sharing common aims and objectives and seeking to gain
control of the governmental apparatus with a general view to
furthering them, (Maheshwari, 2007:143). Political parties are
responsible for maintaining a continuous link between the public and
those who represent them either in the government or in the
opposition. Political parties are nationalising agencies. It enables
people scattered all over the country to agree upon some common
principles and to work together in support of those principles. Party
system involves discipline. It not only brings order out of the chaos of
a multitude of voters, it trains the members themselves in loyalty and
consistency, (Kapur, 1996:645-651).

Modern society consists of large numbers of economic,

occupational, religious, possibly ethnic, and other groups in support
of educational and cultural activities. Thus there are inevitably
confrontation and relationship problems between these “interests” and
those of government and politics. Of course, not all groups have any
direct political mission but quite a number of them play an important
part and sometimes an indispensable part in political activity, (Kapur :
665).

Voting is considered as the simplest political activity which does

not require much information and motivation as do most other
political activities. Since vote determines who holds elective office, it
exerts a pressure upon the leaders and is called as the blunt
instrument of control over the government. Campaign activities
require much initiative and have more collective effect upon decision
making process than voting. Membership as the political party or
voluntary organisation is the co-operative mode of political
participation. This mode of participation requires much initiative on

21
the part of citizens. Contesting election is considered as the highest
and most serious form of political participation than other modes of
political participation. Protest activities, such as marches, rallies etc.
are called as unconventional method of political participation, (Jharta:
15-16).

Without the peoples’ participation federalism cannot succeed.

There is need to decentralize powers and responsibilities at the
grassroots level for the success of the formal democracy. The
introduction of Panchayati Raj System was logical step towards
integration of the concept of people’s participation in the formal way,
with the planning process on the one hand and devolution of the
responsibility to the people for the development of their own area, on
the other. Peoples’ participation focuses on the participation of the
people at the grassroots level development decision making process
particularly in formulation and implementation of the local
development programme, monitoring and evaluation. Public
participation is integral to the very process of community understand
its problem; realize its responsibilities and maintains a constant and
intelligent vigilance of local administration, (Kaur, 2012:67-69).

Development is not complete without women. Sometimes

development process marginalizes majority of the women and
alienates them from the mainstream. Real democracy is impossible if
the question of gender equality is not regarded as one of the
constitutive element of participation, universal suffrage, separation of
powers and accountability. It needs full participation of the women in
the decision making process, viz, planning, formulation,
implementation and sharing equally the benefits of the development.

Democratic Decentralization and Local Government

Decentralization is necessary for successful democracy. It

increases participation of the people in the process of national
development. Decentralization is one of the techniques of
administration reforms for democracy and development is one of the

22
global agenda. Decentralisation is a prime mechanism through which
democracy becomes truly representative and responsive. Democracy
as a form of government signifies the empowerment of the people.
Decentralisation refers to the transfer of authority from higher level of
the government to the lower level. It is a concept of power sharing or a
method embracing both process of de- concentration and devaluation.
Decentralization involves not just the articulation of rights and
responsibilities of local bodies, but also those of the state government,
(Lata in Singh, 2005:231).

Decentralization is generally defined as a process whereby

administrative authority, public resources and responsibilities are
developed and delegated from central or state government agencies to
the lower level institutions. The fundamental basis of democracy is
decentralization of powers and association of people at all possible
level in the organisation and management of the civil and political
affairs. The term ‘decentralization’ refers to a process of gradual
devolution or transfer of decision making powers, functions and
resources to the lower level of democratically elected bodies, (Kumar,
2006:13).

Decentralization facilitate greater participation in the local

political-economic affairs that improve the quality and develops
communicative understanding and cooperation between public
officials and citizens that help in creating an atmosphere conducive
for sustainable development, (Sahay in Barik & Sahoo, 2009:104).

Decentralisation is recognised as largely positive aspects of

political development. It is one of the few development concepts that
have found supporters within different ideologies. It finds support
within the Neo-Liberal School because of the latter’s emphasis on
dilution of central state within authority and control, while the same
time it finds supporters more Leftist–Marxist thought because of its
inherent potential to distribute power away from the elite and to
include the centralised, bureaucracy-dependent system of the

23
planning and implementation has failed to deliver to much of the
developing world, as well as fact that common citizens should have a
say in the decisions that affect their lives, has brought
decentralisation centre stage within the development discourse, (Biju,
2008:1).

In the mid-60s the concept of democratic decentralization

gained special importance in the developing countries. The prime
motive was to ensure people’s participation in the activities of the local
self-government at the grassroots level .The idea behind it was that
those whose interests were affected by decisions ought to take part in
decision making, (Chakraborty : 37).

Democratic decentralization is one of the media of people

participation. Democratic decentralization is generally refers to a
situation transferring authority from the national level to any
organisation or agency at the sub –national level for making plans,
taking decisions and managing public functions at their level,
(Bhatt,2010:18). Democratic decentralisation can be defined as a
meaningful authority developed to a local units of governance that are
accessible and accountable to the local citizenry, who enjoys political
rights and liberty, (Barik & Sahoo: 2). In the rural context, arguments
encouraging democratic decentralisation are often associated with
improvements in public accountability, environmental sustainability
and the empowerment of rural people. The purpose of the
decentralization is to provide a larger greater and closer association of
the people with local administration and recognise their rights. In
addition to this democratic decentralisation increases the scope for
active participation of the people and provide a fair chance to
influence decision-making in matters that affect their lives and it
institutionalized the participation of the citizens and exchange of
information. However decentralization is not an end in itself, but it
depends on the circumstances under which decentralization occurs,
(Joshi & Narwani, 2002:12). Democratic decentralization has three

24
components-political, administrative and fiscal. Political
decentralisation transfer policy and legislative powers from central
government to the autonomous lower level assemblies and local
councils that have been democratically elected by their constituencies.

Administrative decentralisation places planning and

implementation responsibility in hands of locally situated civil
servants and are under the jurisdiction of elected local governments.
Fiscal decentralisation accords substantial revenue and expenditure
authority to intermediate and local governments. If these components
are implemented faithfully; visible impact on all the aspects of the
national development can be facilitated. Democratic decentralisation
is a political idea and local government is its emancipation. The
institutional expression of the policy of the decentralisation in India is
identified with Local government i.e. Panchayati Raj, (Biju: 4).
Decentralisation and Local government are central issues in India
today. In the last six decades, India has travelled a long road towards
decentralization especially through institutions of local self-
government. Decentralization became important after independence,
from the point of view of the twin objectives of the Indian polity system
namely democracy and development. In terms of the sharing at the
decision making authority with lower level in the organisation should
be understood in the context of the institutional framework of decision
making power at different levels. Various programmes and
institutional schemes were introduced under the name of the
decentralisation to achieve this goal. Therefore democratic
decentralisation may be understood as the empowerment of local
people through the empowerment of local government. Local
government is the best place where people can get opportunity to
participate in making their own decision in the matters involving local
affairs. Local government is an integral part of the five tier system of
government. At the apex it is the supranational agency like United
Nation which is purely voluntary in character and which lays down a
Code of Conduct and behaviour in regard to the relations between the

25
sovereign members. The second tier falling below it is the regional
grouping like the European Union, The South Asian Association of
Regional Corporation (SAARC) etc. The third tier comprises individual
national governments functioning in accordance with their national
constitutions. The constituent units which are called states or
provinces form the fourth tier. The fifth and bottom tier is the local
government, constituted by state enactments and functions within
limited jurisdiction as provided by various statutes, (Maheswari,
2012:3).

Local government is a government unit of local areas. It is a

public organisation authorised to decide and administer a limited
range of public policies within a relatively small territory, which is a
subdivision of a national government. On the other hand ‘Local Self
Government’ is the representative body, elected by the local electorals
for a particular period. It may be defined as the government of the
elected local bodies entrusted with administrative and executive
duties in matters concerning the inhabitants of a particular locality
and vested with the powers to levy taxes and make –laws for their
functioning. It is the best place where the people can get opportunity
to participate in making their own decision in matters involving the
local affairs, (Kumar, 2009:13-14). It may be described as
administrative and executive duties in matters concerning the
inhabitants of a particular place and vested with powers to make by
laws for their guidance. Local government may be defined as an
authority to determine and executive measures within restricted area
or inside and smaller than the whole state, (Singh, 1997:1).

According to John J. Clarke, “Local Government appears to be

that part of the government of a nation or state which deals mainly
with those matters as concern the inhabitants of particular district or
place”. According to Michall Keating, “Local Government is seen as an
association of the individuals choosing to govern their own affairs,

26
defining their boundaries and negotiating their powers’’, (Quoted in
Singh: 2).

Local Government by applying local knowledge to local problems

prepares the way to understand them. Central government is not
equipped to grasp the inimitable condition of each locality. Locally
elected institutions employing their own specialist staff is better
placed to understand and interpret both the condition and the needs
of local communities. The primary objective of the Local Government
is to provide certain civic amenities to the people at their door steps.
These are health, education, economic and other welfare services. The
provisions of these amenities to ensured good living of the local
community. Besides providing the services; a strong local government
prevents unnecessary increase in the powers of bureaucracy over the
community, (Sachdeva, 1993:3)

Local government is concerned with the overall development of

the people living in a particular area or area itself. Every activity of a
local government unit is an apparent to development. The success or
failure of the development at the local level depends upon the active
participation of the local people. Local government is the integral part
and strength of a nation. A nation may establish a system of free
government but without local institutions it can’t have the spirit of
liberty. It is fact that system of democratic form of government for its
success requires local self-governing institutions. Further, local
government serves as an admirable training ground for the politicians
to function at the state and central levels and also ensures two-way
communication between state government and itself, (Maheshwari:7).

The importance of the local government lies in sustaining the

democracy. If democracy has to function properly as many as citizens
as possible should be encouraged and provided with the opportunities
to take a continuing interest in its activities. Mahatma Gandhi said,”
The democracy could not be work out by some men sitting at the top.
It has to be worked from below by the people of every village”. To

27
ensure the participation of the people, there is need to establish a
local self-government both in the urban and rural areas, (Singh,
2003:80).

Inaugurating the first Local Self-Government Ministers

Conference (India) in 1948, the Prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru,
observed: “Local Self Government is and must be the basis of any true
system of democracy. We have got rather into the habit of thinking of
democracy at the top and not so much below. Democracy at the top
may not be a success unless you build on this foundation from
below”. It is only through local government that self-government
become real. To put it in the words of Bryce, “the best school of
democracy and the best guarantee for its success is the practice of
self-government”, (Kapur: 695). Gandhiji’s vision democracy through
people’s participation could be ensured only by way of Village Swaraj.
He said “My idea of village swaraj is a complete of its neighbours for
its own vital wants and yet interdependent for many others in which
dependence is a necessity”, (Quoted in Datta, 2006:28).

The relation between centre and local government was always

unitary and never federal before the constitutional status to the local
bodies. In the federal government the local governments are assigned
to the states for all practical purposes it is the state legislature which
enacts law for their creation and exercises control of various nature
over these bodies. In India the constitution provides for only three
types of lists of subjects namely the Union List, the State List and
Concurrent List. The subject of local government forms part of the
State List, (Singh, 1991:7-8). The 73rd Amendment Act, 1993 removes
all lacunas. It clearly defines Gram Sabha, Gram Panchayat,
Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad etc. This New Panchati Raj
System (NPRS) has provided a common forum for social economic,
political and legal advancement of the rural women. Women
participation in PRIs implies participation in the process of decision
making, implementation and evaluation. The last 20 years of

28
Pancayati Raj in India have seen women go from strength to strength
in terms of their political participation but still there is a major gap
between numerical and effective political participation.

Reviews of Literature

Review of literature is an important exercise to understand the

problem to be analysed. In case of the present problem effort has been
made to review the existing literature on different aspects related to
the problem. Various books, reports, research studies have been
reviewed objectively from different angles related to the present study.
Further the objective of the review is to find the gaps between existing
literature and the purposed study. Focus is on the basis of review to
fulfil the gaps as far as possible.

Books

Goel, Madan Lal (1974), ‘Political Participation in Developing

Nations’ the work reveals that as compare to the men, the women are
less involved in the Indian politics. They take least interest in political
discussions and attend less public meetings. They have modest
influence in the pronouncement as compare to men. Their voting
percentage is not as much as of men. Voting according to gender
difference turnout is sharp among illiterate and among those who
reside in the rural areas. Community wise the Muslim women vote
less than the other communities. Only a few educated women feel
convinced about influencing the government policies.

Palmer, N.D. (1976), in ‘Election and Political Development:

South Asian Experience’ state that vigorous participation by all
citizens is essential for corroboration of the existing political system.
He considers that citizen’s active contribution in political affairs in
democracy is crucial and indispensable; it certifies the legitimacy of
the system and also strengthens the democratic system. However, the
author has evaluated vigorous participation by the entire citizen in

29
general but devoid of full participation by women segment which is
one half of the total voters, the active participation can’t be judged.

Lima, Hazel D. (1983) in ‘Women in Local Government: A study

of Maharashtra’, has observed an assortment of facet associated with
the women representatives in the rural local government. She has
evaluated the social political attitude of the women representatives,
their social background and their responsibility as the women
representatives. In the end she concluded that generally women in
politics belonged to the higher castes or with the better economical
class. There are also women who are active in politics because of the
male family members involved in the political activities.

Mishra, S.N. (1984), this configuration is about the

‘Participation and Development’ which has been depicted about the
peoples’ participation and their development. It is about the opinion
that the most significant challenges which India is experiencing about
the achievement of social political and economic development with the
social justice. Development is very elusive concept. In a technical
sense development refers to the qualitative and structural changes in
the state of economy. According to the author political participation
implies with the participation of the various sections of the citizens of
India in politics. People’s participation can give rise to a socio political
system that is more conducive for the attainment of the economic
development along with a greater degree of social justice. The main
inference of the author is about the participation of people in the
politics, which is very important for the development of the society.

Bava Noorjahan (1984), in the book ‘People Participation in

Development Administration in India’ has felt that for the development
of the country people's participation is very inevitable. The first
chapter deals with the theoretical operation of the three key concepts
of the study: namely development, development administration and
people’s participation in the development administration and the
survey of the literature on the research problem. The second chapter

30
is regarding the conceptual framework, in which he dealt with
different aspects such as theoretical and operational definitions of the
people’s participation. The objective of the author is to analyze the
concept of citizen's participation and to measure it through the
statistical techniques. Further the author analysed the participation of
farmers in development process, i.e., in the planning, implementation
and evaluation phases of the decision making process at different
stages.

Maheshwari, S.R. (1984), in his book, ‘Local Government in

India’ has discussed the institution of local government. Author has
divided this book in to three chapters, in the first chapter he briefly
described concept of local government. In the second chapter of the
book he explained the history of the local government in India. In the
third chapter he explained how it originated in India and how it
evolved in the country. In this chapter author has described the local
Institutions during British government and he discussed the
development of local institutions after the Independence. Further in
the chapter he also described the Community Development
Programme (CDP) and type of Panchayati Raj in India. He also
discussed its failure to achieve the goals of the rural development.
Besides this he mentioned the Balwant Rai Mehta committee and
dealt with the suggestions made by him and establishment of PRI's in
some of the states.

Sharma, Shakuntala (1994), ‘Grass-root Politics and

Panchayati Raj’ It is divulged in this study that in Himachal Pradesh
the women are members of Panchayats because of the statutory
provision of the co-option. It was found on enquiry that not even a
single woman is a member of Panchayat by virtue of her victory in the
elections. Women do not play any active part in Panchayat politics.
They are taken for granted and they do not attend Panchayat
meetings. Their signatures are obtained later on.

31
 Kaushik, Susheela (1995), it is calculated about the
‘Panchayati Raj in action: Challenges in Women Role’ reported that
the 73rd Constitutional Amendment has assured the representation of
women in elections in all the three tiers of PRIs through the provision
of one-third reservation. In several states, the reserved quota and the
participation of women went beyond their expectations. However, the
panchayats have not become any more sensitive to the problems
related to the rural women. Formulating and implementing women
orienting policies and schemes are unsatisfactory and inadequate.

Giri, V. Mohini (1995), it aspired about, ‘Women and Politics

‘which convinced that the historical 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendments are empowering women to participate in the grass root
democracy have not only strengthen the democratic institutions but
also reduced disparity. She further described that political parties
have not encouraged enough representation to the women. This is the
main reason for low development and their under representation in
the political decision making.

Mishra, S. N. (1996), ‘New Panchayati Raj in Action’, revealed

that the participation of the women in PRIs increased due to the
reservations. Though this increase in participation may be due to the
Seventy-Third Constitution Amendment, yet it has brought a new
wave of enthusiasm amongst them. Many women of younger
generation have been elected to the various posts in the local bodies.
However, at the Gram Panchayat level, it was disheartening to note
that the position of women has not improved much. The domination of
the males still persists. By and large, all work relating to the PRIs is
being performed by the husbands or sons of the female sarpanches.
Most of the women sarpanches have contested the election for the first
time and in many cases, they have done so, because the seats were
reserved for the women candidates.

Vidya, K.C. (1997), in the book ‘Political Empowerment of

Women’ described the role of the women in Panchayati Raj

32
Institutions and political life. In the study she specifically examined
the women representation in Panchayati Raj Institutions in India
further in the state of Karnataka. She has analysed the emerging
pattern of the women leadership, their effective participation and their
influence in the decision making process with their impact on the
overall development of the women especially in the rural areas. This
study tends to prove certain pertinent issues such as, how Panchayati
Raj Institutions can serve the cause of the women development and
how to make the role of women effective in these institutions. Author
also analyzed the structural and functional aspects of Zila parishad,
Panchayat Samitis and Mandal Panchats, socio-economic and political
background of the women members of Gram Panchayats, the
emerging pattern of women leadership in the process. Author
examined the role of the women members involved themselves in the
working of these institutions of the PRI from the participation
perspective. This book discloses many social, economic constrain on
the part of women in their functioning in the Panchayati Raj bodies.
She has also described the women position in Greek, Roman Empire,
and Western Europe and in the developed and developing countries.

Bohra, O.P. (1997), ‘Women in Decentralized Democracy’,

stated that 73rd Amendment Act primarily aimed at decentralizing the
power and also empowering the women and balancing the bias in the
institution of local self-government. He justified reservations for the
following reasons: intention of the policy matter, Seventy Third
Constitutional Amendment actually aims for the shared perception of
justice, deprivation and oppression, affirmative action will build a
critical mass of the local leadership of such groups, which will be
active participants in the strategic decision making and collective
empowerment through the representation of democratic process which
will give them a voice, a feeling of solidarity and democratic politics.

Jharta, Bhavna (1998), in the book ‘Women and Politics in

India’, has analysed the impact of family and education on women’s

33
proportion in politics. According to the author, family and education
are the two major determinants in the political participation of
women. These two variables act as both booster as well as hindrances
in their participation in politics. The book sought to explore how and
to what extent these variable affect the nature and scope of women’s
participation in politics that has determined the variation in their
participatory level. The author has suggested that there is a direct
need to replace the traditional value system that is based on the
inequality of sex due to gender disparity, while woman play a
subordinate role.

Singh Sahib and Swinder Singh (2000), in their book ‘Local

Government in India’ has described local government as very
important aspect of the political and administrative set up of India. In
this book the authors have briefly described the importance of the
local government for the country. They also analysed the urban
government and urban challenges in this book. Briefly book deals with
the 73rd Amendment Act. In the last chapter of the book they have
dealt with the concept of urban local government and briefly explained
its related 74th Amendment 1992.

Banu, Zenab (2001), in her book, ‘Tribal Women Empowerment

and Gender Issues’ has described the condition of tribal women in
India especially in Rajasthan state. She opines that in all the societies
there is difference between male and female on the basis of social
factor. She tried to analyse the effect of this discrimination on the
overall society. On the basis of these disparities males are more
powerful and they use this power to exploit the female. Author on the
basis of her experience came to the conclusion that, the tribal society
is very different from the other societies. She dealt with the 73rd
Amendment which has empowered women, but they have become
victims of the inefficiency because of their illiteracy and economical,
social status. At last she concluded that though women suffer
termination, harassment today but after this transitional period, the

34
corridors of Panchayati Raj they will empower them very soon. The
author feels that these women are passing through the stage of
transition in terms of wielding the powers given by New Panchayat Raj
Act. In fact, the centre and states have not been truly honest in
empowering the grass root bodies in country especially in terms of the
devolution of administrative and financial powers.

Bakshi, S.R. (2002), ‘Empowerment of Women and Politics of

Reservation’, the author in the present work has dealt with the theory
and practice in the field of the women empowerment. In the beginning
his focus is on the various aspects of the development theories e.g.
modernization, dependency, world system theory. After giving these
theories he has also analysed them critically, alongwith the
development of the women empowerment efforts of the international
agencies. He also highlighted the weakness of international
organizations to taking the interest of the women in effective manner.
In the second chapter, the process of empowerment has been
analysed from different angles in different societies such as U.S.A and
the developing countries further it is the stressed that empowerment
is multi-dimensional concept and it has negative implication also. It
would lead to more pressure on the women and sometimes it brings
deviations in social systems also. Focus of the third chapter of the
book is on the pre and post-independence developments in the field of
women development in India. Author opined that in the nineteenth
century focus was on the social development of the women and in
1920s during the Gandhi era woman provided an opportunity to take
part in extra familial and man activities, giving them a sense of power
and a new self-image. During the post-independence period on the
basis of the information author drew the conclusion that the
organizations came into existence women membership is confined to
the elite of the society and their functions are confined to the new
fields related to woman. In the next chapter, author tried to bring
explore the situation of the woman empowerment in the rural areas in
the third world countries on the basis of figures. After analyzing the

35
theoretical aspect, he further discussed the women’s union and
struggles for solidarity. In the last of the chapter after his pragmatic
experience he came to the conclusion that unions like Self
Employment Women Association (SEWA) are very important and bring
solidarity in the women empowerment movement. No doubt the book
is an extensive effort in the field of women empowerment. After the
constitutional measures for the woman empowerment in local bodies
for the last nine years the author has not done justice with this field.
Besides the fact these are of the landmarks in this field.

Pandey, A.K. (2002), ‘Emerging Issues in Empowerment of

women’. Present book covers different issues horizontally as well as
vertically. Author has made an effort to study and analyse the role of
international agencies as well as women plight in the different
countries of the world also has been discussed. At the national level
author has made an endeavour to discuss the various programmes
taken by the government since independence. Community
Development Programme to Integrated Rural Development Programme
(CDP to IRDP) and these programmes has been studied. He focused on
special development programmes from the fifth Five Year Plan that
has been focused on the women and children issues. The author time
and again stressed on the need of the women development for the
overall development of the society. Besides these aspects he has
visualized the future also and proposed better education and better
working conditions for the genuine empowerment of the women
besides the reservation in the local institutions for the woman. Women
failed to perform their assigned role due to our cultural practices. On
the basis of the perusal detailed study of the book, author's inference
regarding the empowerment is that empowerment in any society
cannot be trusted, it should be given practical shape. When there is
psychological, social, cultural, economic and political change in the
society; automatically woman would be empowered inclusively.
Besides the extensive study of literature and efforts of the
empowerment author has given scanty picture of the empowerment

36
and local bodies since this is one of the important aspect of the
women and down trodden's empowerment.

Malik, S. S. (2002), in this study, ‘New Panchayti Raj’: ‘Rural

Transformation in the State of Haryana’ it is established that the 40
percent leaders are women in grassroots institutions. The study
specified that the percentage is elevated than the reserved seat which
means that the women members have been elected on general seats
as well. The pervasiveness of one third women members in the
meetings of the Panchayats at all the levels is the noteworthy
alteration in the socio-political environment of rural power structure.
Their presence in the meetings may influence the decision making
process of these bodies. Thus, reservation has conked out the male
dominance over PRIs.

Barthwal, Dr. C.P. (2003), ‘Understanding Local Self

Government’. Present study is a study of the systems of the local
governments of the four countries: Britain, France, U.S.A. and India.
In the beginning author tried to give a general picture of the local
government. He opined that local government is one of the most
important tier of the Government in democratic or undemocratic
systems. In some of the societies it is known as the local government
because it lacks representative element, while in the others local
institutions are managed by the representatives of the people and are
called local self-government institutions. In the field of the finance,
local bodies have their own resources, grants and aids from centre
and states etc. and they perform functions of the local importance and
work as laboratories for the higher echelons of the democratic
institutions. Further in this book author has discussed the local
bodies in three developed countries. Three countries have highly
developed democratic systems at the national level having different
forms of government; but all these countries having local government
systems, which are deep rooted in their societies, and working

37
successfully both in the urban and rural areas. In the last part of the
book author has taken the system of India since ancient times. In
ancient times village was the basic unit of the governance and it
remained so till the Britishers came to India. Britishers exploited India
and destroyed Indian local government. In 1892 the British
government made some efforts to develop local government in India.
But Indian local government remained in the poor stage. After the
independence government made some efforts to develop rural India.
But the results of these efforts were not satisfactory. Keeping in mind
the situation, after a long journey of the poor show ultimately two
amendments were passed in 1993 to provide the constitutional status
to the local bodies. Last chapter of the book deals with local bodies in
Uttar Pradesh. This book has described the structural system of the
four countries. Basically the approach adopted in the book is
institutional and empirical aspect is very weak.

Mandal, Aman (2003) ‘Women in Panchayati Raj Institution’

has examined the nature and extent of participation of women
members in the panchayat process after statutory reservation of one
third seats in PRIs. The present study discloses that the elected
woman members of PRIs are not so much of the ‘elitist’ back ground.
Family obligations and domination not much deterring. Education,
age, religion, caste etc. have not significant bearing on womens’
participation. Right from the attendance to the participation in
Panchayat meetings, from performance in institutional process of
Panchyats to informal activities their performance seems encouraging
and adjuvant. The study observed that the working culture of
panchayats seems to have changed because of the presence of women.

Sharma, Manjusha (2003), in the study ‘Women’s Participation

in Gram Panchayat: A Case Study in Haryana’ examines the women
tendency of the contribution in the Gram Panchayats in qualitative
and quantitative context. The author concluded that participation and
competence edifying are the integral part of the woman empowerment.

38
(Women’s participation in Gram Panchayat, A case study in Haryana
in Singh, Shiv Raj et.al PPS Gill Chauhan and Sanjeev K Mahajan’s
(eds.) book Public Administration in New Millennium, New Delhi,
2003).

Agarwal, Meenu (2005), “Women towards Political Mobilisation

in Panchayati Raj Institution”, Women in large quantity will construct
Panchayats more efficiently, more honestly in disciplined as well as
responsible manner. It is the women who can inspire confidence and
motivate the social alteration especially among their sisters in rural
areas. In the Post-independence period several efforts have been made
to enlarge women’s political participation in India. One such effort is
33% reservation for women in Panchayati Raj. 2001 is the year of
empowerment for the women and it distinguished all over the world.
Empowerment comprises overall expansion in terms of education,
employment, legislative powers, decision-making power and health
awareness.

Empowerment of the women at the grass-roots level would be

deficient without prominence of the socio-economic barriers, which
still obstruct women and weaken them. Disabilities like illiteracy,
poverty, ignorance, lack of proper training, unemployment etc. are the
worst impediments of the women empowerment.

This is compulsory for the Empowerment of women which turn

worthless if their problems are not listened and so their conditions will
not improve. Democracy can really thrive if women are encouraged
and better conditions are sought and sincerely created to make them
work creatively and constructively.

Saxena, Parul (2005), in her study, ‘PRIs and Political

socialisation among Rural Women’ revealed that political
empowerment is a procedure that enables women to enlarge their
mobility and break their isolation, to develop their self-confidence and
self-image. Political empowerment means women’s representation in
formal political institutions. Women have also realised the corollary of

39
literacy and acquiring of more knowledge and awareness. The 73rd
Amendment has an empowering impact on the women. Despite the
constraints, they are playing an extremely important role, which
needs to be recognised. Training programmes for empowering the
women can weaken the barriers posed by the patriarchy, caste and
poverty. Author discussed that successful and effective women leaders
have opened up gates for a lot of women to come out as more
confident, creative and courageous persons. It may be a slow process
but there is a strong expectation and credence that the reality will
recover and will not be worse than the present. Women are now
beginning to understand the system and are aware of their own innate
strength and capabilities.

Ambedkar, S.N. and Shailaja Nagendra (2005), in their

hardback, ‘Women Empowerment and Panchayat Raj’ observed that
the election to the Panchayat Raj Institutions have brought rural
women to the fore. The affirmative action for SCs, STs and OBCs and
women in the local governance had edged social identities and
political awareness among them and created an urge among them to
become a part of the mainstream of political, economic and social life.
They also observed that majority of the women leaders of Panchayat
Raj approved that government policy for affirmation action for the
weaker sections of the society.

Biju, M.R. (2006), in his study on ‘Politics of Women’s

Reservation in India’ examines the women’s participation in the
Parliament, Legislature and Grassroots levels. He publicized that
Panchayat Raj Institutions are being misused by the predominately
male political members who keep the women away from meetings,
takes their signature at their residence before the meetings and
operate through dummy candidates. Lack of space for the
participation of political bodies has not only resulted in their presence
in meagre numbers by these decision making bodies but also in the
neglecting their issues and experiences in the policy making

40
 Singla, Pamela (2007), ‘Women’s Participation in Panchayati
Raj: Nature and Effectiveness’ depicted that discrimination against
women is one of the most pervading social phenomenon. Even though
women constitute half the world’s population; they are not equal
partners in decision making. The goal of women’s empowerment is not
just to change the hierarchical gender relations but also to change all
hierarchical relations in the society, class, caste, race and ethnic
relations. Women’s representation in policy-making bodies is vital
since it contributes to redefining political priorities by placing new
item on political agenda. The problems is more acute in the rural
areas as the institutions of local governance have traditionally been
male dominated. But the 73rd Constitutional Amendment has altered
this position to some extent. As a result of reservation of seats in
favour of the human, large number of them has came to occupy
decision-making positions in the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs).
Her study has clearly brought out that the elected women are
increasingly identifying with their new political role and are high on
the political aspiration too. Many of the inhibitors to their
participation are associated with the social system and attitudes. The
field data reveals a slow and steady trend towards women’s
empowerment, they lack education. Their capacity and capability
needs to be built up to enable them to play a significant role in the
decision-making.

Mehta, G.S. (2008), ‘Participation of Women In Panchayati Raj

system’, present study is based on the secondary data and
information collected from the women headed Gram panchayats and
Block panchayat, author attempted to examine the various issues
related to the implementation pattern of the reservation policy and its
awareness among rural women., nature of the socio-economic status
of the elected women, extent of participation of the women Pradhan
and members in different activities of the Block and Village
Panchayats in different stages of the implementation of development
programmes and welfare activities, and extent of the improvements

41
that have occurred in their socio-economic status and empowerment
after as elected as the representatives of PRIs. Author in his study find
that information regarding the village panchayat and ward which
identified as reserved for the women was not provided directly to the
local people. Further majority of the women were either motivated or
forced to contest the election of the Gram panchayat by their male
family members and most of the elected women members in
pachayats were the relatives and family members of the last Gram and
Nayaya panchayats. In the Block Panchayat picture was not different.
Women members used to attend the meetings accompanied by their
male family members. They were irregular in the participation of
meetings. It was highly visualised and no significant change occurred
in the women after becoming members of the PRIs. In the last authors
offers a few suggestions for improvement in the status and
empowerment of the women in the rural areas.

Bhatt, G.D. (2010), in the works, Panchayati Raj and Women

Leadership in India; A Case Study of Sikkim’ covenant with a
microanalysis of the women leadership in Panchayati Raj Institution
of Sikkim after the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. This study
reflects the procedure of political development and augmentation of
the democratic values in the intact state of Sikkim as far as Panchyati
Raj and Rural development is concerned. The author being the native
of the area on the basis of the participatory method opined that the
women of Sikkim who have been empowered by following their
participation in PRIs are the resultant of 73rd constitutional
Amendment Act. But the degree of the empowerment varies from tier
to tier and women to women according to their power position in PRIs.
The author has tried to emphasize the main object that is deficiency in
participation of the women leaders of Sikkim in the decision making
process. Primarily they are ignorant about their rights and duties.
Secondly their excessive involvement in house hold activities also
dominate the decision making process in the PRIs. The other factor
that deters women’s active participation in PRIs are psychological

42
factors they are reticent, submission and less educated. Features like
caste, creed, wealth and vested interest group did not have any direct
role in active participation of the women in PRIs in Sikkim.

Thakur, Mini (2010), ‘Women Empowerment through

Panchayati Raj Institution’ reveals that in the traditional societies,
even more than elsewhere, women’s empowerment does not occur
easily or overnight. Over the past decade, gender equality and
women’s empowerment have been explicitly recognised as key note not
only to the health of nations, but also to social and economic
development. The pairing of the two concepts of the women’s
empowerment and gender equality into Millennium Development
Goals declared by UNO implicitly recognizes that gender equality and
women’s empowerment are two sides of the same coin. The author
tries to study the problems and prospects of the women in the
changing rural, social and political system. The book “Women
empowerment through Panchayati Raj Institution” by Mini Thakur is
divided into seven chapters. The second chapter deals with the
importance and utility of the local self-government in general and PRIs
in democratic setup of a country.

Author cites some areas of development which are strictly local

in character and which require local knowledge, local initiative and
local action. She believes that participation of local people in those
institutions is must for the development. The author believes that the
basic idea behind the local government is to involve people in their
own development through the study of ten blocks of Samastipur
district. The author tried to reveal that reservation of seats for women
in PRIs has provided an opportunity for their formal involvement in
the development and political process at the grass root level and
enabled them to influence the decision making process in local
government. The author finds that after the implementation of the
73rd Constitutional Amendment Act political awareness has increased
in rural surroundings.

43
 In the end the author concluded that reservation for women in
Panchayati Raj Institutions have changed the political role of the
women of the rural environment and she further suggested that it
should be extended in Lok Sabha and Legislative Assemblies also so
that the political empowerment can be achieved to a large extent.

Kumari, Archana and R.K. Verma (2010), ‘Women Political

Leadership in India’ reveals that it has been a predominant
assumption that the position of women in our society cannot be
improved unless they seek power and have stay in decision making
process. Hence the issue of women political leadership becomes a
pertinent one in the present situation. The present book is compiled
with 40 papers which have been divided into five parts namely-
theorization, micro level, macro level, political empowerment and
mosaic issues like examinations in historical environmental and
literacy perspectives. The first part contains six papers which examine
the conceptual aspect of women political leadership. First paper finds
women political leadership as relevant’ phenomenon, second ‘breaking
the glass ceiling’, and third ‘need for consolidation of democracy’
fourth social capital and fifth as an instrument of ‘gender justice’. The
sixth article examines the concept of women political leadership in
three dimensions that is ‘emergence, nature and roles’.

The second part containing seven articles, examines the micro

level dimensions in context of PRIs, educational institution and
political participation at the grassroot level. There are three papers
devoted to the women political leadership in PRIs, which has
examined the emerging patterns, empowerment and dalit women. One
paper examines the women administrative leadership in a technical
institution which discard the family background as a factor. Two other
papers have examined the grassroots level women participation in
political sphere.

The third part of the book deals with the macro level of women’s
political leadership which contains four papers. Firstly it deals with

44
social texture at the macro level. Secondly it takes the world view and
finds the myth of gender equity. Third and fourth examine the
inhibiting factors and share of women political leadership in Bihar.
The biggest section of the book is part IV which contains 12 papers on
women political empowerment in varied context like growing
participation, voluntarism and social capital, information technology,
psychodynamics and politico-legal arrangements.

The last section of book is a mosaic of varied complexion of

women political leadership touching issue like – environment,
violence, voluntarism, dynastic to non- dynastic route and reflections
in literature.

Sheela, J. (2011), ‘A Glimpse on Women’s Entry into Political

Life’ in D. Pulla Rao, ‘Political Dimension of Women Empowerment’,
observed that since the Beijing Plat-form for Action was adopted in
1995, the global average for women’s participation in national politics
has gradually increased from 11.3 percent to almost 17 percent in
2006. Nineteen countries, half of them of the developing countries
have met the 30 percent target set in Beijing. In Rwanda, women
make up 49 percent of seats in both houses of Parliament, which is
the highest in the world. It is evident from the table that out of the 28
States of India, the percentage of women in the State Legislature is
comparatively high among the people of Delhi (13%), Tamil Nadu
(11%), Andhra Pradesh (9%), Himachal Pradesh (9%), Orissa (9%) and
West Bengal (9%). The percentage of women in the State Legislature of
Mizoram, Nagaland and Pondicherry is zero. The writer concludes that
for sustainable economic and social development to take place in any
country, it is necessary that women participate in the political
process.

Sangram, Rout Kumar (2011), ‘Understanding the Social

Status and the Political Reservation for Women in India’ in D. Pula
Rao ‘Women Empowerment Emerging Dimensions in 21st Century’
observed that during Rig Veda times women enjoyed a status of

45
equality with men and unsurpassed ever since. The position of women
deteriorated in the later period. During the British period some of the
social problems which attracted the attention of the British
administrators and social reformers were sati, infanticide, child
marriage, the prohibition of widow remarriage and the overall
deplorable status of the Indian women. Social problems and the
present context were discussed by the author along with the global
context. Political reservation for the women was discussed and it was
stated that efforts by the women themselves remain confined to the
urban metropolitan areas and to the urban, educated, upper and
upper middle class women. It was also mentioned that the activist
women have succeeded in moving the United Nations in favour of a
share for women in decision-making bodies all over the world. At the
behest of the same force, the 81st Amendment bill was coined in our
country. But it could not get through. The author feels that for the
purpose of ushering in a more egalitarian society, we should mould
the source of the political power. The political parties should conclude
that a legislation making is compulsory for the parties to make room
for the reservation in their policy where the formulating bodies should
be the first move.

Rao, D. Pulla (2011), ‘Women Empowerment Emerging

Dimensions in 21st Century’. Present book is a collection of the papers
in which an attempt has been made to address several issues
concerning the women. The author opines that the socio, economic
and political development and harmonious growth of a nation would
be possible only when women are considered as equal partners in the
progress with men. Women empowerment is multidimensional
approach and covers social, political and economic and social aspects.
Since independence, the Government of India has been making
various efforts to empower the women. The government has amended
the Constitution to incorporate clause enabling women to participate
in decision making process at all levels. Therefore, the understanding
of the women empowerment has become more important. This volume

46
goes on to effectively convey the deep understanding of issues
concerning women and also focuses on the conceptual methodology,
logical and policy related issues identified by the contributors. In this
book the contributors have discussed various educational, family,
economic, political and social factors those affect political
empowerment of the women and used various research methods such
as oral history, in depth interviews etc. This book is highly informative
and can be of great help to scholars of the social sciences.

Kaur, Dr. Davinderpal (2012), ‘Women in Panchayati Raj

Institutions’ is an attempt to analyse the local governance system and
understand various constraints and problems in the path of inclusion
and exclusion of rural elected women representatives from the district
of Punjab in the context of their political participation. She examined
the various issues related to the implementation pattern of the
reservation policy and its awareness among rural women, nature of
socio-economic status of the elected women, extent of participation of
women members of Gram Sabha and Village Panchayats. They also
analysed the implementation of the development programmes and
welfare activities to the extent of improvements that have occurred in
their socio-economic status and empowerment after elected as the
representatives as PRIs. She explores the participative aspects of the
women in particular and stand of government on the devolution of
powers to the rural local authorities and their role in these bodies in
border districts of Punjab in general. She further states that political
participation is not only a symbol of women’s development and
empowerment but it also creates further awareness and mobilizes
other women to be a part of the political arena to promote their social
interest and human rights.

Vats, Poonam (2012), ‘Political Participation and Attitudinal

Transformation of Rural Women’. Present study is about women
participation in democratic process of the country – spread of
education and advent of new mass media techniques, the womenfolk

47
are aware of the political scenario of the country amid its ramification.
She examines that the overall change in attitudes and perception, it is
most desirable and essential to make women educated because it
develops the personality and rationality of individuals, qualifies them
to fulfil certain economic, political and cultural functions thereby
improving their socio-economic status.

Kishore, N. Ratna and Hari Babu (2014), in ‘Constitutional

Measures for Women Empowerment in Grassroots Democracy’ opines
that women have denied their right and liberties by the male
dominated society for which their social economic and political status
has reminded relatively low. Politics for centuries has been considered
male prerogative because women were perceived as weak, passive and
locking in resistance. Although Panchayats have been in India since
the ancient time, but there was no place for women in these
institutions. After independence many committees emphasized the
role of the women in making the success of grassroots democracy.
73rd Constitutional Amendment Act provided or real basis for
bringing women into the power structure at the base i.e. the
Panchayati Raj. But the dominance of men persists because of
patriarchal culture, traditional outlook and low percentage of literacy
among women.

A large number of women in PRIs had to the formation of new

power structures in rural areas. But many parts of the country
women do not get favourable atmosphere in PRIs. Traditional outlook,
feudal values and low percentage of literacy obstruct women to
participate independently in the PRIs. At the end they suggested that
facilities must be strictly implemented like, the braining package has
to be more meaning but which imparts practical skill and have a
create platform that would act as pressure points to force powers that
brings about change in attitude and behavior of political and
bureaucratic executives towards women functionaries of PRIs.
Educations can also strength the Political Empowerment of Women.

48
 Kondru, Sudheer Kumar (2014), ‘Women Empowerment in
India Equal Rights, Equal Opportunities’ stated that women
Empowerment is most vital system to strengthen the future of women
in India. The status of women in India has been undergoing a sea
change. Supporting by Constitutional guarantees to ensure dignity
and equal opportunities, women active participation in all walks of life
including education and politics has been growing. Several laws
policies and programmes have also adopted to empower women
socially, economically and politically. Considering the role of rural
India, the country’s backbone, the government had taken several
measures to strengthen. Panchayati Raj System with active
participation of women. This gave a boost to increase the number of
women being elected to the Lok Sabha and state Assemblies, as
indication to suggest their political empowerment.

Report

Mehta, Balwant Rai Committee Report (1957), Committee

scrutinized the functioning of Community Development Projects (CDP)
and National Extension Service (NES) with an outlook of the economy
and efficiency. It was revealed that few of the local bodies are at a
higher level than the village Panchayat. They have not publicized any
inquisitiveness in this work and even the Panchayats have not shown
any concern into this field to any appreciable extent. Finally, the
growth thrives in utilising local initiatives, by escalating institutions,
in order to verify the constancy of such circumstances of the rural
areas. The committee report suggests a three tier system. These tiers
were - Gram Panchayat at the village level, Panchayat Samiti at the
Block level and Zila Parishad at the district level. The committee also
recommended that at least two women members should be included
in the Panchayats as co-opted members.

Articles

Mathew, George (1994), in his article “Women in Panchayati

Raj Beginning of Silent Revolution”, revealed that after 73rd

49
Constitutional Amendment Act, women had contested only for the
seats reserved for them and not for the general seats. Women who
contested elections were very often relatives of the political leaders.
Most of the women members did not even visited the Zila Panchayat
offices for attending the meeting. Occasionally, men escorted them
and accompanied them to the meeting hall and prompted them to
speak. If any women wished to raise any issue, she chose to speak
about it to the Adhyaksha after the meeting was over. Radically, after
a couple of years things have started changing.

Thakur, Savita & Dalip S. Thakur (1995), “Decision-Making

Power: A Micro Level Study in Himachal Pradesh”, have conducted a
study in Chowk, a village in Mandi district of Himachal Pradesh. They
studied the relationship between female work participation rates and
their decision making power. She has concluded that by becoming
economically independent the status of a woman is not elevated. The
authority of taking decisions remains under the domain of elders who
may be her husband or parents-in-law in the family irrespective of the
fact whether the family is joint or nuclear and the female is
economically independent or not . The reason for this can be
attributed to the fact that majority of the respondents in the study are
engaged in the family affairs and hence had no independent economic
status. Secondly, they have taken up jobs not only to become
economically independent but to supplement the incomes of their
families or just as their way of life.

Kanango, Sukla Deb (1996), “Panchayati Raj and Emerging

Women Leadership” revealed that women’s access into politics at the
grassroots level though reservation is certainly a positive development
but to make it work it needs sincere efforts from different quarters.
The framers of the legislation have to ensure that difficulties are not
created for the women as many discourage them from participating in
the pointed process. Panchayat women leaders themselves would need
support from other women to make the system work meaningfully.

50
Here different women’s organisation has an imperative role to play.
Finally, an educational process has to be initiated. It can be whether
formal or non-formal that can be a support to Panchayat women to
recognize their responsibility.

Mishra, Sweta (1997), “Women and 73rd Constitution

Amendment Act: A Critical Appraisal”, this has been scrutinize the
probable role of the women in the context of 73rd Constitution
Amendment Act. She observed that the reservation of seats for the
women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) provided them with an
opportunity to ventilate their grievances and also to take part in the
formal political arena which deals with social and economic problems.

Sharma, K. (1998), in his article “Transformative Politics:

Dimensions of Women’s Participation in Panchayati Raj”, has
examined the various dimensions of women’s participation in PRIs.
The author argued that 73rd Constitutional Amendment has
precipitated significant changes in democratize process but women
must exceed the number game in order to achieve large goals. Author
further discussed that political power will remain meaningless until
discrimination is resolved. Therefore, the key issue rises whether
affirmative action will bring about the mandatory redistribution of
power and resources show that the status of women could be
enhanced and their welfare could be ensured.

Pai, Sudha (1998), “Pradhins in New Panchayats”, in the article

she observed that the impact of providing 33 percent of the seats to
the women on women’s participation has been differential. In the
states where the social status of the women has traditionally been
better and level of literacy, participation of the women in work and
even in local politics, women have been able to take advantage of new
measure. In other parts of the country where women’s position in the
family, society and participation in public affairs has traditionally
been low, the reservation measure has not produced much change.
Further her study shows that the reservation alone cannot change the

51
status of the women in the family and society, thereby ensure their
participation in local bodies unless there is change in the attitude of
the society.

Bhaskar, Manu (2000), in his article “Women Grassroot

Politics, Theoretical Issues and Social Concern of Kerala”. According to
him women have not been regarded as a part of the political arena
because of their incapability to participate in political activities due to
the several obstacles like family, employment, marriage, education
and social attitude. Participation of the women in politics is limited by
the traditional factors such as caste, class, religion and family status
etc. Participation of the women in PRIs has given women a
representation at the grassroot level but it does not bring any change
in the participation of the women at large or in general.

Buch, Nirmala (2001), “Panchayats and Women”, she

discussed about the development of Panchayati Raj Institution and
entry of women in PRIs. She discussed the Panchayati Raj Act and
examined the reports of the committees constituted by the centre and
state governments. The discussion reveals that women’s participation
in PRIs before 73rd Constitutional Amendment was only a couple of it
in number in many States namely Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab,
Rajasthan and West Bengal. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment
provided one-third reservation of seats to women. This Amendment
increased the women’s representation in Panchayati Raj Bodies in
many states.

The Post 73rd Amendment developments replicate Participation

of women in PRIs from all segments of the society involving women
from low socio-economic status, illiterates and young women. It has
been noted that despite all odd stacked against women, the post 73rd
Amendment panchayats have exposed emerging leadership of the
rural women and their adequate performance in panchayats.

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment not only enlarged the

involvement of the women at grass-root level but also played an

52
important role in the national politics. Because when the first Lok
Sabha Constituted in 1952 the percentage of the women membership
was less than 3 percent, but in 1996 it increase to 7.3 percent, in
1998, 7.8 percent and in 1999 the percentage increased but still not
attaining 10 percent.

Santha, E.K. (2001), in his study on “Political Participation of

Women and Panchayati Raj”, the author evaluated the three states i.e.
Haryana, Kerala and Tamilnadu. It was recommended that the
surpass performance of the elected women representatives is largely
dependent upon the social factors like literacy, education and the
tradition of social reform movement in that region. Patriarchal and
feudal values were found to be severe hurdles in the all the way of
development in rural areas and constraint the political participation of
the women.

Nambiar, Malini (2001), in “Making the Gram Sabha”, it is

observed that many elected women in the panchayats are not
informed or invited in the meetings and women are unable to raise
issues in the meetings of the panchayats in the existence of large
number of male elders. Local factionalism, party politics and the
attitude of not raising issues are the main reasons of their non-active
participation in the PRIs. Sakuntala Narasimhan reveals that though
many of the panchayat women are illiterate and poor and come from
backward communities, yet many of them have proved their mettle
and by their capability acclaim as the able administrators and many
of them who have come into panchayat administration are now
learning to assert themselves and participate in the decision-making
at the community level. Despite initial troubles, many of them are also
enthused enough to set their sights at more ambitious and increased
participation at the regional and national level too.

Poonacha, Veena (2001), “Feminist Theorising and Politics”, it

is observed that paradoxically, the 1990s also saw the enactment of
the 73rd and 74th Constitution Amendments aimed at progressive

53
devolution of powers to the local communities. Through these
enactments, more than one million women at the first time in the
history enjoyed political power within local communities and yet,
despite the achievement of these experiments the women’s movement
has not been able to congregate enough support to ensure that
passage of the 81st and 84th Amendments through which women
could gain the right of representation in the states Legislature and the
parliament.

Chakraborty, Lekha S. (2001), in the work “Gender bias in

South Asia” reveals that women are comparatively perceptible in local
governance in South Asia. Twenty percent members in local
governance are women. In the milieu of the 73rd and 74th
Constitutional Amendment in India, one third of the seats in
Panchayats are reserved for the women. Reservation of women has led
to recognized empowerment of the women in panchayats and
emergence of women leadership. It has formed an urge to become a
component of conventional political, economic and social life. In spite
of many social and cultural limitations, women have verified better
leaders than their male counterparts.

Datta, Prabhat (2001), in the article “Women in Panchayats”

depicted that women constitute approximately half of the world’s
population. But they are the largest excluded category in almost all
respects of life. It is stated that the issue of women’s participation in
politics commenced to assume special importance only since 1975
when the United Nations declared the decade as the ‘Women
Development Decade’ and adopted some resolutions for the
empowerment of the women.

The author publicized that in India the Seventy Third

Amendment of the Constitution may be regarded as a watershed
development in the history of the state initiatives in regard to the
empowerment of the rural women. Earlier, women were generally
viewed as entity of development only. But this Amendment made

54
women the subject of expansion and an indispensable part in the
decision making process.

Author conferred the conclusion of some studies and research

in order to scrutinize social background and the position and
performance of women elected to various tiers in panchayats. The
research carried out by the Institute of social sciences in 1987-1990
in Karnataka revealed that long-ago most of the women did not visit
Zila Parishad offices except when the meetings were held. And if any
women aspired to elevate any issue she chose to speak about it to the
Chairperson or Vice-chairperson after the meeting was over. But
things began to modify and most women were found expressing
themselves in the meetings. The studies done by PRIs Act
(Participatory Research in Asia) on women in panchayats in a few
state including Rajsthan, Himachal Pradesh in 1995 noted the
remarkable performance of women as political leaders and they play
an important role in decision making process.

From the findings the author analyzed that the women members
were very serious about their duties and role performance

Subramanyam, K. Siva (2002), in his article, “Empowerment of

Women and Marginalized Groups in Panchayats” focused on the
significant achievement of the provisions of the 73rd Amendment Act
concerning reservation of seats and political offices in favour of women
and the disadvantaged section of the rural community. The 73rd
Amendment could be considered historic and very radical for the first
time in the history of independent India that as made mandatory
provision for the reservation of a minimum numbers of seats and
offices of chairpersons to women as well as to the marginalized section
of the rural community. Political empowerment would be meaningful
only if it is presided and accompanied by capacity building among the
women and the weaker sections of the Indian rural society.

Ghosh, Archana (2003), “Women’s Participation in CMC

Election 2001”, reported that reservation for women is improving the

55
participation of women in electoral politics at the grass root level. The
women nowadays not only contest women reserved seats but their
number has been amplified over the year against even unreserved
seats. The author found that gradually proxy syndrome among women
activists is diminishing. They are becoming independent and self-
reliant that is the consequence of accelerating the education level. He
further discussed that money; muscle power and criminalization
discourage women to opt politics as career.

Mathew, George (2003), in the article, “Enemies of Panchayati

Raj” pointed towards the indifference of State Govt. towards the PRIs.
The author laid forward many problems which are to be solved such
as exploitation of female, child labour, crime against women etc. It has
been shown that devoid of social consciousness and social action,
social legislation remains hollow and unfulfilled pledge. Further, the
issue nowadays is not about the participation of women in politics but
how far they have been able to improve their lot through participation,
significantly the author has drawn attention towards education, rights
and awareness among women which is essential equipment for the
success.

Nandal, Santosh (2003), in his article, “Reflections on New

Partnerships between Women and Local self-Government in India: A
Rural Revolution” reflects on strategies for women’s empowerment in
the light of the enactment of 73rd Constitutional Amendment. It begins
with the assumption that women’s empowerment implies with the
assumption that women’s empowerment implies progressive
elimination of gender disparities at the grassroots level. As such, a
perspective on women’s empowerment differs from ideas about
women’s development is primarily a socio- economic concept. The
author also offers suggestions for increasing women’s effectiveness in
local government and closes with an evaluation of the last ten years of
the manifestations of the Constitutional Amendment in Haryana state.

56
 Pal, Mahi (2004), “Panchyati Raj and Rural Governance:
Experience of a Decade” analyse the main objectives of the 73rd
Amendment, which was to give certainty, continuity and strength to
the Panchayats. The experience of the functioning of the panchayats
reveals that while elections have been held regularly, barring a few
state, the states have been slow in developing power to the
Panchayats bodies. He argued that elections have been held in a
number of states for the second time and some State Finance
Commissions (SFCs) have also submitted the second report on the
Panchayat finances to the state governments and assessment of the
implementation of the Act and the functioning of Panchayats in order.
This study concludes that the demand side of the panchayati raj in
terms of asking for more power by panchayats is badly lacking, until
the political parties are prepared to accept effective decentralization as
one of the issues in the election manifestos. The panchayats will
remain at mercy of the central and state government even after
another amendment.

Deshmukh, Neelima (2005), “Women’s Empowerment through

Panchayati Raj Institutions”. In this work it is exposed that
Panchayati raj Institution has been proclaimed as the vehicle of socio-
economic transformation in rural India. He emphasized that women
involvement through PRIs is vital for local development, identification
of beneficiaries, decision making and proper implementation of
policies as they are established to more honest, committed and
transparent in contrast to men. Women’s equal participation in
decision making is not only a demand of democracy but can also be
seen as a indispensable circumstance for women’s interest to be taken
into account.

Gill, Rajesh (2006), “Empowering Women through Panchayats”

it is acquainted with the Empowerment of Women through
Panchayats. This analysed the representation of women in Panchayats
and their experiences. She pointed out that major hurdle is wide

57
extend use of corruption carried out among the male members and
local bureaucrats in implementation of politics and ensuring public
welfare schemes in veracity. Author further said beside this there are
so many issues affected the progression of participation and level of
performances in the Panchayati raj Institutions, but women
panchayat members in spite of all the stumbling blocks are trying
hard to make space for themselves in political arena. Efforts should be
directed towards all-round development of each and every section of
the Indian women by giving them their due share.

Pargunan, M. (2007), in article “Political Empowerment of

Women-An Illusion” it’s experiential that the empowerment of women
is one of the central issues in course of development of the countries
all over the world. The 73rd Amendment is a land mark in the history
of women political empowerment as women could now participate in
decision making and in political process in the country at the
grassroot level. He further revealed that lack of proper education and
indispensable orientation, social obligation, traditional control by
family members and commitment to household work serve as hurdle
for women’s efficient functioning in grass root politics but if given
sustain, resources and freedom, they will make the 73rd Constitution
Amendment fruitful.

Menon, Parvati (2008), “Success Stories, Some Setbacks”

emphasized that reservation of women in PRIs has yielded excellent
result throughout the country. She has drafted that in the state of
Maharashtra and Karnatka their representation is far greater than 33
percent in West Bengal. Self-help groups have also much contributed
in progression of women in states. It was felt that political
patronization of Self Help Groups have bound increase more in the
future due to emerging pattern of leadership among SHG members.
However author pointed out illiteracy in Andhra Pradesh and male
dominance in Kerala has a major hindrance in the way of women’s
participation in politics.

58
 Tiwari, Nupur (2008), “Women in Panchayati Raj” emphasised
that the traditional institutions have not specified space for women.
Many of the factors that hindered women in earlier system persist to
exist and arrange in rural areas. Author highlighted the problems
faced by women in panchayati Raj are such as no proper support from
government officials, problems of ‘Pradhan Pati’, No esteem for women
from administration, problem in implementation of plans and issues
related to funds. Author after 73rd Constitutional Amendment these
opportunities help the women to attest their momentous role in
development process. These are – 33% reservation in Panchayats, 10%
participating in national level discussions, to raise women issues in
panchayats and to take decisions in development of Panchayats.

Further author also suggested solutions to the problems which

women Panchayat members are facing. Some of the actions such as –
Raising funds, demonstrate that “we” are better than men, establish a
network of women Gram Panchayat members, boost the knowledge of
women members etc. These are reflected by author to activate the
elucidation recommended. Further author emphasis that training,
skills and guidance should be imparted to women members to
empower them in order to bring about changes in attitudes and
behaviour of political bureaucratic executives towards the women
functionaries of PRIs.

Tondon, Aditi (2008), in her article “Finding no Better in H. P.”

scrutinizes that in Gujrat and Himachal Pradesh the 33 percent
reservation for women in PRIs have not shown the expected results.
The study conducted by the centre for social research proves that lack
of skills and access to information are hampering the performance
women in PRIs.

Ahmad, S., Waseem, Nilofer and Parveen Gazala (2008), in

their article “Women’s Political Participation and Changing of
Leadership Rural Area of U.P.” have explored women’s participation
and varying pattern of leadership in general and rural areas of U.P.

59
They also discussed the importance of 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendment and emphasized on the importance of the Panchayati Raj
Institutions which bring governance closer to the people in general
and also to the women in particular. In their article they analysed that
the reservation only cannot resolve the problems, rather it creates
more problems. So the author’s gave stress to examine all aspects,
which affect the participation of women in political process.

Makwana, Ramesh H. (2009), “The Role and Crisis of Women

Leader of the Village Panchayat: Concern of Gujarat Women”. The
study has attempted to examine various issues related to the socio-
economic and political background of elected women of PRIs and their
participation in different stages and the exigent for improvement that
have occurred in their mobility, socio-economic status and
empowerment after representing the panchayats. The main findings of
the study show that majority of the women participate in Gram
panchayat for the first time and most of them are illiterate and they
have very less knowledge about Panchayati Raj Constitutional and
provisions. The study reveals that there was no support from district
and state level and also shows no respect towards women leaders. If
we scrutinize the performance of women members, it is analysed that
the local people are satisfied with the work of women sarpanch. The
main reason is that women sarpanch take keen interest in different
programme of rural development and they have laid notable role in
solving basic problems of the village. One of the significant finding of
study is that women sarpanch approved that they have revolutionized
their social-status.

Author was of the view that education opportunities, trainings,

awareness and mass media could play very effective role in
improvements of states, and also for the empowerment of women
leaders.

Khanna, Manuka (2009), “Political Participation of Women in

India” in his article enumerates the factors which have resulted in a

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wide gap between the ‘dejure’ and ‘defacto’ status of political
participation of women in India. The article has classified the factors
into three categories – psychological variable, socio-economic variable
and political variable.

The psychological variable replicates the degrees to which

citizen are concerned about politics and public affairs. The Author
emphasize that in India women have generally an apathetic attitude
towards politics. They are less interested in politics. They are less
involved in politics, to discuss politics and to attend public meetings.
In this perspective, women believe that politics is a ‘male domain’, ‘a
dirty game’. Women are associated with qualities like submissiveness,
impulsiveness, indiscipline and irrationality. While the qualities which
are important for political participation is rationality, self-discipline,
competition, universality. These are measured in abundance in the
males – This gender stereotype leads to the marginalisation of women
in political arena advice them to keep away from politics and play only
feminine role.

The Socio-economic variables which effect the participation of

women in politics include age, education, occupation, income,
religion, race, family background, residence etc. In general person
with higher education and higher socio-economic status have easier
access to politics than the uneducated and the person of lower status.
The women are discouraged from political participation due to social
and familial impediments.

The political variables which control the participation of women

in politics are the nature of state, stage of development, mode of
production, type of electoral system. The political parties prefer to give
tickets to the male conditions.

A significant aspect of participation is the casting of one’s vote.

Men usually do not encourage women to go out and vote. Women
themselves are also reluctant for voting since they have too many
household chores – thus women remain at the periphery of the power

61
structure. They lack the political consciousness that is needed to
formulate and implement the policies in accordance with the
aspirations of women.

Singh, Pal Ajit (2009), “Women’s Participation at Grassroots:

an Analysis” observed that women’s participation in political process
is very important for the reinforcement of democracy and for their
struggle against marginalization. However, their strong organisation
and representation change the prevailing political practices, the
nature, and content of debates in policy formulation and
implementation. It is noted that in Panchayats headed by women,
brought restoration as the health education and sanitary condition
have enhanced. He alsonoticed that reservation has increased
women’s number in local bodies, but their presence is only felt for
completing the quorum rather in decision making. Hence there is a
need to empower rural women to enhance their quality of
participation.

Chatterjee, Atonu (2011), “Women in Panchayats: A Review”

revealed that 73rd Constitutional Amendment ensured the entry of
women into rural local self-governing units i.e. panchayats, both as
members and functionaries. This amendment spelt a sea change in
the arena of women’s representation in PRIs. It brought in a total
departure from the erstwhile system of token nomination or co-option
of one or two women in panchayatsas advised by B.R Mehta
Committee (1957) and Ashok Mehta Committee (1978). At present
most of the states in India provide 33 percent reservation for women
in the PRIs. Besides this centre government and some state
governments wished to have more seats reserved for the women in
Panchayats. In this line on August 27, 2009 the Indian cabinet
approved a proposal for enhancing the reservation of directly elected
seats for women from one third to fifty percent in all the tiers of PRIs.
And it was the result of this Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya
Pradesh, Rajasthan, Kerala and Gujarat state made provision fifty

62
percent seats for women in PRIs. These reservations not only improve
the representation but also increased participation of women in Gram
Sabha Meetings and improve their communication skills. Now women
headed Panchayats generally take more interests in social welfare
programmes and negotiating social evils. Author further identified as
dual responsibilities, lack of security, lack of information and
knowledge about government programmes especially for women, lack
of exposure and experience are major hindrances in the path of
functioning of the women members and functionaries.

Cahtterjee, Madhushree Dasgupta (2013), “Political

Empowerment :Pathway to Inclusive Democracy” revealed that the
concept of Inclusive democracy stand for participation of all in the
democratic process and ensuring that no one should be left outside
that very process. The 73rd constitutional amendment act has played
a significant part in achieving the goal of inclusive democracy in India.
This act breaks through towards ensuring equal access and enhanced
participation of women in the inclusive democratic process through
their participation in the local government and greatly contributed to
the political empowerment of women. He further said that political
empowerment for women is regarded as a key driver for achieving the
goal of inclusive democracy. There are many success stories scattered
across India where a women achieved a position of authority and
responsibility realizing the goal of participatory democracy and
reservation of women in PRIs has been successful. Now women are
sitting on position of responsibility and authority, going outside to
inspect schools, monitoring development works under Central
Government sponsored schemes such as MNREGAS and attend the
meetings and projects for the development of the society. In the end
author concluded that although Indian women acquired voting rights
and the right to contest the elections from village level to the
parliament, but they still remain an un-empowered a lot. They work
as rubber stamp and their husband or family members works on
behalf of them but if a country aspires to be an inclusive democracy in

63
true sense it will have to empower its women belonging to different
strata of its society

Iyer, Lakshmi (2014), “The electoral participation of women”,

observed that India has a poor record on the treatment of women. The
United Nation ranked India 134thth out of 187 countries in its 2012
Gender Inequality Index. The 2011 population census of India shows
only 940 women per 1000 men and only 65 percent of women were
literate, compared to 82 percent of men, but on the other hand, India
also boasts of having the largest numbers of elected women
representatives in the world, It is all 73rd Panchayti Raj constitutional
amendment which provided one-third seats for women in grassroot
level. This is dramatic increase in the representation of women in
political office. Over the last three decades only 5.9 percent women
elected in Vidhan Sabha, because there is no quotas for women. In
her study she also compared crimes against women in each state
before and after the elections in the PRIs. She finds that crime against
women increased after political representation of women. It is the
result of 73rd amendment that women’s participation as voters has
increased dramatically. However, women’s representation in Lok
Sabha has increased poorly. She concluded that that key barrier to
women’s representation is their involvement in electoral politics as
candidates, and that demonstrated electoral success by women does
not spur entry by new candidates. Reservation, such as PRIs reforms,
are a step in the right direction but more needs to be done address
both political under –representation and the socio-economic
disadvantages faced by women in India.

Kumar, Dr. A. Ranjith (2015), in “Social Development via

People’s Participation” reveals that the establishment of Panchyati Raj
was seen as effort to decentralize power and to empower the ordinary
citizen to make his own choices and decision in local affairs and mater
affecting his daily life. Self-governing institutions at the local level are
essential for national growth and for effective participation of the

64
people. Grassroots democracy based on small units of government,
enables the people to feel sense of responsibility and to inculcate the
values of democracy.

Author further states that the 73rd Amendment of the

constitution of India has provided for the creation of the gram sabha
and thereby establish direct democracy. It enables the people to
participate in governance to achieve economic development and social
justice at the grassroots. If the members of gram sabha are to
participate effectively in the governance at the grassroot level, they
should have awareness about the gram sabha and its role and
responsibilities the organisation and finance of Panchayati Raj
institution, the control exercised over Panchayat Raj Institution and
the various developmental programmers available to the people.

At the end of the article author reveals that people don’t have
sufficient knowledge about Panchayati Raj Institutions and the
various development programmes implemented for the benefit of
people. The participation of the people in the Gram Sabha and Village
Panchayat is not satisfactory. The success of democratic
decentralization at the grassroots level depends wholly on the extent
of the participation in the grassroots governance.

Thakur, Dr. Devkanya (2015), in her article “Rajniti Mein

Himachali Mahila” stated that in the 16th Lok Sabha elections, a
record 66.4% voting was held for the first time in 2014 after 64.01% in
1984 Lok Sabha elections. In the current Lok Sabha 61 women
parliamentarian were elected which was the biggest number till date.
The representation of women in the present Lok Sabha is 11.2% and
there are 25% women representations in Council of Ministers. The
women have got many important portfolios in the cabinet. Prior to the
women were not given so important portfolios in the Council of
Ministers. No doubt the percentage for casting votes in elections by
women has increased considerably but the representation has not
increased in the same proportion. Till date three women have

65
represented the state of HP in Lok Sabha. But in Rajya Sabha their
representation is little better.

As far as casting of percentage of vote role share between men

and women is concerned, it is almost same in both Assembly and
Parliamentary elections. As far women participating in politics are
concerned, they belong to higher political families only. Women
belonging to common class always distanced themselves from the
politics. Panchayati Raj institutions, which are the first step for
democracy, can play an important role in attracting the women to join
politics. In this line Govt. of Himachal Pradesh as per HP Panchayati
Raj Amendment Act, 2008 provided 50 percent reservation for women
in the rural urban local bodies and it was the result of this that in
2011 election 58.30 percent and 50.54 percent women were elected as
members and Pradhan of Gram Panchayats. At the end of the article
author suggested that for the political empowerment of women,
women should develop positive attitudes towards politics and political
parties should give appropriate representation for women in the
politics. Beside this to develop positive thought and socio economic
and cultural change in our society can motivate the women for
political participation.

Extensive literature in the field of women representation in the

PRIs after Seventy Third Constitutional Amendment is available.
Academia focused on the issues in this field are : numerical strength
of the women representatives in the PRIs, their role performance in
the local bodies, evolution of the socio-economic, political and others
variable those prove impediments in the effective working of the
women representatives. Large number of the studies have been taken
up in the field of state politics but little effort is made co-related it
with the PRIs, women representation women issues. The Indian
political system is visualised through holistic approach. It is important
to consider the issue from the angle after Seventy Third Amendment
by which women have been given representation in the PRIs. India is

66
one of the country where more than one million women are political
representatives and participate in the PRIs; but in the State and
National Parliament their representation is restricted to approximately
ten percent. Difference reflects some draw backs in the system.
Women representation in the PRIs is a laudable step if the
representation is stagnant and does not facilitate the process of
channelizing the women representation in the higher level (State and
National). It is important to do anatomy of the issues related to the
women political empowerment. Existing data of the women
representation in the National Parliament, state Assemblies and PRIs
indicate the need of taking up the study in this field. Present study is
aimed to fill the gap between the existing literature and current issue
of the prospects of the women political empowerment. Himachal is one
of the developed state of the country Himachal Pradesh came in to
being on 15th April 1948 and it became full-fledged 18th state of the
Indian union on January 25th, 1971. For the administrative purposes,
presently the state has been divided into three administrative
divisions, twelve districts, 3243 Panchayats, seventy eight
development blocks and twelve Zila Parishads. In the context of
women political empowerment in PRIs in last election the total
percentage is sixty five percent but in the State Assembly the total
number of the women MLA is three and one Minister, while the
women voter turnout crossed the male voter turnout. Existing
situation provides favourable conditions to evaluate the process of
political empowerment and an endeavour would be made to provide
reasonable strategy to meet the problem of actualisation of the women
political empowerment.

After more than twenty years of introduction of ‘New Panchayati

Raj’ System in all the states, it is time to evaluate the effectiveness of
reservation for women in PRIs. After first election of PRIs under 73rd
amendment, six elections for the Parliament held till today (1996-
2014). In these elections the number of woman Parliamentarian has
not been exceed more than ten percent average. At the state level in

67
State Legislature also the position of women has not been changed
positively. In case of Himachal Pradesh where women voter turn-out is
above 60 percent in the last three election of PRIs and women
representation was 34% in 1995, 36% in 2000 and 38% in 2005 and
59% in 2010 but in the State Legislature their representation
remained less than 10% and all the women candidate belong to the
elite class of the society. In all the State Legislative elections since,
1998 average woman representation is five which is less than four
percent. This trend is held till today (1998-2012). In these elections
the number of women has not exceed more than four per cent
average. In case of Himachal Pradesh this trend indicates that
reservation at the grassroots level is still not able to enhance the
women’s political participation extensively.

Many empirical and theoretical studies have been taken up on

Panchayati Raj, Seventy Third Amendment, Parliament and the State
Legislatures. Hence the present study is aimed to fill the gap in
existing literature specifically in the fields of co-relating Panchayati
Raj as the medium to enhance the political participation for the State
Legislature and Parliamentary system.

Objective of the Study

 To develop better understanding about electoral turnout in

Legislative Assembly and Panchayati Raj elections to analyse
the voting pattern among women to further understand the
women political participation.

 To assess the effectiveness of participation in different political

process such as participation of the women in Gram Sabha
meetings. Further to assess the role of women-leaders of PRI’s
in the capacity of chairpersons, members of PRI’s in Himachal
Pradesh.

 To assess and analyse the socio-economic and political

condition and variables affecting women’s participation. The

68
 purpose is of analyzing the socio-economic profile is to
objectively evaluate the variables those play important role in
affecting the women leadership.

 To analyse the socio-economic and political profile of elected

women candidates of the State Legislature from (1998-2012)
whether the women from rural background gained something in
State legislature or not by women reservation in the PRIs.

 To review the women leadership pattern as well as to

understand the background gap between state leadership and
rural leadership.

 To investigate the issues related to the hurdles being faced by

women while participating in political process in rural local
bodies as well as in State Legislative election.

 To analyse the level of rural women participation in different

processes of State Assembly election such as attending the
meetings of the political parties, participation in the election
campaign, number of contest from area.

 To analyse the process of socio-economic change as variable

affecting the political change.

 To analyse the effectiveness of reservation for women in PRIs.

Research Questions

The objective of the proposed study is to evaluate effectiveness

of the women reservation at grassroots level as medium to ensure the
overall improvement in political participation of the women at all levels
e.g. voting, campaigning, contesting the various elections, holding the
various positions.

 What is the voter turnout in various election?

 Is there some variation in the voter turnout after 73rd

Amendment?

69
 Do the women confine their active participation in the PRI
elections?

 Do they aspire to become state leader or national leaders?

 What is their socio-economic profile?

 Do they belong to upper castes and class?

 Does the gender bias affect the participation?

 Who are women members of the State Legislative Assembly?

 What is their socio-economic profile?

 Do they belong to elite?

 Is there any difference in representation at the higher echelons

of power after 73rd Constitutional Amendment?

 Is there stagnation to the local level or political participation

enhanced as voters, campaigners, contestants and as member
in the state legislature the common women?

 How far political parties are concerned to equalize political

participation of the women?

Universe of the Study

The study is confined to the Himachal Pradesh State elections

alongwith effectiveness of New Panchayati Raj in Himachal Pradesh.
Universe of the study is Himachal. There are twelve districts in
Himachal Pradesh, out of these three districts Kinnaur, Mandi and
Una has been focused as primary units of the study.

Limitation of the Study

The study is limited in the time frame work as well as in sample.

Time period has been taken from 1993 to 2012. Rationale of taking up
this period is the focus of the study will be 73rd Constitutional
Amendment and its impact on the effectiveness of political
participation of women at various levels. Further the study is limited
to the socio-economic political profile of the women of the Himachal

70
Pradesh State Legislative Members. In case of PRIs out of 12 districts
the three districts has been taken as sample Kinnour, Mandi, and
Una. In three districts the women members of Zila Parishad, one
Block (Panchayat Samiti) from each district and three Panchayats
from each block has been taken.

Delimitation

In depth study has been taken of the selected sample. Every

aspect has been analysed by applying multi-dimensional approach.

Hypothesis

Under 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act reservation has been

given in the rural local government. But the women participation at
the grassroots level failed to prove nurseries for the growth of women
leaders for the state and national politics.

Sub-Hypotheses

Political parties are not really interested for enhancing political

participation of the women in the State Legislatures and the
Parliament.

Methodology

Keeping in mind the empirical nature of the study, it was

decided to conduct this study through survey method and field
investigation. The present study deals with women’s participation in
Panchayati Raj Institutions and its implications on Himachal Pradesh
politics, in which three districts has been taken i.e. Kinnaur, Mandi
and Una. This study is based on both the sources primary as well as
secondary. To understand in depth the historical, sociological,
economic aspects of the society the study is conducted on the basis of
historical, descriptive and analytical, anthropological method.

71
Sources of Data Collection

Primary Source

Keeping in mind the nature of study one common semi

structured dichotomous questionnaire was prepared. Questionnaire
was served to the elected women leaders of PRIs leaders and Gram
Sabha Members. Questionnaire was prepared keeping in the objective
of collecting the information regarding; (1) involvement in political and
ideological communication (2) expressive and verbal involvement
(3) non institutional practices of involvement (4)cognitive involvement
(5) influence on formation of opinions in small groups (6) institutional
practices of involvement (7) involvement motivated by a problematic
situation (8) electoral involvement etc.

Secondary Source

Secondary data was collected through content analysis. It

consists of analyzing the contents of document, material such as
books, magazine, newspapers, records, reports, historical document
and other sources of published information and contents of all their
verbal material which either was spoken or printed. Elected
legislatures profile also collected through secondary sources.

Data Analysis

The data which was collected has been tabulated under various
heads and coding and decoding was done accordingly. Content wise
analysis of responses was done on the basis of interview schedule. The
whole tabulation work has been done manually and percentage
method was used.

Sample and Sampling

Multi staged sampling method was adopted to select the sample.

At the grassroots level on the basis of purposive sampling method
three district has been selected Kinnaur, Mandi and Una. Out of three
districts on the basis of stratified sampling the Zila Parishad of each
district and Panchayat Samitis and Panchayats were selected. Further

72
on the basis of random sampling one block from all the three districts
and three panchayats from each block were selected and the Gram
Sabha of all these panchayats were also the part of the sample. Total
sample for the primary study was one hundred and fifteen elected
women leaders of the selected bodies and thirty five women from each
Gram Sabha on the basis of random sampling to understand the view
of the women folk in Himachal Pradesh society.

Chapterisation

Introduction.

Evolution of Panchayati Raj in India with Special Reference to

Himachal Pradesh.

Women Political Participation with Special Reference to

Himachal Pradesh.

Analytical Study of the Impact of Women Participation in the

Panchayati Raj Institutions and State Politics (HP).

Political Participation of Rural Women and Their Perception

Regarding Political Institutions and Role.

Conclusions, Inferences and Recommendations.

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 CHAPTER-II
EVOLUTION OF PANCHAYTI RAJ IN INDIA WITH
SPECIAL REFERENCE TO HIMACHAL PRADESH

This chapter has been divided into two parts. The first part of
the chapter is descriptive and analytical and the focus is on the
growth and development of Panchayati Raj in India. Second part of the
chapter deals with Himachal Pradesh specifically related to the
establishment of Panchayti Raj system.

Part-I

Growth and Development of Panchayati Raj in India

Democracy is among the different kinds of Government is

considered as one of the best forms of the government. It ensures
liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship, equality of
status and opportunity, fraternity as well as the right to participate in
the political decision-making. Participation of masses and control of
the governance by the people of the country is the essence of the
democracy. Effective participation is possible only when the powers of
the state are decentralized to the district, block and village levels (till
grassroot level). All the sections of the people can sit together, discuss
their problems and suggest solutions and plan, execute as well as
monitor the implementation of the programmes at the local level. It is
called the crux of the democratic decentralization. The Institutions
expression of democratic decentralisation in India is identified with
Panchayati Raj. The concept of the Panchayati Raj is a recent
phenomenon but there is a strong legendary and historical tradition
that village Panchayats have been in the country since the dawn of the
history and that they have outlived and survived all changes and
upheavals of time, (Bajpai & Verma, 1995: 1).

The village has always remained the most important unit of

social and economic life in the history of India. In the field of

75
governance the village was the primary unit in the ancient time.
Participation since ancient time village always had been the centre of
social, political activities. Hence the growth of the Panchayats from
the ancient times

The History of the Panchayati Raj in India can be divided in to

the following periods from the analytical point of view:

1. Ancient period

2. Medieval period

3. British period

4. Post-Independence period

Ancient Period

Ancient Indian period is said to have lasted till the end of the 7th
Century A.D. Most of the scholars who have studied this, these say
that India has sustained longest period of local government system in
the world, (Dey, 1961: 4-5).

During that period the village was the basic unit of the
government; whether the central authority was monarchical,
oligarchical or republican. In the words of A.S Altekar: “From most
ancient times, villages in India have been the axle of administration”,
(Altekar, 1948: 168). References to Indian village system are also
found in Vedic literature, in the Epics Ramayana and Mahabharata,
Manu Samriti, in the literature of Bhudisht and Jain and in the
Arthashashtra of Kautilya, (Bhatnagar, 1955: 12).

The term Grama (village) is frequently used in the Vedas.

Another source, the Jatak stories of the fourth and fifth century B.C.,
provide a good account of rural life in India, well illustrating that the
village, as already stated, was an important unit of administration
even in those days, (Samant, 1959: 1).

The importance of villages in Indian administration is

attributable to the fact that the vast majority of the Indian population

76
68.84 percent according to 2011 census lives in villages even now. It
is well established fact that since very ancient times to the beginning
of the 21st Century, not less than seventy percent of the population of
India lived in the villages. In the early Vedic times, the villagers
themselves managed the simple affairs of the village, but the states
being small, there was hardly any distinction between the central and
local government. Villages were completely self-governing. They were
practically free from central control, (Srivastva, 2011: 13). In the Vedic
period village administration was carried out under the village
headman. The headman of the village was known as the gramini or
grampal, (Maheshwari, 1963: 2). Gramini was appointed by the king
and performed various functions such as defence and collection of
taxes for the states, (Singla, 2007: 89). He was responsible for the
efficient governance of the village. The system was quiet transparent
because he could not work to his wishes: he had to run the village
administration according to the wishes of the Sabha (assembly), which
was composed of village elders. It was not a representative body. All
the villagers directly participated in the meetings of the Sabha. The
other popular institution during Vedic period was Samiti mention in
the last part of Rig Veda. “Samiti” has been used at various instances,
but after the Sabha. Samiti was folk assembly in which people all
tribes, communities, echelons gathers for transacting their business.
The king was bound by the will of these institutions, (Sharda, 2010:3-
5).

Thus the assembly system was common and worked effectively

during the Vedic age, from centre to the village level, the political
activities being a regulated by it. These institutions strengthened the
democratic instincts of ancient society.

Epic Era

The village institutions are more explicitly mentioned in the

great epics of the Ramayana and Mahabharat. The study of the
Ramayana indicates that administration was divided into two parts—

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‘Pur’ and ‘Janpad’ or city and village. Villages were ‘Janpada’. ‘Gram,’
‘Maha Gram’ and ‘Ghosh’ (village, big village and group of villages) are
mentioned in the Ramayana. ‘Pattan’ were towns near villages and
served as ‘Mandi’ or market for the villagers. ‘Shreni’ and ‘Nigam’ were
local bodies but no description has been given regarding their
constitution in the Ramayana. Even in the Ramcharit-Manas by
Tulsidas, the welfare of the people has been described as the main
object of the ruler. The system of the governance was divided into the
rule of the king (Raj-Tantra), the rule of the people (Praja-Tantra) and
the rule of the wise men (Vidvat-Tantra) or educated and
knowledgeable persons. In the whole of the state, there was also a
Caste Panchayat and one persons elected by the Caste Panchayat was
the member of the king’s council of Ministers. Thus, the king used to
take the advice of all the caste representatives who were also
ministers due to ex-officio position, (Joshi & Narwani, 2002: 21-22).

Mahabharta refers to a number of small tribes called Janapada.

The janapada were named the group of people or territorial units who
retained their own culture identity in matters of faith, custom, believe
and dialects. The system of governance was either republican or
monarchical.

Self-government of a village finds ample expression in the

‘Shanti Parva’ of Mahabharata and Manu Smriti of Manu as well as in
Kautilya’s Arthashastra. As per the Mahabharata, over and above the
village, there were units of 10, 20, 100, and 1,000 villages groups.
‘Gramik’ was the chief official of the village. ‘Dashap’ was the chief of
ten villages. ‘Vinshya Adhipati’, ‘Shat Gram Adhyaksha’ and ‘Sahasra
Gram Pati’ were the chiefs of 20, 100, and 1,000 villages respectively.
The lower villages head would give information about special events to
the higher villages head. They used to collect local taxes and were
responsible for protection of their villages. There were small and big
towns. There was also ‘guptachar’ (CID) system in towns to search for
the offenders. The village heads also protected people against the

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cruelty of the king. ‘Sabha Parva’ of the Mahabharata mentions the
Gram Panchayat but it is not clear whether the Panchas were elected
by the people or nominated by the kings. Organisational structure of
the government indicates the organic nature of the governing
institutions. Manu Smriti stresses on organized system of the local
self-government. It has highlighted the importance of the
decentralization of the functions of the state. The king was advised to
keep responsible ministers for advice. Manu has mentioned ‘Village’ as
the smallest unit of the governance. Units of 10, 20, 100, 1,000 village
groups were also a part of the system of the self-government.
‘Rakshak’ (saviour) was responsible for the village. His function was to
maintain law and order. Lower Rakshak owed responsibility to the
higher Rakshak, (Joshi & Narwani: 21-22).

Therefore the sabha, Samiti and institution of gramini were

popular in the Vedic period and did not disappear without living their
successor body politics of later ages. Pauras and Janpadas are the
terms used in the post Vedic period. Vedic period was primarily
composed of assemblies.

During the Buddhist times, the village continued to be the key-

stone of Indian polity-each of them a tiny self-governed republic. The
villages during this period were self-sufficient and self-reliant. They
freely participated in the decision making process and various others
local programmes. The village headman was known as the ‘Bhojak’ he
was elected by the villagers. In the practice his post was usually
hereditary. The duty of the Bhojak was revenue collection on the
behalf of the state and to undertake construction works. During this
period, various occupational panchayats were active, (Mookerji, 1958:
90).

The basic principles of the Grama during the Jain Period was
Sarve Varasha Manarha (equality for all) and the headman was known
as Jethak (elder brother), (Quoted in Vinta, 2007: 34). In some Jain

79
texts the village panchayats have been described as “Dear to all
Varnas because of their equitable treatment”, (Jain, 1967: 79).

Likewise in the period of Maurya’s and Gupta’s references are

found of village and a district respectively. Mauryan provided a
systematic base to the Panchayati Raj system. Kautilya, the great
minister of Chandragupta, in his famous work the Arthashashtra has
also discussed in detail the village government. He was supporter of
powerful king but yet did not oppose the village autonomy. In this
period the village headman was designated as Gramik and appointed
by the king. He continued to be the most influential advisor to the
king who constantly by and large consulted him about rural affairs.

Under the Kautilya’s system, villages were classified according

to their population and the size of the village varied from 100 to 500
families. Their duties were clearly distributed, leading to the creation
of the various posts for the village administration. The Gramik of the
village (headman) was responsible for ensuring collection of state dues
and reporting and controlling the activities of the offenders, (Jain: 80).
During this period, panchayats organised works of common utilities,
education and settlements of dispute between groups, (Sekar: 2008,
2).

During the Mauryas and post-Mauryan periods too, the

headman, assisted by the council of the elders. It continued to play
prominent role in the village life. This system continued through the
Gupta period, though there were certain changes in the nomenclature,
as the district official was known as the ‘Grampati’. Village assembly
consisted of all the adult males. Sometimes the Mahattaras, i.e., body
of selected elders, assisted the village headman. These assemblies
appointed a number of committees to look after the various aspects of
village administration namely tanks, temples, justice, roads, gardens,
education etc., (Mookerji: 90).

A clear picture of the local and provincial governments is given

in the inscription of the Gupta period. Their administration was

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divided into Bhukti (province) under the charge of an Uparika, half of
a dozen of former divided into Visayas (district) under the charge of a
Visayapati. In eastern India Visaya was divided into Vithis (small
towns) and Vithis into villages. This pattern however predominated
mainly in territories directly governed by the Gupta King. In other
parts of India different fiscal and administrative systems were
prevalent. The dominating feature of the Gupta era was the
predominant position of Sreni or Nigma system. Gradually it led to the
development of a feudal system in which different levels of power
system emerged in the society. But still the village was the basic unit
of the social, economic, political and administrative system important
features of government system. During the Gupta period Nigma
system (guild) was popular. After the Gupta’s the great king Harsha
ruled northern India. During this period, the smallest unit of
administration was the Grama (village). The village headman known
as Grameyka or Grama Adhayaksha was incharge of village
administration. The village government looked after on local matters.
There were popular panchayats and courts which with the help of
village elders tried all civil and criminal cases, (Sharda: 9-11).

Thus, in the ancient India, there existed a well-established

system of the local government which was run on a set pattern of the
tradition and customs. The state functioned separately never
encroaching into the functioning of village panchayats. However, it is
pertinent to note here that there is no mention of the woman heading
as a ‘Gramini’ or even participating as member in the panchayat. Due
to the negligible participation of the women in the governance in
ancient polity, although in the early Vedic period woman had equal
status and they actively participated in family and social affairs issue
of political participation had little relevance.

Panchayat Raj Institution during Medieval Period

The Medieval period covers roughly the period between 1000-

1700 A.D. The middle period includes the period of kings such as the

81
Cholas, Pratihars, Palas, and Rajputs: Invasion by Muhammad Gori
and Mehmud of Ghazni; and the regimes such as the Sultanate of
Delhi, Lodhi dynasty and the Mughals, (Singla: 90-91). The first phase
of medieval period, i.e., 1000-1500 A.D., is a period of political
instability, frequent foreign invasion and of the atrocities of the
invaders. The early invasions in India were directed towards the
capturing of the wealth rather than for attaining of political
sovereignty, (Prasad, 1986:17).

At the top of the hierarchy of Delhi Sultanate, was the

provinces; it was divided into the districts, those were further sub-
divided into the smaller units. The lowest unit of the administration
was the village it was self-sufficient. There was a village assembly like
the Panchyat of North India in every village. It carried on the village
administration through its hereditary officers such as the village
accountant, village watchman. The village watchman and the village
officers were paid by the grants of the land, by a portion of
agricultural produce. The central administration maintained contact
with the village through an officer, called Mahanayakcharya who had
a kind of supervisory authority over the administration of village,
(Srivastava, 1972: 277).

During the Medieval period of Sultanate ‘Panchayat System’

existed in the village level. It looked after the education, sanitation etc.
It also acted as a ‘Judicial body’ to settle the disputes. The people of
the village constituted ‘Common Wealth’ and looked after their affairs.
The Sultanate of Delhi was essentially a police or military feudal state.
All the legislative, judicial, executive and administrative power were
vested in him. There were no representative institutions. Sultan was
the Sovereign. Under the Sultanate of Delhi the unit of the
administration was village with its headman called Muquddam or
Mukhia, Patwari or Accountant. The village communities continued to
function in accordance with their old traditions and the government

82
dealt with the peasants through headman, (Ghosh & Pramanik, 1999:
207-208).

Muslim rulers had least interest in the local government system.

But the rulers paid attention to develop agriculture in the village to get
revenue. For this purpose from time to time they extended financial
help to the local bodies. The central authority gave due regard to the
village Panchayats. Village autonomy was respected and the village
Panchayat consisting of five persons or more continued to keep a
vigilant eye on breaches of time honoured customs, to secure order
and mutual cooperation, to settle petty disputes, king paid full respect
to the institutions of Panchyati Raj. Few changes were made in the
revenue system and in its collection. Besides that Panchayats and
Village had its importance in the system.

Thus no drastic change took place in the village government

during Delhi Sultanate period. But central government as Sher Shah
Shuri kept in touch with the village community through the headman
called Muquaddam or Mukhia as he was responsible for maintaining
peace in the village. The village accountant known as Patwari kept the
revenue records of the village, (Malviya, 1956: 139). One distinct
feature of the era was that village administration remained in the
hands of the Hindus. This fact also confirms that the social
administrative setup of the society remained same during that period
and villages were self-sufficient units in the economic field also.

During the early Mughal period village administration was

effective. Their existed well organized village communities those
managed their affairs according to the domestic lines. It was due to
the reason in the beginning the Mughal emperors were mostly
occupied in setting themselves and conquering other states. They had
no inclination to interfere with the administration and organization of
the country. When the Muslim rulers consolidated their hold, they
introduced the ‘Jagir System’ and began to collect the revenue
through Malguzarr or contractors. So the system developed under the

83
Mughals was not totally Indian. It was a mixture of Indian system
with Arabic system, (Srivastava: 65).

It can thus be inferred that the very spirit and form of the
Panchayats during the Maurayan and Gupta periods were still present
in the Mughal period. The headman, the accountant and the
watchman, found in earlier times, still ruled in his period. But one of
the biggest changes, which took place in this Medieval period, was in
the economic sphere, both at the urban and rural levels, under which
organised economic activities were began to take roots.

Local Government in British India

The establishment of British rule in India gave the final death

blow to the ancient village autonomy. Britishers tried to consolidate
their position by organising administrative system in which the
indigenous system lost its vigour. Officials as masters gradually
displaced the institutional system that catered the Indian rural society
since times unmemorable. To destroy the ancient republic and
inherent of the village life in India, Britishers introduced the
Zamindari system. The Ryotwari and Mahalwari were the other two
systems introduced to collect land revenue. Secondly they recognised
the right of separate property in the family, they disintegrated the
strong hold of the joint family syatem, (Vinta: 38) In place of
traditional Sabhas and Samities, the government began to run the
rural administration through the officials of the district administration
with the help of semi-official functionaries like the “Zaildar” and
“Lambardar” appointed by them for the collection of land revenue.
These institutions acted as the channel of the communication between
the village communities and the British Raj, (Singh, 2004: 62). Self-
governance was not the first priority of the British government. Their
main objective was the protection of imperial interests. The British
had created local self-government from the top for serving their own
colonial interest. As early as 1687, the Municipal Corporation of

84
Madras was formed which was empowered to levy taxes for building
and schools, (Sekar: 3).

Municipal administration was first introduced in the towns of

Madras, Bombay and Calcutta on a statutory basis by the Charter Act
of 1793. Similarly steps were also taken to start municipal
administration in non-residency towns in the forties of the last
century. The first Municipal Act X of 1842 was passed for Bengal. But
with great opposition from the inhabitants this act was repealed and
another Municipal Act was passed in 1850. Under this Act a town
committee was to be appointed for managing the local function
included conservancy, road repairs, lighting and the collection of
octroi and house taxes, (Majumdar & Singh :50-51).

The year 1858 was a watershed year when the East India
Company Rule was taken over by Crown after the great uprising of
1857.The transfer of the power in 1858, marked the beginning of
instituting local self-government for gaining co-operation of Indian
people and decentralising financial management.

The year 1870 was landmark when Viceroy Lord Mayo passed a
resolution suggesting the decentralization of powers and the necessity
of associating Indians in Administration. He also suggested
strengthening the Municipal bodies and making them more powerful.
The 1880 Famine Commission also indicated the necessity of the local
bodies at village level for famine relief works, (Joshi & Narwani: 4).

Ultimately the British Government realised the importance of

reforms in local-self-government and took some steps in the last
decade of nineteenth century and early twentieth century to revitalize
the local self-government. Lord Rippon Resolution of 18th May 1882
was landmark step in the field of local self-government. Lord Rippon
was hailed as father of local self-government and his resolution of
1882 is considered to be Magna Carta of local democracy in India,
(Mathew, 1995:3).

85
 This resolution was twofold. Firstly, it was desired that
provincial government should apply to their financial relations with
local bodies under them. Secondly, it came to be considered what
steps were necessary to render existing local bodies more efficient and
better suited to discharge the duties with which it was proposed to
entrust them. But the basic object was to make local government an
instrument of political and popular education, (Khanna, 1972:12).

Ripon’s period (1880-1884), was the most significant period in

the development of local bodies in the urban areas. In the rural areas,
progress was made with the establishment of local boards. As Tinker
remarked: “The most remarkable innovation proposed by Lord Ripon
in 1882 was the establishment of a net-work of rural local bodies”,
(Tinker, 1954: 52). During 1883-1885, the local self–government acts
were passed in many provinces. Local board could supersede in case
of abuse of powers. The British bureaucracy did not think of Indians
as mature and experienced enough for local self-government. Hence
Lord Curzon subsequently opposed such liberalism and increased
government control over such local bodies.

Despite the British attitude, famines and natural calamities

became the major cause of the miseries of the people in rural India.
British government realised the need to pay attention to rural India
and commission from time to time formed to satisfy the Indians. But
the efforts were half hearted.

Due to the pressure of the Indian National Congress, in 1907,

the British Government constituted a six-member Royal Commission
on the Decentralization with Shri Ramesh Chandra Dutt as the only
Indian member. The Report of the Royal Commission on
Decentralization, released in 1909, elaborated the principles
enunciated in the Ripon Resolution and it recognized the importance
of the village panchayats, creation of a genuine electorate and due
representations of minorities through nomination, (Bhatt, 2010: 3).

86
During this period not much done for strengthening the local
government, because of outbreak of the First World War

After a decade the Governor-General, Chelmsford and the

Secretary of state for India Montague in their report known as
‘Montague-Chelmsford Reforms 1919’ that was implemented through
the enactment of the Government of India Act, 1919, also contributed
to the development of the village panchayat in British India. This Act,
introduced ‘diarchy’ in provinces and made local self-government a
transferred subject; it was assigned to the Indian ministers. The
reforms (1919) had suggested that there should be, as far as possible
independence for them from any outside control, (Khanna, 1972: 57).
Notwithstanding the Montague- Chelmsford scheme, PRIs did not
become truly democratic and vibrant institutions of local self-
government at the village level, due to constraints-organisational and
fiscal.

During this period Indian National Congress also took the task
of popularizing the panchayats. The Non-Cooperation Movement
started in 1920 was to boycott the government courts and to organize
village panchayats in their place to settle the disputes, (Vinta: 42).
During this period all the provinces and a number of native states,
Acts were passed for the establishment of the village panchayat.
Bangal Self–government Act(1920), Central Provinces and Berar
Panchayat Act(1920), Uttar Pradesh Village Panchayat Act(1920),
Punjab Panchayat(1922) and Assam Self–government (1925-26). This
resulted into the springing up to numerable panchayat in various
parts of the country. In 1930, evaluation of the implementation of self-
government was done by the Simon Commission. It reported that
except Uttar Pradesh, Bengal and Madras, they did not find any
progress in rural areas. The condition of the local bodies deteriorated
between 1919 and 1930, (Joshi & Narwani: 27).

The Congress party passed a resolution for Self-government in

the Nagpur Convention in 1931. The Government of India Act, 1935

87
had provision for provincial autonomy and this in turn created
another important opportunity to strengthen panchayats in the
country. According to this Act, almost all provincial governments felt
duty-bound to enact legislations for further democratization of Local
Self Government Institutions, including the village panchayats,
(Sekar: 5).

But like other Acts this Act of 1935 resulted not in more than
minor improvements. The subsequent years were wholly devoted to a
keen struggle for freedom and during that period the problem of local
government naturally was relegated to the background before the
question of national and international importance, (Naraian, 1970: 3).

The outlook of World War II, in September 1939 and the

resignation of popular ministries in all the congress dominated
provinces further led to a halt in the growth of local government
institutions.

Although Government of India Act, was short lived, still the

pattern of local government which was set up by the provincial
autonomy, continued with some changes till India attained
Independence on August 15th 1947. Though local self-government
suffered a setback during this period had certain positive
developments of the local bodies, separation of the executive and
legislative functions in the large urban local bodies, abolishing the
system of nomination, widening of the franchise and diagnosing the
hurdles in the way of the development of local self-governing
institutions, (Singh & Singh, 1986: 87-88).

To Sum up the village republics of India were in spring models

of local governments for the whole world. The roots of the village local
government stretch back to the remote antiquity. As a result Indian
rural masses lost their spirit of independence, their sense of
responsibility and their capacity for co-operation together for common
purposes. The village which used to be an organic and vital unit

88
became progressively a derelict areas just a collection of mud huts
and individuals.

Gandhi the vein guard of the Indian freedom movement ardently

supported the ‘Gram Swaraj’. Gandhi strongly supported the village
system and Panchayati Raj in India. When he arrived on the Indian
scene, national movement was aimed at independence. But that
movement was not a mass movement. He realised the fact that
without involving the rural masses in the national movement it would
not be easy to get India free from Britishers. So he brought this
movement to the threshold of the rural India. He unfolded the
subdued expectation of India’s village at the conscious level of political
process. He gave a new direction in which he turned the whole current
of the National Movement towards villages. He glorified the village
system of India, (Sharda: 50). In his view villages are the backbone of
a nation. Villages of India, according to him, are the real India.
Gandhi had dream of democracy commencing from the villages. He
believed that democratic freedom have to be founded in institutions of
self-government in every village of India. He supported
decentralisation as the true base of democracy. The society based on
the principles of equality, liberty and fraternity is possible only in the
decentralised set up. At the individual level liberty and mental growth
is also possible only in the society if powers are decentralised. In
political spheres true democracy lies where an individual get adequate
opportunities to participate in the management of his own affairs. So
the village system and panchayat is only solution to centralised
economic and political system, (Kaur, 2012:22). According to him, the
goal to be achieved was happiness with mental, moral and spiritual
development. He believed in the supremacy of people and insisted on
people’s democracy at the grassroots, (Singla: 95). Gandhi said, “true
democracy cannot worked out of twenty men sitting at the centre. It
has to be worked out from below by the people over village, (Quoted in
Narayan, 1968: 450)

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 To Gandhi decentralised democracy based on Non- Violence and
Swaraj. Swaraj promotes in the individuals autonomy for self–
realisation and creativity. For actualisation of his vision, was system
of panchayat, which was an important part of the government in
ancient and medieval period. He defined his vision of village
panchayat thus: My idea of village Swaraj is that it is a complete
republic independent of its neighbours for its own vital wants and yet
interdependent for many others in which dependence is necessity. The
government of the village will be conducted by the Panchayat of five
elected people annually elected by the adult villagers, male and
female, possessing minimum prescribed qualifications. These will have
all the authority and jurisdiction required. Since there will be no
system of punishment in the acceptance sense, the Panchayat will be
the legislature, judiciary and executive combined to operate for its
year of office. Any village can become such a republic today without
much interference even from the present government whose sole
effective connection with the villages is the execution of the village
revenue...Here there is perfect democracy based upon individual
freedom. The individual is the architect of his own Government,
(Quoted in Mathew: 4).

Nehru the architect of free Indian policy had also admitted that
India’s strength really lies in her wide-spread system of village
republics of self-governing panchayats. Annie Besant and Rabindra
Nath Tagore upheld the philosophical importance of Panchayati Raj
and hence, propagated the local self-government, (Hasan & Singh,
2004: 123).

Although the two great leaders Gandhi and Ambedkar both were
championed the cause of individual liberty, but had different opinions
about village republic. Gandhi strongly supported the village as unit
and Jayaprakash Narayan supported it too. Narayan proposed a
system known as ‘communitarian society’. In his system the village
was the primary unit, where the entire system worked on the basis of

90
community. He also favoured power to the people of the village along
with government at the centre when he remarked. To me the gram
sabha (council) signifies village democracy. The relation between
Panchayat and Gram Sabha should be that of the Cabinet and
Assembly”, (Joshi & Narwani:13) On the contrary Ambedkar opposed
the village republic and criticised the village system of various
reasons. He contended that, “The village communities were nothing
but a den of ignorance, sink of localism, narrow mindedness and
communalism”, (Sharda: 62).

Many members of the Constituent Assembly criticized Dr.

Ambedkar. One of the leading members of the constituent Assembly,
H.V. Kamath said: “His attitude towards the village folk, I can say ‘God
save us’. If we do not cultivate sympathy and love and affection for our
villages and rural folk, I do not see how we can uplift our country... I
am sorry he relied on Metcalfe only. R. K Sidhava expressed his
opinion as: “Local authorities are the pivots of the social and economic
life of the country and if there is no place for local authorities is not
worth considering. Arun Chandra Guha added: “I admit we require a
strong centre; but that does not mean that its limbs should be weak,
we cannot have a strong centre without strong limbs. If we can build
the whole structure on the village panchayat, on the willing
cooperation of the people, then I feel the centre would automatically
become strong”, (Bhatt: 6-7).

The Constituent Assembly initially did not accept the Gandhian

proposal of giving important status to the village in the Indian polity.
Constituent Assembly Pointed out that centralism was the need of the
day. It stressed that only strong centre could play a vital role in the
overall and balanced development of the society. But Gandhi refuted
this idea and ruled out the exclusion of the Panchayati Raj. He
demanded immediate attention to it if our independence was to really
reflect the people’s participation, (Arora, 1989: 33).

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 Ultimately in 1948 a meeting of ministers of local self-
government in provinces was held under the chairmanship of Pt.
Jawahar Lal Nehru. In his inaugural speech Nehru said: “Local self-
government is must and must be the basis of any true system of
democracy. People have got into the habit of thinking of democracy at
the top and so much below. Democracy at the top may not be a
success unless you build its foundation from below, (Malviya: 16).

After a Long debate and discussion K. Santhanam moved a

resolution for the incorporation of the Panchayats in the Constitution.
It was accepted by an overwhelming majority. A place was thus
permanently carved out for them in national frame of the government
organisation. Thus in the Constitution of India originally under Article
40, the states were empowered to organise village panchayats and to
endow them with such powers and authority as might be necessary to
enable them to function as units of self-government. To strengthen the
position of the state Constitution Article 246 at the Constitution
empowered the State legislature to enact such laws with respect to
any subject relating to the local self-government. In this way it became
obligatory on the part of the state governments to create pachayats in
their states. The goal of the state was to develop local bodies into
efficient instruments of the administration, capable of formulating
policies and executing them. It was felt that rural reconstruction was
possible only through Five Year Plans and that Gram Panchayats were
the instruments of development in rural areas. Thus the panchayat
became theoretically at least the Constitutional bodies initially in the
Constitution, (Bhatnagar, 1974:16).

Post-Independence Period

After Independence, the new Constitution of India declared it a

Sovereign, Democratic, Republic which came into force on the 26th
January, 1950. At the time of the formation of the Constitution,
initially the inclusion of Panchayats was not considered in first draft,
in the context of historical caste and class dominated structure in the

92
villages. But it was modified during the discussion in the Constituent
Assembly. A provision was included in Part IV of the Constitution (in
the Directive Principle of State Policy) which is not mandatory. Article
40 reads “The state should take steps to organize village panchayats
and endow them with such power and authority as may be necessary
to enable them to function as units of self-government.” (Initially) In
the Constitution, ‘local government’ is mentioned in the Schedule
Seventh of the Constitution, List II (State List) item which reads ‘local
government that is to say the constitution and power of municipal
corporation, improvement trust, district boards, mining settlement
authorities and other local authorities for the purpose of local self-
government or village administration, (Srivastva, 2011: 17).

While distributing powers between the Union and States, the

Constitution of India in the Article 40 (Directive Principle of State
Policy), vested local bodies and Panchayati Raj as a subject with
states. Since independence, states have taken various measures for
establishing the Panchayati Raj System. There have been cases of
success and failures. In this context, in order to examine the role and
function of the Panchayati Raj Institutions in the development,
various committees and expert groups were constituted.

The development strategies of British India were deep routed

and concentrated on the enhancement of their colonial exploitation of
India. There were not any sincere efforts for the socio-economic
development of the Indian people. After Independence the most
important task before the Government was to restructure the socio-
economic setup of the country. More than ninety percent of the
population was rural at the time of independence. For the
development of the rural areas centre and state governments took
many programmes and schemes for the Community Development.

The Firka Development Scheme was launched for the intensive

rural development by the Madras government in the end of 1946. It
was based on the concentrated development and involved the

93
coordination of the works of the various departments, (Thirumalai in
Desai, 1969:603).

The Etawa Pilot Project launched in Utter Pradesh in 1948 for

rural development and welfare activities. The Sarvodaya Scheme
initiated in 1948-49 in Bombay, which later spread throughout the
country. Unfortunately, these programmes could not improve the
conditions of villagers as they lacked uniformity and systematic
approach. Also during this period nation was engaged in drafting the
constitution and in preparation of the first five year plan (1951-56).
However, it is an irony that the issue of local government received
sparse attention from the framers of the Constitution, (Majumdar &
Singh: 104).

Community Development Programme (CDP) (1952)

The Community Development Programme (CDP) was started by

the Government of India on October 2nd, 1952 with a view to reviving
and revitalizing the social, political, economic and cultural life of the
villagers through the intelligent and active participation of the rural
masses. The basic objective of the Community Development
Programme was to secure the fullest development of the material and
human resources on the area basis and thereby raise the rural
community to higher levels of living with the active participation and
on the initiative of the people themselves, (Planning Commission,
1974:85).

National Extension Service (NES) was also introduced in 1953

as a prelude to community development in various blocks. It was a
major development in the sphere of rural reconstruction in India in
the early post-Independence period. The basic idea of both the
programmes was similar. Two programmes were integrated under one
agency at the Centre as well as in states. Both the programmes were
complementary to each other. The idea of NES programme was to
cover the entire country within a period of 10 years or up to 1963,
(Majumdar & Singh: 106).

94
 Democratic systems are mainly based on the effective
participation of the people in the process of decision making and its
implementation. But there were various reasons that these
programmes could not generate enthusiasm in the people and failed to
bring the expected results. “Major causes of failure were excessive
bureaucratic involvement, and poor involvement of masses. Only elite
of the rural society (M.L.A., M.P. and few farmers) were involved in the
programmes. Rural society was unaware about these programmes and
the other important reason was no effective institutions of local bodies
through which people could participate in the decision-making and
implementation level. Report to review the CDP and NES came to the
conclusion that at this point of time it proved that without Panchayati
Raj Institutions (participative bodies) society could not be
restructured”, (Report CP and NES, 1957: 5-6).

However, these Community Development Programmes could not

produce any tangible results in the rural development. Therefore, the
Government of India constituted a study team in 1957 under the
chairmanship of Shri Balawant Rai Mehta (BRM) to study the
problems of PRIs and suggest remedial measures for proper
implementation of the Community Development Programmes and
National Extension Services Programmes all over the India on uniform
basis. The Committee published its report in late 1957. It concluded
that the popular participation in the Community Development
Programme enlisted through adhoc advisory bodies was not adequate
and a separate set of the institutional arrangement would have to be
statutorily created to make the participation meaningful and effective.
The committee recommended that scheme of democratic
decentralization in the form of ‘three-tier system’ namely the village
Panchayat, the Panchayat Samiti and the Zila Parishad, these are
interconnected, interdependent democratic structure of the rural local
self-government at the village, block and district level for planning and
implementation of the rural development and welfare programmes
based on the decentralization, devolution and democratization of

95
power from the state level to grassroots level. This process proposed
by Balwant Rai Mehta is called ‘Democratic Decentralization’. This is
also called Panchayati Raj. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru did not like the
phrase democratic decentralization. He christened it as ‘Panchayati
Raj’. According to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru ‘what was being envisaged
was not a territorial government or administration but rather an
approach to administration guided by and vested in the people
themselves’, (Dey, 1969: 74). For the devolution of power the Balwant
Rai Mehta Committee recommended a three-tier structure of the rural
self-government, each tier linked by direct election and genuine
transfer of the power and at the state level which would be responsible
to the state government bodies. These three tiers were as under:
Panchayat at the village level, Panchayat Samiti at the block level, and
Zila Parishad at the district level. Direct election at the village level
and indirect election for Samitis and Zila Parishad was suggested the
most effective body being visualised as the block level one. The
Committee also recommended inclusion of two women members in
panchayats in order to carry on the specific programmes for women
and children. Those two women members were to be co-opted in case
they did not get themselves elected, (Report CP & NES: 6-8).

In January 1958, recommendation of the Mehta Committee was

approved by the Parliament and New Panchayati Raj System started
with enthusiasm. Rajasthan was the first state in the country to adopt
the Panchayati Raj System. Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru inaugurated it
in Rajasthan on Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday on October 2, 1959.
Andhra Pradesh following suit on November 1, 1959 and Madras on
October 2, 1961. Though all the states adopted the PRI scheme, the
system differed somewhat as some with two tiers instead of the three.
Balwant Rai Mehta Report was a landmark step in the field of
democratic decentralisation. For the first time after the independence
Central Government realised the importance of democratic
decentralisation. The report made valuable suggestions regarding
Panchayati Raj Institutions, empowerment of the PRIs, electoral

96
system for local institutions, creation of block level body (Panchayat
Samiti) as development agency. (Sharda: 73).

After decade of the Independence BRM Committee’s

recommendations has immense importance in the vertical
enhancement of the democracy. Otherwise Indian policy confined to
the National and State institutions had less appeal to the ground
level. With the process of the implementation of the Panchayati Raj
System in various States, as provided under their respective
legislations, a number of operational problems were faced and the
concerned states tried to overcome such difficulties either through
making amendments in their relevant or framing suitable rules for the
purpose. The enactment of legislation in most of the States followed
rapidly after the recommendations of the Mehta Committee were
approved by the NDC in most of States a high priority was given to the
subject as to how Panchayati Raj was to be implemented. Ministers
and senior officers in the States together applied their mind with
enthusiasm to the task of giving the best shape possible to Panchayati
Raj Institutions, (Bajpai & Verma: 11).

Some of the state governments also appointed various

committees to improve the structure of panchayati raj and to examine
the recommendation made by the BRM Committee. Madhya Pradesh
Government Committee (1959), Nayak Committee In Maharashtra
(1961), Committee on Panchayati Raj in Karnataka (1963), in
Rajasthan, Sadiq Ali Committee (1964), Ram Murti Committee in U.P
(1965), Harayana adhoc Committee on Panchayati Raj (1972).

Within a few years of their inception, the Panchayati Raj

Institutions came to be viewed with disfavour and very soon they
started crumbling due to lack of resources, political will, bureaucratic
antipathy and dominance of the rural elites who cornered all benefits,
panchayats were bypassed and did not play any role in decision-
making and implementation of the rural development programmes.

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Therefore, within a short period of time, the importance and legitimacy
of Panchayati Raj Institutions were in the question.

Prime Minister Nehru made some efforts to strengthen the PRIs

but with his demise in 1964, the Panchayati Raj began to loose its
ardent supporters in the union government as well as in the States. In
many states, legislatures began to develop increasing allergies with
regard to the Panchayati Raj as they tended to apprehend a challenge
to their position from the emergent Panchayati Raj leadership,
particularly at the Zila Parishad and Panchayat Samiti levels. During
these decades a number of anti-poverty programmes were sponsored
by the union government through the state governments. These
programmes were administered by the bureaucracy under state
government direction. At the local level the district administration
headed by the Collector was intimately associated with their
implementation, while the Panchayati Raj was ignored. Thus, neither
in the bourgeoning sectoral development programmes nor in the new
special anti-poverty programmes the Panchayati Raj Institutions were
given any substantial participation. Even some state governments
began to postpone elections to Panchayati Raj Institutions and
dissolved or superseded a large number of these Institutions. Another
cause of this decline was growing resentment of the common men
against elite domination of Panchayati Raj Institutions who cornered
all benefits of the rural development programmes, (Khanna, 1994: 21-
23).

During the next two decades, however, Panchayati Raj began to

stagnate in the first few years (1965-70) and then started even
declining in efficacy of its role in promotion and management of the
development processes in the rural areas. This trend continued till
1985. Its public image and credibility began to suffer a setback. Its
powers and functions were reduced by executive orders of the
government on grounds of inefficiency, corruption, political
factionalism prevailing within it in many states.

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 National and State leadership somewhere perceived the growth
of the grass root democracy as challenge to the power politics of the
elite democracy. In 1977 groups of opposition parties under the flag of
Janta Party came into power. The new centre government in 1977,
after the Emergency, eyed PRIs with renewed interest, with a hope to
restore democracy at all levels, again a committee was appointed
under the chairmanship of Ashok Mehta in December 1977 to suggest
measures to strengthen the Panchayati Raj system. The committee
observed that the institutions of Panchayati raj dominated as they
were mostly by socially and economically well-off classes. The
committee submitted its report in August 1978 with strong favour of
PRIs and recommended certain measures for effective functioning as
follows:

(i) Decentralisation of planning with district (ZP) as the primary

unit of decentralisation;

(ii) A two tier system of Panchatyti Raj in place of the existing

three–tier system with one body at the district level and one
body at the Mandal level;

(iii) Participation of political parties in panchayati raj, which would

lead to competition and prove a positive development for rural
development;

(iv) Constitution of reservation Quota of representation in PRIs to

protect and promote weaker sections with direct elections to
both tiers;

(v) The system of Panchayati raj should also actively work for rural
development and planning at the micro level;

(vi) Strengthening the role of the women by encouraging them to

participate in electoral process and providing them more
opportunities for decision making, (Singh & Singh 1986: 94-95).

The recommendations of the Ashok Mehta Committee were

considered at the conference of the Chief Ministers in May 1979. But

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it did not accept the mandal panchayats and favoured continuance of
existing three tier system. The consensus was also against political
parties taking part in the Panchayat elections. They also did not
consider the constitutional amendment necessary. It was felt that a
model bill should suffice which states could with such local
modifications as considered necessary, (Biju, 1998:31).

The Planning Commission wanted effective people’s

participation through the PRIs in rural development so that plans are
more responsive to people’s needs and aspirations. Therefore,
Planning Commission in 1983, again setup a working group on
district planning under the chairmanship of Dr. Hanumantha Rao,
(Government Report, 1984:23).

The working group submitted its report in 1984, which

suggested activisation of PRIs, giving planning function to them,
introduction of district budget, creation of a District Development
Commissioner and coordination of a departmental activities in the
district, (Mishra, 1991:1).

G.V.K. Rao Committee

The G.V.K. Rao Committee was appointed in March, 1985 by

the Planning Commission for reviewing the existing administrative
arrangements for rural development and poverty alleviation
programmes and to recommend appropriate structural mechanism to
ensure that they are planned in an integrated manner and
implemented effectively. The committee suggested that the district
should be the basic unit for policy planning and program
implementation and emphasized for the regular election of Panchayati
raj Institutions, (Report, CAARD, 1985:1-3).

L.M. Singhvi Committee

The Government of India set up a committee in June, 1986

headed by Dr. L.M. Singhvi to prepare a concept paper for discussion
to review the growth and the present status of Panchayati raj

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Institutions and to suggest measures for the rural development. The
Committee recommended that the PRIs should be constitutionally
recognised, protected, and preserved by the inclusion of a new chapter
in the Constitution. It suggested constitutional provisions to ensure
regular, free and fair elections to the PRIs, (Dubey, 1995: 109). It
supported the Rao Committee’s recommendation to integrate
administrative structure with PRIs and it also suggested more
financial resources for these Institutions.

Sarkaria Commission (1988)

The Sarkaria Commission which was primarily concerned with

centre-state relations (1988), also recommended the strengtheningof
local self-government bodies financially and functionally. It also
believed that regular election of Panchayats must be held. But
Sarkaria Commission was not in favour of the idea of Singhvi
Committee to confer constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj
Institutions, (Kaur: 27).

P.K. Thungon Committee (1988)

Thungon Committee was a sub-committee of the parliamentary

consultative committee set-up in 1988 under the Chairmanship of
P.K. Thungon. On the lines of Mehta Committee, Rao and Singhvi
committee, the committee recommended decentralised planning, pivot
role of Zila Parishad, fixed terms of PRIs. The Committee also
recommended Constitutional allocation of functions to the local bodies
and constitution of State Finance Commission, (Sharda: 90).

In the post–independence period, the Panchayati Raj System of

self-government had received much coverage and attention. Numerous
of Centre and State constituted committees had gone into its
structure, concept and approach. The committees also conducted
inquiry into the working of its institutions and suggested measures to
bring out a strong and effective decentralised system of democratic
government, planning and rural development. But it has been widely

101
recognised by the Government, public leaders, intelligentsia, research
scholars that the Panchayati Raj Institutions have not been able to
acquire the status and dignity of viable and responsive people’s
bodies.

The main reasons mentioned by the Government and others for

these are “absence of regular election, prolonged super- sessions,
dominance of elites, insufficient representation of weaker sections like
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, inadequate devolution of power
and lack of financial resources’’, (Sharma, 2008:24-25).

It was against this background that on 15 May 1989 the

Constitution (64th) Amendment Bills was drafted and introduced in
the Parliament. Although Bill received the required two- third majority
in the Lok sabha on 13 October 1989.But in the Rajya Sabha on 15
October 1989 it failed to meet the mandatory requirement by two
votes and hopes belied. Nevertheless, it is necessary to list its main
features:

1. All states will have three-tier system with panchayats at the

village, intermediate and district levels. States with a population
less than twenty lakhs may dispense with intermediate tier;

2. Regular elections after every five years will be held under

supervision of the Election Committee. A Panchayat that is
dissolved must be reconstituted through the electoral process
within six months;

3. All seats shall be filled by direct elections. Appointed ex-officio

members, MPs and MLAs will have no voting rights;

4. Thirty per cent seats shall be reserved for women. Reservation

of seats for SC/ST will be in Proportion to their population in
the total population;

5. Panchayati Raj bodies will receive financial assistance in the

form of grants from state governments. They will also be able to

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 raise their resources through imposition of taxes, duties, tolls
and fees;

6. The State Finance Commission will review their financial

position after every five years;

7. The Comptroller and Auditor General will be responsible for

supervision of the proper maintenance of accounts and audit of
expenditure of Pachayats, (Mishra, 1994: 86).

The Bill was criticized on the ground that if it becomes as Act,

Panchayati Raj Institutions all over the country will fall directly under
the control of central Government because of the election procedure
and also because of the disbursement of the funds to these
institutions by the centre, either directly or through the state
government. It was also feared that such institutions will be under the
control of well to do persons of the area and their dominance will be
going against the interest of the general masses especially the poor
and the under-privileged. Moreover, the bill intended to increase the
power of the centre and reduces the power of state governments
because the bill has taken the Panchayati Raj out of the state list and
put in the concurrent list so as to allow the centre to pass the
legislation in this area.

After the demise of sixty fourth Amendment Bill, the National

Front Government introduced a new bill in the Lok Sabha on 4th
September 1990,the seventy fourth Amendment Bill,1990(a compiled
bill on panchayats and municipalities)But this Bill died prematurely
with the collapse of the Janta Dal’s Government. In September1991,
the Congress government under Prime Minister Narasimha Rao
introduced 72nd (Panchayats and 73rd (Nagarpalikas) constitutional
amendment bills. Both bills were referred to a Joint Parliament
Committee. The joint Parliamentary committee after a detailed
deliberations presented its report to the Parliament in July 1992.Then
Lok Sabha passed the bill on 22nd December 1992, while the Rajya
Sabha passed it on the following day. Following its ratification by

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more than half of the state assemblies, the president gave his assent
on 20th April 1993, and it became the Constitution’s 73rd Amendment
Act, which came into the force on 24 April 1993, (Mathew:11).

The salient features of the Seventy-Third Constitutional

Amendment Act

Gram Sabha

There shall be a Gram Sabha for every village consisting of all

persons registered as voters in the panchayat area at the village level.
The powers and functions of the Gram Sabha shall be assigned by a
law passed by the State Legislature, (Article243, 243 A).

Constitution of Panchayat

There shall be a three-tier Panchayati Raj System at the village,

intermediate and district levels in all the states. However the state
having a population exceeding 20 lakhs have the option not to have
any panchayat at the intermediate level, (Article 243B).

Composition of Panchayat

All the members of Panchayats at all the three levels shall be

chosen by direct elections and chairperson of the village panchayat
and district panchayats shall be elected indirectly by the members
from amongst the elected members. The Chairperson and all
members, both elected and ex-officio, shall have voting rights. The
mode of the election of the Chairman to the village level has left to the
State Government to decide, (Article 243 C).

Reservation of Seats

Reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

at all levels will be in proportion to their percentage in the total
population of the area. The offices of Chairperson in Panchayati Raj
Institutions (PRIs) at all levels will be reserved for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes in proportion to their percentage in the total
population of the area. One-third of the total seats will be reserved for

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women and one-third of the total seats will be reserved SCs/STs
women. Similarly one-third of the offices of the Chairpersons of
Panchayats at all level shall be reserved for women. In addition, the
legislature of any state can make provisions for reservation of seats in
any panchayat or office of Chairperson in the Panchayat at any level
in favour of the backward classes, (Article 243-E).

Duration of Panchayats etc.

The term of panchayat at every level shall be five years and

elections to constitute new bodies shall be completed before the expiry
of the term. In the event of dissolution, election will be compulsory
held within six months. The reconstituted panchayat will serve for the
remaining period of the five -year term. (Article 243-E).

Disqualifications from Membership

A person who is disqualified under any law for election to the

legislature of the State or under any law of the State will not be
entitled to become a member of the panchayat. No person shall be
disqualified on the ground that he is less than twenty five years of his
age, if, he has attained the age of twenty one years, (Article 243-F).

Powers, authority and responsibilities of panchayats

Legislature of State may, by law, endow the panchayats with

such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to
function as institutions of self-government and such law should
contain provisions for the devolution of powers and responsibilities
upon panchayats at the appropriate level with respect to (a) the
preparation of plans for economic development and social justice (b)
the implementation of schemes for economic development and social
justice as may be entrusted to them, (Article 243-G).

Powers to Impose Taxes and Funds of the panchayats

The Legislature of a State may pass by law to authorize the

panchayats to levy, collect and appropriate suitable local taxes and

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also provide for making grant-in-aid available to the panachayats from
the consolidated funds of the concerned state, (Article 243-H).

Finance Commission

The Governor of a State shall constitute their respective Finance

Commission (SFC) once in every five years to review the financial
position of the panchayats and to make recommendations to the
governor on the distribution of the funds between the State and local
bodies. Commission has to determine which of the taxes, duties, tolls
and fees may be assigned to the panchayats and the grant-in-aid to
the panchayat from the consolidated fund of the state, (Article 243-I).

Audit of Accounts of Panchayats

The State Legislature shall make provisions with respect to the

maintenance of accounts by the panchayats and the auditing of such
accounts, (Article 243-J).

State Election Commission

State will constitute State Election Commission (SEC) for the

direction, control and preparation of electoral rolls and the conduct of
election under Article 243-K.

On the lines of 73rd Amendment by 1994 most of the states had

completed the process of enacting conformity legislation and holding
five rounds of elections to the Panchayats. In most of the states (1994-
2015) five rounds of elections have been held for PRIs. The most
striking feature of the electoral politics of rural local bodies is that
quantity of marginalised section of the society has increased
tremendously as leaders of rural local bodies.

Women’s entry into Panchayats, both as members as well as

heads after the implementation of 73rd constitutional Amendment Act
(1992) has pushed them into the process of decision-making process
and policy implementation considerably It has been observed that the
integration of women into the political process has an important
bearing on the working of the democratic institution (Panda, 2007:10).

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By 1994, 3,30,000 women had entered politics as a result of
Panchayats and the percentage of women at various levels of political
activity increased dramatically from 4-5 percent to 25-40 percent after
1992. By 1999, as many as many 7,68,582 women had been elected
from Gram Panchayats, and 38,582 women to Panchayat Samitis
(Fadia, 2006:949). Although the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act
has mandated one-third reservation for women as members as well as
chairpersons at different levels of PRIs but in 2003 elections in
numbers of states, women as members at different level of PRIs, have
captured more than one third seats as Utter Pradesh 37.06 percent,
Karnatka 36.45 percent, Manipur 36.07 percent, Uttaranchal 34.49
percent, Kerala 34.20 percent, Tripura 34.15 percent, Madhya
Pradesh 33.79 percent, Punjab 31.90 percent, (Makwana, 2009:94).
With every succeeding PRIs election, women have been able
considerably enlarge their representations. Of the total 26 lakh elected
Panchayat representatives, more than 10 lakh are estimated to be
women. This takes the overall presence of women in Panchayats to
approximately 42 percent, changing the profile of rural leadership.
Bihar is the first state in India provided 50 percent reservation for
women in PRIs in 2006. It is the result of this 54.1 percent women
elected in PRIs in Bihar. As on December 2006, in Karnataka, the
representation of women in Panchayats were 42.9 percent and Assam,
Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Haryana, Manipur, Punjab, Uattarakhand
beyond 35 percent (Ram:2008,87-88) .

After that number of states like Himachal Pradesh,

Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Kerala Madhya Pradesh
Maharashtra, Uttarakhand, West Bangal etc. have made provision 50
percent reservation for women in PRIs. Since the creation of quota
system local women, the vast majority of the illiterate and poor
women, have come to occupy the seats of PRIs. As on March 2013,
13,64,154 lakh women elected in PRIs and it was 46.7 percent of the
total elected representatives and Jharkhand 58.6 percent,
Uttarakhand 56.1 percent, Chhatisgarh 54.5 percent, Kerala 51.9

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percent, Madhya Pradesh 50.5 percent, Himachal Pradesh 50.1
percent, Bihar and in Rajsthan 50 percent women were elected,
(www.iipa.org.in).

Although the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act had given

Constitutional status to the PRIs but after more than 20 years of the
implementation of this Act, the system of Panchayati Raj Institutions
has not been evolved in different states in uniform manners. In some
of the states like Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Andhara Pradesh,
Uttarakahnd, Himachal Pradesh the participation of the women in
PRIs better than the other states. But majority of the states the PRIs
have not evolved as effective institutions of participation of women. In
many states PRIS are still dominated by the traditional rituals and
culture. In the last 20 years no doubt Panchayati Raj has increased
women participation in rural local bodies but on the other side these
institutions have been facing a lot of problems and not became
become effective institutions. To overcome those impediments to
ensure good governess the centre and the state governments made
some recommendations through different committees. In this regard
Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj has constituted various committees
to review the Panchayati Raj from time to time.

Task Force on devolution of Powers and functions to PRIs (2002)

reported the plight of the PRIs a that reluctance to mobilize, lack of
role clarity among tires, lack of staff support, staff sponsored schemes
independent from PRIs are the major draw backs of the devolution
system.

In 2003 the National Commission to review the working of the

Constitutions recommended that further amendment to the
constitution in order to make Panchayats effective “intuitions of self-
government”. its trusts was to evolved the Panchayats exclusive
functions and financial resources that would enable not only to
become viable local government Institutions but also prepare plan and

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implement schemes for economic development and social
justice,(Report National Commossion,2003).

Realising the vision of Rajiv Gandhi, The Ministry of Panchayati

Raj has been promoting more effective participation of women in
Panchayati Raj. In this direction, in the Third Table of State
Panchayati Raj Ministers organised by the Ministry of Panchayati Raj
at Raipur on 23 and 24 September,2004. In this Round Table the
issue of increasing women’s participation in PRIs was discussed by
the ministers. The main recommendations of this Round Table were
Organisation of Mahila Sabhas to enables to raise their voices in
meetings of Gram Sabha and Facilitating a separate forum for
women’s participation in Gram Sabha. In order to build on the
substantial representation of women in Panchayats, the Union
Ministry of Panchayati Raj promoted the ‘Panchayat Mahila Shakti
Abhiyan’ in 2006. It aims to support efforts of elected women
representatives to organise themselves and gain confidence. (Ram: 88-
89). During last decade State as well as Centre Government, Union
Ministry of Panchayati Raj took revolutionary step towards
empowering rural local bodies and ensuring participation of women in
the decision making process at the grassroots for the realisation of the
dream of Gram Swaraj of Mahatma Gandhi. But all the development
of the last decade in the legislative measures made it clear that there
is no dearth of the statutory and legislative provisions, it is lack of the
will which is the major cause of poor implementation of PRIs system.
It is the tragedy of Indian politics that after more than twenty years of
participatory democracy the issue of ending gender discrimination and
mainstreaming of gender concern has been confronting obstacle to the
creation of national consensus.

73rd Constitutional Amendment if objectively analysed then

reservation for the marginalised section was a concrete step to locate
the Indian women in the political arena of the country. Other sub-
sections SC/ST had already reservation in the State legislatures and

109
Parliament. Local bodies are considered to be the nurseries for the
high echelons of the state an National institutions. Keeping in mind it
is imperative to understand the relation among the Parliament, State
legislature and local bodies. At the National women representation has
not been increased as expected. Himachal Pradesh has been taken as
sample where the women representation in the last four elections is
more or less stagnant. The data indicates the gap between local
representation and State and National elections. Electoral process is a
process that is affected by the various variables such as social system,
economic system, cultural system and with political system, nature of
the political party system, attitude of political parties. Secondary data
indicates that various variables may be reasons for the desperate
configuration on the issue of women political participation at various
level. Further in the chapter 1V and V on the basis of the primary
data effort is made visualise the issues in depth.

Part-II

In order to examine Panchayati Raj and women’s participation

in political process in the State, it would be appropriate to study the
socio economic setting in the state which plays a significant role in
shaping the political destiny of the people. Also, the status of women
cannot be examined insulation as it is interlinked with socio economic
conditions, politic climate isolation the inequalities inherent in the
traditional structure of the society. Its norms and values its customs
and rituals play an important role in determining the participation of
the women in public activities.

Himachal Pradesh is one of the hilly states of India. It is

situated between 30"22'40 to 33"12'20 north latitude and 75'47"55' to
79'04"20' east latitudes. The altitude in Himachal Pradesh is a wholly
mountains region in the lap of Himalayas range 350 meter to 6975
meter above sea level, (Atri, 2000:145).To its North lies the State of
Jammu & Kashmir whereas Uttranchal is in the South East. With
Haryana on the South and Punjab on the West, in the East it forms

110
India’s border with Tibet, (Singh, 1994:1).Himachal Pradesh has five
major perennial rivers – Beas, Chenab, Ravi, Satluj and Yamuna.
These rivers have a large hydro-power generation potential for whose
exploitation enormous capital investment is required. These rivers
also provide fertile arable land, making agriculture the primary source
of income for the people, (Thapar, 2014:36).

Political Profile of Himachal Pradesh

India achieved independence on 15th August 1947. The position

of princely states vis-a-vis people completely changed with the transfer
of power from the British crown to India representatives. The people of
hill areas wanted to immediate merger of the hill states with the
Indian Union and various local and national leaders issued appeal to
the princely rulers to respect the aspiration of their people by joining
the union but the efforts remained subtle, (Sud, 1992: 15).
Consequently, on the historic day of 26th January 1948, a convention
of hill state people was held under the aegis of All India State Peoples
Conference at Shimla. A resolution was passed unanimously urging
the national leadership to merge all hill states with in united India.

The state of Himachal Pradesh came into existence on 15th April

1948 as ‘centrally administered’ unit by putting together twenty six
Shimla hill states and four Punjab hill states. After the formation of
Himachal Pradesh originally it had four districts namely Mahasu,
Sirmour, Mandi and Chamba and its area at that time was 25,839 sq.
kms. on April 15th 1948 the Shimla hill states (except Nalagarh) and
the State of Chamba, Sirmour and Suket were merged in Himachal
Pradesh. Mandi state was merged with Himachal Pradesh on 1st may
1948, (Gupta, 2004:140-141).

In 1948, the people of Himachal Pradesh launched struggle for

democratic rule in the hill state. In 1951 it became a part “c” state
under a governor with a 36 member Legislative Assembly and a three
member cabinet. After the completion of the first general elections for
the Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha, a popular ministry under the

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Chief Ministers of Yashwant Singh Parmar sworn on march 24th 1952
on July 1st, 1954 the part ‘C’ state of Bilaspur was also merged with
Himachal Pradesh thereby adding one more district with an area of
1168 sq. Kms and the strength of its assembly was raised to 41,
(Balokhra, 2007:107-109).

The State Reorganisation Commission (SRC) (1956) decided to

merge the state of Himachal Pradesh with the neighbouring state of
Punjab. But the leaders of Himachal Pradesh opposed this decision,
therefore, the central leaders agreed to retain Himachal Pradesh as
separate entity in the form of a union territory consequently,
Himachal Pradesh was designated as Union Territory. The Vidhan
Sabha was dissolved and it was replaced by a territorial council in
1957. In 1960, a new border district of Kinnaur was, carved out of
Mahasu District. Later on, when the Parliament passed the 14th
Constitutional Amendment Bill, the union territory of Himachal
Pradesh was again provided with a legislative assembly. In 1963,
Assembly was revived and a popular ministry formed. On the
reorganisation of Punjab hill areas with Himachal Pradesh on
linguistic basis, on 1st November 1966, it was enlarged by merging the
district of Lahul and Spiti, Shimla, Kangra and Kullu, and the
Nalagarh tehsil of Ambala District, some parts of Una tehsil of
Hohiarpur district and Dalhousie of Gurdaspur district of the then
Punjab state. With this merger the total area of Himachal Pradesh
increased 55,673sq.kms, (Gupta: 140-142). In 1967, the state went to
polls for sixty seats of Legislative Assembly passed a unanimous
resolution for the recognition of full-fledged state hood for Himachal
Pradesh. In 18th December, 1970, the Union Parliament passed the
bill namely the state of Himachal Pradesh Act to elevate the status of
Himachal Pradesh to a full- fledged state, (Balokhora :110).

Himachal Pradesh gained full-fledged statehood on 25th January

1971 and become the 18th, state of Indian Union. The reorganization
of the districts took place on 1st September, 1972 as a consequence of

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which two more new districts namely Una and Hamirpur were created
as a result of trifurcation of the erstwhile Kangra District. Further,
new district of Shimla and Solan were formed by re-organizing the
boundaries of the then existing district of Mahasu and Shimla, (Brief
fact, 2006: 3).

Since 1st Sep., 1972 onwards, there had been no change in the
administrative structure of H.P. except carving our new sub tehsil
from tehsils and raising of sub-tehsil to the level of tehsils. Presently
there are 12 districts, 48 sub-division and 16977 villages in Himachal
Pradesh. For the development purposes, Himachal is divided into 78
development blocks. The smallest unit for development-cum-
administration is Panchayat which are 3243 in number. After granting
the statehood of H.P., the strength of the state legislative assembly
had been increased to sixty eight. Out of sixty-eight constituencies, 19
seats are reserved for SC and ST., 4 seats of Lok Sabha and 3 Seats
for Rajya Sabha are also fixed for Himachal Pradesh. At Present all the
four parliamentary constituencies (Hamirpur, Kangra, Shimla, Mandi)
consist of Seventeen assembly constituencies each.

Social Profile

The society in Himachal Pradesh is composed of mainly six

important religious communities: the Hindu, the Muslims, the
Christens, the Buddhists, the Sikhs, and the Janis. The bulk of the
population, however, is formed of Hindus, Muslims stands at second
position with having some concentrations in Chamba, Kangra and
Sirmour in that order. The Buddhist and Sikhs, also have major
population in the state. The majority of Buddhists are concentrated in
districts of Lahaul & Spiti, Kinnaur and Kullu, whereas Sikhs live
mostly in Kangra, Shimla and Mandi districts. The Christians, in a
very small number are sprinkled over the whole of Himachal and so
are the Jains, (Chauhan, 1998: 292-294).

Majority of people are non-tribal. Besides this fact, tribals have

their own district identity in the state. They are also one of the

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cultural heritages of Himachal Pradesh. The main tribes in Himachal
Pradesh as per official list are Gaddies, Gujjars, Kinnauris, Tads,
Lambas, Bhots, Lahaulas, Pangwals and sevanglas, they are unique.
These tribes are mostly found in the district of Chamba, Kangra,
Kinnaur, Mandi, Bilaspur and Lahaul & Spiti. Generally they live in
the Dhauladhar range and most of the valleys. Largest populations of
tribes are found in Chamba district.

Due to geographical conditions of Pradesh, these tribes have to

live very hard life. Most of these tribes till recently lived a nomadic life,
wandering here and there in search of food and grass for their
animals. It is believed that most of tribes have migrated from the
plains of Punjab and adjoining area from time to time. The early
history of these tribes is surrounded in mystery.

Looking back to the overall diversity of population throughout

the state there may be seen less difference of religious observances
among the people. Despite of all these diversities people live with the
dense of common brotherhood and amicably. They share sorrows and
happiness with each in every sphere of life, (Singh: 245).

Himachal Pradesh extends over an area of 55673 sq.kms.

According to 2011 census, the population of state is 68,64,602 out of
which 34,81, 873 were males (51%) and 33,82, 729 (49%) were
females. The Sex Ratio is 974 females per 1000 males and it is above
the national average i.e. 943 as per 2011 census. The density of
population is 123 persons per sq.kms. The highest density is 407 in
Hamirpur and the Lowest is 2 in the Lahaul & Spiti district. The rural
population was on the high side 90% and urban 10% the percentage
share of urban population has been increasing continuously over the
previous year with figure of 8.69% in 1991, 9.80% in 2001 and
10.00% in 2011 census, (Socio-Economic Indicators of Himachal
Pradesh 2013-14: 8-15).

Like other developing countries, in India the work participation

rate of women has not been very high but in the recent times, there

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has been clear tendency on the part of women to undertake paid job
outside the home.

According to census, 2011 the total worker population in

Himachal Pradesh was 35.59 lakh of which 15.16 lakh were women
and 20.43 lakh were men. Out of total women workers, 41.13 percent
were main workers, 58.87 per cent were marginal workers. Similarly
out of total, men workers. 70.42 percent were main workers, 29.58
percent were marginal workers. Out of total population of women and
men, there were 55.18 & 41.31 percent non-workers respectively. This
clearly indicates the wide difference in the participation of women and
men in the state economy. Beside this Himachal Pradesh is one of the
state with a fairly high percentage of women in employment. Even the
neighbouring states of Punjab, Haryana and Uttarakhand have the
lower employment of women.

Literacy is very important indicator of development of particular

country or state. The literacy rates increase either due to the increase
in number of literates or due to the decrease in population. Special
attention is being laid to these aspects by the State Government.
Literacy rates in the state have risen drastically from only 4.8 per cent
in 1951 (male 7.5 percent and female 2 percent) to 82.80 percent in
2011 (Male 89.53 percent and Female 75.93 percent). It shows that
female literacy is quite good in Himachal Pradesh than that of all India
rate, (Women and Men in Himachal Pradesh, 2014: 23-24).

To achieve 100% Literacy in the state, a literacy mission has

been started in each district with the coordination of Primary
education department and the district Saksharta Samiti under the
Chairmanship Deputy Commissioner. There were functional 10,712
primary, 2201 middle schools and 2325 high and secondary schools
as on 31 March, 2015.

Health of women is an important factor in determining the

overall health of the society. Due to successful implementation of
various health programmes the health of the people of the state has

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improved. Special attention has been paid to the provision of health
and medical cares. Total number of medical institution in Govt. sector
stood at 3866 on 31 March, 2015.

The state has released a Himachal Pradesh health vision 2020,

which focuses on access to primary health care at all level and as
such each sub-centre and PHC will provide need based additional
health facilities. Beside this many health programme and awareness
campaign started through many agencies like Anganwari Kendra to
improve the health of women, (Brief fact: 10-11).

Economic Profile of Himachal Pradesh

Himachal Pradesh came in to being on 15th April 1948. Before

the formation of Himachal Pradesh, no attention was paid to economic
development and social welfare of the people in princely states. Only
some efforts were made by the rulers in their states. But the state’s
social and economic development was negligible till 1948.The
systematic evaluation of resources and their scientific exploitation was
started in only after the formation of Himachal Pradesh as full-fledged
state. It is only then that the people and the government of the
Pradesh started making concerted efforts to improve economic
condition of the people and so of state. The economy of Himachal
Pradesh today is based on agriculture, animal husbandry, industrial
development, forest life, hydro power generation, roads and transport,
horticulture and tourism, (Balokhara, 2009:920-921).

Agriculture: Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of

the state. About 69% employed workers are engaged in agricultural
pursuits Agriculture is even now best with the disadvantage of
smallholdings. Only 75 % of the total reporting area is available for
cultivation. Out of this area, ‘net area sown; and ‘current follows’
constitute only 13%. There is hardly any scope for mechanized
farming due to preponderance of smallholdings and terraced fields.
Against all these odds, the farmers of HP are constantly endeavouring
to exploit fully the agricultural potential of the state to increase food

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production and to supplement the income by producing quality crops.
Wheat, barley, paddy and maize are the important cereal crops under
cultivation. Seed potato, ginger and off season vegetables are the
important cash crops. There is potential for the development of crops
like hops, mushroom, olives, saffron and Zeera, (Brief fact, 2014-
15:7).

Horticulture: Horticulture in the upper reaches and mid hills is

a major source of income. Fruit growing has a distinct advantage over
cultivation of cereals or other cash crops in Himachal Pradesh
because of typical agro-climatic conditions suitable for growing a large
variety of fruits. Due to climatic variation climate is also suitable for
floriculture. The main aim of the development of floriculture is to
develop commercial floriculture as a supplementary economic pursuit
in orchards besides beautification of important places through flower
cultivation, ornamental gardening and landscaping. Apple is the major
horticulture crop and bulk of apple is produce in five districts viz.
Shimla, Kullu, Kinnaur, Mamdi and Chamba. During 2014-15 the
production of apple was 625.20 lakh tonne.

Hydro Power: Himachal Pradesh has been blessed with vast

hydroelectric potential in its five river basins, namely Yamuna, Satluj,
Beas, Ravi and Chinab. These five rivers flow through Himachal
Pradesh with their other several tributaries. Himachal Pradesh State
Electricity Board (HPSEB) as well as some private sector companies
are engaged in the investigation and execution of various hydro-
electric projects, transmission and distribution of electricity. Parbati
power project, which is situated in Kullu district, is the biggest power
(2021 MW) project of Himachal Pradesh on Parvati River. Total
potential of hydropower in Himachal Pradesh is 23, 000 MW. The total
installed capacity (Hydro and diesel) in HP as on 31st march, 2015
was 329.3 MW (Hydro 487.4 MW and diesel 0.1 MW.), (Brief fact,
2014-1:8).

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 Industries: Himachal Pradesh has made significant
achievements in the field of industrialization. The special package of
incentive as announced by the government of India has ushered new
era in the field of industrialization of the state. As on 31-12-2014
there were 40429 industrial units registered with the Industries
Department on permanent basis having the total investment of Rs.
18,307.95 crore and providing employment to 2,84,599 persons. Out
of these 502 industrial units are Medium and Large scale Units,
(Economic Survey, 2014-15: 69).

Road: Road constitutes the very life line of Himachal’s economy.

In a hilly state like Himachal Pradesh, It is not possible to provide
appreciable length of railways and air transport. So road plays a key
role in the economy based on horticulture and commercial farming.
The density of motor able road per 100 sq. kms. at the end of 2014-
15.

Himachal Pradesh has only two length of narrow gauge line, one
from Kalka to Shimla (96 Km) and second from Pathankot to Joginder
Nagar (113 Km.). There is only one 10 Km broad gauge railway line
from Nangal to Una, (Brief fact: 8).

At present there are only three Airports in Himachal Pradesh

namely Shimla, Kangra and Kulu-Manali and sixty three operational
helipads in different areas of the state, (Economic Survey 2014-15:
109).

Tourism: From the economic point of view, tourism is especially

important in developing countries like India. In the case of Himachal
Pradesh, tourism offers the greatest scope for topography bestows
upon the state all that a visitor looks for in nature. Tourism occupies
an important place in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. Together
with horticulture, forestry, hydel power, tourism is a major economic
activity in the Pradesh for creating income and employment
opportunities. Tourism offers the greater scope of development
because of appropriate geographical and cultural diversity, clean,

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peaceful and beautiful environment through its forest, lakes,
mountains, rivers and rivulets, sacred shrines, historic monuments
and the friendly and hospitable people. The contribution of the
tourism sector in the state GDP is 7.5 percent and the Government is
continuously endeavoured to develop the basic infrastructure to
enable tourism development. For the year 2014-15, there is an
allotment of Rs. 3,481.04 lakh for development of tourism in the state
At present about 2,377 hotels having bed capacity of about 61,236 are
registered with the department, (Economic Survey : 111). Special
efforts in the form of Home Stay, Adventure Tour are given special
emphasis to bring Himachal on the world Tourist Map by the state
government.

Forest: In Himachal Pradesh, forests cover an area of 37,033

Square Kilometres and form about 66.5 percent the total geographical
area of the state. The strategy of Himachal Pradesh Government in
forestry management is conservation along with rational utilization
and side by side expanding its base. Side by side expanding its source
of revenue for Himachal Pradesh.

Profile of Sample Districts

It is imperative to develop in depth understanding of the areas

taken for studies. Kinnaur is situated 77’’45 and 79 east longitude
and 31’’55 and 32’’05 north latitude. Kinnaur district share its eastern
boundary with Tibet. The Zaskar range from the natural boundary
between Kinnaur and Tibet. The international border starts at a point
named Parchhu and passes through Shipkila pass, the Rainso pass,
Shimdang pass and Gumgrang pass/khimokul pass and reaches a
point is called chorgad valley in east. On the south and east, it is
bounded by Uttrakkashi district of Uttranchal. On the western Shimla
district, north and north western Lahaul & Spiti on the west, it is
bounded by Kullu district, (Chauhan, 2013: 366).

Kinnaur the land of Kinners is popularly known as ‘Dev Bhumi’

on the bases of a local beyond which says that it fell from the clouds

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with all its beauty and splendour. It finds their mention in Purans and
many ancient Hindu texts. People are warm hearted and known for
their hospitality. Till 1960, Kinnaur was Chini tehsil of Mahasu
district on 1st May 1960, it was declared sixth district of Himachal
Pradesh. The geographical area of the district is 6401 square
kilometres which forms 11.50% of the total area of the state. Total
population of the district is 84121. Males comprises 46249 of the
population while female are 37872 in number. The present sex ratio is
as low as 818 against 972 for the state as whole and the density of the
population 13 per Sq. km. The literacy rate of the district as per 2011
census is 80.0% (Male 89.2% and female 71.5%), (Statistical Year
Book of Himachal Pradesh 2013-14: 8-31).

The Present population of district Kinnaur do not constitutes a

homogenous group and display significant territorial and ethnic
diversity. Kinnaur district may be divided into three territorial units.
Lower. Kinnaur comprised area between Chora at the boundary of
district Kinnaur with Rampur Bushahr and kalpa including Nichar
and Sangla valley. The middle Kinnaur the area between Kalpa and
Kanain including Moorang tehsil. The people of middle Kinnaur are of
mixed racial strain. The inhabitants are Buddhists and Hindus. The
upper Kinnaur comprised remaining area northern eastern part of the
district, the area between Pooh and Hangrang valley extending up to
the international border with Tibet. Predominant physical features are
mongoloid. They mostly follow Mahayana Buddhism type religion. The
Kinnaur society is divided into two broad occupational groups.
Peasants and Artisans are possibly of diverse ethnic groups. These
groups are represented by kanets and Scheduled castes, (Chauhan:
371).

The district is entirely rural and has number of 660 villages

spreading over five tehsils and one sub tehsil of Hungrung sub tehsil
(57 villages) Pooh (97 Villages, Murang (124 villages), Kalpa (84
villages), Nichar, (District Census Hanbook Kinnaur, 2011:21).

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 Kinnaura society is a faire-festival dominated society. It goes to
the credit of Kinnauras that they devised their own methods of
recreation and amusements. All fairs and festivals are ceremonised
with a view to appease and worship gods and goddess. There are a
number of fairs and festivals held in tribal district of Kinnaur namely
Chaitral festivals, Phulaich, Losar, Beeshu, Phaguli, Khepa, Sazo etc,
(Balokhra: 364-65).

For the democratic decentralisation and rural development,

Kinnaur district has 65 Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samitis (45
seats) and Zila Parishad (10 seats). At present Chairperson of Zila
Parishad is headed by Scheduled Tribe woman in Kinnaur district.

There are three development blocks in Kinnaur namely Pooh,

Kalpa and Nichar. Kalpa is one of the developed block in district
Kinnaur. Population of Kalpa Block is 33232 out of which 19475
Scheduled Tribes and 3105 Scheduled Caste. The literacy rate is
higher than others Pooh and Nichar block. As per 2011 census
literacy rate in Kalpa is 82.45% with 73.96% of the female population
as against 89.66% for male population. Literacy rate improved
significantly both for male and female, (Tribal Outline, 2014-15: 3).

This block represents a typical rural economy and 100 percent

of its people living in rural area. Economy of the block is largely based
on horticulture and agriculture and allied activities for sustaining a
large proportion of its population. Women are also increasingly to
income of the house-hold through working in the fields to produce the
apple and cash crops, MNREGA, and working in the other economic
activities.

Kalpa block has 23 Gram Panchayats and 15 members in

Panchayat Samiti. In the last election of PRIs in 2011, the
Chairperson of this block was headed by a woman. Beside Zila
Parishad, Kalpa block and 3 Panchayats of this block namely- Kalpa,
Khwangi and Pangi Panchayats have been taken for the study these 3
Panchayats headed by SC and ST Women. In the last PRIs election in

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2011 Zila Parishad and Kalpa block headed by Scheduled Tribe
women

Una

Una district is in the South-Western part of Himachal Pradesh.

It is surrounded by Kangra, Hamirpur and Bilaspur districts of
Himachal Pradesh in the North. East and South by Hoshiarpur
district of Punjab in the West. It lies within North latitude 310 21’ and
310 50’ and East longitudes 710 55’ and 760 28’. Una district is in
Himalayana foothills zone bounded by plains of Punjab in the West
and Solahasinghi Dhar in the East. In the western part also, there is
hill range whose maximum height is about 600 metres. The altitudes
vary from mere 350 metres to over 1,200 metres on the Solahsinghi
Dhar. Shivalik ranges experience heavy rainfall. The hill ranges are
covered by scanty vegetation comprising mostly of shrubs. The
breadth of ‘Jaswan Dun valley’ ranges from 7 Kms. to 14 Kms. And
the town of Una, which is near the middle of the Dun is on the
elevation of 1.404 feet above sea level, (Balokhra: 563).

Present history of Una comprises of Jaswan doon and Kutlehr

state and Siba state. All of these princely states were offshoot of
Kangra. Purab Chand and his capital at Rajpur near Amb founded
Jaswan state. In 1815, Sikh Maharaja Ranjeet annexed Jaswan state.
In 1948 it was conquered by British Indian Government capital of
Kutlehr state was Kot-Kutlehar. Una district was the tehsil of
Hoshiarpur district of Punjab till 1966. From 1966-1972 it was the
part of Kangra district. In 1972, Himachal Pradesh was reorganized
then Kangra district divided into three districts namely Una,
Hamirpur and Kangra, (Chauhan: 290-371).

Una district comprises 4 tehsil and 1 sub-tehsil consisting of

848 villages as per 2011 census. The district has 2 sub-division of
Amb and Una. Amb sub-division comprised of Bharwain sub-tehsil,
Amb tehsil and Nagar panchayats of Daultpur and Gagret, Una Sub-
dvision constituted by tehsil of Bangana, Una and Haroli including

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Una Municipal council Nagar Panchayat of Santokhgarh and
Mehtpur, (Distt. Census Hand Book, Una: 14).

According to the 2011 census the Una district has a total

population of 5,21,173 out of these 2,63,692 were male and 2,57,481
were females. The sex ratio is 976 females per 1,000 males in the
district and it is higher as against 972 for the state as a whole, while
the density of population in the district is 338 persons per square
kilometre which is fairly higher when compared with 123 persons per
square kilometre for the state as a whole. Out of total population
4,76,260 (male 2,40,254 & female 2,36,006) persons are rural
inhabitants and only 44,912 (male 23,438 & female 21,475) are Urban
dwellers. It indicates that only 8.62 % population lives in the urban
area in the district, (Distt. Census: 15-16). The greater part of the
district at present is inhabited by Brahmans, Rajputs, Jats, Sainis,
Bhatis and Gujjars. Caste is the base of the social system that also
affects political configurations.

The Una district has distinction of celebrating the following

festivals and fairs. These are—Chintpurani fair, Pir Nigaha in Basholi,
Panjgotra at Babhaur, Mairi fair near Amb (Baba Barbagh Singh fair),
Thakurdwara fair at Dharamshala, Sidh Badhmana fair, Baishakhi
fair at Ambota, Jatoli fair, Bhadar Kali fair etc., (Balokhra : 568).

Una district has made tremendous progress in the field of

education and present Una is known as a hub of education and
numbers of government and public schools colleges, Universities
imparting education to the society. As per 2011 census literacy rate of
the district is 86.53% (male 91.89 % & female 81.11%) which is higher
than the state as whole.

For the development purpose the district is divided in to five

community development blocks. These are Amb, Gagret, Una,
Bangana, (Dhundla) and Haroli. Beside this there are 235 Gram
Panchayats in Una District. At present there are 17 Zila Parishad

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members out of which 9 were women. Zila Parishad Una headed by
woman.

The development block of Haroli was created in 31 August

2000.The total number of population of Haroli block is 1,05,597 with
the Schedule Caste (SC) population being 19,330 and Schedule Tribe
(ST) being 3004 according to the 2011 Census. All the villagers are
engaged in the cultivation of the land. The block is very forehead in
the field of education. In most of the areas, all schools are
approachable and most of the students have their basic education but
there are many dropouts, due to poverty among the lower and upper
castes. All most all the village Panchayats are connected with roads.
This block is connected with railways and air services. For the welfare
of the people recently SDM office and Tehsil Welfare Office were
inaugurated. So far as medical facilities are concerned in Haroli block
there are many Community and Primary Health Centre (PHC) in the
block. For the development of the rural area, there are 43 Gram
Panchayats in the block and 25 members of Panchayats Samiti and
the chairperson is headed by a women. In Una district all the women
members of Zila Parishad, women member of Panchayat Samiti Haroli
and 3 Panchayats of Haroli block namely Bathu, Bhadihara and
Polian Beet has been taken for the field study. In these Panchayats
Bathu and Bhadihara is headed by General women and Polian Beet is
headed by SC woman.

Mandi

Mandi district was formed by the amalgamation of the erstwhile

princely states of Mandi and Suket at the formation of Himachal
Pradesh on the 15th April, 1948.Mandi is one of the densely populated
districts, located in the middle region of the State. It lies between
31º13'30'', 32º04'22'' north latitudes and 76º36'08'', 70º23'26'' east
longitudes. The district is entirely hilly except some fertile valleys. The
district derives its name from the headquarter town. It is said that
Raja Ajber Sen found the town of Mandi in 1500 A.D. along the river

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Beas. It is believed that the name of Mandi is associated with Mandav
Rishi who is said to have meditated at Kilsar- a place in the vicinity of
present Mandi town. The hermitage of Mandav Rishi was called
Mandavaya and probably the name is corporated from the
Mandavaya. The place has long been a market for goods of Yarkand
and Ladakh. The town of Mandi is rich in history and culture. It has
several old temples with fine stone carving. Mandi is also known as
the gateway to the beautiful Kullu valley, the district is dotted with
places of scenic beauty, (District Census Handbook Mandi, 1999:3).

The district has a total area of 3950 Sq. Kms. and covers 7.10
percent area of the state. It has total number of 3,338 villages and of
these 2,850 are inhabited and 488 are inhabited. According to the
2011 census the district has a total population of 9,99,777 out of
these 4,98,065 were male and 5,01,712 were females. It indicates a
higher sex ratio of 1007 females per 1,000 males in the district as
against 972 for the state as a whole, while the density of population in
the district is 253 persons per square kilometer which is fairly higher
when compared with 123 persons per square kilometer for the state as
a whole. Out of total population 9,37,140 persons are rural
inhabitants and only 62,637 are Urban dwellers. Mandi district ranks
second in the population and seventh in area among the districts of
the state. Above 98 percent people of Mandi district are followers of
Hindu religion. Among the caste Hindus Brahmins, Rajputs and
Khatris are the main communities. Besides these, there are a number
of Scheduled Caste (SC) communities in the district which constitute
30.69 percent of the total population, (Socio-Economic Indicators,
2013-14: 1-80).

Education is very important for the development of people. The

Govt. of India (GOI) and HP Government doing very well in this field.
The literacy rate in HP is 82.80 % and the literacy rate in Mandi
district is 81.53 %. (male 89.56% & female 73.66%) as per 2011
census. In Mandi district 79 percent of the total population is

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dependent on agriculture and activities allied to it for carving the
livelihood. Balh valley in SunderNagar block and Sandhol area of
Dharampur block are the only major areas in producing cereals in the
district which cater to the demands of sizeable population of the
district. The main supplementary means of livelihood of sizeable
population in the district is animal husbandry which is helpful to
small and marginal farmers for increasing their income. Besides sheep
and goat rearing is the major subsidiary occupation of the farmers,
(District Census Handbook, Mandi: 13).

Female work participation as per 2011 census in Mandi district

54.85%. The people of the district celebrate various festivals almost
around the year. Shivratri fair of Mandi is one of the most colourful
International fair of the Himachal Pradesh. There is no shortage of the
power in the district because, of the setting up Power houses, namely
Shanan and Basi at Joginder Nagar and Dehar at Slappar. Uhl Project
(70 MW), Largi Hydel Project (126 MW) and Kol Dam Project (800 MW)
Mandi district is endowed with bountiful resources of water/hydro
power, minerals, forests and cool and dust free climate. All these
factors provide favourable conditions for setting up Agro based, forest
based, food processing beverages and electronic industries in the
district. In the PRIs election out of 36 Zila Parishad members in Mandi
19 women were elected. The chairperson of Zila Parishad is headed by
Scheduled Caste but vice chairperson is Woman. In district Mandi
there are ten development blocks, namely Gopalpur, Dharampur,
Gohar, Seraj, Sunder Nagar and Karsog. In ten development blocks
there are total number of Gram Panchayat 473. Chauntra block is
situated on Joginder Nagar Pathankot National highway. It was
established in 1962. Its area is 16767.65 hectare with the total
number of population of 70,981 as per 2011 Census. Majority of the
people of this block are engaged in agriculture. The block is very
forehead in the field of education. In the most of the areas, all schools
are approachable and most of the students have studied up to 12 but
there are many dropouts, due poverty among the lower and upper

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castes. All most all the village Panchayats are connected with roads.
This block is connected with railways. There is one employment
exchange established in Chauntra block. So far as medical facilities
are concerned in Chauntra block. There are many Community and
Primary Health Centre (PHCs) in the block. For the development of the
rural area, there are 40 Gram Panchayats in the block and 20
members of Panchayats Samiti and present time its chairperson is
woman. Through the purpose of our study Langana, Pipli and Kuthera
Panchayat of this block has been taken. Gram Panchayat Langana
and Kuthera headed by General Category woman and Pipli Panchayat
is headed by a Schedule Caste woman.

Panchayati Raj in Himachal Pradesh

The Himachal region before 1947 consisted of small princely

states, all independent but under the suzerainty of the British Crown.
Hence there was no single Panchayat act in operation in all these
states. But the Punjab Villages Act, 1939 had been adopted where the
rulers were enlightened. The state of Himachal Pradesh came into
existence on 15 April 1948 with the merger of thirty princely states.
On 25 January 1971, it became the eighteenth state of the Indian
union. The origin of the Panchayats in the territories now constituting
Himachal Pradesh, dates back to 1908 when Raja Bijai Chand of
Kahloor (Bilaspur) established quomi (Caste) Panchayats in his state.
There were three major castes, Brahmins, Thakur, Rajputs. These
quomi Panchayats although established for only 3 major castes were
just caste Panchayats. The state also had halqa and Pargana councils
with their Pradhan, Up-Pradhan and secretaries, (Sharma in Mathew,
1995:81).

Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1952

The new State of Himachal Pradesh adopted the Punjab village

Panchayat Act 1952. Before the enactment of this Act there were only
280 Gram Panchayats. The State Legislature passed the Himachal
Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act in 1952 in order to bring the working of

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Panchayats in tune with the local conditions and with the growing
aspirations of the people for democratization. It came into operation in
the year of 1954 when the Panchayts were established in the state.
The special feature of this act was that a three tier Panchayati Raj
system was introduced in the state. This act authorized the state
government to establish a Gram Sabha for a village or a group of
village and a Tehsil Panchayat for every tehsil of sub-division. The
President of the Gram Sabha was the Pradhan, who along with Up-
Pradhan was to be elected for three years from amongst the members.
An executive committee of the Gram Sabha also elected was called the
Gram Panchayat. There was reservation of seats for SCs as well as for
women in Gram Panchayat.

The Tehsil Panchyats were already functioning as the second

tier when the Balwant Rai Mehta Committee report was being
implemented in Himachal Pradesh or other states of India. There were
ten to forty members in each Tehsil Panchayats. Some of these
members were nominated by the state government and each election
to the Gram Panchayat shall be by secret ballot and direct vote and
for the purpose of such election, the Gram Sabha shall be divided into
wards with single member constituencies on the basis of population,
(Mathew, 2000: 117-119).

In the year 1954 the number of Panchayats was increased to

466 and in the year 1962 with the creation of 172 new Gram Sabha
circles this numbers increased to 638. On 1st November1966, after the
reorganisation of states, the Hilly areas of Punjab were merged in to
state of Himachal Pradesh and consequently numbers of Gram
Panchayats were raised to 1695, (Election Report: 2005).

Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1968

The Himachal Pradesh Act, 1952 was repealed in 1968, when

the State Legislature passed a new Panchayati Raj Act. This Act
provided for a uniform system for the entire State. This Act was
introduced in November 1970 and provided for three-tier system of

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Panchayati Raj: Gram Sabha at village, Panchayat Sammitti at block
and Zila Parishad at the district level, (Annual Administration Report,
1962:65).

According to HP Panchayat Raj Act, 1968 all members of Gram

panchayat shall be elected directly by members of Gram Sabha
amongst themselves. The Pradhan of Gram Panchayat was also
elected directly and there also existed on post of Up-Pradhan. The
Gram Panchayat was normally elected for the period of 5 years and
members of the Gram Panchayat shall not less than seven and more
than eleven. The Act of 1968, conferred twenty seven duties on Gram
Panchayat, (Singh & Misra, 1993:105-06).

The 1968 Act also provides for representation of women in case

there are no primary women members in the Panchayat Samiti. Only
two women were to be co-opted among the Panches from the block.
This Act conferred twenty seven duties on Gram Panchayat but the
funds made available to them were extremely limited. The 1968 Act
had in fact, vested real powers in the District Collector, Sub-divisional
Magistrate and the District Panchayati Raj Department. There was no
real power either with the Pradhan of the gram Panchayats or with the
chairpersons of the Panchayat Samitis. The most important official
dealing with Panchayati Raj Institutions at the grass roots level was
the Secretary of a Gram Panchayat or of a group of Panchayat, who
was appointed by the Director of Panchayats. This was the start of an
attempt to control Gram panchayats, although the Secretary was
supposed to act under the overall supervision of the Pradhans. The
Gram Panchayat, the election to the Gram Panchayat shall be by
secret ballot and direct vote and for the purpose of such elections, the
Gram Sabha shall be divided into wards with single member
constituencies on the basis of population, (The HP Panchayati Raj Act,
1968: Act, 19 of 1970).

After becoming the State, the first election of Gram Panchayat

was held in the Year 1954, second after eight years in 1962, third

129
after a gap of ten years in 1972 and fourth in 1978. The fifth election
was held in 1985 and before the 73rd amendment the sixth election of
Panchayati Raj Bodies held in 1991, (Mahajan, 1999: 643). After the
general election of Gram Panchayats in 1972, 2038 Gram Panchayat
and equal number of Nayay Panchayats were set up, (Sharma in
Mathew: 120). But, with enforcement of the Himachal Pradesh
Panchayatti Raj Amendment Act, 1977 of 20th March 1978, Nayay
Panchayat were abolished and Judicial function were assigned to the
Gram Panchayats, (Nayaya Panchati Raj Rule, 1972:2-11).

Amendment Bill 1991

The Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly introduced

the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Bill 1991 on
March 15, 1991, (HP Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 1988).

The Amendment Act laid down that the primary members would
be elected by the secret ballot by the members of the Gram Sabha
with one member from every two contiguous Gram Sabhas subject to
a minimum of ten members. The Pradhan and up-Pradhan of Gram
Sabha, who were also the Pradhan and Up- Pradhan of gram
Panchayat were selected from amongst the members of gram Sabha,
by secret ballot and direct vote. In a block in which the total number
of Gram Sabha in not divisible by two, one member shall be elected
from the Gram Sabha having highest population in the respective of
the fact whether the Gram Sabha is contiguous with other Gram
Sabha, seats shall be reserved as laid down in the scheduled IV
annexed to this act. Twenty five percent seats of the total number of
panches, other than Pradhan and Up-Pradhan, shall be provided that
more than one seat shall not be reserved for members of the
Scheduled Caste where their population is less than ten percent of the
total population in Gram Sabha. In every Gram Sabha, twenty five
percent of total number of seats of panches, other than Pradhan and
Up-Pradhan shall be reserved for women, including the number of

130
seats reserved for women belonging to the scheduled caste, (Himachal
Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 1991).

Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994

Himachal Pradesh enacted a new Panchayati Raj legislation, the

Himachal Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 in conformity with provisions of
the Constitution (73rd Amendment) Act 1992. The Act of 1994,
repealing the earlier State Panchayati Raj Act of 1968, became
effective from April 1994. This Act provided for a Gram Sabha and
Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad at village, block
and district levels respectively.

Election for the Panchayati Raj Institution in Himachal

Pradhesh held according to the New Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 in
1995, (Jansata, 29 Nov. 1995). Elections were conducted by the State
Election Commission, set up under the 1994 Act. Election were held
in 2922 Panchayats to elect 1826 5 members as many as 2922
Pradhan and Up- Pradhan and 1661 Panchayati Samiti members 252
Zila Parishad Members. Thirty two lakh electorate in the state were
required to caste five votes to elect panch, Pradhan, Up-Pradhan,
Panchayat Samiti members and Zila Parishad members, (The Tribune,
2 Dec. 1995). There was high voter turnout for the polls in the election
7632 women were elected to different offices, (iespanchayat.net.in).

The main features of the Himachal Panchayati Raj Act 1994 are
given below:

Gram Sabha: Gram Sabha is the first modern political

Institution, which seeks to place direct power in the hands of the
people. The legislative empowerment of the Gram Sabha in India is a
political development of utmost important, because it marks the
clearest break from the most dominant political orthodoxy in this
country. Under section 3 of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act
1994, a Gram Sabha is constituted for a village or a group of
contiguous villages with a population of less than 1000 and not

131
exceeding 5000. The government can relax these limits in particular
case. The Gram Sabha once established can be recognized by the
government by including or excluding any area from its jurisdiction.
Every person who has attained the age of 18 years within the Gram
Sabha area is entitled to be the voter of Gram Sabha.

Meeting: Every Gram Sabha was required to hold two general

meeting in each year, one in the summer and other in winter season.
But now as per HP Panchayti Raj Amendment act 2000 there shall be
four general meeting in each year on first Sunday of January, April,
July and second October, (HP Panchayati Raj Amendment Act, 2015:
4). It is the responsibility of Pradhan to convene the meeting of Gram
Sabha. The meeting of Gram Sabha is presided over by Pradhan or in
his absence by Up-Pardhan. In their absence, any other member of
Gram Sabha elected for the purpose to preside over the meeting will
convene the meetings.

Mahila Gram Sabha: There shall be a Mahila Gram Sabha in

every Gran Sabha. The Mahila Gram Sabha shall hold two meetings
first on 8th March and second on first Sunday of September in each
year which shall be convened by the Mahila Gram Pradhan or in her
absence by the Mahila Up-Pradhan and in the absence of both by the
senior Mahila Member of the Gram Panchayat, (HP Panchayati Raj
Amendment Act, 2015:4).

Quorum: The quorum of Gram Sabha general meetings, which

was one-fifth of the total number of Gram Sabha as per the 1994 Act,
was changed to one-third under HPPR (Second Amendment) Act 2000.
Decisions are taken by the majority of members present and voting,
HPPR (Second Amendment) Act 2000. (Act No. 4 of 2001:2).

Up-Gram Sabha: The HPPR (Second Amendment) Act 2000,

made provision for the setting up of Up-Gram Sabha for each ward of
the Gram Sabha. The Up-Gram Sabha nominates its representatives
for general meeting of Gram Sabha, one-third of who have to be

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women. It is empowered to take cognizance of disputes in its area and
make recommendation to Gram Sabha.

Function of Gram Sabha: Under section 7 of HPPR Act 1994,

Gram Sabha has been assigned many functions. For example, it
mobilizes voluntary labour and contribution in kind and cash for the
community welfare programmes. It identifies the beneficiaries for
implementation of development scheme pertaining to the village,
promotes unity and harmony among all sections of society in Sabha
area and is vested with the power to consider and make
recommendation to Gram Panchayat on important matters. Thus
Gram Sabha works as the legislature of village. It provides for the
election of the members of all three levels and also for the office of
Pardhan and Up-Pradhan of Gram Panchayat whereas the chairman
of Panchayat samiti and Zila Parishad are to be indirectly elected from
amongst their members, (HPPR Act, 1994).

Gram Panchayat: Gram Panchayt is the lowest tier of

Panchayati Raj. It is the executive committee of the Gram Sabha. This
executive committee is elected by the Gram Sabha to execute its
works and programmes. Under section 8 of HPPR, Act 1994, for a
population not exceeding 1500 a Gram Pachayat have five members,
between 1500, to 2500 it will have seven members, between 2500 to
3500 nine members, between 3500 to 4500 eleven members and
above 4500 thirteen members.

Qualifications: Basic Qualification for a candidates to become

member of Panchayats, Pardhan or Up-Pradhan is that he shall not be
less than 21 years of age. Voting age has been reduced to 18 years
from twenty one.

Reservation of Seats: The Act provide that seats shall be

reversed in Gram Panchayat for SC and ST. The number of seats so
reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, same proportion to the total
number of seats in the Gram Panchayat.

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 As the population of the scheduled castes of the Sabha area is
at least five per cent of total population of the Sabha area, one seat
shall be reserved for the SC in such as Gram Sabha. Not less than
one-third seats in each category for person belonging to the SCs/STs
and the non-reserved seats in the Gram Panchayat shall be reserved
for women, HPPR (Amendment) Act 2000. (Act. No. 18 of 2001:1).

The Government can also reserve the seats for backward classes
in Gram panchayats. According to HPPR Adhiniyam 2001, maximum
15 percent seats shall be reserved for backward classes in all the tiers
of PRIs and one-third of the total seats shall be reserved for women.

Oath: Before assuming their duties as member of PRIs, the

concerned are required to take oath.

Term: under Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, the

term of PRIs has been fixed five years. Election has been held fourth
time for the PRIs after the 73rd Amendment, first in December 1995,
and second in December 2000 and third in December 2005, for
election held in 2010 and firth was in Dec. 2015 & Jan. 2016. Gram
Panchayat members hold their office for a period of five years and it
may be extended by the state government for six months.

Meeting: The meetings of Gram Panchayat are public and are

held at least once a month at the office of (GP) and at such a time as
Pardhan may fix, provided that when required in writing by a majority
of members to call a meeting, the Pardhan has to do so within three
days, failing which they said members are, with previous approval of
prescribed authority, be entitled to call a meeting after giving notice of
one week to the Pardhan and other members, quorum of meeting as
mentioned in the Act is half of the total members of Gram Panchayat.

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 Table 2.1: Election of Gram Panchayats

Sr. No. Election Year Total Gram Panchayat

1 I 1954 466

2 II 1962 638

3 III 1972 2035

4 IV 1978 2357

5 V 1985 2597

6 VI 1991 2757

7 VII 1995 2922

8 VIII 2000 3037

9 IX 2005 3243

10 X 2010 3243

Source: Panchayati Raj Department HP, Shimla.

Secretary: Secretary belongs to the administrative side

(executive) and helps the deliberative wing to carry out its functions
properly. In the (HPPR) Act 1994, there is a provision of secretary for a
Gram Panchayat or Group of Gram Panchayats. The secretary works
under the overall supervision of the Pardhan but in his absence, he
works under the supervision of Up-Pradhan. He is responsible for the
custody and maintenance of all prescribed records and registers and
other property belonging to or vested in Gram Sabha or Gram
Panchayat.

Function of Gram Panchayat: According to Himachal Pradesh

Panchayati Raj Act 1994, it shall be duty of a Gram Panchayat, in so
for as the Gram Panchayat funds allow, to perform within its area the
following functions spiced in the Act 1994.

1. Sanitation, conservancy and prevention and abatement of

nuisance.

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2. Construction, maintenance and repair of public well, ponds,
and tank and supply of water for domestic use.

3. Construction and maintenance of resources of water for

bathing, washing and supply of water for domestic animal.

4. Construction maintenance of village roads, culverts, bridges,

bunds, and other works and building of public utility.

5. Construction, maintenance, and clearing of public streets,

latrines, drain tanks, wells, and other public places.

6. Filling in disused well, in sanitary ponds, pools, ditches and pits

and conversion of step wells into sanitary wells.

7. Lighting of village streets and public place.

8. Removing of obstructions and projections in public streets or

places and in sites not being its property or which are open to
use or public.

9. Regulating and control over entertainment show, shops, eating

houses and vendors of drinks, sweets, meats, fruits and milk
and other similar articles.

10. Regulating the construction of houses, latrines, urinals, urinal

drains, and water resources.

11. Management of public land and management extension and

development of village site.

12. Ear making places for dumping refuse.

13. Maintenance of Gram Panchayat Property.

14. Maintenance of records of births, deaths and marriages.

15. Rendering assistance in Prevention of contagious diseases.

16. Plantation and preservation of Panchayat forests.

17. Removal of social evil such as dowry.

18. Regulation of sale and preservation of meat.

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19. Establishment of Raksha Samiti for the safety of life and
property.

20. Prevention of fire and extinguishing fire and safety of property

during outbreak of such fires, (HPPR Act, 1994, Act. no. 12 of
1994).

Income of Gram Panchayats: The income of Gram Panchayats

can be broadly classified into tax revenue and non-tax revenue. The
tax revenue comprises the income derived from the imposition of taxes
and fees. Non-tax revenue consists of grants-in-aid. That any
Panchayat get from different sources and income it derives from its
own property. Above all the Gram Panchayats are also entitled to raise
loans from public or under of government sponsored revenue earning
scheme.

The major source of finances of Panchayat shall continue to be

grant-in-aid to the Panchayats by state government as may be decided
on the basis of recommendations of the State Finance Commission
(SFC).

Panchayat Samiti

In the hierarchical set up of the Panchayati Raj, Panchayat

Samiti forms the intermediate organisation coming next to the Gram
Panchayat. It is a block level institution, known in various states by
various names. But it is analogous to the Community Development
Block.

Under section 78 of Act (1994) the Panchayat Samiti consists of:

a) Directly elected member from territorial constituencies as

determined under the Act.

b) Member of Lok Sabha and the Legislation Member (MLA) of the

State Legislature representing constituencies which comprise
wholly or partly the Panchayat Samiti area.

137
c) In bicameral legislature the members of the council of the state,
where they are registered as electoral within the Panchayat
Samiti area.

d) One-fifth of the Pradhan of Gram Panchayat in Panchayat

Samiti area are appointed by rotation for such period as the
prescribed authority may determine by lot, provided that a
Pradhan who was member under this clause for one term shall
not eligible to become member for a second term during the
remaining period of this term.

In Panchayat Samiti area having a population not exceeding

forty five thousand there shall be minimum of 15 elected members.
Maximum numbers shall not exceed 40. In case the population of PS
area is more 1.25 lakhs, the constituencies shall be divided in such a
manner that the number shall remain 40.

Reservation of Seats: The clause 4 of section 78 of HPPR Act,

1994 provides reservation of seats for SC/STs and the non-reserved
seats in the Panchayat Samiti area shall be reserved for women. One
third of total seats are reserved under this section for women
belonging to backward classes, (HPPR, General, Rule 1997,
Government of Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Department,
Shimla).

Election: The elections of Panchayat Samiti are held by secret

ballot and direct to vote. Before the statehood (1971), elections for
block level bodies were not held regularly. Afterwards the 1st election
of Panchayat Samiti was held in 1972 and 2nd in 1991, after the 73rd
Amendment in Indian constitution, tow more elections were held in
1995 and 2000. At present there are 78 blocks in Himachal Pradesh.
After declaration of results, the elected members of the Panchayat
Samiti take oath under the chairmanship of the Deputy Commissioner
concerned or any Gazetted officer appointed by him on his behalf.
Immediately after the oath the elected members of PS elect one

138
member as the Chairman and other members a Vice-chairman of
Panchayat Samiti.

Meeting: Chairman or Vice-Chairman or Panchayat Samiti is

required to convene at least four meetings in a year at its
headquarters to regulate its business. On the written request of 1/3
members or required by Zila Parishad or Deputy Commissioner, may
convince a special meeting with in two weeks. Decision in PS shall be
decided by majority vote, in case of equality of vote, the authority
presiding the meeting shall have a casting vote.

Functions of Panchayat Samiti: Under section 81 of HPPR

Act, 1994 the Panchayat Samiti performs a variety of functions such
as:

a. Integrated rural development, agriculture, social forestry,

animal husbandry and fisheries, health and Sanitation, Adult
education, Communication and Public work, Co-operation,
Cottage industries, welfare of women, youth and children
welfare of backward classes, Family welfare sports and rural
development programmes.

b. Provisions of emergency relief in case of distress caused by fires,

floods, droughts, earthquake, scarcity, locus, swarms, epidemic
and other natural calamities.

c. Arrangement in connection with local pilgrimages and festivals.

d. Management of public Ferries.

e. Management of Public market, public melees and exhibition.

f. Any other function with the approval of or entrusted by the

state government or Zila Parishad.

Standing Committee: Under section 84 of the PR Act 1994,

each Panchayat Samiti has following committees.

1. General Standing Committee.

2. Finance, Audit and Planning Committee.

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3. Social Justice Committee.

Each standing committee shall consist of maximum seven

members, including the chairman, as specified by the Panchayat
Samiti, elected by the members of the Panchayat Samiti. The
chairman of Panchayat Samiti shall be the ex-officio member and also
chairman of general standing committee and finance audit and
planning committee. The vice-chairman of PR shall be the ex-officio
member and chairman of social justice committee. The executive
officer shall be the ex-officio secretary of every standing committee.

Zila Parishad

The top most tier of PRIs for each district is a Zila Parishad
having jurisdiction over the entire district excluding, such portions of
district which come under the urban local bodies.

Composition of Zila Parishad: Like Panchayat and Panchyat

Samiti, Zila Parishad also consists of directly elected members from
territorial constituencies of the district, ex-officio members, MLAs and
MPs of the area if there exists state council then its member, where
they are registered as electors. The chairman of all Panchayat Samitis
in the district is the number of ex-officio member will exceed from the
elected members. In Such case the 1/5 chairman of the Panchayat
Samitis by rotation will become members of Zila Parishad.

Reservation of seats: In proportion of the SCs/STs population,

seats will be reserved for their candidates. 1/3 of the total seats will
be reserved for the women candidates. In case of the backward classes
from time to time state government by notification may reserve seats.
The elected members of Zila Parishad elect from amongst themselves
chairman and vice chairman of Zila Parishad.

Meetings of Zila Parishad: Meetings of Zila Parishad are

convened by chairman or in his absence by vice-chairman. Ordinarily
a Zila Parishad meets quarterly and a gap of between two meetings

140
should not be more than three months. Chairman or in his absence
vice-chairman may convene special meeting on the written request of
1/3 of its members or on requisition of the Deputy Commissioner.

Functions of the Zila Parishad: It shall be the duty of Zila

Parishad to:

1. Control, co-ordinate and guide, the Panchayat Samiti and Gram

Panchayat within the district.

2. Co-ordinate and consolidate Panchayat Samiti plan in the

district.

3. Co-ordinate the demands for grants for special purpose,

received from the Panchayat Samiti and forward then to the
state government.

4. Secure the execution of plans, projects schemes or other works

common to two or more panchayat Samities in district.

5. Advise the state government in the development activities, social

forestry, family welfare, welfare of the disabled, destitute,
women, youth, children and sports.

6. Exercise and perform such other powers and functions as the

state government may confer on or entrust to it.

Standing committees: Under section 95, the Zila Parishad

shall have the following standing committees.

a. General Standing Committee.

b. Finance, Audit and planning committee.

c. Social justice committee.

d. Education and Health Committee.

e. Agriculture and Industries committee.

Each standing committee shall consist of such number of

members not exceeding five including the chairman. The chairman

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shall be the ex-officio member and chairman of the general standing
committee, the social justice committee, and planning committee.
These other standing committee shall elect the chairman from
amongst themselves.

Power of the State Government with regard to the PRIs

The state government exercises administrative control over PRIs

in as much as the Panchayat secretary, BDO and District
Development Officer, who are appointed and controlled by it, work as
the secretary panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad
respectively. State Government has also large powers in relation to the
function of PRIs in HPPR Act, 1994 such as power to cancel the
resolution of PRIs, power to dissolve PRIs removal of non-official,
deputation of government servants, inspection and access to
Panchayat record, inquiry into affairs of Panchayats, motion of no
confidence, (HPPR Act, 1994, Section: 89).

Under the section 186 of the HPPR Act, 1994, the state
government may make rules for carrying out the purpose of this Act.
The government also have been empowered to make by laws (under
section 188) for the guidance of Panchayats. The powers of framing
rules (under section 189) and by–laws are actually vested in the state
government, which violates the spirit of the Panchayati raj, (HPPR
Rules (General), 2000, Rule No. 148).

Since the enactment of the Himacha Pradesh Panchayti Raj Act,

1994, the numerous changes have been brought in the original Act of
1994.It has been amended fifteen times as shown in the following
table.

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 Table 2.2: Amendments in the Himachal Pradesh Panchayti Raj
Act, 1994 (upto2015)

Sr. Title Bill No. Act No. Date of Sections Amended

No. Enactment

1 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 3 Act No. 10 16.01.1997 3, 77, 88, 124,167.
Raj (Amended) Act, of 1997 of 1997
1997
2 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 1 24.05.2004 1, Addition of Chapter VI-A
Raj (2nd Amended) 17 of of 1998 (Section 97-A to 97-I).
Act, 1997 1997
3 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 18 08.06.2000 2, 8, 15, 22, 78, 79, 80, 84,
Raj (Amended) Act, 12 of of 2000 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 101,
2000 2000 114, addition of Sections 12-
A and 121-B, 122, 145,
addition of Chapter X-A and
Sections, 160-A to 160-E
and 163-A, 179, 180, 181,
182, 200.
4 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 4 15.12.2000 2, 5, insertion of Section 7-A,
Raj (2nd Amended) 20 of of 2001 13, 110, 131, 138, 184, 185.
Act, 2000 2000
5 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 22 19.12.2001 8, 11, 23, 78, 118, 168, 174,
Raj (Amended) Act, 10 of of 2001 175, insertion of 175-A &
2001 2001 175-B, 181, substitution of
Schedule-1.
6 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 5 Act No. 10 08.05.2002 3, 71, 122, 140, 145.
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2002 of 2002
2002
7 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 17 30.05.2005 Insertion of Section 5-A,
Raj (Amended) Act, 10 of of 2005 Amendment of Section 7, 8,
2005 2005 9, 15, 23, 78, 89, 99, 122,
129, 145, 146, 153 to 155.
8 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 20 12.10.2006 2, Insertion of Section 11-A.
Raj (Amended) Act, 15 of of 2006
2006 2006
9 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 15 22.09.2007 185.
Raj (Amended) Act, 11 of of 2007
2007 2007
10 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 9 Act No. 10 13.06.2008 2, 8, 78, 89, 99, 125 and
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2008 of 2008 129.
2008
11 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 17 07.11.2008 1, 145, 163 and 181.
Raj (2nd Amended) 16 of of 2008
Act, 2008 2008
12 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 7 Act No. 15 15.06.2016 2, 4, 5, 7, 7-A, 115, 118, 138
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2010 of 2010 18.06.2010 and 144 and Substitution of
2010 Section 181.
13 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 9 28.01.2011 98 and 122 and Substitution
Raj (2nd Amended) 40 of of 2011 of Section 100 and 118.
Act, 2010 2010
14 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. Act No. 10 20.09.2014 2, Insertion of Section 13-A
Raj (Amended) Act, 12 of of 2015 and Substitution of Section
2014 2014 134.
15 The H.P. Panchayati Bill No. 9 Act No. 15 18.05.2015 Section 2, Insertion of
Raj (Amended) Act, of 2015 of 2015 Section 19-A.
2015

Source: Panchayti Raj Department HP, Shimla.

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 The Panchayati Raj Department of the State Government
enacted various laws is as under:
1. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994.
2. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, (Election) Rules,
1994.
3. The State Election Commissioner (Condition of Service) Rules,
1994.
4. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (General) Rules, 1997.
5. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Finance, Budget,
Accounts, Audit, Work, and Allowance). 2002.
6. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Appointment and
Conditions of Service of Panchayat Sahayaks) Rules, 2008.
7. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Appointment and
Condition of Services of Junior Scale Stenographers in Zila
Parishads) Ruled, 2009
8. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 (Extension to
the Scheduled Areas) Rules, 2011.
9. The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Service guarantee Rules
2011.
10. HP Panchayti Raj (Panchayak Sahayaks) Second Amendment
Rules 2015.
Now rural local government has become the agency of socio-
economic and political progress. In these lines Panchayati Raj of the
State Government enacted many rules and laws. Therefore, new
Panchayati Raj created a rural base for highlighting the rural
problems, planning, administration and decision making. At the
grassroots level 50 percent reservation given to women in PRIs has
improved political participation of women in these institutions in
Himachal Pradesh. Beside this recently special provision of Mahila
Gram Sabha also strengthen the political empowerment of rural
women. It indicates that Panchayti Raj Institutions have done
tremendous work for the welfare of rural masses. But it has been
noted that due to poor resource base and economic activity in the

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rural areas, PRIs are still fully dependent on State and Centre
Government schemes, programmes, funds and grants. Therefore,
success or failure of these institutions are largely depends on state as
well as centre government.
Schemes for Women Empowerment in Himachal Pradesh
Himachal Pradesh government has started many development
programme and schemes for the socio-economic empowerment of
women. The major schemes are as under:-
1. Mukhya Mantri Kanyadan Yojna
Under this scheme, marriage grant of Rs. 25,000 is given to the
parents/guardian of the girls or to the girl herself to solemnize her
marriage provided their annual income does not exceed Rs. 20,000
thousand.
2. Widow Re-Marriage Scheme
The state government is Implementing Widow Re-Marriage
Scheme for rehabilitation of young Widows by increasing them into
entre into wedlock. Under this scheme amount of Rs. 50,000
thousand provided.
3. Self-Employment Scheme for Women
Under this Scheme, Rs. 2500 provided to the woman whose
annual income is less than Rs. 7500 for carrying income generating
activities.
4. State Level Council for Empowerment of Women
State level council for Empowerment of women has been set up
in the state for effective implementation and monitoring of national
policy for empowerment of the women.
5. Women Development Co-operation
Women Development Co-operation has set up in the state. This
corporation helps needy women to avail loan from banks for setting up
self-employment ventures on low rate of interest.
6. State Commission for Women
State Commission for Women has set up in the state for
redressal of grievance of women and make them aware about their

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legal rights. This commission is provided counselling services and
legal aid to women. The commission also looks into the complaints of
violence and atrocities against women.
7. Self Help Groups
With the view to empower poor women, the state is forming Self
Help Groups of women through Anganwari Worker. These Self Help
Groups are playing important role in income generating activities,
(Women and Men in Himachal Pradesh, 12-15).
8. Women Stay At Home
The main Purpose of the scheme is to provide Shelter, Food,
Clothing, Education and Vocational training to the young girls,
widows, deserted and women who are in mortal danger.
9. Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojna
Main objective of this scheme is to improve the health and
nutrition status of pregnant and delectating women.
10. Mata Sabri Mahila Sashaktikaran Yojna
This Scheme has been started for women belonging to BPL
families of SC categories. Under this scheme subsidy is given to
eligible women for purchase gas connection.
11. Kishori Shakti Yojna
This scheme is for improvement of nutritional, health and skill
development status and adolescent girl, (Economic Survey 2014-15:
135-36).
Himachal Pradesh Government has taken a number of
initiatives to empower women in every sphere of life. For improving sex
ratio, the State Government has started schemes of cash incentive for
protection of child. A scheme of awarding gram Panchayats for
recording favourable sex ratio has been initiated and some
Panchayats have already been rewarded. Beside these development
Programmes and Schemes Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee (MNREGA) scheme was made effective from
2006, helped to improve the socio-economic status of rural women in
Himachal Pradesh.

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 CHAPTER-III
WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION WITH SPECIAL
REFERENCE TO HIMACHAL PRADESH

Participation of women in Indian politics has a long history.

Rigveda contains the seeds and sources from which the entire course
of Hindu thought through ages flowered. Therefore woman in ancient
India mean women of Vedic and Upanishadic periods. Women in the
Vedic age were accepted as human being as their own right. They
actively participated in public affairs and enjoyed considerable
freedom so far as political, social activities were concerned. Right from
the early Vedic period up to 300 BC, women were held in esteem and
respect. In home’s women were given superior position to that of men
as they were treated as the embodiment of Goddess of wealth strength
and wisdom, (Shah, 1993:307). Reverence was given to woman as
mother’s image, a symbol of life, strength and purity with immense
capacity for patience, sacrifice and sufferings, (Bala, 1999:3). Vedic
women were not ornamental addendum but co-partners in life
pleasure and hazards in its joys and sorrows, (Thomas, 1964:49).
Women were imparted education with men. They were eligible for
upanayana or initiation and Brahmacharya or study Brahma
knowledge. There are references of women philosophers like Gargi,
Maitrayi Arundhati, Lilavati and others who attended regular Vedic
studies like men (Bala:4). During the ancient time women were treated
at par with men even in political and philosophical sphere also,
(Narayan, Sahu & Lakshmi, 2005:35). They participated in
deliberations of Vidhata (the earliest folk assembly of Indo-Aryans)
and Sabha alongwith men, (Sharma, 1968:78-102).

Philosophically woman was a symbol of strength who enjoyed all

religious, rituals feminine deities like Saraswati, Kali, Durga, Lakshmi
are worshiped even today. The Rigveda praises the father of many
daughters. Thus, Vedic women were not only first Chronologically but

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also educationally, socially culturally and they will, forever, stand
before the all world as eternal emblems of Ynana Bhakti Karma, also
Satyam Shivam Sundram (Truth Beauty Goodness) to the lasting
benefits of all women, all over the world, all throughout the ages.
Vedic women used to take part in battle e.g. Vadhrimati and Vispala.
Vispala was a woman recruit in the military contingent of King Khela,
Vedic Woman surpassed ever their modern sisters, (Chowdhri,
1992:34-48).

The Epic age like Vedic age was generally celebrated for its kind
and for just treatment of women of course, not to that extent in early
Vedic age; as the deteriorating process regarding the position of the
women, so manifest in later ages, had unfortunately started even
then. Sita-Golden name represented the ideal woman of this era. One
is astounded as the wonderful way this superb Character has been
drown Sita seems to be very modern woman, a real new woman in the
truest sense of the world. She is represented as thoroughly self-
dependent, self-poised; self-fulfilled and unravelled in the all history of
Indian thoughts, (Vats, 2004: 47).

There is a proposal in the RAMAYANA to offer the crown to Sita

when Rama was banished to the forest it could not materialise, owing
to Sita’s determinations to accompany her husband in his
banishment, (Altekar, 1956:185). In Mahabharta period, many women
of royal families were well grounded in politics. Gandhari, the wife of
blind King Dhrithrashtra engaged in a learned political discussion
with son in the open court. The other two great women were Kunti
and Draupadi repositories of countless highly loudable qualities of the
head and heart-strong yet soft; self-sacrificing, yet always standing for
her own dignity and honour. Bhishma also advised Yudhishthira to
sanction the coronations of the daughters of those Kings, who had
died in the war and left behind no male issues, (Altekar: 185). From
the above brief account it is clear that in the age of Mahabharta
women enjoyed equal social–political status and rights with men.

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Despite equality in formal power structure women had less
participation.

The age of Budhism and Jainism average of immense

inspiration of women, heralding the adventure of another golden age
and showing magnificently what heights woman would reach and
what treasures attained. The name of Rapimati stands out in the
grandest glory, to be revered and loved by all forever. A real
‘Sahadharmini’ she gladly and gratefully enjoyed the ascetic order like
her husband and through her own great heights of spiritual perfection
and all around progress, in a way at once exhilarating and exalting.
Kannaki was another saint lady of great purity and chastity. Arya
Chandra was the most revered Mahavira and headed by the order of
Jains Nuns Yakini- Mahattara among the Jains nuns was highly
learned lady who was eager to teach others. Neha Prajapati Gotami
and Vishnupriya stepmother and wife of Sri Buddhe Deva are the
wonderful example of untiring, un-increasing, unselfish attempts.
Samavati, Vishiks are the lady devotes of Lord Budha. This age will
forever remembered as an age that will, forever, remain an emblem of
women’s infinite powers, in all spheres, domestic, social political and
their multifarious and magnificent experience and achievement
equalling, may ever surpassing those of men, to no mean extent of an
era, the ever bright golden radiance of which is till today illuminating
even the lives of very modern women, (Vats: 48).

These new religions professed equality between men and women

but had little impact on rural masses. During this period
differentiation between male and female in public places began. Male
and females Bhikshus were imparted education separately. Still they
had right to education and freedom in their own matters.

Medieval Indian history spread over 500 years (A.D1200 to

A.D.1700). It is predominantly history of Muslim rulers. A new Sikh
religion also appeared in India during this period and Bhakti
movement become very popular during this period

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 During the medieval period the position and status of woman
deteriorated and gradually declined woman were considered weak and
it was responsibility of man to protect them. Since they were sensitive
in temperament, they should be treated with love and care; they were
considered dependent on men throughout their lives, (Rani, 1976: 52).
Bhakti movements in this period spread all over the nation. This
movement placed the God within the reach of all irrespective of caste
or gender. Nambudiri, women accepted the life of saint women.
Mirabai, Muktabai, Janabel, Vishnu Priya are well known names in
Bhakti Literature whose compositions are popular to this day, (Ali &
Aruna, 1991:12).

During this period Islam spread in India, in the early ages of

this, period women were permitted equal instructions with men. But
later on social rules and norms towards women became rigid. Social
evil practices such as the system of early marriages, parda, system,
sati system the practice of polygamy, dowry system and female
infanticide slowly and gradually started. She got confined to the four
walls of her house. It is interesting to note that a time when general
social position and status of women had deteriorated in the society.
Women in the high esteem and position pronged to be good
administrators. We find accounts of some great Rajput women in the
history of medieval. India. Didda, the queen of Kashmir was endowed
with energy and statesmanship, who dominated the history of
Kashmir during the period between 950 A.D. and 1003 A.D. Kurma
Devi, a queen of the brave Rajput Chief Samassi (Samar Singh) of
Chittor, headed the Rajputs and Gune battle in person of Kutub-d-
din, Meer Amber after her husband had been killed in the second
battle of Tarain in 1192 A.D. Many brave Rajput women under the
leadership of Padmini plugged into the fire of Jauhar escape, pollution
and captivity of 26th August, 1303. Tarabai, daughter of Rao Surthan,
Chief of Bednore, who hailed to the Solanki tribe, was Rajput Women
of remarkable military skill, flourished in the beginning of the 16th
Century. Rana Karnavrat of Mewar took keen interest in political

150
matters of that state and counteracted the evils of maladministration
during the inefficient rule of her son Vikramjit, who was son and heir
of Maharana Sanga. Rani Durgavati of Gondwana was also an
example of the unflinching determination & selfless heroism. She
refused the armed attack of Baz Bahadur of the kingdom Gondwara
and fought against Mughal forces. In the true spirit of the Rajputs,
she preferred death to disgrace and stabbed herself when deserted by
her own men after the defeat out the heads of Mughals. Although
Muslim women suffered in during this period but despite that strict
seclusion, Muslim women of the royal families took active part in the
social & political life. Some Mughal ladies were writers of distinction
and good administrators. Some famous personalities- Gulbadan
Begum, Jahan Ara, Razia Sultana, Nur Jahan, Zibunnisha, Begum
Hazrat Mahal, Chand Bibi, Sahib Ji etc., (Jharta:52-54).

Present citation of the Rajput women is an evidence of the great

courage and leadership qualities of the women folk in India. In the
hard times they proved their worth as good administrators and
military commanders. In chronological order the position of the
women in times of Muslim invasion also reflects the impact of
ecological factors on the role of the women. Situational approach
played important role in locating the women status and role in the
society.

Sikh religion is the invention of medieval age. Sikh religion

started as a Bhakti movement nurtured by Guru Nanak. During this
time a new religion Sikhism, based on the teachings of Guru Nanak
emerged. He was an ardent supporter of gender equality. Guru Nanak
said, “Within a woman is a man conceived, from a woman he is born,
he is married to a woman and with her goes through life....... why call
her bad. She gives birth to kings. None may exist without a woman.
Only the one true God is exterior to woman”, (Quoted in Bala: 5).

In the Maratha history Tarabai of Kolhapur, Anubai of

Ichalkaranji, Ahalyabai of Indore and Lakshmibai of Jhansi are well

151
known for the skill, diplomacy, efficiency and bravery. With which
they carried on the government during their regencies. Tarabai, the
founder of Kolhapur ruling family, showed remarkable grit and
statesmanship in continuing and organising the Maratha opposition
to Aurangzeb after the death of her husband Chhatrapati Raja Ram in
1700 AD. During her regency of 30 years (1745-75 AD) Anubai
Ghorpade of Ichalkaranji conducted most efficiently the
administration of her state. She used to participate in many of the
campaigns of the Peshwas with her on forces, (Altekar: 188).

Rani Ahalya Bai becomes the ruler of Hulkar State in 1764. She
was one of the most successful ruler of the State and is still
remembered for the roads and temple built by her. Another lady
Lakshmi Bai, Rani of Jhansi was the nationalist heroine of the Indian
mutiny of 1857 who fought the British troops bravely as soldier and
killed in the battle field on June 17, 1858. Her great leadership and
administration laid an outstanding example for Indian women,
(Ghosh, 2010:263-264).

Indian Woman’s enrolments in politics in the modern era

started in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Although British
imperialism profoundly influenced the political engagement of elite
and non-elite women during this period, its impacts on the character
and purposes of their engagements was very different. Non elite
women fought against the British colonialists. Moved by the hunger of
their children, the British confiscation of their land (their means of
livelihood) and oppressive British taxes, women, alongwith men,
participated in “famine revolts” in the late 18th & 19th centuries and
other revolts in the nineteenth century, (Roy, 1999:5).

The political status of women depends on the political situation

and existing political system in the country. Since the political system
in Ancient and Medieval India was based on monarchy, there were no
legislatures, political parties, diplomatic relations and International
Conferences. In such situations, the questions of giving voting rights

152
or freedom for contesting elections and holding political posts to
common women did not arise.

The pre-colonial period of the 18th Century had patriarchal

system led to early marriage, Sati Pratha, Parda, denial of rights of
education and property to women. At the same time the influence of
the western cultural tradition, literature and education forced the
minds of social reformers, to weed out for reforms of these evils
prevalent in the Indian Society. Moreover, the condition of women
during this period was so heart burning that many thinkers men and
women were realising that unless and until the conditions of women
were improved the country could not make progress. The early social
reformers focussed special attention on the social status of women.
Raja Ram Mohan Rai father of “Modern India” as he is known,
founded Brahamo Samaj in 1828, boldly attacked the inhuman
practices imposed upon women in shape of Sati and the unhappy
treatment –meted out of widows. It was due to the long struggle of
Raja Ram Mohan Rai and other reformers that Lord William Bentinck
passed the “Regulation No XVII” on 4th December, 1829 which
declared Sati illegal and punishable by criminal courts, (Pandey,
1990:25). Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar took leading part in
promulgating the Widow Remarriage Act of 1856 to make the widow
marriage legal as well as to provide a status to Hindu Widow in
Society, (Rath & Rath: 39).The efforts of Keshab Chandra Sen against
early marriage facilitated the enactment of the Native Marriage Act,
known as the Civil Marriage Act of 1872. Since then to awake the
woman the Ram Krishan Mission, Theosophical Society and the Arya
Samaj did a lot and dedicated themselves to open new opportunities
for women, (Majumdar :104-105). The other social reformers, who
were in the fore front of struggle for women’s emancipation, were
Ravinder Nath Tagore, Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Swami
Vivekanand, Gopal Krishan Gokhale and Annie Besant. The socio and
political awakening among women was deeply changed by these
leaders also in different ways, (Sinha, 1984:2).

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 During the late nineteenth century various social organisations
emerged focussing towards reforms of women. The Indian National
Congress (INC) also attempted to focuses on bringing favourable
changes in the socio-economic and political status of women
beginning from its formation in 1885. The Indian National Congress
(INC), the first National Party, organised by A.O Hume, in 1885, has
taken steps to uplift women’s status in India. Indian National
Congress has drawn a certain number of women into the vortex of the
country’s political life. The leaders of INC had profound respect for
women and encouraged them to play leading role in freedom
movements, such as Civil Disobedience and Satyagrahas, (Mehta,
2008 :6).

As a result of the growing influence of the revivalist

consciousness many women organisations, societies, samitis came
into the existence those created awakening among the women and
gradually came forward to claim their democratic rights. The Ladies
Association (1886), Sarda Sadan (1892), Gujrati Hindu Stree Mandal
(1908), Seva Sadan (1909), (Asthana, 1992:80-86).

During the early 20th century because of the western influence,

several institutions those promoted women’s status came into notice.
In 1910 Sarla Devi Choudhurani formed the Bharat Stree
Mahamandal. In 1917 the Women’s India Association (WIA) was found
in Madras by Annie Besant, the Irish Theosophist urged Indian
women to join the ‘Home Rule League’ and the ‘Swadeshi Movement’.
The National Council of Women in India was found in 1925 by Lady
Aberdeen, Lady Tata and others. The All India Women’s Conference
(AIWC) was found in 1927 through the efforts of Margaret Cousins
and others, (Roy, 1999: 6-7).

Simmering efforts of the organisations and leaders led to the

recognition of the woman role in the emancipation of the society.
Leaders approach was to uplift the woman and prepare her for taking
up her duties in the different fields in the dignified manner. In the last

154
of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century efforts in this
field were made covertly and at the ground level.

The partition of Bengal in 1905 galvanised and transformed

women’s participation in the national movement. The mobilisation of
women was attempted through the publication of pamphlets, public
meetings held exclusively for women and new associations were
emerged during the Swadeshi period, (Bala: 9). At this stage two great
women came to the forefront Mrs. Annie Besant had already given
leadership in organising the emancipation of women & found the
‘Home Rule League’. Sarojini Naidu found the joy of her life in
women’s upliftment. She moved resolution for the protection of Hindu
widows and education of women. Gradually they set the stage for
mass participation of Indian women in freedom struggle, (Vats: 55-56).

In 1917 a deputation of prominent women with Sarojini Naidu,

as their leader of the organisation waited for the British Secretary of
State, Montague with a view to secure voting for Indian woman, which
later on developed into acceptance of equal right to Indian women,
(Mehta, 1982:100).The first All India Women’s organisation was the
women’s Indian Association that was found in Madras in May 1917.
The issue of women’s franchise began to receive increasing attraction
during this period, (Lima: 7).

In 1921 women got the right to note in the election of Madras

Legislative Council. Gradually, Indian Legislatures; one after another
started enfranchising women of their respective provinces on the same
term as men, (Asthana, 1992: 112). In 1926 Mrs. Kamla Devi
Chattopadhya and Mrs. Hannath were the first woman to contest the
election to Legislature Assembly, (Thomas: 336). But amongst the
Indian States Travancore was the first to give representation to
Women. Smt. Madhani Ammal was nominated to Cochin Legislative
Council. In Madras Mrs. Muthulakshmi Reddy was nominated to the
Legislature Council. The All India Women’s conference was held in
1926 for the upliftment of women but at the end of thirties found itself

155
inextricably involved in the independence movement of India, (Vats:
56-57).

As a result of increasing association of women with the National

Movement and the activities of various social organisations they
started realising their strength and became conscious about their
work, true place at home and in the society. Consequently, the voices
of women came forward with the demand to ensure her equal sharing
with men in both private and publics of life. The participation of
women was well visualised in the different activities of National
Movement mainly while focussing issues related to the suffering and
deteriorating socio-economic condition of women in the prevailing
social system.

Gandhi Ji played an important role in bringing women in the

main stream of freedom struggle. Gandhi was an ardent supporter of
the gender equality. He had strong belief that women constitute
effective part of the society. Without women attribution he asserted
that a civilised society is not possible. Keeping in mind this notion
Gandhi during his stay at South Africa in the phoenix he always
shared equal responsibilities in those house jobs which are considered
to be female jobs. In South Africa as well as in India during the
Independence movement he always encouraged women participation
in the Movement.

In 1919 Gandhi ji started All India Satyagraha campaign

against Rowlett Acts. Though Women did not participate extensively in
the campaign, yet Gandhi gained considerable support from them.
But non-cooperation movement 1920, which was based on non-
violence accelerated women’s participation in the national freedom
movement. He considered women as the incarnation of non-violence,
the infinite love which again means infinite capacity for suffering.
Gandhiji considered woman as the personification of sacrifice and
believed if the women of India arrows, no one could stop the country’s
march to freedom, (Kumar, 2005:48).

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 Gandhi’s ideology was very respectful to women and supportive
to their uplift. He said, “In the non-violent struggle, women have an
advantage over men, for women are any day superior to them their
religious devotion. Silent and dignified service is the badge of her sex.
Woman is sacrifice, personified, when she does a thing in the right
spirit, she moves mountains”, (Gandhi, 1921:157-58). When ‘Swaraj’
was declared Gandhiji said, as long as women of India do not take
part in public life there can be no salvation for the country. The
Bardoli Satyagraha (1923-24) in the beginning witnesses the apathic
attitude of women’s participation but, later the situation turned and
the women not only started their participation but, organised their
separate meetings also. Between 1921 and 1925 Gandhi had added
India’s political salvation as a goal for women in nation building.
Under Mahatama Gandhi’s direction, the Civil Disobedience
Movement (1930) and Salt Satyagraha saw women in the forefront and
new techniques like picketing and boycotting of foreign goods, liquor
shops and non-cooperation in various governmental activities were
used. At first women’s were not allowed to participate but women
protested and finally Gandhi permitted them to take part in all face of
the campaign. Women participated in Salt Satyagrah in all corners of
the country from north to south and east to west. They broke the salt
law, picketed shops selling liquor and boycotted foreign manufactured
cloths. There were also women who joined terrorist groups and helped
in editing and disturbing banned newspapers and even manufacturing
bombs, (Basu, 1976:39). This kind of participation had direct impact
on the attitude of women. Women in large numbers came out from
their homes and stood shoulder to shoulder with men in the struggle
for freedom. Gandhi encouraged women to participate in all aspects
and faces of nationalist activity and gave even superior status to
women. He wrote “I am uncompromising in the matter of women’s
right. The difference in sex and physical forum denotes no difference
in status. Woman is the compliment of man and not inferior. Further
he says woman is the companion of man gifted with equal mental

157
capacities. She has the right to participate in the minuets details of
activities of man, and she has the same right of the freedom and
liberty as he”, (Gandhi, 1918:105-106).

The 1920s and 1930s represent a transition in Gandhi’s views

on women from the concept of women’s right to the form or dynamic
one of role, creative roles, as equal participants, leaders and
beneficiaries. In later years when Gandhi ji launched individual
struggle women came forward and offered for individual Satyagraha.
Women organised themselves into groups and were willing to join
processions, face police firing and go to prison.

Emphasizing the role of women in Civil Disobedience Movement

in 1930, Nehru writes “Women had always been there course, but now
there was an avalanche of them, which took not only the British
Government but, their own men-folk by surprise. Here was a these
women, women of the upper or middle classes, leading sheltered life in
their homes, peasant women, working-class women, rich women, poor
women pouring out in their tens of thousands in defiance of
government order and police lathy. It was not only that displays of
courage and daring, but also what was even more surprising was the
organisational power they showed, (Luthera, 1989:4).

The participation of women in the movement was

unprecedented! As remarked by the Late Pt. Nehru, it was Gandhi Ji
that wonderful man and great revolutionary, who brought a drastic
change among our women, when at his bidding; they came out in the
large number from shelter of their homes to take part in the struggles
for India’s freedom. Once the old shackles were removed, it was no
longer possible to replace them in the same way attempts were no
doubt made to go back but they were bound to fail, (Vats:57-58).

In September, 1931 representatives of various women’s

organisations in India met in Mumbai with Mrs. Sarojini Naidu as
their President and drafted a memorandum demanding, “The
immediate acceptance of adult franchise without any sex

158
discrimination”, (Thomas:336-337). It was turned down by the British
Government. But in 1931 Karachi Session of Indian National
Congress took the historic decision, committing itself to political
equality of women, regardless of their status and qualification. As
President of the Indian National Congress, Jawaharlal Nehru accepted
equal political right and legal right of women and introduced the
concept of equal obligations along with equal rights in the
fundamental rights resolution passed by the Congress that year in
March 1931. The Government of India Act, 1935 increased the
number of enfranchised Indians, made provisions for proportional
suffrage rights of women and realised some of the previous
qualifications. All women over 21 years of age could vote, provided
they fulfilled the conditions of property and education. This act is
included reserved seats for women and a number of women prepared
for political office.

After the 1935 Act, first elections to Provisional Legislatures

were held in 1937. In which female electorates were greatly expanded
so that approximately nine percent of the adult females were
enfranchised. It was first time in Indian history fifty six women
entered the Legislatures; there were forty one seats reserved for
women in Provisional Legislative assemblies, ten women won
unreserved seats and five were nominated to provisional Legislative
Councils, (Rath & Rath: 171). In 1939 A.D. the tide of political,
educational and social honour for women has risen so high that India
had more than 80 women members in its Legislatures of Provinces
and States. In the 1942 ‘Quit India Movement’, when all the top
leaders were arrested and the movement became practically
leaderless, women joined hands with the male folk and carried it on
by taking out processions, holding meetings, demonstrations and
organising strikes.

Women did not only actively participate for the Independence of

India but they also played significant role in drafting the Indian

159
Constitution. The Constituent Assembly, constituted in October 1946,
a body elected by the existing Legislatures, had among its members
Sarojini Naidu, Durgabai, Renuka Ray and Hansa Mehta, (Thomas:
218).

Women Participation in Politics after Independence

After Independence, provision was made in the Indian

constitution to provide equal rights and opportunities of social-
economic and political development and betterment of living for
women. With the advent of Independence, Indian women were
guaranteed political equality with men. The fundamental Rights
enshrined in Article 14, 15 and 16 guarantees the principle of equality
before law, equality of sexes and equal opportunities to all citizens
of India in all walks of life. Article 325 makes no special electoral rolls
on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex. Article 326 emphasises that
election to the legislative assemblies of state were to be held on the
basis of adult franchise.

In addition to this various initiatives have been undertaken for

bringing improvements in the socio-economic status and
empowerment of the women. Article 39 (a) states the state shall direct
its policy towards securing that the citizens; men and women equally
have the right to an adequate means of livelihood and article 39
(d)equal pay for equal work for both men and women. Article
42provides for securing just and humane conditions of work and
maternity relief and Article 51 A (e) provides that it shall be
fundamental duty to every citizen of India to renounce practices
derogatory to the dignity of women. These provisions and
Fundamental Rights envision a new socio-political order on the
principles of equality and equity of women in India.

Women in the Politics Process

After independence, Indian women slowly began to realise that

actualisation of promises of equality is not a smooth process. As the

160
euphoria over newly-won freedom subsided, the complicated and
intricate pattern of politics became clear with its variations of castes,
languages, religions and divisions of family structures and cultural
traditions. Indian women realised the barriers of caste, class,
language, religion, and region and the consequent complexity of these
issues as well as difficulties encountered in handling them.
Participation in the freedom struggle had not generated any
controversy on gender roles. The assimilation of women in the struggle
to free the nation had given them confidence and access to the
positions of power and responsibility, still the positions of power were
not within easy reach, (Desai & Thakkar, 2001: 97).

It is a question of great importance that the woman who got

right to vote prior to the women of some of the developed countries
still she has not been able to have equal share of the formal and
informal power structure in the country.

Women and Voting

After Independence, Indian women have been participating in

the formal channel of politics as voters, as party workers, as
candidates contesting various elections and as legislators and
ministers involved in deliberation and policy making.

Voting is the most important and basic means by which citizen

are assimilated into the political process and learn how to exercise
power. When India decided to conduct the biggest experiment of
democracy by granting adult franchise, millions of men and women
participated in the political process for the first time in the history of
the nation. With the attainment of independence in India and the
promulgation of the Constitution in 1950 women were brought at par
with men and given equal rights to participate in the political process.
The principle of adult franchise seeks to ensure women’s full
participation in shaping and sharing of power. Following table reveals
the participation of women in voting in Parliamentary election from
1952 to 2014.

161
 Table 3.1: Percentage of Women Voting in Lok Sabha Elections
(1952-2014)

Year Voting Percentage Difference

with male
Total Males Females voting
1952 61.2* - - -
1957 45.4 56.0 38.8 17.2
1962 55.4 63.3 46.6 16.7
1967 61.0 66.7 55.5 11.2
1971 55.2 60.9 49.1 11.8
1977 60.4 65.6 54.9 10.7
1980 56.9 62.1 51.2 10.9
1984 63.6 68.0 58.6 9.5
1989 61.9 66.1 57.3 8.8
1991 56.7 61.5 51.3 10.2
1996 57.9 62.0 53.4 8.6
1998 61.9 65.7 57.6 8.1
1999 59.9 63.9 55.6 8.3
2004 58.0 61.6 53.6 8.0
2009 58.1 61.0 55.8 5.2
2014 66.4 67.1 65.7 1.4
Average 58.5 63.4 53.6 9.7
Source: (i) *eci.nic.in (turnout Lok Sabha elections 1952-2004).
(ii) Election Commission of India 1951-2014.

It is clear from the above table that, with the rising number of
the electorate the percentage of women voters also went on rising
constantly from 38.08% in 1957 to 55.5% in 1967 and since then
there was a process of fall from 55.5% to 49.1% in 1971. In the next
election it increased 54.9% but in the seventh Lok Sabha election in
1980, the percentage of female voting once again decrease and it was
recorded 51.2%. In 1984 there was a higher voter turnout of women

162
voters i.e. 58.6%. Reason of exception rise in voter turnout may be the
assassination of Indira Gandhi. Emotional factor might have may be
the reason for the higher voter turnout of women. In the following
elections the women’s voting percentage kept on fluctuating. Women
voting declined to 57.3% in 1989 and 51.3% in 1991. Eleventh Lok
Sabha election was held after implementing 73rd Constitutional
Amendment which gave a constitutional status to the PRIs and
reservation for women in rural local bodies. So it was expected that
the participation of women will be increased in national politics and
women proved it. There were 53.4% women voting recorded in 1996
and 57.6% in 1998 elections. But once again it declined to 55.6% in
1999 and 53.6% in 2004. In the last two elections women voting once
again increased, it was 55.8% in 2009 and 65.7% in 2014 election.

The difference between male and female voting percentage

shows that women always lagged behind men in voting turn out. Last
election i.e. held in 2014 in this election the difference between male
and female voting percentage was very low so it hoped that women
voting will be higher to men in the future elections.

Representation of Women Members for First to Sixteenth Lok

Sabha

The participation of the women electoral process is an indicator

of their political consciousness as well as their aspirations for status
enhancement. A quick glance at women participation in election over
the past decades and 15th and 16th general election confirm the
initials hopes placed in them. The figure concerning women’s formal
participation in the electoral process both as actor and object of
attention bring out a few fact. This participation has been more or less
steadily expanding over the year through the various as voters, as a
candidate and in terms of participation in campaign the gap in the
turn out between the men and women are increasingly down. The
number of women getting elected to representative bodies is steadily
increasing.

163
 Table 3.2: Representation of Women Members from First to
Sixteenth Lok Sabha (1952-2014)

Lok Sabha No. of No. of Women Percentage

Total Women Elected
Seats Contestants
First (1952-57) 499 51 22 4.4
Second (1957-62) 500 45 27 5.4
Third (1962-67) 503 70 34 6.7
Fourth (1967-70) 523 67 31 5.9
Fifth (1971-77) 521 86 22 4.2
Sixth (1977-79) 544 70 19 3.4
Seventh (1980-84) 544 142 28 5.1
Eighth (1984-89) 544 164 44 8.1
Ninth (1989-91) 517 198 27 5.2
Tenth (1991-96) 544 325 39 7.1
Eleventh(1996-97) 544 599 40 7.4
Twelfth (1998) 544 274 43 7.9
Thirteenth (1999) 543 284 49 9.0
Fourteenth (2004) 543 355 45 8.3
Fifteenth (2009) 543 556 59 10.9
Sixteenth (2014) 543 668 62 11.4
Source: (i) Kuldeep Fadia, Womens Empowerment through Political
Participation, India Journal of Public Administration, Vol. LX, No. 3
July-Sept. 2014.
(ii) Electoral Statistics 2015, Election Commission of India.

The Table 3.2 shows that there is marginal improvement in the

number of women in Lok Sabha election. In the 15th Lok Sabha there
were 59 (10.9%) women reached in Lok Sabha in the 16th Lok Sabha
election 62 (11.4%) women won the election. This is their highest ever
number of seats won by women ever and comprised 11.4% of the 543
seats. The lowest ever was in 1977 when only 19 women won the Lok
Sabha Election.

164
 Table 3.3: Women Representation in Rajya Sabha (1952-2014)
Year No of % age to Year No of % age to
Women Total Women Total
Members Members
1952 15 6.9 1986 28 11.5
1954 16 7.3 1988 25 10.2
1956 20 8.6 1990 24 9.8
1958 22 9.5 1992 17 6.9
1960 24 10.2 1994 20 8.2
1962 17 7.6 1996 19 7.8
1964 21 8.8 1998 19 7.8
1966 23 9.6 1999 20 8.2
1968 22 9.2 2000 22 9.0
1970 14 3.8 2002 25 10.2
1972 18 7.4 2004 28 11.4
1974 17 7.0 2006 25 10.2
1976 24 9.8 2008 24 9.8
1978 25 10.2 2010 27 11.0
1980 19 11.9 2012 14 9.8
1982 24 9.8 2014 31 12.8
1984 24 9.8
Source: Electoral Statistics 2015, Election Commission of India

Above table shows that the representation of women in Rajya

Sabha has ranged to 14 to 3 that falls between 3.8 percent to 12.8
percent of the total strength of the house. The total representation in
Rajya Sabha has never gone beyond 31 it was in 2014, there was 31
women representative out of the total members in Rajya Sabha
accounted to 12.8 percent. It was the highest ever since
Independence.

Women Contestant in Lok Sabha (1952-2014)

As the democratic processes began to permeate the structure of

Indian society, more and more women were drawn into the vortex of
politics. Adult franchise based on “one man one vote” stirred the

165
otherwise passive and indifferent women into active participation in
the electoral processes. Enfranchisement brought about political
consciousness even in the remote villages. It contributed to their
increasing politicization. Not only they recorded their presence as
voters in large numbers in the polling booths but they put up their
candidatures also for seats in the state legislatures and for the Union
Parliament. Following table shows the number of women contestants
in different Lok Sabha Elections (1952-2014).

Table 3.4: Women Contestants in Lok Sabha (1952-2014)

Lok Sabha No. of No. of Women
Total Seats Contestants
First (1952-57) 499 51
Second(1957-62) 500 45
Third (1962-67) 503 70
Fourth (1967-70) 523 67
Fifth (1971-77) 521 86
Sixth (1977-79) 544 70
Seventh (1980-84) 544 142
Eighth (1984-89) 544 164
Ninth (1989-91) 517 198
Tenth (1991-96) 544 325
Eleventh (1996-97) 544 599
Twelfth (1998) 544 274
Thirteenth (1999) 543 284
Fourteenth (2004) 543 355
Fifteenth (2009) 543 556
Sixteenth (2014) 543 668
Source: (i) Kuldeep Fadia, Womens Empowerment Through Political
Participation, India Journal of Public Administration, Vol. LX,
No. 3 July-Sept. 2014.
(ii) Electoral Statistics 2015, Election Commission of India.

As it is clear from the table 3.4, the number of women

contestant in the Second Lok Sabha Election was the lowest, it was 45
in the house of 500. Their representation gradually increase in the

166
subsequent election, it was 70 in 1962 but it was decrease in the next
Lok Sabha Election which was held in 1967 and the numbers of
women contestants were only 67 . The highest number of women
contestant was in the election of 1971.In this election 86 women
contested the Lok Saabha election but it once again decrease in 6th
Lok Sabha election. Further Data from the above table shows that in
the succeeding elections of 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th Lok Sabha, the
number of women contestant was 142, 164, 198, 325 and 599. In the
12th and 13th Lok Sabha Election once again number of women
contestant was decrease, it was 274 and 284 respectively.

However, an analysis of the last three election of Lok Sabha the

number of women contestant increased; it was 355 & 556 in 2004 &
2009 but in the recent election the number of women contestant was
668 which was higher than the other election. But the number of
winning candidates has not increased in ratio to the contestant for the
Lok Sabha.

Data from the last four tables reveals that number of women in
political process has not increased as per their development.
Significantly, there seems to be slight or no correlation between
literacy and women representation. In the development point of view,
Kerala with its highest literacy rate, has a low state average of 3.7
percent. Even Rajasthan and Bihar have higher average at 4.7 percent
and 4.5 percent respectively. The representation of women in
representative bodies in States as well as National level inadequate
even after the 66 years of working of our Constitution.

Participation of Women in Panchayti Raj: A Historical Perspective

Panchayats is an old conception in India but women did not

adequate place in it. Different studies on the Panchati Raj in India
indicated that no woman was found as a “Gramini or a member of
village panchayat. In the traditional caste panchayats, village
panchayats and in the British scheme of local governments women
remained entirely excluded, (Mandal, 2003:13). The franchise

167
committee set up by the British government that discussed the
constitution of statutory village panchayats, did not consider the
question of women’s representation in panchayats, (Singla, 2007:107-
108).

The two legends of India Mahatma Gandhi and Jawahar Lal

Nehru envisaged the inclusion of women in rural democracy. When
Swaraj was declared, Mahatma Gandhi said, as long as women of
India do not take part in public life that can be no salvation for the
country; the dream of decentralization could never be fulfilled. Nehru
also said, in political life everyone has a vote, in economic matters
everyone has equal opportunities and in our Panchayats also everyone
should be considered equal, (Desai, 1990: 335).

In 1923, for the first time, names of women appeared in the

electoral rolls and in 1926, the first women members was nominated
to the Indian Legislature. In 1931 women voice for universal adult
franchise but are said to have opposed reservation, nomination or co-
option women, (Singla: 108).

After Independence India efforts to secure and enable women to

participate in the rural development process was evident. It was the
Mehta Committee (1957) which recommended co-option of two women
from amongst those who were interested in works among women and
children in each Panchayati Raj body in the suggested three tiers
Panchayati Raj. Mehta Committee (1978) also persisted with the
incorporation of two women either through election or if necessary
through co-option. The emphasis on and suggestion of integrating
women in the PRIs was in sharp contrast to other Indian Political
Strata. In establishing panchayats most state governments appended
the provision of co-option of two women in case no women could come
through direct elections, (Mandal: 14).

A decade later, the national Perspective Plan in 1978, discussed

the issue of under-representation of women at all levels of the
Panchayat Raj System Quoting the experience of successful states, it

168
recommended 30 percent reservation for women at local bodies. The
recommendations and efforts of the committees and commissions
finally materialised when the Union Government headed by Rajiv
Gandhi initiated the reservation process by recommending 30 percent
reservations of seats for women in Panchayats at all the three levels,
through the 64th Constitution Amendments Bill in 1989. The issue
was taken up by the V.P. Singh government too who introduced the
72nd Amendment Bill in Parliament. Unfortunately, the Bill did not
come up for discussion as his government had to resign sometimes
later. The Congress took up the issue again when it came back to
power in 1991. The Bill was finally introduced as the 73rd
Amendment in 1992 and was ratified by all the states in April, 1993.
The Amendment reserved 33 percent seats for women to come
through open elections at all the three levels, (Singla: 110).

Participation of Women in Voting in HP State Legislative

Assembly

Voting is the simplest form of political participation. It provides

a peaceful mechanism for participation of people in the electoral,
political and administrative process and institutions of a democratic
nation, (Gehlat, 1992:108).

In a democracy, voting determines the sovereign will of the

people. It is the “right to vote” by which the people vote a government
in and out. Voting is the means for choosing leaders for determining
who shall govern. Participation of voters at the time of election
indicates their involvement in the political process. In a country like
India, most of the citizens participate in government affairs only
through voting, (Jharta, 2011:4).

The voting is the most common mode of political participation

among the women. The number of women voters has been almost
equal to the men voters and sometimes even more in different
elections to the HP State Legislative Assembly.

169
 Table 3.5: Participation of Women in voting in Different HP
Legislative Assembly Election (1972-2012)

Year Voter (in lakhs) Voting Percentage Different

In Men
and
Women
Voting
Total Men Women Total Men Women Percentage

1972 18.05 - - 49.95 - - -

1977 19.97 10.27 9.70 58.57 62.16 54.76 -7.40

1982 22.12 11.02 11.10 71.06 73.29 68.85 -4.44

1985 23.52 11.73 11.84 70.36 71.91 68.83 -3.08

1990 30.58 15.47 15.11 67.73 69.48 65.97 -3.51

1993 32.67 16.43 16.24 71.72 72.21 72.21 -1.00

1998 36.28 18.27 18.01 71.23 70.24 72.23 +1.99

2003 41.01 20.81 20.20 74.51 73.14 75.92 +2.78

2007 46.04 23.36 22.68 71.61 69.67 74.55 +4.88

2012 46.08 23.76 22.32 73.05 70.09 77 +6.1

Source: Reports on General Elections to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative

Assembly from 1972-2012, Chief Electoral Officer, State Election
Department, Govt. of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla-9.

From an analysis of the data contained in the table, it is evident

that the total voter turnout in State Legislative election is satisfactory
and it increased in the different Elections. While the figure rose
generally speaking, from 49.59% in 1972 to 73.5% in 2012. The figure
marked steady decline from 67.73% in 1985. In 1990, however, the
figure sought up to a remarkable increased of 4% but the voting turn
out remained little more or less constant since then.

The trend of voting by women it is noticed election of the State

Assembly from 1977 to 1993, there was marked voting difference
between men and women. The difference between men and women

170
voting 7.40% in 1977 and it was the highest ever in the State. In the
next election in 1982 it was 4.42% and 3.08% in 1985 but it was once
again increase in 1990 election i.e. 3.51%.

But in the election of 1993 difference in men and women voting

percent decreased and it was only one percent. The percentage of
turnout of women voters in 1972 election is not available in official
record. Further the data in the table also show that voting percentage
of women has increased since 1998 election. In the last four State
assembly election of HP 1998, 2001, 2007 and 2012, the trend shows
that women have exercised their franchise more than that of men. The
data also show that in the last Four Assembly women voting also more
than total voter turnout. Higher voting percentage of women in
Himachal and awareness of their voting rights; it is the result of
higher literacy among the women in the State i.e. (82.80 percent) as
per 2011 census as well as their political socialisation at the local level
through PRIs. Although in the other modes of participation women
representation is not that encouraging as the voter turnout.

The increase in the voting percentage of women indicates that

their interest in politics in increasing and this may be good sign for
strengthening of political democracy in the State. The increase in the
voting percentage of women in different election may also be
attributed to the fact that women representative in PRIs and other
women political activists are mobilizing the women voter to take part
in voting during the Elections.

171
 Table 3.6: Representation of Women in HP Legislative Assembly
(1972-2012)

Year Total Total Women Seats Party-wise Distribution of

Seats Contestants Contestants Won by Winning Women Contestants
(% to the Women
total (%age to Cong. Janta BJP Janta
contestants) the
Total Dal
Seats)

1972 68 - 5 5(7.35) 5 - - -

1977 68 330 9(2.72) 1(1.47) - 1 - -

1982 68 441 9(2.04) 3(4.41) 2 1 - -

1985 68 294 8(2.72) 3(4.41) 3 - - -

1990 68 454 17(3.74) 4(5.88) 1 - 2 1

1993 68 416 16(3.85) 4(5.88) 4 - - -

1998 68 369 25(6.78) 7(10.29) 4 -- 3 -

2003 68 408 31(7.60) 4(5.88) 4 - - -

2007 68 336 25(7.44) 5(7.35) 1 - 4 -

2012 68 459 34(7.41) 3(4.41) 2 - 1 -

Source: State Election Commission, Govt. of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla-9.

Table 3.6 shows that the representation of women in the State

legislation Assembly is very low. After becoming the full fledged state
the representation of women have not exceeded more than 7 (10.29
percent) and it was in 1998 elections. In 1972, soon after attained
Statehood, in the first election of state Assembly 5 (7.35 percent)
women elected but in the second election in 1977 numbers of women
surprisingly decreased and only one woman elected. After that, except
in 1998 their representation in the State Legislative Assembly revolved
around 3 (4.41 percent) to 5 (7.35 percent). In 1972, four women
contested the Assembly elections and interestingly, all the four women
won the election. In 1977, nine women contested the election but only
one woman got elected. But in next two elections in 1982 and 1985
equal number of women i.e. 3 women were elected to the state
assembly. In 1990 election, although number of women contestants

172
increased but winning percentage was not satisfactory and only four
women were reached in the State Assembly whereas in the next
elections of 1993, the number again was reduced to three. In a bye-
election of 1994, one more woman was elected. In 1994 Himachal
Pradesh came in the categories of those states who implemented New
Panchayati Raj system. This new system brought a revolutionary
change in the political life of women. After implementation of New
Panchayati raj system first State assembly election was held in 1998.
All eyes were in this election and number of women contestants
increased as expected in this election. Women’s performance was the
best ever in 1998 Assembly elections, when seven women were
elected. In 2003 Assembly elections, again four women remained
successful. In 2007 five women were elected to the State Legislative
Assembly. But in 2012 only three women were elected in the State
Assembly.

The data in the table clearly reveals that the average women
contestant in the Himachal Pradesh is low; there were only five to nine
women contestant up to 1985. In 1990, the number increase to 17
which further got increase to 25 and 31 in 1998 and 2003 election
respectively. The election of State Assembly held in 2007 in this
election no of women constants decrease to 25 but in the last election
number of women constants once again increase to 34. It is rather a
disappointing and discouraging no of women constants in comparison
their voting strength. The political parties seem reluctant to give
women candidates and very few women are put by them as candidate
in the election.

The above statistics present a very disappointing picture of

women’s representation in the Himachal Pradesh Legislative
Assembly. From 1972-2012, women have been elected on 39 seats
and some women representatives have been elected more than once.
Out of these 39 Congress has so far been able to send 27 women
members to the State Assembly. BJP has so far been able to get 10

173
women elected to the State Assembly. Janata Party had its credit only
2 seat and the remaining 1 women Legislature belong to Janata Dal.
Gap between the contestants and elected candidate after the wave of
women empowerment also indicates that the political parties do not
gave tickets to the strong candidates. Generally they give tickets to the
women candidates where the party has less chance to win.

Women in the State Council of Ministers

The State Legislative State Assembly is the highest decision-

making body in Himachal Pradesh. The participation of women in this
body since its inception has not been encouraging.. There was no
woman in the Council of Ministers from 1952 to 1971 and there has
been a very few women ministers from 1972 to 2007. Sarla Sharma
and Shayam remained ministers of state in 1972 and 1977
respectively. Chandresh Kumari was included in Government and
Deputy Minister in 1977 but in the next period she became Minister of
State in 1984. In 1985, Vidya Stokes was appointed as first woman
Speaker of the State and she also remained the leader of Opposition
form 1990 to 1992 and 2007 onwards. Leela Sharma was made
Parliamentary Secretary in 1990. In 1995, for a short period Asha
Kumari included in council of Minister. Viplove Thakur was also
inducted as minister of State and Anita Verma was made
Parliamentary Secretaryin this period of Congress Government. In
1998, BJP and HVC alliance Government made in Himachal Pradesh
and this Government successfully completed the tenure. But in this
government no woman included in the council of ministers, only two
women, Urmil Thakur and Sarveen Chaudhary were made
Parliamentary Secretaries. In 2003, in the Virbhadra Government
made history andfirst time three women Vidya Stokes, Asha Kumari
and Chandresh Kumari were appointed as Cabinet Ministers. Althogh
period of Asha Kumari and Chandresh Kumari was short. In this
period Anita Verma was made Parliamentary Secretary in 20015 for
very short period only four months. In the Dhumal Government

174
(2007-12), only one woman, Sarveen Chaudhary has been included in
the Council of Minister as a Cabinet Minister. In the sitting
government senior congress leader Vidya Stokes is the only minister
in Virbhadra Government (2012), (Who’s Who, 2003-2013).

Women representation in the council of ministers indicates

attitude of the political leadership of both the parties in the state and
their configuration about the women political empowerment. On the
one side Himachal has reserved fifty percent seats of the PRIS to the
women but on the other side both the National political parties and
their Chief Minsters have not increased the number of the women
minister in their council of ministers. It indicates patriarchal
character of polity where male chauvinism still prevails.

Table 3.7: Representation of Himachali Women in Lok Sabha

(1952-2014)

Sr. Name Period Parliamentary

Constituency
No

1 Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur 1st Lok Sabha Mandi-Mahasu

(1952-56)

2 Chandersh Kumari 7th Lok Sabha Kangra

(1980-84)

3 Chandersh Kumari 8th Lok Sabha Kangra

(1984-89)

4 Pratibha Singh 14th Lok Mandi

Sabha(2004-09)

5 Pratibha Singh 15th Lok Sabha Mandi

(2013 Bye-
election)

Source: State Election Commission, Govt. of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla-9.

It is evident from the above table that Himachal Pradesh is not

out of those Indian States which have sent women member to the Lok
Sabha in every parliamentary election. After Independence and
becoming separate State, HP gave an opportunity in First Lok Sabha

175
election in 1952 to Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur to be elected as member of
the Lok Sabha. After that only four women were elected in Lok Sabha
from Himachal Pradesh. Chanderesh Kumari elected and Pratibha
Singh both elected twice, First Pratibha Singh was elected in 2004 and
secondly elected member of Lok Sabha in by-election of 2013 from
Mandi. She contested the election on the vacant seat of her husband
Raja Virbadhra Singh. In 2004 Rameshwari Kanwar another women
candidate contested from Hamirpur Parliamentary Constituency as an
Independent candidate but she lost the election. In the 16th Lok Sabha
Election held in 2014 Congress gave a ticket to the Pratibha Singh to
contest from Mandi Parliamentary Constituency but she lost her seat.
Kamal Kanta Batra was the women contensts of Aam Admi Party
(AAP) from Hamirpur Parliamentary Constituency but she also lost her
seat. All of the five women candidate, elected so far to Lok Sabha from
Himachal Pradesh, belongs to the Congress.

Table 3.8: Representation of Himachali Women in Rajya Sabha

Sr. No. Name Period Total

1 Smt. Leela Devi 1956-62 1

2 Satyavati Dang 1968-74 1

3 Mohinder Kaur 1978-84 1

4 Usha Malohtra 1980-86 1

5 Chandersh Kumari 1996-02 1

6 Viplov Thakur 2006-12 1

7 Vimbla Kashyap 2010-2016 1

Source: State Election Commission, Govt. of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla-9.

Himachal Pradesh has three seats for Rajya Sabha.

Representation of Himachali women in Rajya Sabha a little good than
Lok Sabha but it is also very low. Only Seven women members
represented in the Rajya Sabha from Himachal since its inception.

176
Socio Economic and Political Profile of Elected Women Members
of HP State Legislative Assembly from 1998 -2012

Elections of the State Legislative Assembly were first held in

1952 when Himachal Pradesh became a Part ‘C’ State of Indian Union.
After the dissolution of the Assembly on October 31, 1956, next
elections for the Territorial Council which replaced the Assembly were
held in 1957 and 1962. After revival of the Assembly on July 1, 1963,
elections have been held at regular interval in 1967, 1972, 1977,
1982, 1985, 1990, 1993, 1998, 2003, 2007 and in 2012. Though the
State Legislative State Assembly is the highest decision-making body
in Himachal Pradesh but representation of women in this body since
its inception has been not encouraging. Socio- economic (literacy, sex
ratio) conditions of the state is better than neighbouring State but
only a few women elected in State Assembly. Therefore, it is important
to study the socio-economic and political profile of elected women
(1998-2013) for the purpose of our present study.

Vidya Stokes: Vidya Stokes, Daughter of Late Rai Sahib Chand,

was born at Kotgarh, Distt. Shimla on 8th December, 1927, and
married to Late Shri Lal Chand Stokes (Ex. M.L.A.). She is a social
worker, horticulturist and owner of a reputed school in Shimla. She
joined politics due to untimely demise of her husband and was elected
as MLA in by Election in 1974 from Theog Constituency. She was
elected first lady speaker of Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly on
March 11, 1985 .She was also elected leader of the Congress party in
1990 and again in 2008. She remained minister of state for Rural
Development (Independent charge) 1984-85, and was minister of MPP
& Power, from March 6, 2003 to December 28, 2007. She was again
elected to the state Legislative Assembly for the eighth time in
December 2012 and was inducted into council of minister as
Irrigation & Public Health Minister with additional charge of
Horticulture, Information Technology. She is also associated in sports
committee from time to time. She remains President of the Indian

177
Women’s Hockey Federation and also represented India in various
International sports activities. She was also Vice President of Asian
Hockey Federation. She is a social worker of great reputation. She had
been General Secretary of Indian council for child welfare for over
Eight years. She had started schools, homes for destitute and for
blind, deaf, mute and physically handicapped children and running
training centres for destitute girls.

Smt. Urmil Thakur: Urmil Thakur was born on Ist April, 1958
at village Gharna in District Kangra. She is Graduate and also
completed her B.Ed. She was married to Sh. Bhupinder Thakur son of
(Late) Sh. Jagdev Chand, Ex Cabinet Minister of Himachal Pradesh.
She joined politics as member of ‘Panchayat Samiti’ Sujanpur, after
that she was elected for ‘Zila Parishad’ Hamirpur . She also held the
responsibility of ‘President District Mahila Morcha Bhartiya Janta
Party’.

After the success of grass-root politics, she successfully

contested the State Legislative Assembly election in 1998and became
Parliamentary Secretary from 1998-2003. She returned to the State
Assembly in December, 2007 but lost her election for State Legislative
Assembly in 2012.

Smt. Vinod Kumari Chandel: She was born on 30th January,

1951 in Dharamshala. As far as education is concerned, she is only
matriculate. She was married to (Late) Sh. Ram Pratap Chandel (Ex.
M.L.A.). She is actively involved in social services and remained
Member, state Executive B.J.P. She was elected to State Assembly in
December 2007.

Renu Chadha: Renu Chadha Daughter of Sh. Harbans Lal

Amba, was born on 11th August 1949 in New Delhi. She is Graduate
from Delhi University. She was married to (late) Sh. Ashok Chadha.
She is multi –faceted personality. She is agriculturist, horticulturist,
political & social worker and hotelier. As social worker, she worked for
the welfare of poor and downtrodden people by organising medical

178
camps and by contributing liberally towards the welfare of widows and
for the marriage of poor girls. She was member of State Executive
BJP, was President of District Chamba BJP and Secretary, Pradesh
BJP. She was elected to the State Legislative Assembly in December
2007.

Anita Verma: Smt. Anita Verma, daughter of (late) Col. S.C.

Katoch, was born on 19th October, 1954 at village lahat in District
Kangra. She is B.Sc. and holds Diploma in Journalism. She was
married to (Late) Ramesh Verma (Ex. member of State Legislative
Assembly). She is social and political worker. She evinces keen
interest in interest in women’s empowerment and upliftment .She has
founded Bal Baris to help destitute & orphans and also organised
Mahila Mandals in District Hamirpur. She was vice President, State
youth Congress from 1986-87, was Joint Secretary Indian youth
Congress from 1987-90, was General Secretary All India Mahila
Congress from 1990-93, was Vice-president, Himachal Congress
committee from 1998-2003 and was Secretary All India Congress
Committee from 2003.

She was elected to State Legislative Assembly in a bye-election

held on May 26, 1994 and was appointed Parliamentary Secretary on
October 20, 1995. Again, she was elected to State Assembly again in
March, 2003 and remains Parliamentary Secretary from 18-04-2005
to 18-08-2005

Asha Kumari: Asha Kumari, daughter of Shri Madneswar

Saran Singh Deo (Retd. Chief Secretary, Madhya Pradesh), was born
on 23 September, 1955 in New Delhi. She is Graduate from University
Bhopal and was married to (late) Sh. R. K. Brijnedra Singh 19 April,
1979. She is horticulturist, social and political worker.

She is President’s Medal awardees for being A Girls’ Guide. She

actively participated in student politics, was founder member of NSUI
in 1972, was General Secretary of MLB Girls College Bhopal from
1975 to1977, was elected President of Bhopal University Students

179
Union from 1978-79 and was arrested during an agitation in favour of
late Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in September 1978.

She was elected to State Legislative Assembly in 1985, 1993,

1998 and 2003 from Banikhet Assembly Constituency and she was
again elected to State Legislative Assembly from Dalhousie in 2012.

She remained Minister of State for Primary Education

(Independent charge) from 18th October 1995 to March 1998 and was
Education Minister from 6 March, 2003 to 8 February 2005. She also
remained in Panel of Chairman of HP Vidhan Sabha and Chairman of
Various House Committees. Presently she is of All India Congress
Committee.

Chandresh Kumari: Smt. Chandresh Kumari, daughter of

(Late) Sh. Hanumant Singh, was born on 1st February, 1944 in
Jodhpur. She has completed her B.A. from Jodhpur University and
married to Sh. Aditya Dev Chand Katoch on 4th December, 1968. She
is social and political worker. She worked continuously for the poor
and downtrodden.

She was elected to HP Vidhan Sabha for first time in 1972 and
again in 1982. She remained Deputy Minister in 1997 and Minister of
State in 1984. She was elected to Lok Sabha in 1985 and to Rajya
Sabha in April, 1996.

She was member 1), Consultative Committee for the Minister of

Communications; 11), Joint Committee on Empowerment of Women;
111), Committee on Science and Technology, Environment and
Forests; 1V), Consultation Committee for the Ministry of External
Affairs. She remained Deputy Chief Whip of Congress Party in Rajya
Sabha From 1998-1999 and was President All India Mahila Congress
from January 2000. Once again she was elected to State Vidhan
Sabha in March 2003, and inducted as Cabinet Minister for Health
and Family Welfare.

180
 Krishna Mohini: Krishna Mohini, daughter of (Late) Pandit
Krishan Chand was born on July 24, 1940 at Layalpur in Pakistan.
She is B.A. (Hon’s), M.A., B.T. She is unmarried. She is Journalist and
Social and Political Worker

She served for 15 year for lieutenant to the rank of Substantive

Major, remained Commandant, Home Guards (women’s wing) and
officer commanding, N.C.C. HP girls Battalion, Solan. She was Vice-
President, State Unit of Congress for Democracy from 1997-78, was
Joint secretary of All India Mahila congress and State Congress
committee, was Secretary and Convener of Ex-Servicemen Cell, was
President of State Congress Seva Dal, Vice Chairman of Co-operative
of Super Bazar (Ministry of Food and Civil Supplies) and was
Chairman of HP Board of School Education

She was elected to State Legislative Assembly in 1993 and was

re-elected in 1998.

Smt. Nirmla Devi: Smt. Nirmla Devi, daughter of (late) Sh.

Maula Ram was born at village Mui in District Kangra on 15th May
1950. As far as her Education qualification is concerned, she is simply
middle pass. She is agriculturist, social and political worker. She was
elected and remained Pardhan of Gram Panchayat Bani Distt. Kangra
from 1995 to 1998. She was elected to Pradesh Vidhan Sabha in a by
election held in June 1998.

Smt. Viplove Thakur: Smt. Viplove Thakur, daughter of (late)

Comrade Paras Ram was born on 4th October, 1943 in Dharamshala
District Kangra. She is post graduate. She is social and political
worker. She has been associated with Congress party for long time.
She was elected to State Legislative Assembly in 1985, 1993 and
1998. She remained member: of the state high powered tourism
advisory Board, member of Pong Dam Advisory Committee, Member of
State Co-operative Council, Member of R.T.A. Dharamshala, Member
of 20 Point Programme Implementation committee, Member Women’s
involvement in co-operative Movement of India, She was also joint

181
Secretary, State Congress: Chairperson of State Table Tennis. She
represented Himachal Pradesh in Rajya Sabha from 2006-2012 and
she was also President of Himachal Pradesh Congress Committee.

Smt. Sarveen Chaudhary: Smt. Sarveen Chaudhary was born

in Dharamshala on 21st January, 1966. She did her M.A in Classical
Dance and also acquired Diploma in Yoga, Painting and Cookery. She
was married to Col. Pawan Kumar.

She is active worker of R.S.S. She joined politics in the year

1992. She was Mandal Pradhan- Mahila Morcha BJP, she also
remained president of District Kangra Bhartiya Janta Party from
1995-97.

She was elected to State Legislative Assembly on BJP ticket in

1998 and became Parliamentary Secretary. She was elected again to
State Assembly in December, 2007 and was appointed Minister for
Social Justice & Empowerment. She was elected to the State
legislative Assembly in 2012 for the third time, (Who’s Who, 2007-
2012).

After the discussion of the short profile of elected women in

State Legislative Assembly from 1998 to 2012 the following
observation was found:

1. All the women entered in the state politics in the middle or later
age.

2. Women elected in State Assembly form 1998 to 2012 from

General Category except Nirmla Devi who belongs to the
Schedule Caste category and Sarveen Chaudhary who belong to
Other Backword Classes (OBC). It shows caste is dominating in
the Himachal Pradesh Politics.

3. In most of the cases, the women legislatures had come from

families those had been associated with the political activities in
the past. A few come from those families which although not
actively associated with political parties but interested in social

182
 welfare activities. It indicates women who were elected to the
State Legislative Assembly were economically well off.

4. All the women legislature were married and most of them were
married to the persons who themselves in politics & in the state
politics. Though they were elected in their own individual
capacity, their role was primarily supportive to their family;
those were leading position in the politics of Himachal Pradesh
and sparely of their respective area.

5. Another fact that emerges out is that after the demise death of
an MLA his wife was given ticket by the political parties from
same Constituency to fill the void.

6. Most of the women legislatures in HP were educated and some

of them were highly educated.

7. The data of women legislatures indicates (1971-2012) that most

of the women members had distinction representing to State
Assembly more than once.

8. It is Proportion of women as ministers from time to time during

1971 to 2012 abysmally low. Only one or two women got the
opportunity to serve as Cabinet rank minister in this long
period, otherwise the rest were at lower rank of minister i.e.
Parliamentary Secretary.

9. Some women contestant participated in the legislative elections.

New faces in each election are few. Hence in the assembly
elections women contestants among the Himachal women are
few.

10. Most of the women member declares their occupation as “Social

Work”. This indicates the some extent their high status
background which allow their involvement in volunteer
activities. The occupation generally listed was political and
social worker and agriculturists.

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 Table 3.9: Women Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh
1995-2000

Post Men Women Total % of

women
Panchayat Members 12251 6013 18265 32.92
Panchayat Pradhan 1952 970 2922 33.19
BDC Members 1103 558 1661 33.59
BDC Chairperson 49 23 72 31.94
Zila Parishad Members 168 84 252 33.33
Zila Parishad Chairperson 8 4 12 33.33
Source: (i) HP Directorate of Panchayati Raj Shimla-9.
(ii) Election Report 1995, election to Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti
and Zila Parishad in HP 2005, State Election Shimla-HP.

Women representation in the first election in 1995, after the

new Panchayati Raj System in Himachal Pradesh was reported 33.09
percent and 32.92 percent respectively against total number of
Pradhans and Members of Gram Panchayats. Similarly at Block level
33.59 percent and 31.94 percent women were elected as Block
Development Chairperson and members while at the district level
women constituted 33.33 percent respectively each as Zila Parishad
Chairperson and Members.

Table 3.10: Women Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh

2000-2005

Post Men Women Total % of

women
Panchayat Members 11727 6822 18549 36.78
Panchayat Pradhan 2011 1026 3037 33.78
BDC Members 10960 562 1658 33.89
BDC Chairperson 48 27 75 36.0
Zila Parishad Members 164 87 251 34.66
Zila Parishad Chairperson 8 4 12 33.33
Source: (i) HP Directorate of Panchayati Raj Shimla-9.
(ii) HP Panchayati Election Report 2000, State Election Shimla-HP.

184
 The record election of Panchayati Raj in Himachal Pradesh held
in 2000 but these elections gave a new political status of Himachali
Women on comparing statistics of the two elections, it is found that
there has been increase of 3.82 percent and 0.59 percent in
representation of women in Gram Panchayat as Pradhan and
members and 1.33 percentage increase in Zila Parishad. But at the
block level, there has been an increase of 2.67 percent of women
representatives as Chairperson interestingly, women representative
36.78 percent, 33.89 percent and 34.66 percent respectively as
members of Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishads.

Table 3.11: Women Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh

(2005-2010)

Post Men Women Total % of

women

Panchayat Members 11951 7462 19413 38.43

Panchayat Pradhan 2131 1112 3243 34.28

BDC Members 1097 579 1676 34.54

BDC Chairperson 41 34 75 45.33

Zila Parishad Members 166 85 251 33.86

Zila Parishad Chairperson 5 7 12 58.33

Source: (i) Directorate of Panchayati Raj HP, Shimla-9.

(ii) Election Report 2005, elections to Gram Panchayats, Panchayat
Samitis and Zila Parishads in HP 2005, State Election Shimla-HP.

The Panchayat election was held in 2005. Their share has

increased as against the statutory provision of 33 percent. This has
been found move pronouncing in case chairperson of Zila Parishad
(58.33) percent followed by BDC Chairperson (45.33) percent. A
comparative analysis of women representation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions shows higher increase in Chairperson Zila Parishad (25
percent) while at block level their representation as a Gram
Pabnchayat Pradhan and Members also increased.

185
 Table 3.12: Number of seat of Women in PRIs in HP (2011-2016)
No. of Seat Seat Seat Seat Total Percentage
seat Reserved Reserved Reserved Reserved seat of Reserved
for SC for ST for OBC for Gen. Reserved seat
Women Women Women Women for
Women
Member of Gram Panchayat
19413 3412 622 0 7283 11317 58.30%
Pardhan Gram Panchayt
3243 421 1041 127 987 1639 50.54%
Member Panchayat Samiti
1682 216 56 67 514 863 51.31%
Chairpeson Panchayat Samiti
77 13 4 5 20 42 54.55%
Member Zila Parishad
251 34 11 10 73 128 51%
Chairperson Zila Parishad
12 2 1 1 2 6 50%

Source: HP Directorate of Panchayati Raj Shimla-9.

From above table it is found that the total number of PRIs in HP

at all six levels of PRIs where the reservation of women is 24,678
among which 13,995 seats is reserved for different category of women
which consists 56.71 of the total sets. It shows that more than half of
the Panchayat representatives are women in HP PRIs.

Table 3.13: Women Elected on Un-reserved Seat in PRIs in HP

(2011-2016)
Gram Panchayat
Pradhan Up-Pradhan Members
32 20 352
Panchayat Samiti
Chairperson Vice-Chairperson Members
3 11 25
Zila Parishad
Chairperson Vice-Chairperson Members
2 2 4
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, in HP.

186
 Table 3.13 shows that in Gram Panchayat 32 seats of Gram
Panchyat of Pradhan 20 seats of Up-Pradhan 352 seats of Panchayat
member also elected in un-reserved seats.

In case of Panchayat Samiti 3 women chairperson seats 11 as

Vice-Chairperson and 25 women elected as Panchayat Samiti member
in Un-reserved seats.

In Zila Parishad 2 seats of Zila Parishad Chairperson and 2

seats of Vice-Chairperson occupied by women against un-reserved
seats and 4 women elected as Zila Parishad member in un-reserved
seats. It is clear from the above table and discussion that the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment has created and opportunity for larger
number of rural women to take part in public institution this
amendment has in real sense laid foundation for the emerging rural
women leadership. Presently out society has accepted rural women
leadership and it is the result of this that women are elected in PRIs in
unserved seats.

At the end of the chapter, in conclusion it may be said that

Indian political history reflects different trends of the women political
participation. Sources of ancient Indian history (Vedas & Epics)
provide information regarding the equality between the two sexes.
Women during that period enjoyed social, political equality, though
higher echelons of politics were dominated by the males. Buddhist
and Jain literature also substantiate the equal treatment for the
female community. In the medieval period some of the Rajput queens
and Muslim ladies had significant role in the political arena. Due to
monarchical polity common female had little role in the political
processes. With the British raj and reformative movements of
ninetieth century issues related to the child marriage, sati Pratha,
widow remarriage were taken seriously to protect the women from the
atrocities of the patriarchal society. Early twentieth century reflects
clearly the women participation in the modern political processes as
well as institutionalisation of the women interests. Many

187
organisations in the different parts of the country and at the national
level were organised. Women participation in the national movement
was not noticeable but also effective. It is one of the prominent
examples of women political participation at the mass level. Women
enfranchisement and their entry in the provincial assemblies reflects
that women participation in the formal political institutions was more
effective than today. At present when the women literacy is high, they
enjoy equal constitutional status women position in the Parliament
and state Assemblies is not satisfactory numerically.

Entire scenario of the state legislative politics indicates that the

women political participation in the three main processes of electoral
politics contestants, elected members and their position in the
executive is not satisfactory. figures of the women contestants of 1993
is 3.85% of the total contestants and in 1998 contestants number
crossed 6% afterward it has not touched 7%. The data of elected
members numbers also fall between 5.88 and 4.41 in 2012 and in
1998 it was maximum 10% from this it can be inferred that the
figures of 1998 may be exception or it is due to the 1995 PRIs first
election after 73rd amendment this change might took place. After
wards the stagnation poses the question to the issue of empowerment
and the political and social institution as well as the sincerely of
leadership. In contrast to this trend voting pattern gives different
picture. While in 1993 voting percentage between male and female
shows parity afterwards women voter percentage was in all the
elections (1998-2012) was higher to the males. This shows that the
women wherever they gets opportunity and do not face hassles
participate in the political processes enthusiastically. Difference of
level of participation in the processes indicates the impact of the
variables like patriarchy economic dependence, her over burden with
household work and attitude of the political parties which are not
congenial for the women political participation.

188
 CHAPTER-IV
ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF WOMEN
PARTICIPATION IN THE PANCHAYATI RAJ
INSTITUTIONS AND STATE POLITICS (HP)

For the last twenty years, the concept of participation has been
widely used in development discourse and much for the period the
concept has referred to participation in the social arena, in the
community or in the development projects. The 73rd Amendment of
the Constitution marks a distinct watershed moment in the concept
and practice of people participation in rural governance. The Act
breaks a new ground by providing for an institutional framework for
rural people to actively participate in their own administration, (Datta,
2006:153). It has brought political revolution in India by inserting the
provisions of reservation of one–third seats for women in the three
levels for the members as well as for the chairpersons in the PRIs. It
leads to empowerment of the women and enhance their status in
society in terms of social, economic and political conditions which
facilitate and encourage their participation in the public activities.
This brings a sea of change in the position of women as these
institutions make them participate in the political and social settings
exercising their power of articulation and voting. Empowerment and
participation are interconnected. The term women empowerment is
used for giving power to women. It also includes political participation
and acquiring the capabilities to influence the political decisions
effectively, (Malik in Chahar, 2005:182).

At the present time the Panchayti Raj System has become a

major channel of popular participation in the process of development
and political empowerment of women. The PRIs are expected to play a
multifaceted role, as a vehicle for political education and training in
leadership. Participation of women at local level can be viewed from
two angles- quality and quantity. Quantitative aspect refers to the

189
strength of participation and trend of participation in general and that
of different groups like men, women, scheduled caste, scheduled
tribes and backwards classes, etc. As far as qualitative aspects is
concerned, there are three level of quality of participation: active
participation, passive participation and decision making participation,
(Sharma in Singh, 2003: 216). The number of women in General
Category, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in particular has
increased in local politics in recent years. The very presence of these
persons as Members and Chairpersons of these local bodies are
significant step forward in participatory development and decision
making. But it does not mean that their participation has really
increased in state and national politics.

Himachal Pradesh is one of the states providing fifty percent

reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions. It is the result
that at present more than fifty percent women elected as member and
chairperson of these institutions. Though the socio-economic status of
women of Himachal Pradesh is higher than neighbouring States, but
our State is also not an exception to the disappointing state in regard
to women’s participation in state and national politics. Participation of
women in PRIs higher than men, equal number of voters but their
representation in H.P State Legislature, Parliament and decision-
making bodies has been disappointing. Beside this a very few women
have occupied higher position in political parties. In this regard the
present chapter deals with the participation of women in Panchayati
Raj and its impact on Himachal Pradesh legislature electoral politics.
The appreciation of any study depends upon the presentation of
situation analysis of the sample. For the purpose researcher collected
the data from the three districts namely Una, Mandi and Kinnaur of
Himachal Pradesh. In Una district: Haroli block, in Mandi Chauntra
block while in Kinnaur district Kalpa block were selected. Further
three Panchayats of each block were selected for the in-depth study
namely Bathu, Polian-Beet and Badhiara Panchayats of Haroli block,

190
Langana, Pipli and Kuthera panchayats of Chauntra block and Kalpa,
Khawangi and Pangi Panchayats of Kalpa block.

Present chapter comprises two sections. The first section deals

with the socio economic and political background of the elected
women members. The socio economic and political background of
women Panchayat members indicates the nature of their participation
and representation. It analysed here in terms of age, marital status,
education, type of family, caste, occupation, annual income and
political affiliation of family members. For the present study the socio
economic and political profile of the elected women members have
been taken as antecedent factors to women’s participation in PRIs.

Second section deals with the participation of women in Gram

Sabha and PRIs. This section also deals with the participation of
women in political process as participation in political parties,
participation in state elections and election campaigns. In this section
it also tries to find out the main hurdle faced by women in the political
participation and beside this, views of elected women regarding
reservation also discussed in this section.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF ELECTED

WOMEN MEMBERS OF THE PRIs SELECTED AS SAMPLE

AGE

Age is a significant variable, in the study of rural leadership in

Indian society. The rural leadership has been a monopoly of elderly
people who are traditionally dominated by all walks of social and
political life in the rural area, (Malik, 2002:40). But at the present
time rural leadership have brought a sea of change with the
implementation of New Panchayti Raj (NPR) system. Various studies
have been conducted to find out the relationship between age and
rural leadership. The study of Mishra indicates that rural leadership
ascends out of the middle age group, (Mishra, 1977:111). In his study
Santha also indicates that women leaders above 50 years are not in

191
much of the demand in the Panchyati Raj Institutions, (Santha,
1999:41). Srivastva also found relatively a younger women leadership
in PRIs, (Srivastva, 2011:214-215). Age is an important factor, which
has greater influence on affecting the political participation. The study
contemplates the total sample divided into five age groups i.e. 21-30
years, 31 to 40, 41 to 50, 51to 60 and above 60 years.

Table 4.1: Classification of the Women Leaders According to their

Age Groups

Institution District Age Group

21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Above Total
60
Gram Una 1 4 7 3 1 16
Panchayat (6.25%) (25%) (43.75) (18.75%) (6.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi - 5 6 3 - 14
(35.71%) (42.86%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 5 10 2 - 20
(15%) (25%) (50%) (10%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 1 9 - - 12
Samiti (16.67%) (8.33%) (75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi - 7 2 1 - 10
(70%) (20%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 6 3 - - 10
(10%) (60%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una - 2 4 1 2 9
Parishad (22.22%) (44.44%) (11.11%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 1 12 5 1 - 19
(5.26%) (63.16%) (26.32%) (5.26%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 3 2 - - 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 8 45 48 11 3 115
(6.95%) (39.13%) (41.74%) (9.57%) (2.61%) (100%)

From the table 4.1 it is evident that there are more women
respondents 48 (41.74%) in the age group of 41 to 50, followed by the
age group of 31 to 40 i.e. 45 (39.13%). There are lesser number of
women representatives in the lower age group i.e. 11 (9.57%) in the
age group of 51 to 60 and the least is the lowest age group of 21 to 30
i.e. 8 (6.95%) and only 3 (2.61%) are above 60 years. Since the women

192
in lower age groups are more familiar with duties. However, a
comparative study of three sample districts Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
reveals that middle aged women leaders are coming forward in PRIs.

From the above discussion it is clear that in the rural society,

age is an important determinant in deciding the social economic and
political role of the women. Rural women are bound to follow the
culture and emanate their traditional role incessantly. More often,
participation of young women in Panchayat is not acknowledged by
the people because of the two reasons. First is the cultural and
traditional constraint that prohibits young women from emanating
their political role. Second is the belief that young women are deficit of
relevant experience and confidence for performing the responsibilities
of the governance.

EDUCATION

Education is that seedbed that cultivates the social character. It

encourages present society, to the capacity of understanding the
issues and problems prevailing in the community. The ability to
communicate one’s ideas to the other is an important quality of a
leader. Education is one of the mains of acquiring such a capacity,
(Mukharji & Verma, 1987:130). Education is one of the basic indices
of socio-economic status and affects the political behaviour of a
person in a significant way. Women’s education can also bring about
changes in decision-making and participation, (Lipi in Agrawal,
2009:353).

Education of rural women representatives have a great

significance; in fact they have become very important members of
institutions. Educated or being literate helps them to understand their
roles and responsibilities with regard to Panchayati Raj. Education
develops insights and helps the representatives in carrying a day to
day life. Lack of education restrains the functioning of women as a
leader. The confidence of illiterate women is generally low as compare

193
to literate women. She has lesser confidence in dealing or interacting
with officials or any third person if she is illiterate.

Table 4.2: Educational Status of the Elected Women Members

Institution District Education

Illiterate Upto Plus Graduate Post- Total
Matric Two Graduate
Gram Una 2 4 8 1 1 16
Panchayat (12.5%) (25%) (50%) (6.25%) (6.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 5 7 - - 14
(14.29%) (35.71%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 9 5 3 1 20
(10%) (45%) (25%) (15%) (5%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 1 7 2 2 - 12
Samiti (8.33%) (58.33%) (16.67%) (16.67%) (100%)
Member
Mandi - 3 5 1 1 10
(30%) (50%) (10%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 5 2 2 1 10
(50%) (20%) (20%) (10%) (100%)
Zila Una - 2 4 2 1 9
Parishad (22.22%) (44.44%) (22.22%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi - 6 6 5 2 19
(31.58%) (31.58%) (26.31%) (10.53%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 2 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Total 7 41 41 18 8 115
(6.09%) (35.65%) (35.65%) (15.65%) (6.96%) (100%)

It is evident from the above table (4.2) that in the total sample
41 (35.65%) each of the women members educated up to matric and
plus two level, 18 (15.65%) are graduate, 8(6.96%) are post-graduate.
Remaining 7(6.09%) are illiterate. Hence, there is no significant
difference with respect to their own economic variable education of the
respondents coming from the PRIs of the three sample districts.
However, in the case of respondents being Gram Panchayat members,
Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad members, no significant
difference is seen. A lamented fact that is observed the level of working
literacy among the Panchayati Raj women leader is poor. They
depends either male family member or male Panchyat member for the
working.

194
OCCUPATION
Occupation refers not only to the economic connotations but
should be taken into consideration in other social and political
perspectives. It is assessed to understand the social status and
economic condition of an individual or a community. It is an
important factor for determining the leadership pattern of a society. It
is believed that only those people can become rural leaders who can
spare sufficient time for political activities and also can stay whole
time in the villages. It depends on the nature of their profession
whether they can spare time for public affairs while staying in the
villages. Thus occupation is an important variable to determine the
socio-economic status of the women in the society and their economic
independence helps in freeing them from economic and psychological
control of families, in shaping assertive personality and greater access
to decision making, (Mandal,2003:89). On the basis of this, an
attempt has been made here to analyze the occupation of the sample
women leader of the Himachal Pradesh. Table 4.3 shows district wise
classification of the sample women leaders according to their
occupations.

Table 4.3: Occupational Classification of the Selected Women

Leaders
Institution District Occupation
Agriculture Labour Business Service Any Total
other
Gram Una 11 - 2 - 3 16
Panchayat (68.75%) (12.5%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member Mandi 11 - 2 - 1 14
(78.57%) (14.29%) (7.14%) (100%)
Kinnaur 17 - 3 - - 20
(85%) (15%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 7 - 4 - 1 12
Samiti (58.33%) (33.33%) (8.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 6 - 1 1 2 10
(60%) (10%) (10%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 6 - 4 - - 10
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 - 3 - 1 9
Parishad (55.56%) (33.33%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - 6 - 3 19
(52.63%) (31.58%) (15.79%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 - 2 - - 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 76 - 27 1 11 115
(66.09%) (23.48%) (0.86%) (9.57%) (100%)

195
 From the analysis of data in table 4.3 it is evident that
76(66.09%) respondents remaining occupation is agriculture, followed
by 27 (23.48%) business, a minimum number i.e. 01(0.86%) are in
service and remaining 11(9.57%) are engaged in other affairs like
tailoring, housewives and animal husbandry, help their husbands in
business, etc. A woman in a Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and
Zila Parishad, in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur were found with no
significant difference in their occupation. In the rural area of
Himachal Pradesh agricultural activities are confined to their own
fields but working on the own fields do not bring them any financial
benefits.

INCOME

Income is considered as an important criterion for determining

the leadership pattern in the Indian society. Several researches have
revealed that majority of the ruling leaders in rural India belongs to
the middle and upper-middle class with relatively better standard of
life, (Vinta, 2007:222). Income plays an important role in shaping the
priorities of the women and family as a whole. Women will have
different priorities and interest according to their family. Families with
high income asses to all kinds of facilities and they may be more
satisfied. Women in such families can hire help, so they may be free
from household responsibilities as a result these women can spend
more time for Politics meeting people, publicity, convince. Whereas,
women with low family income have many problems and worries, with
which they are preoccupied and do not have time to think of Politics.

A woman from low family income has less time to devote for
community actions and also have less interclass contacts. These
factors are more important for political participation. Whereas the
women in high income group may not face any problem related to the
finance and investment in Politics. Thus it is difficult for the women of
this group to spare time for Politics. Though a true picture may not
come, as it solely depend on respondents’ true response.

196
 Table 4.4: Annual Income wise Grouping of Elected Women
Institution District Income Group
Below Below Below Above Total
60,000 80,000 1,00,000 1,00,000
Gram Una 2 6 6 2 16
Panchayat (12.5%) (37.5%) (37.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 4 3 2 14
(35.71%) (28.57%) (21.43%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 4 7 5 20
(20%) (20%) (35%) (25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 3 4 3 12
Samiti (16.67%) (25%) (33.33%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 4 2 2 10
(20%) (40%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 1 4 4 10
(10%) (10%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Una 1 2 2 4 9
Parishad (11.11%) (22.22%) (22.22%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 6 6 4 19
(15.79%) (31.58%) (31.58%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 20 30 36 29 115
(17.39%) (26.09%) (31.30%) (25.22%) (100%)

From the table 4.4 a clear picture of respondent’s annual

income from all the sources is observed. A glance at the table reveals
that 36(31.30%) respondents have income below 1,00,000 followed by
30 (26.09%) below 80,000 whereas 29 (25.22%) respondents having
annual income from all sources above 1,00,000 and remaining 20
(17.39%) respondents have income below 60,000.

However, in the case of the respondents in a Gram Panchayat,

Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad members, no significant
difference is seen.

CASTE

Caste system is an important characteristic of the rural Indian

society, caste largely determines the function of an individual it also
determines the status and avails opportunity as well to the handicaps

197
or to an individual. Caste plays decisive role in moulding the pattern
of leadership at the village, state and national level, (Mandal: 84).
Many studies indicate that the leadership in Panchayati Raj
Institutions has been monopolized by higher castes. The studies of
(Narain & Others, 1976:35-43), (Vinta: 219) indicate that rural leaders
belongs to the upper castes, while the studies, (Sharan, 1978:57),
(Makwana, 2009: 98), (Bhatt, 2010:108) and (Srivastava: 216-17)
reveal that rural leadership belong to backward communities (SCs,
STs and OBCs). Thus, caste is a dominate factors in leadership in
Panchayati Raj Institutions. Therefore, an attempt has been made to
understand, elected women belonging to which caste.

Table 4.5: Women Leader’s Caste Status

Institution District Caste Groups
Gen SC ST OBC Total
Gram Una 9 4 3 - 16
Panchayat (56.25%) (25%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 4 - - 14
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 4 16 - 20
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 2 2 3 12
Samiti (41.66%) (16.67%) (16.67%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 3 - 1 10
(60%) (30%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 3 7 - 10
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 5 2 - 2 9
Member (55.56%) (22.22%) (22.22%) (100%)
Mandi 11 6 - 2 19
(57.89%) (31.58%) (10.53%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 1 4 - 5
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Total 46 29 32 8 115
(40%) (25.22%) (27.83%) (6.95%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 4.5 it is revealed that elected

women members of Gram Panchayat Una as 9 (56.25%) belong to

198
General Category, because they are socially and economically in a
strong position, further 4(25%) of members belong to Scheduled
Caste, 3 (18.75%) of the members belong to Scheduled Tribe. Among
the Mandi district 10 (71.43%) women elected as Gram Panchayat
members from general caste and 4 (28.57%) elected from Scheduled
Caste. In Kinnaur district, being a Gram Panchayat member 16(80%)
belong to Scheduled Tribe and 4 (20%) belong to Scheduled Caste.
In the same way among the Una Panchayat Samiti women
members, 5(41.66%) belong to General Category, 3(25%) belong to
OBC, equal number and percentage i.e. 2 and 2 (16.67 & 16.67%)
belong to Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe. In case of Mandi
District 6(60%) women elected as Panchayat Samiti members from
General Caste, 3(30%) from Scheduled Caste and remaining 1 (10%)
from OBC. While in Kinnaur district 7(70%) elected from Scheduled
Tribe and 3(30%) belong from Scheduled Caste.
In Una district, Zila Parishad has the highest percentage of
women members i.e. 5 (55.56%) belong to General Category and 2
(22.22%) each of the members belong to Scheduled Caste and OBC.
Among Mandi district Zila Parishad with the highest percentage
11(57.89%) of the women members belong to General Category,
6(31.58%) belong to Scheduled Caste and remaining 2(10.53%) belong
to OBC. Further in Kinnaur district 4 (80%) women members elected
as Zila Parishad members from Scheduled Tribe category while 1
(20%) from Scheduled Caste.
In total, among the elected women members of PRIs in Una,
Mandi and Kinnaur, have highest percentage 46(40%) of members
belonging to General Category, 32 (27.83%) belong to Scheduled Tribe,
29 (25.22%) belongs to Scheduled Caste and minimum members i.e. 8
(6.95%) belong to OBC. Ikbn Himachal Pradesh approximately fifty
percent population is General and rest are SC, ST & OBC. Trend of
the elected members also reject the same trend. Reservation to the
women also reflects the caste configuration and hegemony of the
higher castes. Evaluation of new roles and institutions are not free
from traditional variable.

199
MARITAL STATUS

Early marriage binds women to four walls and deprives them of

outside mobility and seems to inhibit them from seeking political
office. In India the normal upbringing of a girl in rural society is
directed towards marriage as soon as she reaches maturity. May be it
is the rural or urban circumstance most of the girls tend to get
married at an early age to keep up the tradition, (Bhatt: 104). It is
considered necessary to investigate the marital status of women
leaders whether marriage has contributory affect or act as a hindrance
for them. Many studies as (Vidya, 1997: 114), (Salagoankar, 2000:
149), (Santha: 41), (Malik: 43) and (Singh, 2012: 57) reveals that
almost all of the elected women members are married in PRIs.
Therefore, it is necessary to investigate the marital status of elected
women members of the selected sample districts, whether marriage
has contributory affect or act as a hindrance for them.

Table 4.6: Classification of the Women Leaders According to Their

Marital Status
Institution District Marital Status
Married Unmarried Widow Total
Gram Una 15 - 1 16
Panchayat (93.75%) (6.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 - 2 14
(85.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 18 - 2 20
(90%) (10%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 110 - 5 115
(95.65%) (4.35%) (100%)

200
 The table 4.6 shows that an overwhelming majority 110(95.65%)
of the sample women leaders were married and only 5(4.35%)
respondents were widow. The table also shows that out of 115 sample
women leader there were no unmarried women, who represent the
Panchayat leadership. As generally observed in rural areas married
women are always respected and marriage is a status symbol for
women.

With respect to the married women, the data analysis is as

follows: there is no significant difference among the Gram Panchayat
members of Una, Mandi and Kinnaur districts. A similar trend is seen
in the case of Panchayat Samiti members and Zila Parishad members
in three sample districts. With respect to the respondents who are
widow, with respect to Gram Panchayat members, there is no
significant difference seen as Una 1(6.25%) Mandi 2(14.29%) and
Kinnaur 2(10 %).

This makes it clear that the people of HP do not allow their

daughter to contest elections before they are married and not keeping
in mind the criteria of 21 years which is required for contesting the
election. The smaller number of the widows among the respondents
could either be ascribed to their hesitation to enter public life or either
because of their lower social status in rural society of HP. Though
social fabric of HP Society favour the married women to participate in
the public life. It is generally found in all sections of the society
liabilities increase with the marriages. In PRIs most of the women
leaders are notable to give their family responsibilities. They suffice
get little time to be effective members of the PRIs.

TYPE OF FAMILY

Family is the basic unit of society. It is one of the earliest

institutions of human society. An individual more profoundly possess
the characteristics of primary group from a family. It is the first group
with which an individual comes into the contact of the families.
Families are of two types, namely Joint and nuclear. A nuclear family

201
consists of a man his wife and children, while joint family is a group of
people who live under one roof, who eat food cooked at one hearth,
who hold common property and who participate in common worship
and are related to each other as some particular type of kindred,
(Ambedkar, 2005: 107).

Various Women studies have shown that most of the women

members belong to the joint families in PRIs. The studies of (Lima,
1983: 50), (Santha: 41), (Srivastava: 220), (Vidya: 113) and (Mandal:
83), indicate that rural women leaders come from the joint families in
PRIs, while the studies of (Bhatt: 106) and (Smitha, 2008: 216) show
that majority of the women members belong to the nuclear families in
PRIs. In the following table 4.7 the marital status of the elected
women members of PRIs of the sample districts is analysed:

Table 4.7: Classification of the Women Leaders on the Basis of

Their Family

Institution District Types of Family

Joint Nuclear Total
Gram Una 9 7 16
Panchayat (56.25%) (43.75%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 6 14
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 13 7 20
(65%) (35%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 7 12
Samiti (41.67%) (58.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 6 4 10
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 4 5 9
Member (44.44%) (55.56%) (100%)
Mandi 8 11 19
(42.11%) (57.89%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 60 55 115
(52.17%) (47.83%) (100%)

202
 Table 4.7 shows that majority 60(52.17%) of the sample women
leaders had joint families and the remaining 55(47.83%) had nuclear
families. It shows that there is a greater possibility for elected women
leaders to take independent election regarding their political role in
the grass root democracy of the state.

A comparative study for the women of PRIs in the sample

districts Una, Mandi and Kinnaur is explained as:

With respect to the elected women members being Gram

Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur majority
of them belong to the joint families and there is no significance
difference seen. But in case of elected women being Zila Parishad
member, 5 (55.56%), 11 (57.89%) and 3 (60%) in Una, Mandi and
Kinnaur belong to the nuclear families.

It is evident that persistence of the joint family system in the

rural area of the HP despite the impact of modernisation or to the fact
that only the women belong to the joint family can spare time for
public activity as other women members of the family can look after
their work. Another possible explanation could be the joint family has
more resources in term of financial and numerical strength
comparison with the nuclear family for contesting the election.
Provably big a size of the family helps in winning elections. But in
nuclear family there is a greater possibility for women to take
independent decision regarding their political role in the grass-root
democracy. It is observed that in the case of the joint family, family
members works collectively in the entire electoral process. They do not
leave any stone unturned to get their female member elected. Now it is
al so considered to be a matter of pride that Panchayati Raj leadership
is with the family.

203
 SECTION-B

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE WOMEN IN THE DIFFERENT

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND PROCESSES

Women and the Gram Sabha

Gram Sabha literally means the village assembly. In other

words, it is a place where the villagers discuss the common problems
they come across in their village. All the voters in Gram Panchayat
become automatically the members of the Gram Sabha of the Gram
Panchayat. Hence, the membership of the Gram Sabha is open to
every adult irrespective of the caste, religion, education, occupation,
general social status and sex since the outsiders do not have any
place in Gram Sabha. They can just be observer or invitees to the
Gram Sabha. This attitude towards outsiders enhances the feeling of
possessiveness of the village community. The earlier Panchayati Raj
Institutions at the grass root level has been like the “grass without
root” and “Caricature of local Government”, (Gangrade, 1995:3). The
Gram Sabha is thus a forum for citizen participation in the matters
that affect their daily living in the village as a single autonomous unit.
In many ways Gram Sabha is comparable to citizen forum – a form of
direct democracy - in the ancient Greek city states, while the nature of
consent and the mode of a curtailing the wishes of the people possess
serious problems in any democracy. Gram Sabha is intended to serve
as mechanism for this purpose in the New Panchayati Raj System in
India, (Jaamadar, 1995:6-7). Jai Prakash Narayan and M.K. Gandhi
advocated direct democracy at the village level in the Gram Sabha.
Gram Sabha is an integral part of the Gandhian concept of village
swaraj, (Buch, 2012:7).

204
 Table 4.8: Elected Women Participation in the Gram Sabha
Meetings
Institution District Attend Gram Sabha Meetings
Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)

Attendance in Gram Sabha meeting is an important

determinant of the elected women participation. It is clear from the
above table 4.8 that 115 (100%) of elected women responded that they
attended Gram Sabha meeting regularly. When it comes to a
comparative study at the three levels of PRIs in Una, Mandi &
Kinnaur, no difference was observed. Given their specific number, it is
concluded that democracy has become more effective now than before
the emergence of the grassroot institutions. This agreement
strengthened the socio-economic background of these women which
showed that the majority of them come from the lower income group.
Thus, covering regular meetings of the Gram Sabha and the level of
participation of various categories is an important indicator for not

205
only the maternity of grass root democracy but also of broad based
participation particularly of the work and the other section of society
in the development equitable sharing of benefits.

Hence from the above discussion it may be concluded that

elected women know the importance of Gram Sabha, so they don’t
forget to attend the meetings of Gram Sabha.

Opportunity to Perform in the Gram Sabha

The participation of the people is an essential ingredient in the

development process; without public participation the changes in
local, political and economic fields are almost impossible and
meaningless. An inquiry was made to know whether elected women
get proper opportunity to express their opinion in the Gram Sabha
meetings.

Table 4.9: Opportunity to Perform in the Gram Sabha Meetings

Institution District Opportunity to Express their Opinion
Yes No Total
Gram Una 14 2 16
Panchayat (87.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 12 2 14
(85.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 17 3 20
(85%) (15%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Una 9 - 9
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 108 7 115
(93.91%) (6.09%) (100%

206
 The analysis of data from the above table 4.9 reveals that as
high as 108(93.91%) reported that they get proper opportunity to
express their opinion in the Gram Sabha meeting while only 7 (6.09%)
were not given proper opportunity to express their opinion in the
Gram Sabha meeting. A comparative analysis of the PRIs data from
Una, Mandi & Kinnaur reveals the following:

In case of the respondents being a Gram Panchayat member, as

high as 14 (87.5%) from Una, 12 (85.71%) from Mandi and 17 (85%)
from Kinnaur reported that they got opportunity to express their
opinion in the Gram Sabha meeting.

In case of the respondents being a Panchayat Samiti and Zila

Parishad member 100% women reported that they got proper
opportunity to express their opinion in the meeting of Gram Sabha.

Hence, from the above discussion it is evident that most of the

women respondents have got proper opportunity to express their
opinion in the meeting of Gram Sabha.

PERFORMANCE OF WOMEN IN THE GRAM SABHA

Elected women performance at Gram Sabha meeting is another

important determinant of studying the level of women participation.
An attempt has been made to examine the nature of participation of
the women in Gram Sabha meeting with the help of these indicators.
These are the questions asked regarding development programme,
project financial auditing, suggest measurer to improve the
development activities.

207
 Table 4.10: Questions Regarding Their Role in the Development
Programmes, Projects and Financial Auditings

Institution District Opinion Regarding Development

Programme
Yes No Total
Gram Una 12 2 14
Panchayat (85.71) (14.29) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 2 12
(83.33%) (16.67%) (100%)
Kinnaur 14 3 17
(82.35%) (17.65%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 11 1 12
Samiti (91.67%) (8.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 9 1 10
(90%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur 9 1 10
(90%) (10%) (100%)
Zila Una 9 - 9
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 98 10 108
(90.74%) (9.26%) (100%)

This question is interconnected with last question, in table 4.10

it is evident that 98 (90.74%) elected women respondent’s view is that
they often ask question regarding development programme, scheme,
Project and financial auditing. Only a very few i.e. 10 (9.26%) view it
negatively.

If we compare all the three level of PRIs in Una, Mandi and

Kinnaur, we find that 100% respondents from Zila Parishad are very
aware and they raise their voice regarding all development issues.
While in Panchayat Samiti & Gram Panchayat in Una, Mandi &
Kinnaur respondents of these institutions are lower than Zila

208
Parsihad regarding the question asked for the development of the
villages.

Women Leaders Capacity and Courage to Suggest Measures to

Improve the Development Activities

The principle of gender equality and equity has been the prime
concerns in Indian thinking right from the day of Independence. For
this, special legislation has been enacted from time to time in support
of women. The 73rd Amendment to the Constitution of India provided
reservation for women in PRIs, laying a strong foundation for their
participation in the decision making in local bodies.

Table 4.11: Elected Women Leaders Capacity and Courage to

Suggest Measures to Improve the Development Activities

Institution District Opinion About Suggesting the Measures

to Improve Development Activities
Yes No Total
Gram Una 12 4 16
Panchayat (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 4 14
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur 14 6 20
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 10 2 12
Samiti (83.33%) (16.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 2 10
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 94 21 115
(81.74%) (18.26%) (100%)

209
 It is revealed from the above table 4.11 that 94 (81.74%)
respondents suggest measures to improve the development activities,
where 21 (18.26%) respondents don’t suggest measures to improve
development activities.

A comparative Study among the PRIs of selected sample

districts reveals that being a member of Zila Parishad, 100%
respondents from all three districts suggest measures to improve the
development activities.

Being a member of Panchayat Samiti from selected sample

districts, 10 (83.33%) from Una, 8 (80%) & 7 (70%) from Mandi &
Kinnaur suggest measures to improve the development activities.

Being a member of Gram Panchayat 12 (75%), 10 (71.43%), 14

(70%) from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur also suggest measures to improve
development activities.

From the above discussion it is clear that highest percentage of

elected women in all the three level in selected sample district suggest
measures to improve development activities. It has made a miraculous
change in village life. The women of villages have shown that they
have a fine ability to work in the political field. Now the males of
villages realised and accepted the abilities of women and they begin to
accept change regarding their mentality about them.

210
 Table 4.12: Women Leaders Opinion about the Satisfaction
Regarding the Feedback Given by Them and Steps to be Taken by
the Panchayat

Institution District Opinion about the Satisfaction with

the steps taken by the Panchayat
Yes No Total
Gram Una 13 3 16
Panchayat (81.25%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member Mandi 12 2 14
(85.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 17 3 20
(85%) (15%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 9 3 12
Samiti (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 2 10
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Una 7 2 9
Parishad (77.78%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 15 4 19
(78.95%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Total 92 23 115
(80%) (20%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 4.12 it is seen that 92 (80%)

majority of the respondents were satisfied with the steps taken by
Panchayat on the basis of their suggestion but 23 (20%) respondents’
views that Panchayats have not taken their suggestion seriously.
Therefore, they are not satisfied with Panchayat.

When it comes to comparative study at Gram Panchayat,

Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, there
was no significant difference in these institutions.

211
 From the above discussion it is clear that elected women are
satisfied because everyone recognize their substance and it is not
easily to deny their suggestions. So women have become very
important part of PRIs.

Table 4.13: View about the Dominance of the Elected

Representatives in the Gram Sabha meetings
Institution District Views of the Elected Women Leaders
Yes No Total
Gram Una 3 13 16
Panchayat (18.75%) (81.25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 12 14
(14.29%) (85.71%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 16 20
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 10 12
Samiti (16.67%) (83.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 9 10
(10%) (0%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 8 10
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Zila Una 1 8 9
Parishad (11.11%) (88.89%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 17 19
(10.53%) (89.47%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 4 5
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Total 18 97 115
(15.65%) (84.35%) (100%)

The researcher asked the question from the women

respondents. From table 4.13 it is evident that only 18 (15.65%)
respondents were of the view that elected members dominate Gram
Sabha meeting but majority of the respondents i.e. 97 (84.35%) view it
negatively.

When it comes to a comparative study at the three levels of PRIs

in Una, Mandi & Kinnaur, no significant difference is found.

212
 It is evident that elected member of PRIs encourage the people
to participate in Gram Sabha meeting and they don’t dominate in
Gram Sabha meeting.

Table 4.14: Views on Influence of the Elite Groups in Gram Sabha

Meetings
Institution District Influence of the Elite Group in Gram
Sabha meetings
Yes No Total
Gram Una 6 10 16
Panchayat (37.5%) (62.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 4 10 14
(28.57%) (71.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 6 16 20
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 4 8 12
Samiti (33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 3 7 10
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 7 10
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 6 9
Parishad (33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 6 13 19
(31.58%) (68.42%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 37 78 115
(32.17%) (67.83%) (100%)

Analysis of the data in table 4.14 indicates that 37 (32.17%)

respondents views that elite groups of society influence the decisions
in the Gram Sabha meetings while 78 (67.83%) respondents views
that Gram Sabha decision are not influenced by the elite class of the
society. When a comparative study of amongst PRIs of three districts
was analysed, the following result was found:

In case of Gram Panchayat members 6 (37.5%) from Una, 4

(28.57%) & 6 (30%) from Mandi & Kinnaur views that decision of
Gram Sabha meetings are influenced by the elite group of the society.

213
 Gram Sabha decision influenced by the elite group of the
society, it is said by 4 (33.33%), 3 (30%), elected Panchayat Samiti
women member from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur.

3 (33.33%) Zila Parishad elected women from Una, 6 (31.58%), 2

(40%) from Mandi & Kinnaur views that Gram Sabha decisions are
often influenced by the elite group.

It is evident from the above discussion that Gram Sabha

decisions are influenced by elite group in minor way.

Table 4.15: Women Leaders View about the Satisfactions with

Women Participation in the Gram Sabha meetings

Institution District Views Regarding the Women

Participation in Gram Sabha meetings
Yes No Total
Gram Una 6 10 16
Panchayat (37.5%) (62.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 9 14
(35.71%) 64.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 15 20
(25%) (75%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 4 8 12
Samiti (33.33%) (66.7%) (100%)
Member Mandi 3 7 10
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 8 10
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 6 9
Parishad (33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 12 19
(36.84%) (63.16%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 4 5
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Total 36 79 115
(31.30%) (68.70%) (100%)

Data analysis from the above table 4.15 reveals that majority of
the respondents i.e. 79 (68.70) were not satisfied with women

214
participation in Gram Sabha meeting. Only 36 (31.30%) respondents
were satisfied with the women participation in Gram Sabha meetings.

When it comes to comparative study at all the three levels of

PRIs in Una, Mandi & Kinnaur, and no significant difference is
observed.

Hence, it is evident that no doubt elected women attend Gram

Sabha meeting regularly but common women have no interest in
Gram Sabha meetings, the over burden of domestic work or
geographic condition can be one of the reason.

Previous Electoral Experience of the Present Selected Women

Leaders

Previous experience in an elected body at the local level is of

considerable importance from the point of view of successful
functioning of a local body as it enables the members to learn a great
deal about local affairs in general and political traditions in particular.
The desire for re-election is, very often, a fundamental motivation of
political development, (Mehra in Chahar, 2005:407). The previous
experience of Panchayat members is given in table. Women
participation in self-government encompasses structural change in
the rural socio-economic situation in order to achieve the prosperity
and welfare, which is the ultimate goal of development. Panchayati Raj
is the best system for empowering women and its working and
activism can be the basis for state and national politics. Panchayati
raj system as a process of democratic decentralization at providing a
broad base to affording the much needed training ground for future
leadership. It is commonly believed that women’s increased presence
in local politics will lead to their greater power and influence and
policy making. It was decided to examine women participation in
policy making and leadership experiences. Previous experience in
politics helps one to understand the tangles of public role, equipped
one with information about social issues and familiarise with setting
and rules of the deliberative process, ( Mandal, 2003:104).

215
Table 4.16: Previous Electoral Experience of the Women Leaders

Institution District Previous Experience

Yes No Total
Gram Una 3 13 16
Panchayat (18.75%) (81.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 12 14
(14.29%) (85.71%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 18 20
(10%) (90%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 10 12
Samiti (16.67%) (83.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 1 9 10
(10%) (90%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 9 10
(10%) (90%) (100%)
Zila Una 2 7 9
Parishad (22.22%) (77.78%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 14 19
(26.32%) (73.68%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 4 5
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Total 19 96 115
(16.52 %) (83.48% (100%)

The table 4.16 clearly depicts that 96 (83.48%) of the elected

women members had contested and won for the first time. Only 19
(16.52%) of the elected women members of PRIs of the sample districts
had the contest previous election as a member or chairperson of PRIs.

When a comparative analysis was made, there was no

significance difference seen in the case of the members being either a
Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti or Zila Parishad members from
the sample districts of Una, Mandi and Kinnaur.

Hence, it is evident that almost all the women members of PRIs

of sample districts are elected against reservation for women. Thus,

216
73rd Constitutional Amendment brought a new hope for women and
created space for women in PRIs because before the implementations
of this Act, there was no effective participation for the women in PRIs.

Table 4.17: View about the Comparison between Male and Female
regarding Quality and Quantity Time Spent in the PRIs

Institution District Comparison of the time spent

Yes No Total
Gram Una 7 9 16
Panchayat (43.75%) (56.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 8 14
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 12 20
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 6 6 12
Samiti (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 6 10
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 4 9
Parishad (55.56%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 9 19
(52.63%) (47.37%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 53 62 115
(46.09%) (53.91%) (100%)

From table 4.17 it is seen that as high as 62 (53.91%) of the

respondents views that women cannot devote equal time in PRIs as
male members while 53 (46.09%) were of the opinion that women
devote equal time as male members.

When a comparative study was made, it was observed that the

respondents being a Gram Sabha member had no significant

217
difference in the case of the respondents being either Panchayat or
Panchayat Samiti member from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur. However, in
case of the respondents being a Zila Parishad member, a significant
difference was observed. Although 55.56% & 52.63% in Una & Mandi
opined that women devote equal time but in Kinnaur only 2 (40%)
respondent opined same opinion. As such it is seen that still women
do not devote equal time in PRIs as male members.

Table 4.18: Determining Variables of the Women Contestants

Institution District Reason for Contest PRIs Election

Family Social Political Own Changing Total
Interest Affiliation Wish Present
Milieu
Gram Una 8 4 2 2 16
Panchayat 50%) (25%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 3 2 2 14
(50%) (21.42%) (14.29%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 11 4 3 2 - 20
(55%) (20%) (15%) (10%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 4 4 2 2 - 12
Samiti (33.33%) (33.33%) (16.67%) (16.67%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 3 2 2 - 10
(30%) (30%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 4 1 1 - 10
(40%) (40%) (10%) (10%) (100%)

Zila Una 2 2 2 3 - 9
Parishad (22.22%) (22.22%) (22.22%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 4 4 6 - 19
(26.32%) (21.05%) (21.05%) (31.38%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 1 1 2 - 5
(20%) (20%) (20%) (40%) (100%)
Total 45 29 19 22 - 115
(39.13%) (25.22%) (16.52%) (19.13%) (100%)

Data from the above table 4.18 reveals that 45 (39.13%) of the
respondents were encouraged by their family whereas 29 (25.22%)
were interested in social activities. 22 (19.13%) women have self
interestto contest PRIs election. Table further shows that 19 (16.52%)
women were affiliated to political parties so they decide to contest the
PRI election.

218
 The comparative study of the PRIs members in Una, Mandi &
Kinnaur explained as:

i. In the case of Gram Panchayat members, majority of the

respondents are encouraged or motivated by their family to
contest Panchayat election.

ii. In the case of Panchayat Samiti members, family and interest in

social activities were the main reason to contest election.

iii. In the case of Zila Parishad in Una, Mandi & Kinnaur majority
of the respondents have self interest in politics, so it is the main
reason to contest PRIs election.

From the above discussion it is clear that the women at the

middle and lower level of PRIs depend on family. It is decided by the
family that women will contest the election or not but women at the
higher level are not fully dependent on family.

PARTICIPATION OF ELECTED WOMEN IN PRIs

One of the important variables of participation of women in PRIs

is the aspect of attendance in meeting. Meetings are considered very
important and attending PRIs meetings are very important because
these meeting are regarding the provision of government facilities for
the people, and for creating awareness among the people about proper
utilization of government projects and welfare schemes. If the elected
representative does not take active part in the meetings, the main
objective of devolution of powers will be forfeited. Attending PRIs
meetings regularly are very beneficial for elected women because with
the help of these meetings they became aware about the functions of
PRIs, their effective role in society, and they also come to know the
measures of how to overcome the problems related to rural area. This
participation in political institution provides an important indicator
for development because these are the centres of final decision-
making and in the absence of these women at best become only
beneficiaries and not contributors to development, (Vidya, 1999:143).
Therefore, if meetings are considered as one of the important

219
indicators for assessing the functioning of an institution and the
extent of participation of women, our study revealed that participation
of elected women in PRIs meetings was very high which has shown in
the following table:

Table 4.19: Women Participation and Recognition of their Role in

PRIs by their Counterpart Members
Institution District View regarding women participation
and discrimination in PRIs meetings
Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)

Data from the above table 4.19 reveals that all the sample
elected women members attend PRIs meetings. During field study
elected women members of PRIs told to the researcher that there is no
discrimination between male and female in these institutions and all
elected male and female representatives sit together without any
discrimination.

220
 The above discussion shows the recognition of identity of
women in PRIs. The representation of women in these institutions has
shown increasing trend. Now the male members have also accepted
their importance and have encouraged them. 100 percent attendance
in the meeting clearly shows the awareness of grass root women in
politics. Now the status of women is improving with revolutionary
change and they are putting their side in the meeting without any fear
and hesitation. They are getting the new environment in Panchayati
Raj System which helps them in ridding them from their social,
economic and political suppression in male dominated society. In fact,
now women have come out of the four walls of their houses and
proved their stronger ability to match their step with males.

OFFICIAL AND THE PRIs WOMEN LEADERSHIP

Role of Govt. Officials are very important with reference to

women representatives. The coordination between the officials and
non-officials are important in effective functioning of the Panchayati
raj. All the proceedings of a Gram Panchayat depend upon the kind of
linkage between elected representatives and Govt. Officials. This has a
greater impact if Panchyat Pradhan is a woman. In this light we have
further attempted to examine the co-ordination between the
government officials and the women of PRIs in the selected sample
districts.

221
 Table 4.20: Official Attitude (Co-operation and Co-ordination) of
the Govt. Officials Towards Women Leaders in PRIs

Institution District Co-operation and Co-ordination of

Govt. officials
Yes No Total
Gram Una 14 2 16
Panchayat (87.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 2 14
(85.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 16 4 20
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Una 9 - 9
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 107 8 115
(93.04%) (6.96%) (100%)

It is interesting to find from the above table 4.20 that as high as

107 (93.04%) of the respondents claimed that they had very good co-
operation from officers like Panchayat Secretary, BDO, Deputy
Commissioner, while only 8 (6.96%) respondents expressed negatively
about aspect. If we go horizontally in the above table, it is observed
that all 100% respondents of the Panchayat samiti, and Zila Parishad
members from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur expressed fully co-operation of
the Government official; while 14 (87.5%) of Gram Panchayat
members in Una, 12 (85.71%) & 16 (80%) from Mandi & Kinnaur

222
expressed that they always get co-operation of Government officers,
but 2 (12.5%), 2 (14.29%) & 4 (20%) Gram Panchayat members from
Una, Mandi & Kinnaur expressed negatively.

Hence it is evident that in both the higher level of Panchayati

Raj Institution i.e. Zila Parishad and Panchayat Samiti, women
members, have more support and co-operation from the government
officials as compared to that of the Gram Panchayat.

Table 4.21: Perception of the Elected Women Members Regarding

Encouragement by the Bureaucracy at the Grass-root Level

Institution District Encouragement of Bureaucracy

Yes No Total
Gram Una 14 2 16
Panchayat (87.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 2 14
(85.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 17 3 20
(85%) (15%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)

Zila Una 9 - 9
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 108 7 115
(93.91%) (6.09%) (100%)

223
 From the analysis of data in table 4.21 it is seen that as high as
108 (93.91%) women respondents’ views that Bureaucracy encourages
women to participate at Grass root level politics, while 7 (6.09%)
respondents negatively about bureaucracy. If we discuss horizontally
above table, it is observed that 100% women respondent of Panchayat
Samiti and Zila Parishad from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur are of the
view that bureaucracy always encourages women participation at
grass root level. While 14 (87.51%) 12 (85.71%) and 17 (85%) Gram
Panchayat member from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur views Bureaucracy
encourage women to participate in Grass root level, like participation
in meeting, Gram Sabha meeting, etc. While least no. of women
respondents of Gram Panchayat i.e. 2 (12.5%),2 (14.29%) and 3 (15%)
from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur view it negatively.

From the above discussion it is seen that bureaucracy is also

playing a very important role for encouraging women to participate in
Gram Sabha, Panchayat & Zila Parishad meetings.

OPINION REGARDING THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN PRIs

AFTER THE IMPLEMENTATION OF 73rd AMENDMENT ACT

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act came in to effect on

April 23rd, 1993. This Act made a provision of 33 percent seats for
women in PRIs. The Act, thus, provided at least 1/3rd reservation
seats for women. The 73rd Amendment is a land mark in the history
of women’s development as it a revolutionary step towards the
participation of women in the decision making at the grass root level,
(Agarwal, 2007:335).In HP also the position of women in the PRIs also
changed after the enactment of legislation which guaranteed (now
50%) of seats reserved in the local bodies. Women’s participation in
Gram Pachayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad has increased
significantly. It is a right time to evaluate the role of women in PRIs
whether they are actively participating or they are passive members.

224
 Table 4.22: Participation of women in PRIs after 73rd
Amendment
Institution District Participation of women after 73rd Amendment
Actively Passive Influence In Can’t Total
participate members by Male different say
towards
working
of PRIs
Gram Una 7 2 2 2 3 16
Panchayat (43.75%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 2 2 1 3 14
(42.85%) (14.29%) (14.29%) (7.14%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 2 2 3 5 20
(40%) (10%) (10%) (15%) (25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 6 2 2 2 - 12
Samiti (50%) (16.66%) (16.67%) (16.66%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 2 2 1 - 10
(50%) (20%) (20%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 2 2 1 - 10
(50%) (20%) (20%) (10%) (100%)

Zila Una 5 1 2 1 - 9
Parishad (55.56%) (11.11%) (22.22%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 2 4 3 - 19
(52.63%) (10.53%) (21.05%) (15.79%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 - 1 1 - 5
(60%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Total 55 15 19 15 11 115
(47.83%) (13.04%) (16.52%) (13.04%) (9.57) (100%)

Several aspects were cited by the researcher for studying the

participation of women in PRIs after 73rd Constitutional Amendment.
Some of them actively participate, they are positive members,
influence by the male folk and are indifferent towards the working of
PRIs. From the analysis of data in table 4.22 it is seen that 55
(47.83%) women respondents opined that women become active
member of PRIs and they actively participate, while 19 (16.52%)
women respondents opined that they are influence by male folk in the
Panchayat. Equal number i.e. 15 (13.04%) women respondents opined
that women are still passive members of PRIs and they are indifferent
towards the works of PRIs, while 11 (9.57%) women respondents did
not give any opinion.

225
 When the above aspect was studied among all the three district,
It was seen that majority of the women respondents in all the three
level of PRIs in Una, Mandi, & Kinnaur, opined that after the
implementation of 73rd Amendment act in PRIs women actively
participate in these institutions.

After the above discussion it is seen that if we see women in

PRIs, it is the result of 73rd Amendment which has given opportunity
for women to become a member of PRIs. So no one can deny the
importance of this Act.

Table 4.23: Opinion about the Status elevation after becoming the
Panchayati Raj representative

Institution District Status elevated after becoming PRIs

representative
Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)

226
 From the analysis of data in table 4.23 it is very interesting to
see that as high as 115 (100%) respondents think that their status
elevated after becoming member of Panchayat Raj Institutions.

From the above views of respondents it is clear that Panchayati

Raj in Himachal Pradesh play very significant role to improve the
status of women

WOMEN VOTER PARTICIPATION AND DETERMINENTS OF

VOTING BEHAVIOUR

Women play an important role in the development of the human

race. A women’s economic status, political awareness and ideology
invariably determines her place in society. Moreover, social mores and
values affect mankind’s attitude towards women. Indeed, the position
of women in society can be used as a yardstick for the evaluation of
any age. Jawaharlal Nehru was of the opinion that the awakening of
women is essential for the general awakening of mankind. Once
women are awakened, the family, the village and the whole nation are
inevitably influenced by their attitude. Political consciousness is
essential for the awakening of women, (Bora & Padalia, 1999:137).
After statutory reservation new era has ushered not only in PRIs but
also in the lives of women in rural India. The women folk who were
earlier confined to domestic domain, lacked information on public
affair, disabled to decide on issues concerning even their own lives are
now asked to shoulder public role and irresponsibility. A few years ago
they were neither allow to gain first hand political information or
experience nor there was any stimuli in term of political post available
and encouragement from political parties, (Mandal:103-104).

The researcher has identified the following factor that affects the
voting behaviour of a woman. These are caste, class, religion and
family male member. An analysis of the same is available in table
4.24.

227
 Table 4.24: Factors Affecting the Women Voting Behaviour

Institution District Factor affecting women voting behaviour

Caste Class Religion Family All Total

male these
members

Gram Una 7 - - 6 3 16
Panchayat
(43.75%) (37.5%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 - - 5 3 14
(42.86%) (35.71%) (21.43%) (100%)

Kinnaur 10 - - 8 2 20
(50%) (40%) (10%) (100%)

Panchayat Una 5 - - 4 3 12
Samiti
(41.67%) (33.33%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 - - 3 3 10
(40%) (30%) (30%) (100%)

Kinnaur 5 - - 4 1 10
(100%)
(50%) (40%) (10%)

Zila Una 3 - - 3 3 9
Parishad
(33.33%) (33.33%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 - - 7 5 19
(36.84%) (36.84%) (26.32%) (100%)

Kinnaur 2 - - 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)

Total 49 - - 42 24 115
(42.61%) (36.52%) (20.87%) (100%)

From the analysis of the data in table 4.24 it is seen that 49

(42.61%) of the respondents expressed ‘caste’ as the main factor
followed by 42 (36.52%) who expressed the family male member as the
main factor while left 24 (20.87%) respondents expressed that all the
above mentioned factors i.e. caste, class, religion and family male
member affect the voting behaviour of a woman.

228
 When this aspect was studied in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
district among the Gram Panchayat, Panchayat samiti, and Zila
Parishad members, it is seen that almost all the respondents of the
sample districts expressed that caste and family male members affect
the voting behaviour of women in Panchayat Raj Institution.

Thus it is evident that Grass root women are not independent

voter. Their voting choice is affected by the male family members, but
caste is also the main factor which affects the women voting
behaviour.

POLITICAL AFFILIATION OF THE WOMEN’S FAMILY

In the family structure, an individual take inspiration from

his/her family members who owe a high position in the society, who
so ever in the family achieves the high position in the society; other
members admire it and try to follow. Those family members have
involved in politics may get inspiration to take part in politics as
compared to those women who do not have family background in
Politics. In a family with political background, women may be
encouraged to take part in politics and they may get support from
their families to enter in politics.

A women’s opinion may change according to the nature of the

environment provided to her. As we know that individual are the
products of an environment in which one lives, therefore those women
whose family involved in politics will have positive attitude towards
women’s participation in politics. She can get suggestions from her
relatives in taking decisions. She may get benefit from her family who
are in the politics. These women will have different opinion than those
who do not have anyone involved in politics.

229
 Table 4.25: Political affiliation of family

Institution District Involvement of family in politics

Yes No No Total
opinion
Gram Una 11 2 3 16
Panchayat (68.75%) (12.5%) (18.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 4 4 14
(42.86%) (28.57%) (28.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 7 5 20
(40%) (35%) (25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 8 2 2 12
Samiti (66.66%) (16.67%) (16.67%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 4 2 10
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 3 3 10
(40%) (30%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 7 1 1 9
Parishad (77.78%) (11.11%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 3 4 19
(63.16%) (15.79%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 1 1 5
(60%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Total 63 27 25 115
(54.78%) (23.48%) (21.74%) (100%)

It is clear from the above table that families of 63 (54.78%)

respondent involve in politics while 27 (23.48%) respondents view that
their families are no involved in politics. 25 (21.74%) elected women
have not given their views that their families are involved in politics or
not.

A comparative study of the PRIs of Una, Mandi and Kinnaur

Districts revealed the following results:

i. With respect to the respondents being a Gram Panchayat

members, 11 (68.75%) from Una, 6 (42.86%) from Mandi and 8

230
 (40%) from Kinnaur district expressed that their families are
involved in politics while 2 (12.5%) respondents from Una, 4
(28.57%) and 7 (35%) from Mandi and Kinnaur viewed that their
families are not involved in politics. Remaining 3 (18.25%)
respondents from Una, 4 (28.57%) and 5 (25%) from Mandi and
Kinnaur did not share their views that whether their families
are involved in politics or not.

ii. With respect to the respondents being a Panchayat Samiti

member, following result was found. 8 (66.66%) respondents
from Una, 4 (40%) from Mandi and Kinnaur view that their
families were involved in Politics. 2 (16.67%), 4 (40%) and 3
(30%) respondents from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur view that
their families were not involve in Politics.

iii. With respect to the respondents being a Zila Parishad member,

7 (77.78%) respondents from Una, 12(63.16%) Mandi and 3
(60%) Kinnaur opined that their families are also involve in
politics.

Above discussion makes it clear that family of the respondents

are involved in politics and it doesn’t matter which level of PRIs they
elected.

PARTY AFFILIATION

People participation is the backbone of democracy. In a modern

democratic system, the decision making process virtually begins and
ends with the elected representatives. In others words, people
representatives are responsible for decision-making and policy
formulation and they do this on the behalf of the people, (Santha: 1).
Widespread citizen participation in politics is a basic assumption in
any theory of democracy. The existence of political parties is an
essential feature of democracy. The party system provides the channel
between Government and the masses in a democratic setup realising
the importance of the system of democratic decentralization. In a

231
democratic polity, people tend to have broad image of political parties.
They usually see the party as generally espousing the cause of a
particular set or group in society. On the basis of such an image or
impression they tend to develop attachment with a party which
according to their perception stands for their group interest. As a term
party identification generally refers to a voter’s sense of attachment or
feeling of loyalty towards given political party, (Chaudhary & Kar
1992:54). Closeness and involvement with political party is considered
as one of the best way of serving the community people because
without political power no development could be taken up the area.
Political parties act as tools of modernization in the villages and act as
great instrument for the politicization. The person who is associated
with any political party always more powerful position than the
ordinary person, (Vidya, 1997: 120). The political parties have begun
to select leaders at the local level because there is a close relationship
between local power structure at the State and National level. The
Political Parties at the State and National level want to get political
strength from the grass root Institutions. Narain and others have
indicated a positive correlation between Political Party affiliation and
leadership in the rural local bodies, (Narain & others, 1976:30). But
Gandhi ji and J.P. Narayan having their own concept of Panchayati
Raj had no place for political parties.

Though in Himachal Pradesh PRIs elections are not contested

on party symbols but political parties have much influence in these
institutions. All parties knows the importance of rural local
institutions because these are the entry points in politics and easy to
get power in the state and centre. Therefore, it is essential to know
about the party’s affiliation as the local leader. In this context
researcher asked the question to the respondents

232
 Table 4.26: Party Affiliation of the Individual Elected Women
Members
Institution District Party Affiliation
Yes No No opinion Total
Gram Una 14 - 2 16
Panchayat (87.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 - 6 14
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 11 - 9 20
(55%) (45%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 9 - 3 12
Samiti (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 - 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Zila Una 8 - 1 9
Parishad (88.89%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member Mandi 15 - 4 19
(78.95%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 - 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)

Total 79 - 36 115
(68.70%) (31.30%) (100%)

Data from the above table 4.26 shows that 79 (68.70%) elected
women members are active members of any political party and 36
(31.30%) elected women have not given any opinion.
A comparative Study conducted in Una, Mandi & Kinnaur can
explained as follows:
i. 14 (87.05%) elected women of Gram Panchayat in Una are
active members of political party but in Mandi 8 (57.14% & 11
(55%) in Kinnaur are active members of any political party.
ii. In case of Panchayat Samiti 9 (75%) elected women in Una and
equal number of elected women i.e. 5 & 5 (50% & 50%) in
Mandi and Kinnaur are active member of any political party.
iii. In case of Zila Parishad 8 (88.89%) elected women in Una are
active members of any political party in Mandi 15 (78.95%) and
4 (80%) elected women are the active members of any political
party.

233
 From the above discussion it is seen that almost all the elected
women members whether they are Gram Panchayat members,
Panchayat Samiti members or Zila Parishad members are involved in
political party.

Table 4.27: Elected women members associated with different

political parties
Institution District Affiliation with different Political Parties
Congress BJP Any Other Total
Gram Una 9 5 - 14
Panchayat (64.29%) (35.71%) (100%)
Member Mandi 4 4 - 8
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 4 - 11
(63.64%) (36.36%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 4 - 9
Samiti (55.56%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 3 - 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 - 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Una 4 4 - 8
Parishad (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member Mandi 6 8 1 15
(40%) (53.33%) (6.67%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 2 - 4
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Total 42 36 1 79
(53.16) (45.57%) (1.27%) (100%)

The data of the table 4.26 shows that 42 (53.16%) elected

women belonged to Congress Party whereas 36 (45.57%) of elected
women belonged BJP. Only 1 (1.27%) elected women belonged other
party i.e. Trinamool Congress.

A comparative result of the three districts reveals the following:

i. 9 (64.29%) elected women from the Gram Panchayat Una

District, 4 (50%) from Mandi and 7 (63.64%) from Kinnaur
associated with Congress party while 5 (35.71%) from Una, 4
(50%) from Mandi and 4 (36.36%) from Kinnaur are associated
to B.J.P.

234
ii. In case of Panchayat Samiti 5 (55.56%) from Una, 3 (60%)
Kinnaur and 2 (40%) in Mandi are associated with Congress
party while 3 (60%), 4 (44.44%) and 2 (40%) in Mandi, Una and
Kinnaur are associated with BJP.

iii. In case of Zila Parishad Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, 4 (50%), 6

(40%) and 2 (50%) elected women associated to Congress Party
whereas 4 (50%), 8 (53.33%), 2 (50%) elected women in Una,
Mandi and Kinnaur belonged to BJP. Only 1 (1.27%) elected
woman in Zila Parishad Mandi belong to other political party i.e.
Trinamool Congress.

From the above discussion we can see that both the National
political parties have importance in Himachal Pradesh. Although the
oldest Congress party has higher importance but BJP is also not very
much behind.

Table 4.28: Support of the Political Parties to the Women

Contestant in the PRIs Election
Institution District Support of political parties to the contestants
Declare Financial Indirect Can’t Total
candidate support support say
Gram Una 2 - 7 5 14
Panchayat (14.29%) (50%) (35.71%) (100%)
Member Mandi - - 4 4 8
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 5 6 11
(45.45%) (54.55%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 3 - 4 2 9
Samiti (33.33%) (44.45%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 - 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 - 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Una 4 - 3 1 8
Parishad (50%) (37.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 7 - 5 3 15
(46.67%) (33.33%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 - 2 1 4
(25%) (50%) (25%) (100%)
Total 20 - 34 25 79
(25.32%) (43.04%) (31.64%) (100%)

235
 It is seen from the above Table 4.28 that 34 (43.04%) elected
women respondents have got indirect support from political parties.
20 (25.32%) elected women respondents views that political party
declared their candidate to contest the election while 25 (31.64%)
elected women respondents did not give their views.

A comparative study of the three districts selected for sample

reveals:

i. With the respect to Gram Panchayat members, 2 (14.29%)

elected women members from Una views that they are declared
a candidate by political party. 7(50%) from Una, 4 (50%) and
(45.45%) from Mandi & Kinnaur said that they got indirect
support from political party. 5 (45.45%), 4 (60%), and 5(62.5%)
elected women respondents from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur did
not share with views.

ii. With the Panchayat Samiti members 3 (33.33%) from Una,

2(40%) Mandi and 1 (20%) from Kinnaur views that they are
declared as candidate by the political party. 4 (44.45%) from
Una and equal percentage i.e. 2 & 2 (40% & 40%) in Mandi and
Kinnaur got indirect support from political party. 2 (22.22%), 1
(20%) and 2 (40%) from, Una Mandi and Kinnaur are not ready
to express their views.

iii. With the Zila Parishad members, it was found that 4 (50%) from
Una, 7 (46.67%) and 1 (25%) from Mandi and Kinnaur were of
the views that political party declare them party candidates to
contest the election while 3 (37.5%), 5 (33.33%), 2 (50%) from
Una, Mandi and Kinnaur got Indirect support from political
parties. 1 (12.5%), 3 (20%) and 1 (25%) from Una, Mandi and
Kinnaur did not express any views.

From the above discussion it is seen that although election of

PRIs in Himachal Pradesh did not contest party wise but now
members of PRIs are connected to political parties.

236
 Table 4.29: Reason Expressed by the Elected Women to Join the
Political Party
Institution District Reason to join political parties
Own wish Family Political Total
support leaders
approach you
Gram Una 3 9 2 14
Panchayat (21.43%) (64.29%) (14.28%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 5 1 8
(25%) (62.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 8 1 11
(18.18%) (72.73%) (9.09%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 2 6 1 9
Samiti (22.22%) (66.67%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 3 1 5
(20%) (60%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 3 1 5
(20%) (60%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 4 1 8
Parishad (37.5%) (50%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 9 2 15
(26.67%) (60%) (13.33%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 2 1 4
(25%) (50%) (25%) (100%)
Total 19 49 11 79
(24.05%) (62.03%) (13.92%) (100%)

From the above table 4.29 it is seen that with the support of
family seems to have been the main reason for the elected women
respondents join political party as majority i.e. 49 (62.03%) of the
respondents reported this way. While, the other reason in a
depreciating order were as follows: 19 (24.05%) joined on their own
wish, while 11 (13.92%) joined due to political leader’s pressure or
motivation.

A comparison of the PRIs in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur revealed

the following result:

i. With respect to the women being a Gram Panchayat member in

Una 9 (64.29%) joined political party due to family while 5
(62.5%) and 8 (72.73%) joined in Mandi & Kinnaur due to the

237
 same reason. Due to the political leader, 2 (14.28%) joined in
Una as compared to 1 (12.5%) in Mandi and 1 (9.09%) in
Kinnaur district. 3 (21.43%), 2 (25%) and 2 (18.18%) elected
women respondents in Una, & Kinnaur joined political party on
their accord that is by their own wish.

ii. The same trend was seen with the respect to the women being a
Panchayat Samiti member.

iii. However, with respect to the women being a Zila Parishad

member, slightly a differed trend was seen 3 (37.5%) in Una,
4(26.67%), 1 (25%) in Mandi and Kinnaur respond ‘own wish’ as
the reason for joining political parties.

Hence from the above discussion, it is seen that family has been
seen as the main reason for women to join political parties. However
there was no significant difference in all PRIs of the selected districts.

Table 4.30: Measures to Check the Women PRIs Leaders

Participation in Political Parties
Institution District Attending the political party meetings
Regular Rarely Now & Frequently Total
then
Gram Una 5 3 2 4 14
Panchayat (35.71%) (21.43%) (14.29%) (28.57%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 2 2 3 8
(12.5%) (25%) (25%) (37.51%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 2 3 4 11
(18.18%) (18.18%) (27.27%) (36.37%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 3 2 1 3 9
Samiti (33.33%) (22.22%) (11.11%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 2 1 1 5
(20%) (40%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 2 1 1 5
(20%) (40%) (20%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 1 1 1 8
Parishad (62.5%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 2 2 3 15
(53.33%) (13.33%) (13.33%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 1 1 - 4
(50%) (25%) (25%) (100%)
Total 28 17 13 21 79
(35.44%) (21.52%) (16.46%) (26.58%) (100%)

238
 Table 4.30 concurrent with the last table 4.29 which shows that
out of the 115 elected women respondents, 79 women are the active
members of different political parties. Therefore, Researcher has asked
the question from those women member who are active in political
parties, whether they attend party meetings or not. So out of these 79
respondents, 28 (35.44%) often attend the meeting regularly whereas
21(26.58%) attend frequently. Beside this 17 (21.52%) and 13
(16.46%) attend the party meeting rarely and now and then.

A comparative analysis yielded the following results:

i. With respect to the Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti,

women members are not regular in the meeting of parties, they
attend the meeting frequently or rarely now and then.

ii. With the respect to Zila Parishad member in Mandi, Una and
Kinnaur, 5 (62.5%) from Una, 8 (53.33%) and 2 (50%) from
Kinnaur attend the party meeting regularly. Beside this equal
percentage of women respondents in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
attend frequently or rarely now & then.

It is evident from the above discussion that the views expressed

by elected women respondents differed. While the members of Gram
Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti were of the same opinion that they
are not regular in party meeting, but most of Zila Parishad women
members attend the party meeting regularly. It shows that they are
more connected in political parties.

239
 Table 4.31: Views of Elected Women Leaders in PRIs Regarding
Their Participation in Party Discussion

Institution District Participation in discussion

Yes No Total
Gram Una 11 3 14
Panchayat (78.57%) (21.43%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 2 8
(75%) (25%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 3 11
(72.73%) (27.27%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 8 1 9
Samiti (88.89%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 8 - 8
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 15 - 15
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 - 4
(100%) (100%)
Total 68 11 79
(86.08%) (13.92%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 4.31 it is seen that as high as

68 (86.08%) of the respondents expressed that they participate in
discussion, while only 11 (13.92%) of the respondents expressed
negatively about this aspect. As we go horizontally in the table it is
observed that all 100% respondents of Zila Parishad members from
Una, Mandi and Kinnaur participate in discussion; while 8 (88.89%) of
Panchayat Samiti members in Una, 4+4 (80%+80% ) in Mandi and
Kinnaur expressed participate in discussion. Being a members of
Gram Panchayat in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur: 11 (78.57%) 6 (75%), 8
(72.73%) expressed that they participated in discussion. Apart from
this being a members of Panchayat Samiti, and Gram Panchayat in

240
Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, 1 (11.11%) and 3 (21.43%), 1 (20%) and 2
(25%) and 1 (20%) and 3 (27.27%) expressed their views negatively.

From the above discussion we can say that members of Zila

parishad in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur often participate in discussion.

Table 4.32: Attending meetings independently or with the help of

others

Institution District Attend meeting independently or help of

other

Independently With the Total

help of other

Gram Una 11 3 14
Panchayat (78.57%) (21.43%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 2 8
(75%) (25%) (100%)

Kinnaur 8 3 11
(72.73%) (27.27%) (100%)

Panchayat Una 8 1 9
Samiti
(88.89%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)

Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)

Zila Una 8 - 8
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 15 - 15
(100%) (100%)

Kinnaur 4 - 4
(100%) (100%)

Total 68 11 79
(86.08%) (13.92%) (100%)

241
 The results of this table 4.32 are in concurrence with the result
of the previous table 4.31. It is well seen that in the case of elected
women members being a Gram Panchayat, 11 (78.57%) from Una, 6
(75%) Mandi and 8 (72.73%) from Kinnaur expressed that they often
take part independently in discussion. Only 3 (21.43%), 2 (25 %) and
3 (27.27%), from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur take part in discussion
with the help of each other.

The same trend was seen with the Panchayat Samiti and Zila
Parishad members, whereas 8(88.89%) from Mandi and equal
percentage i.e. 4 (80%) from Mandi and Kinnaur independently attend
party or take part in discussion and the (100%). Zila Parishad
members from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur also independently take part
in discussion.

Thus it is seen that the elected women respondents from the

selected sample districts independently take part in discussion. But
this table also indicates that it has become a matter of their self-
interest to contest election, while the contestants are also more
educated.

It has already been mentioned in the last question that out of

115 women respondents 79 women take part in discussion. Now
researcher is interested to know if 79 (68.70%) take part in discussion
so what are the subjects of their interest in discussions. For this four
choices were given to the respondents. These are social, political,
women, govt. issues. The responses are analysed in following table
4.33.

242
 Table 4.33: Subject of interest in discussions

Institution District Subject of interest in discussion

Social Political Women Govt. All Total

issue issue issue related above
issue

Gram Una 5 - 2 - 7 14
Panchayat
(35.71%) (14.29%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 - 1 - 4 8
(37.5%) (12.5%) (50%) (100%)

Kinnaur 3 - 2 - 6 11
(27.27%) (18.18%) (54.55%) (100%)

Panchayat Una 2 - 2 - 5 9
Samiti
(22.22%) (22.22%) (55.56%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 1 - 1 - 3 5
(20%) (20%) (60%) (100%)

Kinnaur 1 - 1 - 3 5
(20%) (20%) (60%) (100%)

Zila Una 1 - 2 - 5 8
Parishad
(12.5%) (25%) (62.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 2 - 4 - 9 15
(13.33%) (26.67%) (60%) (100%)

Kinnaur 1 - 1 - 2 4
(25%) (25%) (50%) (100%)

Total 19 - 16 - 44 79
(24.05%) (20.25%) (55.70%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 4.32 it is found that majority

of women i.e. 44 (55.70%) discussed all social political women and
government issues, while 19 (24.05%) discussed social issues and
only are Least number of respondents i.e. 16 (20.25%) discussed
issues concerned to women.

When a comparative study at all the three levels of PRIs in the

selected districts of Una, Mandi, Kinnaur was made, there was no

243
significant difference found. Hence it may be concluded that women
respondents show their interest in all types of social, political and
women issues for discussion. They don’t have interest on single
issues.

INFORMAL POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE WOMEN PRI

LEADERS

Political process is an important point to address in order to

take the issue of women subordination. It is recognised that the result
would be disputed if women were to merely join the existing structure
without critical understanding of the political process. Viable
organisations help women to develop confidence and to engage in the
collective action. It enables women to achieve complete and equal
partnership in the development in order to work for the construction
of more equitable, healthy and prosperous society. Organisation
facilitates and promotes leadership quality, where women are active,
changes are introduced quickly and their momentum is maintain
easily. Voluntary association are the non-governmental and non-
profitable agencies. The basic principle of voluntary association is to
help the people to help themselves and merely give relieve and also to
facilitate their released potentialities. The main purpose of the
voluntary association is to achieve social and political goals. It also
provides an individual to get involved in the activity of community.

There have been sporadic efforts in the past to ameliorate the

conditions of women and from the last century onwards, many
organizations, Government as well as Non-Government, have taken up
this mission of bettering the plight of women and have made serious
and commendable effort, though a little have been actually achieved.

244
 Table 4.34: Membership with Different Voluntary Associations

Institution District Membership with voluntary

association

Yes No Total

Gram Una 12 4 16
Panchayat (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 4 14
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)

Kinnaur 14 6 20
(70%) (30%) (100%)

Panchayat Una 10 2 12
Samiti (83.33%) (16.66%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)

Kinnaur 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)

Zila Una 7 2 9
Parishad (77.78%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 15 4 19
(78.95%) (21.05%) (100%)

Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)

Total 86 29 115
(74.78%) (25.22%) (100%)

It is found from the above table 4.34 that 86 (74.78%)

respondents are the member of any association while 29 (25.22%)
respondents have not joined any association. If we compare all the
selected districts regarding to the above asked question the same
trend is observed in the case of the respondents of Gram Panchayat,
Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad members. There was no marked
difference among them.

245
 Table 4.35: Member of Mahila Mandal, Self Help Groups and
others
Institution District Member of Mahil Mandal, SHG and
others
Mahila SHG All Total
Mandal Above
Gram Una 7 - 5 12
Panchayat (58.33%) (41.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 4 14
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 - 5 10
Samiti (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 - 2 7
(71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 - 3 7
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 - 2 7
Parishad (71.43%) (28.57%) (100%)
Member Mandi 10 - 5 15
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 4 4
(100%) (100%)
Total 56 - 30 86
(65.12%) (34.88%) (100%)

In order to uplift women Mahila Mandal and Self Help Group

are noble concept. Both have played a remarkable role for the
development of women. This table 4.35 is interlinked with last table in
which show 86 (74.78%) respondents are the members of these
association. Out of 86 (74.78%) respondents 56 (65.12%) are of the
view that they are the members of Mahila Mandal while 30 (34.88%)
respondents are the members of both Mahila Mandal and Self Help
Group. The same trend was also found in all the selected sample
district of a Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad.

Government and society need to work together to ensure that

women are facilitated in joining as equal partners in all aspects of the
growth of society and the nation as well as to get justice. There is a

246
gap between de-jure and de-facto position regarding the rights of
women. The need of the hour is the speedy implementation of
legislative and policy measures for empowerment of women.

OPINION REGARDING: POLITICAL PARTIES INVOLVEMENT IN

THE LOCAL INSTITUTIONS AND ITS ELECTION PROCESS

Political parties should participate in PRIs is a question that has

occupied the centre stage of the discussion on the Panchayati Raj in
the country even before independence. Two schools of thought divided
on the subject of political parties’ involvement in local bodies. One
school of thought advocated a political Panchayat bodies and second
was against it, (Mathew, 2012:33)

In this regard researcher has asked the question to the elected

women to the involvement of the political parties in rural local
institutions.

Table 4.36: Involvement of political parties in rural local

institutions
Institution District Political party keep away from the local
Institutions
Yes No No Total
Opinion
Gram Una 5 5 6 16
Panchayat (31.25%) (31.25%) (37.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 3 3 14
(57.14%) (21.43%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 4 6 20
(50%) (20%) (30%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 3 5 4 12
Samiti (25%) (41.66%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 2 3 10
(50%) (20%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 2 3 10
(50%) (20%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 2 4 3 9
Member (22.22%) (44.44%) (33.33%) (100%)
Mandi 4 8 7 19
(21.05%) (42.11%) (36.84%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Total 44 35 36 115
(38.26%) (30.43%) (31.30%) (100%)

247
 The analysis of data in above table 4.36 reveals the involvement
of Political parties in local institution. 44 (38.26%) women
respondents opined that political parties should keep away from the
local bodies, only 35 (30.43%) respondents give views in favour that
political parties should involve in these institutions but 36 (31.30%)
women respondents did not comment on the questions.
A comparative study among the three districts can be explained
as follows:
i. More number of Gram Panchayat members and Panchayat
Samiti members express that political parties should keep away
from the local institutions.
ii. Being a member of Zila Parishad, more number of women
respondents from Una, Mandi & Kinnaur were in favour of the
involvement of political parties in the rural local bodies.
Hence it may be seen that irrespective of Zila Parishad
members, most of the members of grass root institutions are not in
favour of involvement of political parties in the local Institutions.
Table 4.37: Reasons for Non Involvement of Political Parties from
Rural Local Institutions
Institution District Reason for kept out political party keep away from the local
Institutions
Interfere negatively in Create All Total
development activities factionalism these
Gram Una 1 1 3 5
Panchayat (20%) (20%) (60%) (100%)
Member Mandi 2 2 4 8
(25%) (25%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 5 10
(30%) (20%) (50%) (100%)
Panchayat Una - 1 2 3
Samiti (33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 1 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una - 1 1 2
Member (50%) (50%) (100%)
Mandi 1 1 2 4
(25%) (25%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 1 1 2
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Total 9 13 22 44
(20.45%) (29.55%) (50%) (100%)

248
 From the above table 4.37 it is seen that as high as 22 (50%)
women respondents think that political parties should keep away from
local Institutions because they interfere negatively in the
developmental activities and create factionalisms in the village while
13 (29.55%) women respondents think that party have negative
approach regarding the development activities followed by 9 (20.45%)
think that political parties create factionalism in the village. Thereby,
it is clear that women have not very good approach towards the
political parties in villages. However, there was no marked difference
seen in all the three levels of PRIs in the selected sample districts.

Hence it may be inferred that women have negative approach

related to the political parties.

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE ELECTED WOMEN IN THE

STATE AND PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS

In a democracy elections constitute a major political activity for

the people. Political participation is necessary because it makes a
positive and significant impact on the rights and living conditions of
women. It exposes them to the outside world and widens their
horizon. Besides, it provides a platform to raise specific issues
concerning them. Participation in electoral and institutional politics
will not only make women conscious of their identity but will also
associate them with the decision making process both at home and
outside. Elections are the most significant indicators of a democracy.
Election being the chief institutional mechanism of political
recruitment, consensus, legitimation, participation, mobilization and
communication are integral part of democratic politics. Participation
of voters in the election is a basic pre-requisite for the success of
democracy. Two decades before women’s participation was narrowly
conceived and their presence in the formal political structure was
found deplorable but now it is increasingly being realized that the
importance of women, (Chaudhary & Kar, 1992:1).

249
Table 4.38: Participation of the PRIs Leaders in the State and the
Parliamentary Elections
Institution District Interest in state and the Parliament election
Much Somewhat No Total
interest interest interest
Gram Una 5 5 6 16
Panchayat (31.25%) (31.25%) (37.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 5 5 14
(28.57%) (35.71%) (35.71%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 6 10 20
(20%) (30%) (50%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 4 5 3 12
Samiti (33.33%) (41.67%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 4 3 10
(30%) (40%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 4 3 10
(30%) (40%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 3 1 9
Parishad (55.56%) (33.33%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 11 5 3 19
(57.89%) (26.32%) (15.79) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 2 1 5
(40%) (40%) (20%) (100%)
Total 65 39 35 115
(35.65%) (33.91%) (30.44%) (100%)

Data from the above table 4.38 reveals that over one third 41
(35.65%) of the respondents were very much interested; one third i.e.
39 (33.91%) were somewhat interested and 35 (30.44%) were not
interested in the state and parliament election.

A comparative study of the women respondents from all the

three level of PRIs of the selected sample district revealed the
following:

i. With respect to the women respondents being a Gram

Panchayat members are in majority i.e. 10 (50%) from Kinnaur,
5 (35.71%) & 6 (37.5%) from Mandi & Una, have no interest in
state and Parliament election.

250
ii. In the case of the respondents being a Panchayat Samiti
members, 5 (41.67%) from Una and equal percentage i.e. (40%)
from Mandi & Kinnaur have somewhat interested in state and
Parliament election.

iii. In the case of the respondents being a Zila parishad members, 5

(55.56%) respondents from Una, 11 (57.89%) & 2 (40%) from
Mandi & Kinnaur have very much Interested in state and
Parliament elections.

Hence it may be said that majority of the respondents of Zila

Parishad have very much interest in State and Parliament election
while most of the members of Gram Panchayat have no interest in
state and Parliamentary election.

PARTICIPATION IN ELECTION CAMPAIGN

Election campaign is a key event in the life of a democratic

political system. It encourages a somewhat more intimate contact
between the representatives and the electorates. The election
campaign provides another sphere for women to participate in the
political process. The campaign strategy plays an important role in the
electoral process. Normally three types of people take part in an
election campaign: First the political worker or members and
sympathisers of political parties; secondly the friends and the relatives
of individual candidates and thirdly higher worker. It has been
observed during elections that political party used women both as
instruments of campaign and as subjects to be won over, (Roy,
1999:241). In this background researcher asked the question to the
respondents that how did they participated in election campaign. The
received response from the respondent have been shown in the
following table 4.39

The participation of women in elections and various political

activities arouses awareness among them and can prove be a leading
factor in the upliftment of women in general.

251
 Table 4.39: Participation in Election Campaign
Institution District Participation in election campaign
Organised Door to As a Any Total
and door supporter others
addressing campaign
public
rallies
Gram Una 2 3 5 - 10
Panchayat (20%) (30%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi - 3 6 - 9
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)
Kinnaur - 4 6 - 10
(40%) (60%) (100%)

Panchayat Una 2 4 3 - 9
Samiti (22.22%) (44.44%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 1 3 3 - 7
(14.28%) (42.86%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 3 3 - 7
(14.28%) (42.86%) (42.86%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 2 2 1 8
Parishad (37.5%) (25%) (25%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 4 3 3 16
(37.5%) (25%) (18.75%) (18.75%) (100%)
Kinnaur 1 1 1 1 4
(25%) (25%) (25%) (25%) (100%)
Total 16 27 32 5 80
(20%) (33.75%) (40%) (6.25%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 4.38 it is seen that majority of

the respondents 32 (40%) views that they took a part in election as a
supporter of candidate and Political party, followed by 27 (33.75%)
participate in election for door to door campaign, followed by 16 (20%)
who organise and address the rallies at least i.e. 5 (6.25%) take part in
election campaign through other sources like poster making, flag
hosting, through media, slogan writing, public meetings etc.

When a comparative study of the PRIs of Una, Mandi and

Kinnaur was analysed, the following was observed:

i. In the case of Gram Panchayat member, majority of the

respondents 6 (66.67%) from Mandi, 6 (60%) and 5 (50%) from

252
 Kinnaur and Una participate in state and parliamentary election
as the supporter of candidate and political party.

ii. In the case of Panchayat Samiti members 4 (44.44%) from Una

whereas in Mandi and Kinnaur equal percentage i.e. 3 & 3
(42.86%) participated in the Sate and Parliamentary elections
through door to door campaign.

iii. In the case of Zila Parishad highest majority i.e. 3 (37.5%) from
Una, 6 (37.5%) Mandi and 1 (25%) Kinnaur reported that they
organised and addressing public rallies and show their presence
in the State and Parliamentary elections.

Hurdles in the Women Political Participation

Participation of women in socio-economic and political activities

are common to all countries and their role in the process of
development has been recognized the world over. However, the extent
of their participation in all activities depends on a numbers of factors
such as family, social conventions, cultural rituals etc. Women have
to face numerous problems because of the basic attitude towards
them remains unchanged. Truly, speaking in spite of several
economic, social and political change s during the six decades of
Indian independence, women are still behind.

253
 Table 4.40: Opinion About Variable as Hurdles in Politics

Institution District Hurdle in politics

Lack of Lack of Lack of Lack of All these Total
interest political education support
knowledge of male
Gram Una 3 5 6 - 2 16
Panchayat (18.75%) (31.25%) (37.5%) (12.5%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 3 5 - 2 14
(28.57%) (21.43%) (35.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 6 4 7 - 3 20
(30%) (20%) (35%) (15%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 3 3 4 - 2 12
Samiti (25%) (25%) (33.33%) (16.67%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 3 3 - 1 10
(30%) (30%) (30%) (10%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 2 3 - 1 10
(40%) (20%) (30%) (10%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 1 4 - 1 9
Parishad (33.33%) (11.11%) (44.44%) (11.11%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 4 8 - 2 19
(26.31%) (21.05%) (42.11%) (10.53%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 1 2 - - 5
(40%) (20%) (40%) (100%)
Total 33 26 42 - 14 115
(28.70%) (22.61%) (36.52%) (12.17%) (100%)

The researcher has identified the main hurdles affect the women
participate in politics. These are lack of interest, lack of political
knowledge, lack of education, lack of support of male members. From
the analysis of the data in table 4.40 it is seen that highest 42
(36.52%) of the respondents expressed ‘lack of education’ as the main
hurdle followed by 33 (28.70%) who expressed ‘lack of Interest’,
followed by 26 (22.61%) who expressed lack of political knowledge and
the least 14 (12.17%) expressed that lack of support of male members
also affect the women participation in politics.

A comparative study of the women respondents from Una,

Mandi and Kinnaur revealed the following:

i. In the case of Gram Panchayat members, 6 (37.5%) from Una, 5

(35.71%) from Mandi and 7 (35%) from Kinnaur opined that

254
 lack of education was the main hurdle which affect women
political participation while 5 (31.25%) from Una, 3 (21.45%)
and 4 (20%) from Mandi and Kinnaur opined lack of knowledge
was another hurdle which affect women participation. Due to
lack of interest women do not take part in politics. It is said by 3
(18.75%), 4 (28.57%) and 6 (30%) respondents from Una, Mandi
and Kinnaur and remaining 2 (12.5%) from Una, 2 (14.29%) and
3 (15%) from Mandi and Kinnaur opined that all the above said
hurdles directly or indirectly affect women participation in
politics.

ii. In case of Panchayat Samiti, 4 (33.33%) from Una, 3 (30%) and

3 (30%) from Mandi and Kinnaur opined that lack of education
affect women participation in politics while 3 (25%), 3 (30%)
and4 (40%) from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur opined lack of
interest in Politics affect their political participation. Lack of
political knowledge also affect it is opined by 3(25%), 3(30%)
and 2 (20%) from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur and remaining 2
(16.67%, 1 (10%) and 1 (10%) from Una Mandi and Kinnaur
opined all these hurdles affect women participation in Politics.

iii. In the case of Zila Parishad members, 4 (44.44%) from Una, 8

(42.11%) and 2 (40%) from Mandi and Kinnaur opined that lack
of Education, lack of political knowledge affect women
participation in Politics, these opines were 3 (33.33%) &1
(11.11%) from Una, 3&3 (30%&30%) from Mandi and 4&2
(40%&20%) from Kinnaur women respondents, while one
(11.11%), Una, 2 (10.53%)and 14 (12.17%) from Mandi &
Kinnaur opines that lack of education, lack of political
knowledge, lack of interest in politics and lack of support of
male members all affect women participation in politics.

Hence, from the above discussion it is seen that all above

hurdles big or small affect the women participation in politics.

255
 Table 4.41: Women Leaders Attitude Towards ‘Politics as Male
Dominated System’
Institution District Politics is considered as men’s activity
Yes No Total
Gram Una 12 4 16
Panchayat (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 11 3 14
(78.57%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 16 4 20
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 9 3 12
Samiti (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 6 3 9
Parishad (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 13 6 19
(68.42%) (31.58%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 84 31 115
(73.04%) (26.96%) (100%)

The researcher has tried to find out that politics is still

considered as men’s activity or not. From the table 4.40 it is found
that as high as 84 (73.04%) women respondents opined that politics is
still considered as men’s activity, while 31 (26.96%) respondents
opined that now politics is not a men’s activity but women are also
participating in politics.

When all the three level of PRIs in selected sample districts were
studied, a similar trend was noticed among the women members, who
are either the members of Gram Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti or Zila
Parishad.

From the above discussion it is seen that majority of women

respondents think that politics is still considered as men’s activity.

256
 Table 4.42: Main Reasons why, “Politics Considered as Men’s
Activity”
Institution District Reason for Politics is considered as
men’s activity
Women not Don’t get Total
interest in favourable
political atmosphere
activity
Gram Una 7 5 12
Panchayat (58.33%) (41.67%) (100%)
Member Mandi 7 4 11
(63.64%) (36.36%) (100%)
Kinnaur 11 5 16
(68.75%) (31.25%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 4 9
Samiti (55.56%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member Mandi 3 4 7
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 3 7
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Zila Una 3 3 6
Parishad (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 6 13
(53.85%) (46.15%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 1 3
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Total 49 35 84
(58.33%) (41.67%) (100%)

The table 4.42 is interconnected last table 4.41 where 84

women respondents views that politics considered as men’s activity.
Out of these, 49 (58.33%) women respondents opined that politics is
still considered as men’s activity because women are not interested in
political activity due to their traditional role, while 35 (41.67%) opined
that women don’t get favourable atmosphere in the political arena.

When a comparative study was made in all the three level of

PRIs in Selected sample districts i.e. Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, same
result was found.

257
 Hence, it is evident that women are not interest in politics due
to their traditional role and secondly women don’t get favourable
atmosphere in the participate arena.

Table 4.43: Participation in Politics and Household Activities

Conflict with Each Other
Institution District Conflict between politics and
household activities
Yes No Total
Gram Una 9 7 16
Panchayat (56.25%) (43.75%) (100%)
Member Mandi 8 6 14
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Kinnaur 11 9 20
(55%) (45%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 6 6 12
Samiti (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur 6 4 10
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Zila Una 2 7 9
Parishad (22.22%) (77.78%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 15 19
(21.05%) (78.95%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 53 62 115
(46.09%) (53.91%) (100%)

In table 4.43 an enquiry was made if the women participation in

household duties and participation in politics came in to conflict with
each other. But researcher was surprised to know when as high as 62
(53.91%) respondents reported that there is no conflict between their
household duties and participation in politics. While only 53, (46.09%)
respondents reported that their household duties conflict in their
participation of political activities.

258
 A comparative study of all the three districts at all the three
level of PRIs can be explained as follows:

i. More number of Gram Panchayat members and Panchayat

Samiti members reported that their household duties and
participation in Politics conflict with each other.

ii. In the other side high percentage of respondents from all the
Zila Parishad i.e. Una, Mandi and Kinnaur reported that there
is no conflict between their household duties and participation
in politics.

Hence it is seen from the above that at the higher level in PRIs
women handle their household duties and give equal time in politics.
But at the middle level and lower level women have more
responsibilities so they cannot make a balance in their household
duties and politics

Table 4.44: Identification of Main Reasons Conflicts Between

Politics and Household Activities
Institution District Main causes, conflict household activities and politics
Rearing Taking Domestic All Total
Children care of work these
old
people
Gram Una - - 6 3 9
Panchayat (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi - - 5 3 8
(62.5%) (37.5%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 7 4 11
(63.64%) (36.36%) (100%)
Panchayat Una - - 4 2 6
Samiti (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi - - 3 2 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)

Kinnaur - - 4 2 6
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Zila Una - - 1 1 2
Parishad (50%) (50%) (100%)
Member Mandi - - 2 2 4
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Kinnaur - - 1 1 2
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Total 33 20 53
(62.26%) (37.74%) (100%)

259
 Further researcher asked to the respondents that what are main
the reasons conflicting between household duties and politics. From
the analysis of the data in table 4.44 it is seen that 33 (62.26%)
women respondents’ are of the view that domestic work is the main
cause which conflict’s their household duties and participation in
politics. While 20 (37.74%) women respondents gave their views that
due to taking care of old people and rearing of children they are not
able to give equal time in politics.

When comparative enquiry was made, it was found that all the
three level of PRIs in selected district i.e. Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
over burden of domestic work that is housekeeping, taking care of
animals, time spent in fields etc. Restrict women to stay at home,
therefore they are not able to devote same amount of time. These are
the main reasons conflicting between women’s household activities
and politics.

Women of rural background are engaged in household chores

and other agricultural activities that burden them and reframe them
from participating in the Panchayat activities in HP. Responsibility of
house hold chores and children upbringing prevailing in family can be
taken as important factors leading to lesser participation of elected
representatives.

260
 Table 4.45: Opinion About the PRIs are Nursery for the State and
National Politics

Institution District PRIs become nursery for state and

national politics
Yes No Total
Gram Una 11 5 16
Panchayat (68.75%) (31.25%) (100%)
Member Mandi 11 3 14
(78.57%) (21.43%) (100%)
Kinnaur 16 4 20
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 8 4 12
Samiti (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Zila Una 5 4 9
Parishad (55.56%) (44.44%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 7 19
(63.16%) (36.84%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 80 35 115
(69.57%) (30.43%) (100%)

It is found from table 4.45 that majority of the respondents i.e.

80(69.57%) opined that Panchayati Raj Institutions have become
nursery for state and national politics, while 35 (30.43%) opined
negatively.

When a comparative study of three levels of PRIs from Una,

Mandi and Kinnaur was analysed, the following was observed:

i. In the case of Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti member

from Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, majority of the respondents
opined that Panchayati Raj become nursery for state and
national politics.

261
ii. After a keen observation of members of Zila Parishad from all
the three districts, it is found that one group of this institution
think that Panchayati Raj institution has not become nursery
for state and national politics.

After above discussion it is seen that Panchayati Raj has

imparted at grass root level. People of grass root level cannot get the
good place or position in state and national politics through this
source. But for this, these institutions have done tremendous work.

VIEWS OF THE ELECTED WOMEN MEMBERS ON RESERVATION

AND OTHER ISSUES RELATED TO POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Many countries in the world have granted women the most

fundamental democratic right, the right to vote and right to contest
the elections. India has launched many development programmes and
also ratified various international conventions and human rights
instruments committed to secure equal rights of women. Reservation
of seats for women in all tiers of local bodies is new phenomenon in
governance. The 73rd constitutional Amendment has created space
for women in political participation and decision making process at
the grassroots level by reserving one–third of the seats all over the
country, (Pargunan, in Biju, 2008:172) The 73rd Amendment,1993
and more particularly the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994
has laid a strong foundation for women’s participation at grass-root
level. In this regard researcher has asked the question to the elected
women regarding reservation in PRIs.

262
Table 4.46: Expression of Elected Women Regarding Reservation
as Positive Aspect in Active Women Participation in Democratic
Process

Institution District Expression of the elected women

Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)

From the results of the table 4.46 it is quite interesting to learn

that at high level the women respondents (100%) expressed that
reservation has helped women in active participation in politics. They
also had the view that if today they are the part of researcher’s study
it is due to reservation. Reservation has given us opportunity to
become a part of Panchayati Raj Institutions; it is also the view of
respondents.

263
 It we compare the views of all the respondents, of Gram
Panchayat, Panchayat Samiti, and Zila Parishad members same
opinion was found and there was no difference.

So we can observe a change in the women’s attitudes towards

their status, women of grass root level are going to be empowered
which is the new aspect of the sound transition in rural level.
Reservation of women in politics must help women for active
participation in democratic process.

Table 4.47: Reservation Helps Grassroots Women Leader to Enter

Main Stream of State and National Politics

Institution District Views of the elected women leaders

Yes No No Total
opinion
Gram Una 7 - 9 16
Panchayat (43.75%) (56.25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 - 8 14
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 - 12 20
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 8 - 4 12
Samiti (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 6 - 4 10
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5 10
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Zila Una 7 - 2 9
Parishad (77.78%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 14 - 5 19
(73.68%) (26.32%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 - 2 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 64 - 51 115
(55.65%) (44.35%) (100%)

264
 The data from the above table 4.47 reveals that 64(55.65%)
women respondents expressed that reservation of women in PRIs will
help grass root women leaders to enter the main stream of state as
well as national politics, while 51(44.35%) respondents expressed
negatively about this aspect.

A comparative study among the PRIs three districts can be

explained as follows:

i. More number of Panchayat Samiti members and Zila Parishad

members from all the three districts expressed that reservation
will help grass root women leaders to enter in the main stream
of state as well as national politics.

ii. In the case of Gram Panchayat members from all the three
selected districts most of the respondents think that it is not
guaranteed that reservation will help grass root women to enter
state and national politics so therefore, they have negative
approach regarding this aspect.

From the above discussion it may be seen that both the higher
level of PRIs women have possible views while at Gram Panchayat
women have suspicious thinking regarding reservation to increase the
number of women in state and national politics.

No doubt the reservation has been successful in bringing out

the hidden talent of grass root as a leader of the community. By and
large, the society and the males have gradually accepted, women in
politics. However this is not universal but, it will take time to emerge
as state and national leader.

265
 Table 4.48: Perception Regarding Reservation for the Women in
the State and National Parliamentary Assembly

Institution District Views of the elected women leaders

Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Una 9 - 9
Parishad (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)

It is interesting to note from the above table 4.48 that 115

(100%) of the women respondents viewed that there should be
reservation for women in State as well as National Assembly.

If we compare all the three level of PRIs in selected sample

districts, same views were received from the women respondents of
the three level of PRIs as they want reservation for women in State
and National Politics.

266
 Table 4.49: View about Satisfaction with Fifty Percent
Reservation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh

Institution District Satisfied with 50 percent reservation

in PRIs
Yes No Total
Gram Una 16 - 16
Panchayat (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 14 - 14
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 20 - 20
(100%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 12 - 12
Samiti (100%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 10 - 10
(100%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 9 - 9
Member (100%) (100%)
Mandi 19 - 19
(100%) (100%)
Kinnaur 5 - 5
(100%) (100%)
Total 115 - 115
(100%) (100%)

From the result of this table 4.49 it could be seen that all the
respondents i.e. 115 (100%) are satisfied with the fifty percent
reservation in H.P Panchayati Raj Institutions.

Hence it may be seen that all the women respondents are

satisfied with 50% percent reservation in PRIs and it did not matter,
which Panchayat or Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad they
belonged to.

267
 Table 4.50: Leaders Attitude towards the Reservation as
Landmark Step in the Overall Development of women

Institution District Reservation step in the overall development

of women

Yes No No Total
opinion

Gram Una 6 3 7 16
Panchayat (37.5%) (18.75%) (43.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 5 3 6 14
(35.71%) (21.43%) (42.86%) (100%)

Kinnaur 7 4 9 20
(35%) (20%) (45%) (100%)

Panchayat Una 3 6 3 12
Samiti (25%) (50%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 4 3 10
(30%) (40%) (30%) (100%)

Kinnaur 4 3 3 10
(40%) (30%) (30%) (100%)

Zila Parishad Una 2 5 2 9

Member (22.22%) (55.56%) (22.22%) (100%)

Mandi 4 10 5 19
(21.05%) (52.63%) (26.32%) (100%)

Kinnaur 1 2 2 5
(20%) (40%) (40%) (100%)

Total 35 40 40 115
(30.44%) (34.78%) (34.78%) (100%)

The data of the above table 4.50 reveals that respondents have
not clear idea whether reservation will be a step in the overall
development of women. Researcher get a mixed view of respondents
regarding to the reservation. 40 (34.78%) respondents expressed that
reservation will be not responsible for overall development of women.
While equal numbers of 40 (34.78%) respondents are not aware about

268
above said question, they seem to be confused to share their views.
Only 35 (30.44%) respondents expressed that it will be a step in the
overall development of women.

A comparative study of all the three level of PRIs in Una, Mandi

& Kinnaur can be explained as the following:

i. More number of Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad members

felt only reservation cannot full fill the dreams of women.so
reservation is not a way for the overall development of women.

ii. More number of Gram Panchayat members has not given any
opinion about question.

So we can say that no doubt reservation has improved women

status but it is not a step for the overall development of women.

STATE WOMEN LEADERS ATTITUDE TOWARDS RURAL WOMEN

The socio–cultural environment of rural area is changing rapidly

due to force of modernization. Although the sex prescribed roles and
behaviour pattern of women still continue, modern forces such as
development in science and technology, education, awareness and
awakening towards rights, participation in democratization process
(PRIs) are encouraging women to enter in socio- economic and political
system in wider society and avail of the new opportunities. But on the
other side although state and national political parties show their
sympathy with women community but irrespective of their ideology,
they have failed to provide adequate representation for women in
parties. It indicate that political parties and their leaders have not
positive attitude towards women political participation. In this regard
researcher has asked the questions to the women leaders whether
state women leaders motivate rural women to participate in politics.
The response of the respondents have been shown in the following
table 4.51.

269
 A comparative analysis observed the following results:

i. With respect to the Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti

members, most of them expressed that PRIs have improved
their social status, followed by the improvement in Political
Status.

ii. With respect to the Zila Parishad members, most of them

expressed that PRIs have really improved their political status
followed by the improvement in social status also.

Hence, it may be seen that PRIs really improve political and

social status of grass root women.

Table 4.51: Perception of Rural Women Leaders about the Role of

State Women Leaders to Convince and Motivate the Women to be
Part of Politics

Institution District Opinion of the elected women leaders of

PRIs
Yes No Total
Gram Una 6 10 16
Panchayat (37.5%) (62.5%) (100%)
Member Mandi 5 9 14
(35.71%) (64.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 6 14 20
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 7 12
Samiti (41.67%) (58.33%) (100%)
Member Mandi 4 6 10
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 7 10
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Zila Parishad Una 4 5 9
Member (44.44%) (55.56%) (100%)
Mandi 8 11 19
(42.11%) (57.89%) (100%)
Kinnaur 2 3 5
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Total 43 72 115
(37.39%) (62.61%) (100%)

270
 The data of the above table 4.52 reveals that only one third of
respondents i.e. 43(37.39%) expressed state women leader convinced
and motivated them to participate in politics while majority of the
respondents 72 (62.61%) expressed their view negatively about state
women leader.

If we compare all the three level of PRIs, in three districts except

Zila Parishad members there was no significant difference seen in the
respondents of Panchayat Samiti members and Gram Panchayat
members of Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, with regard to this aspect.

Hence it is seen that state women leaders are not very much
interested to bring grass root women talent in politics. They have not
done any extra efforts for grass root women.

PERCEPTION REGARDING THE POLITICAL ASPIRATION OF THE

WOMEN LEADERS OF PRIs

Participation of women in Grass-root institutions have made

significant change in their social status as well as their position in
family. Mere participation of women in these institution is a clear
indicate of change in the traditional norms which restricted free
movement of a women of society for social and political activities.
Participation of women in different organization gives them a status in
the society and permits also for their own development

271
 Table 4.52: Women Leaders Opinion Regarding State and
Parliamentary Election

Institution District Opinion to contest State and

Parliamentary election
Yes No Total
Gram Una 4 12 16
Panchayat (25%) (75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 3 11 14
(21.43%) (78.57%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 16 20
(20%) (80%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 5 7 12
Samiti (41.67%) (58.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 4 6 10
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 7 10
(30%) (70%) (100%)
Zila Una 6 3 9
Parishad (66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 7 19
(63.16%) (36.84%) (100%)
Kinnaur 3 2 5
(60%) (40%) (100%)
Total 44 71 115
(38.26%) (61.74%) (100%)

It is very surprising to note from the above table 4.52 that 71

(61.74%) respondents are not interested in contesting the state and
the parliamentary election in future. Only one third of the respondents
i.e. 44 (38.26%) are interested to contest the state assembly and
Parliament election in future.

When a comparative study among the PRIs or three districts

were analysed, the following result was found.

272
 In the case of Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti members’
majority of the respondents are not interested in contesting state and
parliament election in future.

In the case of Zila Parishad member from all the three sample
districts majority of the respondents are interested in contesting state
and Parliamentary election in future.

From the above discussion, it is seen that women are more

likely to contest election at Panchayat, block and Zila Parishad level. A
very few women contest for the state Legislative Assembly and
Parliament election. If we see voting percentage in HP we find that
women vote, more in PRIs elections than in assembly and
Parliamentary election, therefore women are more concerned with
their immediate sub-system and they have less interest in state and
National Politics.

SATISFACTION OF ELECTED WOMEN LEADERS OF PRIs WITH

PRESENT POSITION

Aspiration is intimately associated with participation and

performance. Those who are efficacious in their role performance are
likely to yarn for more chances, In other words, those who have
fumbled are likely to prefer distance from the Panchayat seats in
future. In order to re-confirm the elected women member participation
in PRIs, researcher has asked the question to the respondents
regarding their satisfaction with present position and the response of
the respondents has been shown in the following table 4.53

273
 Table 4.53: Satisfaction with Present Position

Institution District Satisfy with present position

Yes No Total
Gram Una 13 3 16
Panchayat (81.25%) (18.75%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 12 2 14
(85.71%) (14.29%) (100%)
Kinnaur 17 3 20
(85%) (15%) (100%)
Panchayat Una 9 3 12
Samiti (75%) (25%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 7 3 10
(70%) (30%) (100%)
Kinnaur 8 2 10
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Zila Una 7 2 9
Parishad (77.78%) (22.22%) (100%)
Member
Mandi 15 4 19
(78.95%) (21.05%) (100%)
Kinnaur 4 1 5
(80%) (20%) (100%)
Total 92 23 115
(80%) (20%) (100%)

From the analysis of table 4.53 it is revealed that of the total

women respondents 98 (80%) felt satisfied with their respective
Panchayat roles and they also expressed their readiness to contest
election. Only 23 (20%) of the respondents are not satisfied with their
present position. Further our study also reveals that at the district
level Una, Mandi and Kinnaur, with respect to the women being a
Gram Panchayat. Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad members, no
significant difference was found.

274
 From the above discussion it is seen that almost all respondents
are satisfied with their present position and it did not matter to which
level of PRIs they belonged to. Thus, a prominent portion of women is
all set to embrace political career reservation policy has opened up for
them. We can proudly said that women’s political empowerment in
last two decades through the Constitution Amendment has exploded
many myths, like they are only passive members and women have no
interest in politics, they are only proxy members etc. Women have
proved that if they have given opportunity they can do better than
men.

On the basis of the response of the women leaders in PRIs the

trends indicate that the future leadership in the village level will
emerge from the young and middle age. Economic dependence of the
women leaders still exist and this is one of the major hindrance in the
effective participation of the women leaders. After the two decades of
New Panchayati Raj traditional factors have clear reflections on the
institutional arrangement and role of PRIs. Most of the rural women
leaders belong to those families who have political background. Male
members of those families are either active politician or they have
some connections to the political leaders. Women leaders joined
politics due to their political backing not as genuine self-motivated
candidates. Besides this fact their presence in these institutions is
regular. Although they are not able to take up the development issues
confidently due to their immaturity in the political matters. These
leaders with the passage of time develop taste for the political
activities some of them want to confine themselves to the rural politics
few of them want to join the state politics. To be part of the state
politics they participate in the electoral processes of the State and
National elections. Their responses and the secondary data that shows
that the state leadership intentionally take benefit of involving the
rural leadership to campaigning and to consolidated their vote banks.
But they do not want them to be their rivals in the state politics.

275
 CHAPTER-V
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF RURAL WOMEN AND
THEIR PERCEPTION REGARDING POLITICAL
INSTITUTIONS AND ROLE

Effective political participation is an indicator of true

democracy. Higher the participation of people, healthier is the
democracy. Political participation is necessary because it makes a
positive and significant impact on the rights and living conditions of
women. It exposes them to the outside world and widens their
horizon. Besides, it provides a forum to raise specific issues
concerning them. Participation in electoral and institutional politics
will not only make women conscious of their identity as a being and
as an individual but will also associate them with the decision making
process both at home and outside, (Shukla in Dube & Bora,
1999:113-124).

Political participation of women means not only using the right

to vote but also power sharing, co-decision-making and co-policy-
making at all levels. The active participation of women in political
sphere is integral to empowerment of women and helps to build a
gender equal society as well as to speed up the process of national
development. Women’s political participations considered major
measures of women’s empowerment. Today, they take part in the local
administration in State politics and also in National politics.

The Panchayti Raj provided a common forum for social,

economic and political advancement of rural women. Self-governance
and participations are considered essential for success of development
at grassroots level. India being a country where almost seventy
percent of the total population lives in the villages, institutions like
Gram Panchayats were a necessity. Article 40 of the Indian
Constitution under the chapter of Directive Principles has rightly
enshrined, “The state shall take steps to organize village Panchayats

277
and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary
to enable them to function as units of local self-government.”

The women population of India is 48.46 percent and majority of

them reside in the rural area. Most of them are engaged in domestic
and household activities. Even after the six decades of independence,
they have not been able to participate effectively in various fields.
According to 2011 census male and female literacy rates is 82.14
percent and 65.46 percent respectively. This position is grim in rural
areas as there is low level of literacy among women as compared to
men. The women are considered weaker section in caste-ridden, male
dominated and orthodox society. Politics at every level of participation
was considered to be the province of men. Women have not been
regarded as part of the political arena. Hence the political
empowerment of women folk is need of present time to generate
awareness among them about their rights and responsibilities.

Himachal Pradesh situated in the north-western part of India is

a small hilly state with an area of 55673 square kilometers. It is
basically a rural state where, according to the 2011 census, out of
total population of 68.65 lac, 89.96 percent are living in villages and
only 10.04 percent in urban areas. Thus, Himachal Pradesh has
much more rural population as compared to the all-India position
where it comes to 68.84 percent. Therefore, institutions like Gram
Panchayats are a necessity for rural development. Himachal Pradesh
like many of the states of the country elected the new legislation i.e.,
the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 in the light of the
73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992 w.e.f. 23rd April, 1994.
PRIs are expected to play a multifaceted role, as a vehicle for political
education and training in leadership for rural masses especially rural
women.

New Panchayati Raj system as a process of democratic

decentralisation aims at providing a broad base to effort the much
needed training ground for future leadership creating and awareness

278
and initiative in the rural people about community development
programme, and bringing rural consciousness among the rural people
for their betterment.

After the 73rd Amendment the importance of rural leadership

has been increased much more because the Panchayati Raj
institutions now enjoy constitutional status and it is third step of the
government. The success of Panchayati Raj Institution depends on the
quality of leadership available at the grassroots level. Political
development and democratic growth depends on the local leadership
and its functioning in the Panchayati Raj Institutions, (Sharma, 1994:
257)

Leadership is the decision maker in the present society. In every

group there are several leaders. Leader is a person who by virtue of
magnetism of his personality, social standards or economic difference,
is able to command respect from or dominate the evils of group of
persons so as to be able to mould and direct energies into channel of
his choice. In almost every village there are various types of leaders,
caste leaders, religious leaders, administrative leaders, political
leaders and leaders of factions or groups. Mr. Oscar Lewis while
studying village leaders in an Indian village that there were no village
wide leaders but leaders of factions, (Majumdar and Singh, 1996: 121)
The nature of family, the economic and social status of the person,
personal character, age, education and devotion to public work are
some of the factors, which determine rural leadership, (Sharma, 1997:
215)

It is the result of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment that rural

women leadership is emerging and women from all the section of the
society is participating in PRIs. Panchayati Raj provided a common
form for social economic and political development of rural women.
Women participation in PRIs often more than the required reservation
has shattered the myth that women are not interested in politics.

279
 For the present study a sample of 315 rural women of Una,
Mandi and Kinnaur district has been taken. Various aspects of the
socio-economic political parameters includes the age, caste, family,
education, occupation, income and political background of the
respondents have been analysed.

The socio–economic conditions play an important role in

characterizing the social life and behavior of an individual. The socio-
economic status of an individual affects the patterns of interaction in
a society. It is, therefore, essential to analyse the socio-economic
background of the rural women to understand the pattern of their
leadership. The data represented in Section-A attempts to understand
the type of women with regard to their age, education, family,
occupation, income and political background.

The data represented in Section-B attempts to focus on the

political participation of women and it also deals with their
participation in various activities of Panchayati Raj process in rural
areas. In this section the rural women participation in Gram Sabha
meetings, PRIs meetings, political parties meetings and state electoral
politics are analysed. Further analysis of the main hindrances in
politics, household duties and politics conflict with each other and
impact of reservation on the political participation of women in rural
areas is also done.

SOCIO ECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE SELECTED RURAL WOMEN

COMMUNITY

Age

Age is an important demographic variable which not only

determines an individual’s physical and mental maturity but also
depicts her life experience. Age is an individual also determines her
marital and economic status, whether one is economically active or
dependent upon others. Age is an important factor that has a great
influence on affecting political participation. Participation in politics

280
reaches a peak in the middle age, (Joshi, 1999:33). It is panoramic,
that young and middle aged participates actively in local institutions.

For this purpose the total sample is divided into five age groups
i.e. 21-30 years, 31 to 40, 41 to 50, 51 to 60 and above 60 years.

Table 5.1: Age Profile of the Rural Women

S. District Age profile

No.
21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 Above 60 Total

1. Una 10 32 36 17 10 105
(9.52%) (30.48%) (34.29%) (16.19%) (9.52%) (100%)

2. Mandi 7 33 38 14 13 105
(6.67%) (31.43%) (36.19%) (13.33%) (12.38%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 5 35 39 10 16 105
(4.76%) (33.33%) (37.14%) (9.52%) (15.24%) (100%)

Total 22 100 113 41 39 315

(6.98%) (31.75%) (35.87%) (13.02%) (12.38%) (100%)

The analysis of the data in the table 5.1 shows that respondents
those are in the age group of 21-30 years represent 6.98 percent of the
total sample and 31.75 percent of them are represented by the women
respondents in the age group of 31-40 years. Above one third i.e.
35.87 percent are in the age group of 41-50 years while 13.02 percent
are in the age group of 51-60. There are only 12.38 percent women
who belong to the age group of above sixty years. Thus middle age
groups between 31-50 years have a greater participation among the
women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions. This trend is almost same
in the sampled districts.

It is evident from the above table that majority of the

respondents belong to the middle age group. Women at this stage are
generally free from household responsibilities. Old women have less
interest in this activity.

281
CASTE

Indian society is a caste based society. A man can change his

religion but cannot change his caste. Caste plays an important role
socially and politically. It is stated that because of the forces of
industrialisation and urbanisation, the role of caste is being pushed in
the background but innumerable studies reveals that caste in
different area of the country, have indicated the pivot role and still
playing in the lives of individuals and communities, (Thomas,1992:23-
24). Caste plays an important role in moulding the leadership at the
grass-root level. It continuous to be a dominate factor in Himachal
Pradesh.

Table 5.2: Caste Classification of the Selected Sample

S. District Caste
No.
Gen. SC ST OBC Total
1. Una 56 24 5 20 105
(53.33%) (22.86%) (4.76%) (19.05%) (100%)
2. Mandi 66 30 - 9 105
(62.86%) (28.57%) (8.57%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 15 12 78 - 105
(14.28%) (11.43%) (74.29%) (100%)
Total 137 66 83 29 315
(43.49%) (20.95%) (26.35%) (9.21%) (100%)

The data in the table 5.2 indicates that higher caste dominates
in the sampled districts as 43.49 percent respondents belong to the
general categories followed by 26.35 percent of Scheduled Tribe,
almost 21 percent of Scheduled Caste and 9.21 percent of Other
Backward Classes. Thus trend is different in the sampled district of
Kinnaur as 74.29 percent of the respondents belong to Scheduled
Tribe category followed by General castes i.e. 14.28 percent and S.C.
11.43 percent. However, in Una & Mandi majority of the respondents
come from the General Category.

282
EDUCATION LEVEL

Education is an important dimension is an individual’s life. It

empowers one with the capacity to take rational decisions and analyse
what is good and bad in a more realistic and pragmatic matter apart
from providing job opportunities and livelihood. The role of women in
the process of development can be enhanced with education.
Education of women helps them in playing an effective role in social,
economic, political and public life, (Saini & Dubey in Agarwal,
2009:320). To analyse the educational level, the whole sample has to
be classified into Illiterate, Primary, Matric, Secondary, Graduate and
Post-Graduation Level.

Table 5.3: Educational Status of the Rural Women Respondents

S. District Educational Status Total
No.
Illiterate Primary Matric Plus Graduate Post-
Two Graduate
1. Una 11 15 27 42 6 4 105
(10.48%) (14.29%) (25.71%) (40%) (5.71%) (3.81%) (100%)
2. Mandi 13 19 31 35 4 3 105
(12.38%) (18.10%) (29.52%) (33.33%) (3.81%) (2.86%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 16 22 34 28 3 2 105
(15.24%) (20.95%) (32.38%) (26.67%) (2.86%) (1.90%) (100%)
Total 40 56 92 105 13 9 315
(12.70%) (17.78%) (29.21%) (33.33%) (4.12%) (2.86%) (100%)

The analysis of the data in the table 5.3 reveals that only 12.70
percent of women are illiterate in sample districts. Among the literate
women, 33.33 percent are educated up to the secondary level followed
by 29.21 percent up to matriculation. Primary level educated women
are representing 17.78 percent and 4.12 percent educated are up to
the Graduation level while only 2.86 percent women are educated up
to the Post Graduation level.

However, the trend of the sampled district is different in

comparison to the sampled respondents. District of Kinnaur depicts a
little poor show in which 15.24 percent of women are illiterate while
they are 12.38 percent in Mandi and 10.48 percent in Una. At the
Primary level the women educated in Una are of 14.29 percent,

283
whereas 18.10 percent in Mandi & 20.95 percent in Kinnaur. They are
a little ahead to Una and Mandi district while at the secondary level
the women of the district Una are at the forefront than the other two
sampled districts. Progressively women at the Graduation level are
more or less to the similar percentage which constitutes 5.71 percent
in Una and 3.81 percent in Mandi & 2.86 percent in Kinnaur. A very
few women respondents got post-graduation education. 3.81 percent
from Una and 2.86 percent in Mandi, while only 1.90 percent women
in Kinnaur are educated up to Post graduate level.

OCCUPATION

Generally occupation is a parameter of economic empowerment

in the society by which one can scale the social status too. It is an
important factor that influences the grass root leadership. Occupation
is one of the very important indices to analyse the background of the
respondents. In rural India occupation of the majority of the
population is either agriculture or labour, (Sisodia, 2007:130). The
field study of occupation has been classified into agriculture labour,
business, service and any other. Majority of the women respondents
are occupied in agriculture according to the table 5.4.

Table 5.4: Occupational Profile of the Rural Women Respondents

S. District Occupation
No.
Agriculture Labour Business Service Any Total
other

1. Una 74 9 11 6 5 105
(70.48%) (8.57%) (10.48%) (5.71%) (4.76%) (100%)

2. Mandi 78 11 5 4 7 105
(74.29%) (10.48%) (4.76%) (3.80%) (6.67%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 86 7 3 3 6 105
(81.90%) (6.67%) (2.86%) (2.86%) (5.71%) (100%)

Total 238 27 19 13 18 315

(75.56%) (8.57%) (6.03%) (4.13%) (5.71%) (100%)

Data from the above table 5.4 shows that 75.56 percent women
are occupied in agriculture profession followed by labourers 8.57

284
percent, business women 6.03 percent. Table 5.4 also shows that 4.13
percent women respondents are in service and 5.71 percent women
respondents are engaged in other activities like tailoring, housewives
and helping their family members in their work. It indicates that rural
women in Himachal Pradesh still relied on agriculture.

INCOME

If occupation is the source of income, income is the outcome of

occupation. Income is a symbol of prestige and it plays a prominent
role in deterring his/her position in the society. It is also an important
determinant of rural leadership. Income is not always a reliable
indicator for comparison because respondents may not give their
actual income for various apprehensions, (Thomas: 27). For the
purpose of the present study the annual income of the respondents
divided into four categories i.e. below 60,000, below 80,000, below
1,00,000 and above 1,00,000 and the analysis is available in table 5.5
below.

Table 5.5: Income Distribution and Its Classification of the

Respondents Family

S. District Annual Income

No. Below Below Below Above Total
60,000 80,000 1,00,000 1,00,000
1. Una 29 23 37 16 105
(27.62%) (21.90%) (35.24%) (15.24%) (100%)
2. Mandi 31 25 35 14 105
(29.53%) (23.81%) (33.33%) (13.33%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 30 24 36 15 105
(28.57%) (22.86%) (34.28%) (14.29%) (100%)
Total 90 72 108 45 315
(28.57%) (22.86%) (34.28%) (14.29%) (100%)

The analysis of the data in table 5.5 reveals that 28.57 percent
respondents belong to lower economic group i.e. below 60,000 per
annum and 22.86 percent respondents of the total sample have
annual income below 80,000 and middle income group of respondents

285
comprise 34.28 percent i.e. below 1,00,000 per annum, while the
respondents who come from higher economic group having more than
1,00,000 income annually are only 14.29 percent.

The District wise analysis shows that the respondents have the
maximum income i.e. below 1,00,000 per annum. In this slab, Una
represents 35.24 percent, Mandi 33.33 percent whereas Kinnaur
represents of 34.28 percent comparatively. Very few respondents in
the sample districts who have attained the slab above 1,00,000
income are 15.24 percent in Una, 14.29 percent in Kinnaur and 13.33
percent in Mandi. Table 5.5 also indicates that above one-fourth of
respondents in each sample district has income below 60,000 per
annum. It indicates that low income of women in the development
process is the reflection of this problem in local institutions greatly
suffered due to lopsided social and economic equilibrium.

MARITAL STATUS

Marriage is an important unit in human life. In the Hindu

society, marriage is supposed to be religious obligation. After marriage
there is transition in the status of men and women with attainment of
rights and obligations,(Joshi,1999:34) As study deals with the rural
women, it is considered necessary to investigate their marital status.

Table 5.6: Marital Status Rural Women

S. District Marital Status

No.
Married Un- Widow Total
Married
1. Una 96 4 5 105
(91.43%) (3.81%) (4.76%) (100%)
2. Mandi 95 4 6 105
(90.48%) (3.81%) (5.71%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 97 3 5 105
(92.38%) (2.86%) (4.76%) (100%)
Total 288 11 16 315
(91.43%) (3.49%) (5.08%) (100%)

286
 Based on the information given in the table 5.6, it has been
found that majority or the rural women are married. District wise
analysis shows that in Kinnaur, 92.38 percent women are married
whereas in Una and Kinnaur a little less number i.e. 91.43 percent
and 90.48 percent. Data from the above table also reveals that out of
the total sample 3.49 percent respondents were un-married and 5.08
percent were widows. From the above table one can find that un-
married women have no interest in political democracy of rural local
bodies and political process. It seems that rural women start to take
part in political activities after marriage.

NATURE OF FAMILY

Family holds a central position in social life. It is the family

which lays the foundations of child’s personality and his emotional
stability. The quality of the generation is determined more especially
by the family, (Thakur, 1981:145). Indian society is based on bonding
and relationship among family members. Now-a-days it has lost its
glory especially in urban areas which is commonly known to all of us.
Traditionally, joint families were more common in rural areas. In
modern times, however, the joint family has lost its characteristics but
in the rural society of Himachal Pradesh it has its own existence.
Following table 5.5 explores the nature of family of the respondents.

Table 5.6A: Classification of Rural Women According to Their

Family

S. District Classification of Family

No. Joint Family Nuclear Family Total
1. Una 61 44 105
(58.10%) (41.90%) (100%)
2. Mandi 66 39 105
(62.86%) (37.14%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 72 33 105
(68.57%) (31.43%) (100%)
Total 199 116 315
(63.17%) (36.83%) (100%)

287
 Analysis of the data in table 5.6.A reveals that 63.17 percent of
the respondents have joint family and only 36.83 percent enjoy
nuclear family system in the total sample. There is a similar
proportion of joint and nuclear families of the sampled districts.
Hence, it is revealed from the analysis that a majority of the rural
women of the sample districts belongs to the joint families in the
present age of modernisation and urbanisation and there was no
significance difference in the sample districts.

SECTION–B
WOMEN COMMUNITY AND THE GRAM SABHA

Gram Sabha means the village assembly. All the voters in Gram
Panchayat become automatically the members of the Gram Sabha.
Hence, the membership of the Gram Sabha is open to every adult
irrespective of caste, religion, education, occupation, general social
status and sex. It is the Gram Sabha in which the rural poor, the
women and marginalised people can get an opportunity to participate
effectively in decision making which effect their lives. Gram Sabha has
the potentiality to initiatory process at the grass-root level and it has
been recognised as the heart and the soul of the Panchayati Raj
system, (Singh, 2004:30).

It is in this background that the respondents were asked the

question. “Do you attend regularly the meeting of Gram Sabha”? The
responses are analysed in table 5.7.

Table 5.7: Rural Women Response Regarding Their Participation

in the Gram Sabha Meetings
S. District Opinion of the women respondents
No. Yes No Total
1. Una 46 59 105
(43.81%) (56.19%) (100%)
2. Mandi 42 63 105
(40%) (60%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 39 66 105
(37.14%) (62.86%) (100%)
Total 127 188 315
(40.32%) (59.68%) (100%)

288
 Analysis of the data in table 5.7 shows that only 40.32 percent
of the respondents attended the Gram Sabha meetings regularly.
District wise analysis shows the difference of the rural women
participation in the Gram Sabha meetings in sample districts, which
range between 37.41 to 43.81 percent. It was the highest 43.81
percent in Una district and the lowest is 37.14 in Kinnaur district.

From the above discussion we can say that women in rural area
in H.P. are still not aware of Gram Sabha and their participation in
Gram Sabha meeting is not satisfactory. One or two reasons are not
responsible for poor participation of women in Gram Sabha meetings.
Many reasons obstruct women to participate in Gram Sabha
meetings. Some of the reasons are given below:

i) Geographic condition of H.P.,

ii) Some respondents have no interest in Gram Sabha meeting

because they have no faith in the Gram Panchayat members;

iii) A few respondents do not attend regularly Gram Sabha meeting

due to their economic condition because they lose their one day
wage if they spend one full day in Gram Sabha meetings.

So Gram sabha has so far not achieved sufficient level to ensure

effective and meaningful participation of rural women.

OPPORTUNITY TO ASK THE QUESTION IN THE GRAM SABHA

MEETINGS

Gram Sabha is the centre of democratic power in the village and

is the centre of the political activity. The concept of Gram Sabha not
only strengthen the process of participatory democracy but also
facilitates empowerment of common masses and brings the elements
of transparency, accountability and social control over the villages
Panchayats, (Sharma in Singh, 2006:375). Therefore, the sample
women respondents were asked whether they get proper opportunity
to ask question in the meetings. Their response in this regard have
been shown in the following table 5.8

289
Table 5.8: Opinion of the Rural Women about their Participation
in the Gram Sabha Meetings

S. No. District Views of women respondents

Yes No Total

1. Una 30 16 46
(65.22%) (34.78%) (100%)

2. Mandi 25 17 42
(59.52%) (40.48%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 22 17 39
(56.41%) (43.59%) (100%)

Total 77 50 127
(60.63%) (39.37%) (100%)

Table 5.8 shows that 60.63 percent of respondents reported that

they get proper opportunity to ask question in Gram Sabha meetings.
The percentage of such respondents ranged between 56.41 to 65.22
percent. It was the highest 65.22 percent in Una district and the
lowest 56.41 percent in Kinnaur district. The remaining 39.37 percent
reported that they did not get proper opportunity to ask the questions
in the Gram Sabha meetings, even if they desire to participate in the
meetings.

ROLE OF THE RURAL WOMEN IN THE GRAM SABHA MEETINGS

Our rural society as whole has a poor level of awareness about

the various development programmes, provision of various legislation
and development opportunities and activities. This is all due to
illiteracy, poverty and conservative social system. In the present
question researcher has tried to know the level of awareness among
rural women in the sample districts.

290
 Table 5.9: Opinion of the Rural Women About Their Role in The
Development Programme, Schemes, Projects etc.

S. No. District Opinion of the respondents

Yes No Total

1. Una 25 21 46
(54.35%) (45.65%) (100%)

2. Mandi 22 20 42
(52.38%) (47.62%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 20 19 39
(51.28%) (48.72%) (100%)

Total 67 60 127
(52.76%) (47.24%) (100%)

It is clear from the analysis of data in table 5.8 that the women
who attended Gram Sabha meetings regularly, out of these 52.76
percent ask questions regarding development programmes, schemes,
projects and financial auditing. The percentage of such respondents
ranged between 51.28 to 54.35 percent. It was the highest 54.35 in
Una district and the lowest 51.28 percent in Kinnaur district.
Remaining 47.24 percent did not ask any questions.

From the above discussion it is clear that women in sample

districts are instrument in ensuring quorum, but they do not show
interest to participate in discussions.

SUGGESTING MEASURES TO DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES

Participation of women in Gram Sabha meeting is a good

opportunity to solve the problem of the community and of the local
public. Gram Sabha has now been empowered to take all decision for
the development of people. In this context researcher has asked the
question to the respondents who attend Gram Sabha meetings to
suggest the measures to improve the development activities. Their
response in this regard have been analysed in table 5.10

291
Table 5.10: Rural Women Participation in Suggesting Measures to
Development Activities in the Gram Sabha Meetings

S. No. District Expression of the women respondents

Yes No Total
1. Una 24 22 46
(52.17%) (47.83%) (100%)
2. Mandi 21 21 42
(50%) (50%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 19 20 39
(48.72%) (51.28%) (100%)
Total 64 63 127
(50.39%) (49.61%) (100%)

Analysis of data in table 5.10 shows that out of 127

respondents, 50.39 percent respondents reported that they suggest
measures to improve development activities. The percentage of such
respondents ranged between 48.72 to 52.17 percent. It was the
highest 52.17 in Una district and the lowest 48.72 in Kinnaur district.
Remaining 49.61 percent not attended the Gram Sabha meetings
regularly. They consider that it is the work of elected members to take
step for the development of the villages, so they keep silent and only
listen to others.

From the above discussion it is clear that rural women are still
not aware about their rights and duties. They don’t know the
importance of Gram Sabha.

DOMINANCE OF ELITE GROUPS IN THE GRAM SABHA MEETINGS

The legislative empowerment of the Gram Sabha in India is a

political development of utmost importance because it marks the
clearest break from the most dominant political orthodoxy of this
century so far as rural India is concerned, (Sisodia:131). In rural India
from times immemorial, the community power structure was based on
certain inscriptive criteria such as age, caste and wealth. A

292
summation of them determined the prestige status and power of an
individual in the village community. But today in the wake of
democratic decentralization in rural area the traditional basis of power
seem to loss their pristine importance, (Swarankar, 1988:4).

So far as Himachal Pradesh is concerned many social, economic

and political elites are active and directly or indirectly they influence
rural people. In this regard researcher has asked the question to the
women respondents that elite group dominate in Gram Sabha
meetings and their received response are analysed in the table 5.11

Table 5.11: Opinion about the Elite Role and Status in the Gram
Sabha

S. No. District Opinion of the women respondents

Yes No Total
1. Una 25 21 46
(54.35%) (45.65%) (100%)
2. Mandi 24 18 42
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 24 15 39
(61.54%) (38.46%) (100%)
Total 73 54 127
(57.48%) (42.52%) (100%)

Data from the above table 5.11 shows that 57.48 respondents
view that elite group of society has influence in Gram Sabha meeting
while 42.52 percent respondents views negatively.

District wise data shows that there is much dominance of elite

in Gram Sabha in Kinnaur District while District Una has low
influence of elite in Gram Sabha meetings. 61.45 percent respondents
in Kinnaur, 52.14 percent in Mandi and 54.35 percent in Una views
that elite groups of the society influence and dominate Gram Sabha
meetings. Elite is here to be taken to be economically well off, highly
educated, and socially & politically empowered people.

293
ELECTED MEMBERS LOCATION IN THE GRAM SABHA

The Constitution 73rd Amendment has made specific provision

for the establishment of the Gram Sabha under Article 243 G.
Government of Himachal Pradesh implemented New Panchayati Raj
Act, 1994 and made provision for Gram Sabha. As per the State
Government provisions Gram Panchayat convene the Gram Sabha
meetings four times in a year. Gram Panchayat Pradhan is the
Presiding Officer of the meeting of the Gram Sabha. In this regard
researcher has asked the question to the respondents that elected
representatives dominate the Gram Sabha meetings.

Table 5.12: Classification of the Rural Women according to their

Views on the Dominance of Elected Representatives in the Gram
Sabha Meetings

S. No. District Views of the women respondents

Yes No Total
1. Una 20 26 46
(43.48%) (56.52%) (100%)
2. Mandi 17 25 42
(40.48%) (59.52%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 17 22 39
(43.59%) (56.41%) (100%)
Total 54 73 127
(42.52%) (57.48%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 5.12 it is revealed that

majority of the respondents i.e. 57.48 percent reported that there is no
dominance of the elective representatives in the Gramm Sabha
meetings, while 42.52 percent reported that elected representatives
dominate in Gram Sabha meetings. District wise analysis shows the
same trend. It is clear from the above discussion that the elected
representatives have cooperative behaviour towards the society and
they encourage the rural people to participate in the Gram Sabha
meetings.

294
SATISFACTION OF THE WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN PRIs

Women constitute more than half of the population in Himachal

Pradesh. Their participation in the decision making process, has
always been negligible, in most cases, women are engaged in house
hold activities. 73rd Amendment has given opportunity women to
participate in grassroots politics. It is the result of this Act that
women are elected beyond reservation in PRIs. Therefore, researcher
asked the question to the women respondents are they satisfied with
women participation in PRIs and their response have been shown in
the table 5.13

Table 5.13: Opinion about the Satisfaction of the Women

Participation in PRIs

S. No. District Opinion of the women respondents

Yes No Total
1. Una 18 28 46
(39.13%) (60.87%) (100%)
2. Mandi 17 25 42
(40.48%) (59.52%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 14 25 39
(35.90%) (64.10%) (100%)
Total 49 78 127
(38.58%) (61.42%) (100%)

Data analysis of the table 5.13 shows that overwhelming

majority 61.42 percent of the total sample women respondents are not
satisfied with the participation of women in PRIs. District wise
analysis reflects the same picture so we can say that rural women are
still not aware about the importance of PRIs.

OPINION ABOUT THE SATISFFACTION WITH THE PERFORMENCE

OF ELCETED WOMEN OF PRIs

The grassroots democratic institutions are considered as the

heart of Indian polity and as an important instrument for generating

295
people’s participation. Rural local government has led to a greater
political articulation of the rural masses and the emergence of a new
cadre of leadership at the grass-root politics. The new Panchayati Raj
system has made a powerful impact on women by enabling them enter
into the decision-making sector as the lowest level of democracy. The
women in Himachal Pradesh are better placed compared to other
States in terms of their participation in PRIs.

Table 5.14: Rural Women Views Regarding the Role Performance

of the Women Pradhan and other Members

S. No. District Views of the women respondents

Yes No Total
1. Una 67 38 105
(63.81%) (36.19%) (100%)
2. Mandi 70 35 105
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 64 41 105
(60.95%) (39.05%) (100%)
Total 201 114 315
(63.81%) (36.19%) (100%)

Data analysis of above table 5.14 reveals that majority of the

respondents i.e. 63.81 percent are satisfied with the performance of
elected women members as their attendance in Gram Sabha, PRIs
meetings, participation in development activities and encouraged rural
women to participate in PRIs. District wise sample women
respondents also expressed the same viewed which constitutes 63.81
percent, 66.67 percent and 60.95 percent in Una, Mandi and Kinnaur
respectively.

From the above discussion it is clear that elected women

members in PRIs are participating actively are aware and interesting
in rural development activities and politics. Now they seem more
confident and courageous then before. Now they began to take the
decision without hesitation and they are making efforts towards rural

296
development. They are becoming aware to some extent about their
right and importance of their participation in PRIs.

POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF RURAL WOMEN

Rural local government has become the agency of socio-

economic and political development. Panchayati Raj has led to greater
political participation of the rural masses and the emergence of a new
cadre of leadership at the grassroots politics, (Maddick, 1970:23). But
it was the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, which for the first
time provided Constitutional status to this body and ensured the
coming to the women leadership and decision making positions. It was
the beginning of inclusion of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions. In
this regard researcher has asked the question to the rural women
respondents to their previous experience to contest PRIs elections.

Table 5.15: Opinion Regarding the Previous Experience to

Contest PRIs Election

S. No. District Previous experience

Yes No Total
1. Una 9 96 105
(8.57%) (91.43%) (100%)
2. Mandi 11 94 105
(10.48%) (89.52%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 8 97 105
(7.62%) (92.38%) (100%)
Total 28 287 315
(8.89%) (91.11%) (100%)

Analysis of the data from the above table 5.15 reveals that an
overwhelming majority i.e. 91.11 percent of the total sample women
respondents have not contested any PRIs election. Only 8.89 percent
respondents have contested some previous PRIs election. If we see
district wise detail we find that a very few women respondents have
contested any PRIs elections.

297
Table 5.16: Views of the Respondents Regarding the Commitment
and Job Performance of Women in PRIs

S. No. District Views of the rural women

Yes No Total

1. Una 51 54 105
(48.57%) (51.43%) (100%)

2. Mandi 45 60 105
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 40 65 105
(38.10%) (61.90%) (100%)

Total 136 179 315

(43.17%) (56.83%) (100%)

It is found from the above table 5.16 that the majority of the
rural women respondents i.e. 56.83 percent viewed that women
cannot devote equal time in PRIs as male. In district wise analysis
show that only 48.57 percent women in Una, 42.86 percent in Mandi
and 38.10 percent in Kinnaur viewed that women devote equal time in
PRIs as male member of the society. During field study many women
told to the researcher that for rural women, not easy to move out of
the houses freely in the village. They have heavy load of family
responsibility, child caring and attending to household duties. Beside
this most of the rural women spend their time in the fields, therefore,
it is not possible for them to spare time for other activities.

FACTORS THOSE AFFECT THE WOMEN VOTING BEHAVIOUR

Participation in electoral process is a key feature in political

participation. Voting is the minimal form of political participation in a
democracy. In the contest of voting behaviour political participation
has acquired a new and dynamic connotation then generally
understood in a traditional terminology. In India participation in

298
election process is mostly restricted to voting in elections it more so in
case of women, (Roy, 1999:151). Therefore, researcher has made
enquiry to know the main factor which affect the women voting
behaviour.

Table 5.17: Opinion about the Determinants of Voting Behaviour

S. District Factor affect the women voting behavior

No.
Caste Class Religion Family All Total
these

1. Una 31 15 20 22 17 105
(29.52%) (14.29%) (19.05%) (20.95%) (16.19%) (100%)

2. Mandi 35 11 15 25 19 105
(33.33%) (10.48%) (14.29%) (23.80%) (18.10%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 38 9 18 25 15 105
(36.19%) (8.57%) (17.14%) (23.81%) (14.29%) (100%)

Total 104 35 53 72 51 315

(33.01%) (11.11%) (16.83%) (22.86%) (16.19%) (100%)

Analysis of table 5.17 shows that one third of the total

respondents i.e. 33.01 percent reported that caste affects women’s
voting behaviour, 22.86 percent reported family male members,
religion affects women’s voting behaviour its is reported by 16.83
percent respondents. Class also affects women voting behaviour; it is
reported by 11.11 percent respondents. Remaining 16.19 percent of
the total respondents reported that above said factors are castes,
class; family and religion are affecting the voting behaviour of women
in directly and indirectly.

POLITICAL AFFILIATION OF THE RURAL WOMEN COMMUNITY

Family hold a central position in social life. It is the family

which lays the foundation of the child personality and his emotional
stability. The quality of the generation is determined more especially
by the family, (Thakur, 1981:45). The type of family to which the child

299
belongs significantly differentiates his/her political opinions,
attitudes, values and behaviour, (Jharta, 1998:77). In the next
question researcher has tried to find out the political background of
the respondents family.

Table 5.18: Views of the Rural Women Regarding their Family

Involvement in Politics

S. No. District Involvement of family in politics

Yes No Total

1. Una 40 65 105
(38.10%) (61.90%) (100%)

2. Mandi 35 70 105
(33.33%) (66.67%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 32 73 105
(30.48%) (69.52%) (100%)

Total 107 208 315

(33.97%) (66.03%) (100%)

As shown in table 5.18 majority of the respondents, i.e. 66.03

percent are of the views that no member of their family is involved in
politics. Only 33.97 percent respondents’ says that their family is
directly or indirectly involved in politics. In district wise analysis the
picture is not different from the total sample. Only 38.10 percent
respondents in Una, 33.33 percent in Mandi and 30.48 percent in
Kinnaur views that their family is involved in politics.

ASSOCIATED WITH POLITICAL PARTIES

The socio-economic factor of the state mainly shaped politics in

Himachal Pradesh. History reveals that contest for power in Himachal
Pradesh is mainly between the two national political parties Congress
and the BJP. Therefore, researcher has tried to find out the
membership or closeness of the respondents with political parties.

300
 Table 5.19: Classification of the Rural Women according to their
Association or closeness with different Political Parties

S. No. District No. of women respondents reported

Congress BJP Any Total
Other
1. Una 25 15 - 40
(62.5%) (37.5%) (100%)
2. Mandi 15 20 - 35
(42.86%) (57.14%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 20 12 - 32
(62.5%) (37.5%) (100%)
Total 60 47 - 107
(56.07%) (43.93%) (100%)

Above table 5.19 shows that 56.07 percent respondents are

associated or supporter of congress party while 43.93 percent are
associated with B.J.P. The percentage of such women respondents’
who were associated with Congress ranged between 42.86 to 62.5
percent. It is 62.5 percent in Una and Kinnaur and 42.86 percent in
Mandi.

The above analyses indicate that rural women are least

interested in acquiring the membership of political parties. In a
traditional society like Himachal Pradesh the Participation of women
in pursuing life is not encouraging.

There could be two reasons why such large numbers of

respondents are not associated as the member of any political party.
One of this is the less awareness of the political parties and other
relative disillusionment with respect to the ideologies practised by
today’s political parties.

ATTENDING THE POLITICALS PARTY MEETINGS

One of the important variables of participation of women in

politics is the aspect of attendance in political parties meetings. This
participation provides an important indicator for development because

301
many important decision taken in these meetings. An attempt has
been made to examine the nature of participation of women
respondents in party meetings. The political affiliation of the
respondents has been assessed through their participation in
meetings and participation in discussion. To assess the participation
of women in meeting, it has been classified in to regularly, rarely, now
& then and frequently.

Table 5.20: Rural Women Views about attending the Political

Party Meetings

S. District Attending the political party meetings

No.
Regularly Frequently Rarely Now & Total
Then
1. Una 8 15 5 12 40
(20%) (37.5%) (12.5%) (30%) (100%)
2. Mandi 5 9 9 12 35
(14.29%) (25.71%) (25.71%) (34.29%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 4 6 10 12 32
(12.5%) (18.75%) (31.25%) (37.5%) (100%)
Total 17 30 24 36 107
(15.89%) (28.04%) (22.43%) (33.64%) (100%)

Table 5.20 indicates the women respondents’ attendance at

political party meetings. Analysis reveal that 15.89 percent
respondents attend regularly party meetings, 22.43 percent rarely,
33.64 percent now and then and other 28.04 percent respondents
attend political party meeting frequently.

District wise analysis of the table 5.20 shows that women have
very low participation in meetings i.e. 20 percent in Una, 14.29
percent in Mandi and 12.5 percent in Kinnaur. 30 percent of Una,
34.29 percent in Mandi and 37.5 percent of Kinnaur women
respondents replied for now and then. Maximum 37.5 percent
respondents frequently in Una participate in party meetings which
hampers the pace of growth.

302
 Table 5.21: Views of the Rural Women regarding their
Participation in Discussion in Party Meetings

S. No. District Views of rural women

Yes No Total

1. Una 20 20 40
(50%) (50%) (100%)

2. Mandi 14 21 35
(40%) (60%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 10 22 32
(31.25%) (68.75%) (100%)

Total 44 63 107
(41.12%) (58.88%) (100%)

Table 5.21 shows that out of 107 sample women respondents,

41.12 percent reported that they participated in discussion in party
meeting. The district wise analysis shows that the percentage of
women who reported their participated in discussion was ranged in
between 31.25 to 50. It was highest 50 percent in Una district and the
lowest 31.25 percent in Kinnaur.

From the above discussion it is clear that women in Una district

are having the habit and more interest of discussing politics and
public affairs with fellow citizen in party meetings.

SUBJECT OF INTEREST IN DISCUSSION

In the last table we have seen that rural women less or higher
participate in party meetings in all the sample districts. Therefore,
researcher has tried to know if rural women participated in party
meeting then what, are the subjects of their interest for discussion. To
analyse their subject of interest, different terms were used like social
issue, women issue, govt. issue, political issue.

303
Table 5.22: Views of the Rural Women according to their Subjects
of Interest in Discussion in Party Meetings

S. District Views of the women respondents

No.
Social Political Women Government All Total
Issues Issues Issues Issues these
1. Una 3 4 2 2 9 20
(15%) (20%) (10%) (10%) (45%) (100%)
2. Mandi 3 2 2 1 6 14
(21.43%) (14.29%) (14.29%) (7.14%) (42.85%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 2 1 2 1 4 10
(20%) (10%) (20%) (10%) (40%) (100%)
Total 8 7 6 4 19 44
(18.18%) (15.91%) (13.64%) (9.09%) (43.18%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 5.22 it is revealed that 43.18

percent respondents of the total sample and district wise respondents
as 45 percent, 42.85 percent and 40 percent in Una, Mandi and
Kinnaur reported that they don’t concentrate and give importance on
the above cited one or two issues. They openly discuss and debate on
these issues as per the demand and requirement and needs of the
society. It may be women issue, social issue or political issue. All the
above cited issues are equally important from them.

RURAL WOMEN RESPONDENTS ASSOCIATION TO THE OTHER

INFORMAL ASSOCIATION

Besides Political association, Socio, economic organisation also

plays a significant role in society. The participation of women in the
some economic organisation enhances their status in a male
dominated and traditional bound society of ruled India. Women both
in the traditional and modern social structure have always been the
victim of the greatest exploitation. Therefore, the Government of India
and State Government have launched many development programmes
to empower women through communication of information, education,
training to enable them to recognise and improve their social and
economic status

304
 In this context, the sample women respondents were asked if
they were the member of any voluntary organisation. Their responses
in this regard have been shown in the following table.

Table 5.23: Classification of the Rural Women as per their

Membership with Voluntary Organisation

S. No. District Membership with voluntary organisation

Yes No Total
1. Una 60 45 105
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
2. Mandi 55 50 105
(52.38%) (47.62%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 53 52 105
(50.48%) (49.52%) (100%)
Total 168 147 315
(53.33%) (46.67%) (100%)

Table 5.23 shows that 53.33 percent of the rural women

reported that they are the member of some voluntary organisations,
whereas 46.67 percent respondents are there who have
shown negative approach towards it.

MEMEBERSHIP WITH DIFFERENT VOLUNTRY ORGANISATIONS

Beside governments scheme and programmes many voluntary

organisation like SHGs, Mahila Mandal, NGOs, etc. played a very
effective role towards socio-economic and political empowerment of
women. The participation of women in the some economic
organisation enhances their status in a male dominated and
traditional bound society of ruled India. In this context, the sample
women respondents were asked if they were the member of any
voluntary organisation. This question is conversed with last question;
researcher has tried to explore that if the women respondents’ are
associated to any of the association, and if they had membership to
the related association. Researcher has given them options of the two

305
important associations because these are generally not only found in
study area but also in all over India. Researcher has made enquiry in
this regard in the following table 5.24

Table 5.24: Rural Women Membership with Mahila Mandals, Self

Help Groups

S. District Women respondents reported

No.
Mahila Self Help Any Total
Mandal Groups Others
1. Una 51 9 - 60
(85%) (15%) (100%)
2. Mandi 55 - 55
(100%) - (100%)
3. Kinnaur 45 8 - 53
(84.91%) (15.09%) (100%)
Total 151 17 - 168
(89.88%) (10.12%) (100%)

As per the response in table 5.24 approximately 90 percent of

the respondents are associated with Mahila Mandal, while 10.12
percent associated with SHGs. District wise analysis of table 5.24
reveals that Mahila Mandal is found at highest range in all the three
sample districts i.e. 100 percent respondents from Mandi and 85
percent from Una and Kinnaur are associated with Mahila Mandal but
only a few respondents i.e. 15 percents in Una and Kinnaur are
associated with Self Help Groups.

Besides political association, socio-economic organisations also

play a significant role in society.

HURDLE IN THE WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Women have always been dominated in rural society. The new

Panchayati Raj system has provided legal rights to women to
participate in decision-making processes and involving them in
development programmes. Today’s political participation requires

306
information, knowledge, an exposure to the various experiment,
strategy, training, education and constant interacting. Further
researcher enquired to the respondents regarding the hurdles that
affect the women participation in politics. The hurdles which affect
women participation in politics, reported by them are shown in the
table 5.25.

Table 5.25: Opinion of the Rural Women about the Variables as

Hurdle in Politics

S. District Hurdle in politics

No.
Lack of Lack of Lack of Lack of All Total
Interest Political Education Support these
Knowledge of Male
Members
1. Una 29 20 25 16 15 105
(27.62%) (19.05%) (23.81%) (15.23%) (14.29%) (100%)
2. Mandi 34 18 28 13 12 105
(32.38%) (17.14%) (26.67%) (12.38%) (11.43%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 32 22 32 9 10 105
(30.48%) (20.95%) (30.48%) (8.57%) (9.52%) (100%)
Total 95 60 85 38 37 315
(30.16%) (19.05%) (26.98%) (12.06%) (11.75%) (100%)

The analysis of the data in table 5.25 shows that 30.16 percent
of the women respondents reported that lack of interest in politics is
the main hurdle that affect women participation in politics, 26.98
percent reported lack of education, 19.05 percent reported lack of
political knowledge, 12.06 percent reported lack of support of male
members while 11.75 percent reported that all hurdles mentioned
above affect women participation in politics.

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE RURAL WOMEN IN THE

STATE AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

The readiness and willingness of the people to participate in the

political process is a basic requirement for a democracy. Election
introduce the important element of accountability into a political
system, (Roy: 149). In this context researcher has asked the question

307
to the women respondents having their interest in the State and
Parliamentary elections. The received responses of the respondents
have been shown in the following table 5.26

Table 5.26: Response of the Rural Women Regarding their

Interest in the State and Parliament Election

S. District Response of the women respondents

No.
Much Some What Not Total
Interested Interested Interested

1. Una 18 22 65 105
(17.14) (20.95%) (61.90%) (100%)

2. Mandi 15 20 70 105
(14.29%) (19.05%) (66.66%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 13 19 73 105
(12.38%) (18.10%) (69.52%) (100%)

Total 46 61 208 315

(14.60%) (19.37%) (66.03%) (100%)

Table 5.26 shows that 66.03 percent i.e. majority of the

respondents are not interested in State or Parliamentary election,
while 19.37 percent have shown some interest in it. The remaining
14.60 percent of the respondents reported that they are more
interested in State and Parliamentary election. If we analyse the rate
of interest in election, district wise analysis reveals the same story. It
is ranged in between 12.38 percent to 17.14, which is highest 17.14 in
Una and lowest 12.38 percent is in Kinnaur. Range of somewhat
interest is in between 18.10 percent to 20.95 percent. It is highest
20.95 percent in Una and lowest 18.10 percent in Kinnaur.

From the above discussion it is clear that though all the three
sample districts rural women are not very much interested in election
but if we see deeply then we find that the people of Kinnaur are having
very little interest in election as compared to Una and Mandi districts.

308
RURAL WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN ELECTION CAMPAIGNS

The election campaign is always an interesting happening in

political life of the given milieu. It attracts a great deal of attraction of
the people rather it brings many issues on the surface and educate
people politically. In other words, it facilitates political socialization of
people. It does also become a political socialization of people. It does
also become a political fascination. Various techniques are applied in
the campaign which gear up the nature of electorate. These
techniques are meetings, door to door campaign rallies, media etc.,
(Kumar, 2009:63).Researcher further asked the question from those
respondents who have more or less interest in State and
parliamentary election, how do they participate in it. Their views in
election campaign have been shown in the following table 5.27.

Table 5.27: Response of the Rural Women regarding their

Participation in the Election Campaign

S. District Response of rural women respondents

No.
Organising Door to As a Through Any Total
and Door Supporter Media Other
Addressing Campaign
Rallies

1. Una 6 12 18 - 4 (10%) 40
(15%) (30%) (45%) (100%)

2. Mandi 3 7 20 - 5 35
(8.57%) (20%) (57.14%) (14.29%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 2 5 21 - 4 32
(6.25%) (15.63%) (65.62%) (12.5%) (100%)

Total 11 24 59 - 13 107
(10.28%) (22.43%) (55.14%) (12.5%) (100%)

Table 5.27 shows that 55.14 percent of the respondents

reported that they participated in state and parliamentary election as
supporter of candidate and political party. 22.43 participated through
door to door campaigning and 10.28 percent respondents organising
and addressing rallies in the state and parliamentary election while

309
remaining 12.15percent respondents show their presence in election
campaign through media, flag hosting, slogan writing, poster making,
mobile propaganda, public meetings etc. District wise analysis shows
that majority of the respondents i.e. 45 percent in Una, 57.14 percent
in Mandi and 65.62 percent in Kinnaur participate as supporters of
political candidate and party in the elections.

POLITICAL PARTIES AND RURAL LOCAL INSTITUTIONS

In a democratic society, political parties play an important role.

But in the rural Indian democratic system the involvement of political
parties is a controversial subject. In this regard researcher has asked
the question to the respondents.

Table 5.28: Opinion of the Rural Women Regarding Involvement

of Political Parties in the Rural Local Institutions

S. District Opinion of the rural women respondents

No.
Yes No No Total
Opinion

1. Una 45 28 32 105
(42.85%) (26.67%) (30.48%) (100%)

2. Mandi 65 19 21 105
(61.90%) (18.10%) (20%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 70 15 20 105
(66.67%) (14.29%) (19.04%) (100%)

Total 180 62 73 315

(57.14%) (19.68%) (23.18%) (100%)

Data analysis of the table 5.28 shows that 57.14 percent

respondents were in the favour that the political parties should keep
away from local institution, while 19.68 percent respondents were
supporting the involvement of political parties in doing so whereas
23.18 percent of respondents were of no opinion regarding this aspect.

310
Reasons for Non Involvement of Political Parties in the Rural
Local Institutions

During the field study when researcher had found that majority
of the respondents were not in favour of involvement of political
parties in local institutions, what may be the main reason. No doubt
there may be plenty of reasons in the mind of respondents regarding
the involvement of political parties in their institutions but researcher
gave only two causes. The reasons reported by them have been shown
in table 5.29.

Table 5.29: Response of the Rural Women Regarding Non

Involvement of Political Parties in the Rural Local Institutions

S. District Response of rural women respondents

No.
Interfere Create All these Total
Negatively Factionalism
1. Una 10 12 23 45
(22.22%) (26.67%) (51.11%) (100%)
2. Mandi 15 13 37 65
(23.08%) (20%) (56.92%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 23 12 35 70
(32.86%) (17.14%) (50%) (100%)
Total 48 37 95 180
(26.67%) (20.55%) (52.78%) (100%)

Table 5.29 shows that the first reason reported by the 26.67
percent of the sample women respondents was that political parties
interfere negatively in the developmental activities. The second reason
reported by the 20.55 percent respondents was that it creates
factionalising in village, while majority of the respondents i.e. 52.78
percent reported the above said both reasons. They are not in favour
of the involvement of political participation of local institutions so they
want political parties should keep away from local institution and its
election process.

311
POLITICS AS MALE DOMINATED SYSTEM

Political participation of women is severely limited due to

varying traditional factor like the domination of Indian politics by
consideration of caste, religion, feudal and family status etc., all of
which are essentially patriarchal and work in favour men against
women. Although participation of women in Panchayati Raj Institution
provided equality and representation of women, yet politics is
considered as men’s activity, (Bhaskar in Biju, 2008: 139). In this
regard researcher has made enquiry to the rural women respondents
in the following table 5.30.

Table 5.30: Rural Women Attitude towards Politics is Considers as

Men’s Activity

S. District Politics is considers as men’s activity

No.
Yes No Total

1. Una 60 45 105
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)

2. Mandi 66 39 105
(62.86%) (37.14%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 70 35 105
(66.67%) (33.33%) (100%)

Total 196 119 315

(62.22%) (37.78%) (100%)

From the analysis of data in table 5.30 it is revealed that 62.22

percent of the respondents reported that politics is still considered as
men’s activity but 37.78 percent respondent did not support this view
and they opined negatively and their percentage ranged between 33.33
percent to 42.86. It was the highest 42.86 percent in Una and the
lowest 33.33 percent in Kinnaur.

312
Table 5.31: Views of the Rural Women Regarding ‘Why Politics is
considered as Men’s Activity

S. District Views of the women respondents

No.
Women not Women don’t Total
Interest in Political get favourable
Activity due to atmosphere in
their Traditional Political Arena
Roles
1. Una 31 29 60
(51.67%) (48.33%) (100%)
2. Mandi 35 31 66
(53.03%) (46.97%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 40 30 70
(57.14%) (42.86%) (100%)
Total 106 90 196
(54.08%) (45.92%) (100%)

Researcher asked the question to the respondents who consider

politics as men’s activity. Table 5.31 shows that first reason reported
by 54.08 percent respondents that women are not interested in
political activity due to their traditional roles. The second reason
reported by the 45.92 percent that women don’t get favourable
atmosphere in the political area.

PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS HAVE BECOME NURSERY FOR

STATE AND NATIONAL POLITICS

In the present Panchayat Raj system, decentralisation has

acquired new significance and meaning because all the sections of the
society have now become part of these Institutions. Such sections are
desires of proving themselves as efficient leaders. The post 73rd
Amendment has laid the foundation for emergence of women
leadership and they have moved ahead from initial learning face,
(Smitha, 2008:199). No doubt PRIs have become nursery for state and
national politics and in this regard enquiry has been made in the
following table 5.32

313
 Table 5.32: Opinion of the Rural Women about the PRIs are
Nursery for the State and National Politics

S. District Opinion of the women respondents

No.
Yes No Don’t Know Total

1. Una 47 36 22 105
(44.76%) (34.29%) (20.95%) (100%)

2. Mandi 41 29 35 105
(39.05%) (27.62%) (33.33%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 35 32 38 105
(33.33%) (30.48%) (36.19%) (100%)

Total 123 97 95 315

(39.05%) (30.79%) (30.16%) (100%)

Table 5.32 shows that more than one-third i.e. 39.05 percent of
the total women respondents reported that Panchayati Raj Institutions
have led to development in rural area and these have become nursery
for State and National politics. While near about 31 percent
respondents have negative opinion. They opined that Panchayati Raj
Institutions is a failure and the required benefit has not reached the
common rural masses. These institutions serve only the interest of
influential people in the society, while the same percent of the
respondents don’t know whether PRIs has become nursery for state
and national politics.

District wise data shows that majority of the respondents from

Una reported that Panchayati Raj Institutions have become nursery
while other two sample district Mandi and Kinnaur respondents are
not very much aware regarding this aspect of PRIs.

314
PARTICPATION IN POLITICS AND HOUSEHOLD ACTIVITIES CAME
INTO CONFLICT WITH EACH OTHER

Himachal Pradesh is a rural based society and agriculture is the

largest and most important sector in the economic life of the state.
Women has important role in the prosperity and development of the
state. New Panchayati Raj system empowered rural women and
brought in grass-root politics. Though rural women of Himachal
Pradesh engaged in the household activities and their day mostly
began and ends in the fields. Beside this, they actively participate in
the PRIs and rural local politics. In this regard an enquiry had made
in the following table 5.33

Table 5.33: Response to Question on Participation in the

Household Duties and Politics Came into Conflict with each other

S. District Response of women respondents

No.
Yes No No Total
Opinion
1. Una 69 20 16 105
(65.71%) (19.05%) (15.24%) (100%)
2. Mandi 71 19 15 105
(67.62%) (18.10%) (14.28%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 71 12 22 105
(67.62%) (11.43%) (20.95%) (100%)
Total 211 51 53 315
(66.98%) (16.19%) (16.83%) (100%)

Analysis of the data in table 5.33 shows that 66.98 percent of

the total respondents reported that their participation in politics and
household duties made conflict with each other, while 16.19 percent
of the respondents reported that their participation in politics and
household activities not made conflict with each other and remaining
16.83 percent rural women do not give any response regarding the
question. District wise data shows that the percentage of the
respondents who reported their participation in household duty and

315
politics came into conflict with each other ranged between 65.71 to
67.62 percent. It was the highest as 67.62 percent in both Mandi and
Kinnaur districts and the lowest as 65.71 percent in the third sample
district i.e. Una.

Table 5.34: Main Causes of Conflict for their Participation in the

Household Duties and Politics

S. District No. of women respondents reported as

No.
Rearing Taking Domestic All Total
Children care of work these
old
People
1. Una 15 10 30 14 69
(21.74%) (14.49%) (43.48%) (20.29%) (100%)
2. Mandi 12 8 33 18 71
(16.90%) (11.27%) (46.48%) (25.35%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 10 11 35 15 71
(14.08%) (15.49%) (49.30%) (21.13%) (100%)
Total 37 29 98 47 211
(17.54%) (13.74%) (46.45%) (22.27%) (100%)

Table 5.34 shows that first reason reported by 46.45 percent of

the respondents was that due to domestic work they cannot actively
participate in politics and it was main conflict of their participation in
politics. Second reason reported by 17.54 percent rearing of children,
13.74 percent reported taking care of old people and remaining 22.27
percent reported that above all are the main reason which make
conflict their household duties and participation in politics.

District wise data shows that majority of the respondents in

sample district reported that domestic work was the main cause
which conflict their household duties and participation in politics.

From the above discussion it is amply clear that after more than
six decade of independence the status of rural women has not very
much improved. Rural women spend plenty of their time in domestic
work, fields, cultivation and help their counterparts in their work.

316
VIEWS OF THE RURAL WOMEN ON RESERVATION AND OTHER
ISSUES RELATED TO POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Political reservation for women in legislative bodies has become

one of the most contentious issues of political discourse in
contemporary India. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment introduced
33 percent reservation of women in Panchayats and local governing
bodies. This provision has opened up various avenues for women to
exercise their leadership role at the local level. Based on this women
and many social organisations have been raised the voice for
reservation of women in the Legislative Assemblies and the
Parliament, (Louis in Sinha, 2008:437). In this context researcher had
asked to the rural women respondents that there should be
reservation for women in state and national politics and mixed
response receives to the rural women.

Table 5.35: Views of Rural Women Regarding Reservation in State

and National Politics

S. No. District Views of rural women

Yes No Total

1. Una 76 29 105
(72.38%) (27.62%) (100%)

2. Mandi 80 25 105
(76.19%) (23.81%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 85 20 105
(80.95%) (19.05%) (100%)

Total 241 74 315

(76.51%) (23.49%) (100%)

Table 5.35 shows that 76.51 percent of the respondents

favoured reservation for women in State and National Politics. Only
23.49 percent opposed to the reservation for women in these bodies.

317
 The district wise analysis shows that the percentage of the
sample women respondents who supported reservation in State and
National politics ranged between 72.38 to 80.95 percent. It was the
highest 80.95 percent and the lowest 72.38 percent in the Kinnaur
district.

IMPACT OF RESERVATION IN STATE AND NATIONAL POLITICS

73rd Constitutional Amendment Act is a mile stone in the

history of India because this Act gives one third reservation for women
in PRIs. In the last Panchayat election in Himachal Pradesh, State
Government provided fifty percent reservation for women in PRIs.
Most of the women came into Panchayat only because of the
reservation. In this context researcher has asked the question to the
respondents that whether this reservation will increase their number
at the higher level and the response of the respondents have been
shown in the following table 5.36

Table 5.36: Classification of the Rural Women Respondents

According to Their Views on ‘Will Reservation Increase Women
Participation in State and National Politics’

S. District No. of women respondents reported

No.
Yes No No Opinion Total

1. Una 43 40 22 105
(40.95%) (38.10%) (20.95%) (100%)

2. Mandi 45 35 25 105
(42.86%) (33.33%) (23.81%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 47 38 20 105
(44.76%) (36.19%) (19.05%) (100%)

Total 135 113 67 315

(42.86%) (35.87%) (21.27%) (100%)

318
 Table 5.36 shows that 42.86 percent of the respondents
reported that reservation must increase their number in state and
national politics. While 35.87 percent were against it and 21.27
percent did not express any opinion. District wise analysis also
reflects the same picture.

From above discussion, it may be said that the reservation of

women in Parliament and State together through the amendment in
the Constitution would be a significant step towards political
empowerment of women. It will helpful in bringing about gender
equality and distributive justice in the society. It also provided the
reservation for women as effectively adopted and implemented in latter
and spirit. Further, political awareness also needs to be created in
them by encouraging them to participate in political activities in this
purpose. The patriarchal social structure and conservative political
cultural system of the rural areas also needs to be changed.

Table 5.37: Expression Regarding Reservation as Positive Aspect

in Active Women Participation in Democratic Process

S. District No. of women respondents reported

No.
Yes No No Opinion Total
1. Una 48 40 17 105
(45.71%) (38.10%) (16.19%) (100%)
2. Mandi 45 42 18 105
(42.86%) (40%) (17.14%) (100%)
3. Kinnaur 51 30 24 105
(48.57%) (28.57%) (22.86%) (100%)
Total 144 112 59 315
(45.71%) (35.56%) (18.73%) (100%)

Analysis of data in table 5.37 reveals that 45.71 percent

respondents reported that reservation helps women in active
participations in democratic process, while 35.56 percent respondents
did not support the opinion and 18.73 percent were of no opinion. It

319
may be said that the after the 73rd Constitutional Amendment this
three tier Panchayat system strengthens the democratic
decentralisation and ensure the effective contribution of rural masses
in policy formulation and decision making process.

Table 5.38: Satisfaction with 50% Reservation in PRIs in

Himachal Pradesh

S. District No. of women respondents reported

No.
Yes No No Opinion Total

1. Una 83 - 22 105
(79.05%) (20.95%) (100%)

2. Mandi 80 - 25 105
(76.19%) (23.81%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 76 - 29 105
(72.38%) (27.62%) (100%)

Total 239 - 76 315

(75.87%) (24.13%) (100%)

Data analysis of the table 5.38 shows that majority of the

women respondents i.e. 75.87 percent of the total sample are satisfied
with 50 percent reservation for women in PRIs and remaining 24.13
percent respondents did not give their opinion whether they satisfied
with 50 percent reservation or not. District wise analyses shows that
majority of the rural women are satisfied with reservation provide by
Government of Himachal Pradesh. Thus active participation of women
in Panchayat activities is a positive feature of Indian political system,
which enables them to have a definite say in the village politics. Such
participation of women in these institutions are providing as training
ground for them to become efficient politician in future.

320
Perceptions of Rural Women about the Role of State Women
Leaders to Convince and Motivate the Women to be Part in
Politics

The participation of women in political life is today on the

agenda of most political parties in India. Today many successfully
elected women leaders in state as well as centre have become role
model for women. In this context researcher has asked the question to
the rural women respondents that State as well as Centre women
leaders convince or motivate rural women to participate in politics and
their received response has shown in the following table 5.39

Table 5.39: State Women Leader Convince and Motivate the

Women in Politics

S. District Views of women respondents

No.
Yes No No Opinion Total

1. Una 36 47 22 105
(34.29%) (44.76%) (20.95%) (100%)

2. Mandi 30 50 25 105
(28.57%) (47.62%) (23.81%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 25 52 28 105
(23.81%) (49.52%) (26.67%) (100%)

Total 91 149 75 315

(28.89%) (47.30%) (23.81%) (100%)

Above table 5.39 shows that majority of 47.30 percent of the

sample rural women reported that state women leaders never
convince or motivate rural women to participate in politics. 23.81
percent of the total respondents have not expressed their views and
remaining 28.89 percent viewed that they are little motivated by state
women leaders to participate in politics. During field study many rural
women told to the researcher that they only see the State women

321
leaders in Television or Newspaper, few women told that women
leaders comes their area only election time. A very interesting point
was told by the respondents that they only see state women leader
when Chief Minister or Minister visit their area for any inauguration.

From the above discussion it is clear that state women leaders

are not very much interested to bring rural women into politics. To
increase women’s participation on politics political parties and state or
national leaders not only talk about increasing women’s participation
they should make substantial efforts to improve the condition of
women in politics

Table 5.40: Opinion of the Rural Women Regarding Contest

Election in Future

S. District Opinion women respondents

No.
Yes No No Opinion Total

1. Una 59 24 22 105
(56.19%) (22.86%) (20.95%) (100%)

2. Mandi 62 26 17 105
(59.05%) (24.76%) (16.19%) (100%)

3. Kinnaur 51 25 29 105
(48.57%) (23.81%) (27.62%) (100%)

Total 172 75 68 315

(54.60%) (23.81%) (21.59%) (100%)

Data analysis of the above table 5.40 revealed that majority of

the respondents i.e. 54.60 percent of the total viewed that if they will
be given opportunity, they will definitely contest the PRIs as well as
State and Parliamentary elections in future, while 23.81 percent are
not interested to contest election due to illiteracy, poverty and lack of
awareness. Rest of the respondents i.e. 21.59 percent have not
expressed their opinion.

322
 District wise analysis shows that the percentage of the sample
rural women who reported to contest election in future ranged
between 48.57 to 59.05 percent. It was the highest 59.05 percent in
the Mandi district and the lowest 48.57 percent in the Kinnaur
district.

During the field study researcher observed that rural women are
more concerned with their immediate sub system. Most of the rural
women are more likely to contest election at Panchayat level and block
level and a very few rural women contest for the state legislative
Assembly and a very significant are interested to contest for
Parliament. It indicates that rural women are still not fully aware,
confident, therefore they are mostly attached with sub system. Rural
women of Himachal Pradesh, no doubt behind in the areas of politics
due to illiteracy etc. yet the day is not far when they too would join the
mainstream of society.

On the basis of the responses of the rural women the conclusion

are derived that the rural women in the young and middle age come
forward as respondent. Most of the respondents belong to the joint
family and economically dependent on the male members of their
family. Due to their over busy schedule they have no time for their
social and political activities. Repercussion is there non-involvement
in the Gram Sabha and other political processes. Their political
socialisation is poor. On the basis their limited knowledge they
endorse and appreciate the process of emerging women leadership at
the rural level. In the electoral process their role is confine to the
voting. Informal participation in the Mahila Mandal and SHGs
indicates their interest in the outer activities. It is observed that there
are many hindrances such as patriarchy, caste, class, economic
dependence and the political parties’ vested interests not to encourage
the women folk hamper the political participation of rural women.

323
 CHAPTER-VI
CONCLUSIONS, INFERENCES AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Present study is divided into six chapters. First chapter deals

with different aspects related to the study. First chapter deals with
theoretical part as well as concept related to the study and efforts of
Supra-national and national agencies to empower and encourage the
women for political participation. Study is carried out on basis of the
primary and secondary sources. Partially it is descriptive (ex-post
facto), for that data is collected through the secondary sources.
Primary data used for the empirical part of the study, for that semi
structured, dichotomous questionnaire was used. Data analysed
manually and percentage method was used to explain the figures.
Further chapter gives comprehensive detail of the concepts. Women
are an eternal component for the growth process of any country. With
the expansion of the time, the role of women in the society and nation
has been acknowledged and immensely enlarged all over the world.
The fact has now been comprehended with imperative predominance,
that without ensuring women’s development, the national
development cannot be achieved.

Participation and empowerment are correlated. Empowerment

refers to the rising of the social, economic and political vigour of the
individuals and communities. Involvement of woman in political
sphere is an integral element for the empowerment of woman that
helps to accrue an equal gender society in order to accelerate the
progress of nation. The participation of women in politics signifies not
only the right to vote but also the sharing of power, co-decision–
making and co-policy making at all the levels. The equivalent
contribution of women and men in the assertion is an essential
requirement of democracy and a positive stride for society, as the
unanimous decision taken into an account to the need and interest of
the population as a whole. Gender discrimination is a universal

325
phenomenon both inside and outside the household. Women are tried
to exclude from powerful positions. They are deprived of participating
in the decision making process. Securing the participation of women
in the institution of democracy and governance is now an important
agenda globally. Attempts have been made globally and at local level
to find out the root cause of gender discrimination and their low
presence in various fields, particularly in the political field where they
are almost imperceptible. Gender equality and women empowerment
are the human rights that recline the spirit of growth, for the
accomplishment of the millennium development goals. Over the past
several millennia one of the most remarkable ironies of the present
age is that human civilisation has taken woman as man’s partner in
development and in search of happiness not only to the height of
achievement and recognition but also to the depth of their
exploitation.

All over the world, Governments, Non-Governmental

Organisations, United Nations and many others development agencies
have commenced many development programmes and started many
schemes, towards eliminating gender bias in order to ensure woman’s
equal status in all aspects. It was the result of these movements that
in the mid of 19thcentury and later, women got voting right almost in
all the countries of Asia, Africa, Europe, America, Latin America.
Besides all these efforts there are only few countries like Rwanda,
Bolivia where women occupy more than fifty percent seats in
legislatures. In other countries, whether developed or developing
countries participation of women in politics is not pleasing.

Second chapter deals with the issues of Panchayati Raj in India.

On the basis of descriptive literature it is inferred that ‘Panchayat’ and
‘Village’ were the two basic institutions of the governance since
ancient time. Works of many historians and British administrators
also substantiated this fact. Ignorance of these indigenous institutions
during British period and in early post independence period led to the

326
lopsided development and democracy without roots. Masses had their
voice through electoral process in the national and state politics they
have no opportunity to decide their civic and development issues.
Recognition of this flaw led to the enactment of 73rd Amendment to
facilitate the empowerment of the rural masses specifically deprived
sections to have their share in holistic democratic set up. In this
context in Himachal Pradesh at the time of independence Punjab
Village Act 1939 was in operational but in 1952 Himachal Pradesh
Panchayat Act was passed. It came in to force in 1954. Later
Panchayati Raj Act 1968, was introduced but its result was not
effective. After the 73rd Amendment, HP Govt. enacted HPPR Act
1994. The provisions of reservation, regular election, Gram Sabha,
and twenty nine subjects under the Panchayati Raj were made.
Further State Government has made many Amendments in HPPR Act
1994 as fifty percent reservation for women, special women Gram
Sabha etc. for the political empowerment of the women. Though
women have been elected beyond fifty percent reservation, but still
face a lot of hindrances as far as their active participation is
concerned. There are structural, functional and environmental
constraints like illiteracy, lack of experience, family responsibilities,
restrictive social norms, lack of enabling environment and violence etc
that do not create favourable atmosphere for the participation of
women in PRIs.

The third chapter deals with issues of political participation of

women from the ancient times to the present. The political
participation of women in Indian politics could be experienced in
different stages. During Rig-Veda times women enjoyed status of
equality with men. Women along with men received education,
participated in popular assemblies (Sabha and Samities) and took part
in debate and discussions. The position of Indian women deteriorated
during the medieval and early British period. In this period female
infanticide, child marriage, prohibition of female education, purdah
and sati was the main social evil affecting the position of women in

327
their life socially. But one should not forget that history is a witness to
the efficient and courageous women who proved their mettle in the
field of politics and administration such as Razia Sultan, Rani
Durgawati, Noor Jahan and Jijabai. The status of women in India
stroked its nadir on the eve of British rule in India. At that time
women occupied very low status. The period of colonial rule and the
freedom struggle marked the beginning of a political awakening
among women. Lakshmi Bai (Rani of Jhansi), was a heroine of 1857
revolt who inspired the Indian women. The reformist wind blew in the
course of emancipation of women during 19th century. The Christian
Missionaries and social reformers started educational institutions for
providing education for women. It was primarily the reform
movements undertaken by the enlightened thinkers and leaders like
Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar, Dayanand
Sarswati, Swami Vivekanand and Mahtama Gandhi who implicated
the essence of women’s participation and strived for the uplifting of
women. It was the consequence of the efforts of reformist that British
government made law against Sati and Female infanticide and
established some administrative changes. It conceded an innovative
message and hope for women. The freedom struggle is an evidence
active participation of women, who fought shoulder to shoulder with
men from all over the country and from all the sections of society.
After Independence government took keen interest in the all round
development of the women in the country for its commitment to the
twin ideals of democracy and equality. To accomplish the goal of
women development, the government adopted several strategies.
Initially, to protect the rights of women and to certify them equality
with men in all spheres, the government passed a numbers of
legislation. Perusal of the literature in this field indicates that till the
national movement had little direct role in the political activities. But
certain cases of women governance are an indication that elite section
of the women whenever got an opportunity performed successfully her
role. Although in India fair legislative measures were enacted in this

328
field but the gaps between theory and practice indicate the real
picture. Women presence in the political institutions and other
decision making position is meagre.

Fourth chapter deals with issues related to understand and

analyse the emerging patterns of the rural political leadership. Focus
of the chapter is to assess the role and perception of women leaders. It
is evident from the analysis of this chapter that women political
leadership is in transitional stage. They are trying to get their share in
political power but traditional institutions caste, class and patriarchy
has its strong impact on the rural polity as well as on the state polity.
Data of the elected women participation indicates that rural leaders’
role is only confined to the rural areas. State leadership and national
leadership is not encouraging them to extent their role in the state
and national politics. Rural women leaders actively participate in the
electoral processes in the elections of different tiers. They cooperate
with the state leaders, go for campaigning and help to consolidate the
vote banks in their areas. The trend indicates change in their political
behaviour and aspiration and after some time it may be one of the
reasons for active participation of the women in political arena.

Chapter five is solely based on the responses of the rural women

respondents. In the present chapter responses of the rural women on
various issues related to the women and PRIs have been discussed.
Data revealed that the socio-economic and political background of the
sample women leaders and rural women of the PRIs demonstrate that
the rural folk of Himachal Pradesh have accepted the active women
leadership. Rural women folk are less articulated and they are least
interested in the political activities. Their participation in Gram Sabha
is nominal. Their awareness level as members of the Gram Sabha is
poor. They do not ask any question regarding development activities in
the rural area. Regarding their role in electoral processes it is mainly
confined to voting in all the elections. On the basis of personal
observation it is inferred that woman in rural areas is totally occupied

329
by house-keeping and other activities related to that. Economic
dependence is also hindrance in nurturing their social and political
activities. Comparative study of both the samples indicates certain
trends. In rural areas common women is least articulated. Rural
women leadership belongs to the elite section of the society. These
leaders are backed by the male members of their family. Respondents
age group and education level indicate that the respondents from both
the categories belong to the same age group and education level. The
analysis of the occupation of the sample women leaders revealed that
an overwhelming majority of the elected and rural women were
engaged in agricultural activities and their annual income is below
one lakh from all the sources. The living standard in the villages
indicates that their income is also substantiated from the sources like
agriculture income. On the basis of the response of the elected
members it is inferred that all the elected women members attend the
Gram Sabha meetings regularly and raise the questions regarding
development programmes, projects and financial auditing etc. As far
as the participation of the rural women is concerned, their
participation was not encouraging. Few women attend the Gram
Sabha meeting frequently. It is remarkable to point out that there are
many grounds that hinder women participation in the Gram Sabha
meeting like geographical and economic conditions of Himachal
Pradesh and less faith in elected members of PRIs. On the basis of
participatory observation it has been observed that there is no
dominance of elected representatives in the Gram Sabha meetings but
there is still dominance of elite groups in the Gram Sabha meetings.
Beside this rural women have poor participation in electoral process
and very few women participated in State and Parliamentary election
campaign.

INFERENCES

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1993 unwrapped a

new chapter in the history of democratic decentralization in India by

330
institutionalising power to the people that gives opportunities to
women to participate in the decision making process.. Now they take
part in local administration and participation in the decision making
process. In this context the study shows that most of the women
members were encouraged by their families to contest PRIs elections.
In most of the cases women leaders of PRIs were dependent on the
male family members. The data reveals that the participation of
elected women in the meetings of PRIs is very high. All the women
members do not forget to attend the meetings and there is no
discrimination between male and female in these institutions. They
have very good cooperation from their Male counterpart, Panchayat
Secretary, Block Development Officer and Deputy Commissioner and
the bureaucracy encouraged women to participate in Gram Sabha and
all the meetings of PRIs. Therefore this is the main reason that their
status elevated after becoming member of Panchayati Raj Institutions.

In Himachal Pradesh PRIs elections are not contested on party

basis or party symbols but majority of the elected women are directly
or indirectly involved in the activities of the two main leading parties
those are Congress & BJP both are national political parties. In their
election they got indirect support in the elections. These women
leaders regularly attend the political parties meetings. Although
elected women members are involved in politics but majority of the
elected women as well as rural women are not in favour of the
involvement of political parties in PRIs because they interfere
negatively in the development activities and create factionalism in the
village. Present study indicates that elected women in the rural areas
have shown much interest in the State and Parliamentary elections.
They organised and address public rallies, door to door campaign and
use media for the election campaign. But the leadership and the
traditional factors: caste, class, patriarchy, economic dependence and
the mindset that political actives are confined to the male domain are
hindrance in the participation of rural women leaders as contestants
in the state and national elections. Women leaders’ mind set also

331
reveals a significant point that they are satisfied with their positions
and majority of them are not interested to contest the State and
Parliamentary elections.

The comparative study of the rural and state legislature

indicates the gaps in the leadership patterns. As far as State women
leaders are concerned, all the women elected in the state Legislative
Assembly belong to middle age group and majority of them belong to
the General Category. It shows caste is dominating in the Himachal
Pradesh Politics. Majority of the women legislatures in the past and
present come from families those had or have been associated with
the political activities in the past or present. A few out of them belong
from those families which although not actively associated with
political parties but interested in social welfare activities. It indicates
women interested in the state politics belong to the economically well
off section of the society. Same practice is also followed in the rural
power structures. Most of the women legislatures in H.P. were
educated and some of them were highly educated. Most of the women
members had distinction of representing to State Assembly more than
once but only one or two women got the opportunity to serve as
Cabinet rank minister in this long period, otherwise the rest were at
lower rank of minister i.e. Parliamentary Secretary. Back ground of
the women legislatures indicate the state politics and national politics
is still dominated by the traditional ethos. It is difficult for the rural
women leaders to locate herself in wider political arena. Hence it is
difficult to establish organic linkage among the all tiers of the
governance where the PRIs would serve as nurseries to groom the
leadership for higher echelons. Beside these inferences following
inferences prove the hypothesis and sub-hypothesis of the study:

 From the ‘Constructive’ approach of participation; Women

political participation at the local level brought forward the
development issues at the micro- level.

332
 Strengthened PRIs system of democracy and participation of the
women who constitutes half of the total population is a step in
the field of direct democracy.

 NPR provides space for conflict management and better

development avenues based on democratic values.

 Political modernisation through 73rd and 74th Amendment of

the Indian Constitution provided space and institutionalization
formal and informal (SHGs and Mahila Mandals) to the women
to be part of the political community.

 Prior to the Seventy Third Amendment political participation

varied. Their representation to the local institutions has become
mandatory side by side their participation in the electoral
processes indicate their active participation in political
activities. Although scenario in the rural areas changed but the
contribution of the women in the state and politics is stagnant.

 Local leaders (Women and men) are not recognised by the state
leaders as stuff for the higher echelons. Majority of the local
leaders who contested the elections were not able to save their
security in the state elections.

 Women representatives at the state level reflect that they belong

to class apart. Most of them belong to the elite in comparison
women local leadership is low profile and they are not able to
complete with them. Male leadership is also not encouraging the
grassroots women leadership.

Data indicates the difference between contestants and elected

members in the State Assembly. Political parties only give tickets to
the women candidates where they have less chance to win. This
strategy of both the parties reflects male charm in state politics. Social
factors: patriarchy, poor education, family burden (twenty four hours
house job) are the social causes of poor women political participation.
Economic factors: economic dependence, women’s work in the society

333
is non remunerative or her involvement in unorganised sector is the
major cause that block her role in political arena. It is inferred that
the women political participation except voter turnout restricted to the
elite section of the society at every level. Common women’s effective
mean of political participation is voting. Membership of political
parties, involvement of women in the electoral politics is meagre.

SUGGESTIONS

i. Efforts should be made to involve rural women in Gram Sabha

meetings. Do away with the provision of quorum of meeting of
Gram Sabha.

ii. Village wise and ward wise Gram Sabha may be encouraged.
The size of village Panchayat should be reduced to make it
viable and manageable.

iii. There should be a provision to fix at least some minimum

education qualification for the candidates willing to contest the
election.

iv. There should be some meeting term mandatory in terms of

numbers where female elected members must be present
instead of their male counterparts.

v. E-literacy should be popularised among the women folk in

villages. Positive attitude should be developed through the social
media regarding e-governance. For this purpose the government
should hold micro workshops at the village level.

vi. In the Panchayats like other functionaries Computer Training

Centres should be set up. Its aim should be continuous skill
upgradation including internet access to enable them to handle
Panchayat work with competence and efficiency.

vii. Women’s support groups should be formed at the grass root

level throughout the country to work as lobby groups in
conjunction with political parties. Their aim should be to

334
 increase the political participation of women at various levels of
the power structure and to support women to take part in
politics.

viii. Creating an environment through positive economic and social

policies for all-round development of women to enable them to
realise their potential.

ix. Facilitate exchange programme for Panchayats women

representatives inside and outside the country.

x. To introduce and enforce several measures to stop corruption,

criminalization and communalization for politics.

xi. Increase awareness among school and college students on the

importance of women in politics at grassroots level as well as
state and National level.

xii. Give representation to women on all committees of the

Panchayats at all the levels and give special awards for
outstanding performance by women representatives.

xiii. Reservation for women in PRIs should be continuously for two

terms i.e. maximum ten years, so that they prove their
capabilities.

xiv. State women leaders and National women leaders should come
and motivate the rural women for political participation.

xv. Incentives of elected members of PRIs should be increased.

xvi. To do away with dependence women economic practices;

extensive skill development programmes should be planned
according to the local resources and the needs. So the women
should be trained in one or the other profession to be
economical viable and self dependents.

xvii. At the village level crèches, libraries and other source of

entertainment should be maintained with the people’s

335
 participation so the working women should get some time to be
part of the outer world (political and social).

xviii. Election Commission should make mandatory to the political

parties to give representation to the women in the internal
organisational set up of the parties.

336
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Report of the Team for Study of Community Projects and National

Extension Service. New Delhi, 1959.

Report: Development Co-operation, “The Role of Development Co-

Operation in Participatory Development”, DECD Publication,
Paris, 1973.

Rural Development and Panchayat Raj Department, Shimla, 1982,

Vol. II, compiled by SIRD, HP Institute of Public Administration,
Fairlawn, Shimla.

Socio-Economic Indicators of Himachal Pradesh, Department of

Economic and Statistics Himachal Pradesh, Shimla, 2013-14.

The Constitution of India, 1950.

Tribal Outline, (2014-15) Department of Economic and statistics

Himachal Pradesh.

UNESCO, ‘Meeting of experts on the Institutional Problems of

Participation in the Strategies of Integrated Rural Development’,
Division for the Studies of Development, Lima, Peru, Paris, 4-8
Sept.1978.

Who’s Who Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Secretariat, Shimla,

2003.

Who’s Who Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Secretariat, Shimla,

2007.

Who’s Who Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Secretariat, Shimla,

2008.

360
Who’s Who Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Secretariat, Shimla,
2013.

Women and Men in Himachal Pradesh. (2014) Shimla: Deptt. of

Economic and Statistics Himachal Pradesh.

Encyclopedias and Dictionary

International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, Vol.12. New York:

Macmillan. 1968.

Women’s Studies Encyclopedia, West Port: Greenwood Press, 1999.

Oxford English Dictionary, New York Oxford University Press, 2005.

Website

www.eci.nic.in

www.hp.gov.nic.in

www.iespanchayat.net.in

www.iipa.org.in

www.ipu.org

www.unwomen.org

Newspapers

Amar Ujala

The Times of India

The Hindu

Jansata, 29 Nov. 1995.

The Tribune, 2 Dec. 1995.

Divya Himachal, 21st January, 2015.

361
 APPENDIX-1
Questionnaire

(It is a Standardised Semi Structure Questionnaire with a Multitude of MCQ

and Dichotomous Questions)

Socio Economic Profile of the Respondents:

1. Name of the Respondent:

2. Age: 21-30, 31-40, 41-50, 51-60, Above 60

3. Educational Qualification Illiterate/up to Matric/Plus Two/Graduate/Post

Graduate

4. Occupation: Agriculture/Labour/Business/Service/Any other

5. Annual Income from all the Sources:

Below 60,000, Below 80,000, Below 1,00,000 & Above 1,00,000

6. Caste: General/SC/ST/OBC

7. Marital Status: Married/Unmarried/Widow

8. Status: Chairperson/Pradhan/Member/Rural Women

9. Type of Family: Joint /Nuclear

10. Do you attend the Gram Sabha meeting regularly? Yes /No

11. Do you ask questions regarding Development Programmes, Projects

and Financial Auditings?

12. Do you get proper opportunity to express your opinion in the Gram
Sabha meetings? Yes/No

If Yes,

13. Do you suggest measures to improve the development activities?

Yes/No

14. Are you satisfy with the steps taken by the Panchayats on the basis of
your suggestions? Yes/No

15. Do the women Pradhan/Member perform their role effectively?

Yes/No

i
16. Do you feel that the elected representatives of the grassroots
Institutions dominate in the Gram Sabha meetings? Yes/No

17. Do you think that the elite groups of the society influence the decisions
in the Gram Sabha meetings? Yes/No

18. Are you satisfied with the women participation in the Gram Sabha
meetings? Yes/No

19. Before this election did you contest in any other elections of PRIs?

Yes/No

20. Do you think that women devote equal time in PRIs as male members?
Yes/No

21. What are the main reason that motivated you to contest the election;

a) Family b) Interest in social activities c) Political affiliation

d) Personal Interest e) Changing the present milieu

22. Do you attend the meetings of PRIs regularly? Yes/No

23. Do you feel that there is any discrimination between male & female
members in Panchayati Raj Institutions? Yes/No

24. Do you get cooperation from Govt. officials in PRIs? Yes/No

25. Do you feel bureaucracy encourage the women participation at the

grass root level? Yes/No

26. What is your opinion about the about the participation of women
representative in Panchayati Raj Institutions after the implementation of
73rd Constitutional amendment?

a) They actively participate

b) They are passive members of PRIs

c) They are influence by the male folk in the Panchayat

d) They are indifferent towards the working of PRIs

e) Can’t say

27. Do you feel that your status elevated after becoming Panchayati Raj
representative? Yes/No

ii
28. What are the main factors which affect women voting behaviour

a) Caste b) Class c) Religion d) Family male member

e) All these

29. Are your family Member involved in Politics? Yes/No/No Opinion

If yes,

30. Are you active member of any political party? Yes/No/No Opinion

If yes,

a) Congress b) BJP c) Any other

31. How did you join political party?

a) According to your own wish b) with the family support

c) Political leaders approached you

32. What type of support did you get from political party in your election?

a) Declare party candidate b) Giving financial support

c) Indirect support d) Can’t say

33. How do you attend the meetings of the Political Party in which you are
a member?

a) Daily b) Rarely c) Now & Then d) Frequently

34. Do you participate in discussion? If yes,

a) independently b) with the help of other

35. What are the subjects of your interest in discussion?

a) Social issue b) Political issue c) Women issue

d) Govt. related issue e) All these

36. Are you a member of any Association other than Political Association?

Yes/No

If yes,

a) Mahila Mandal b) Self Help Group c) All these

iii
37. Do you think that political parties should keep away from the local
Institutions and its election process? Yes/No/No Opinion, if yes,

a) Do they interfere negatively in the development activities

b) Do you feel it create factionalism in the village

c) All above

38. Are you interested in the State and Parliament Election?

a) Much interested b) somewhat interested c) not interested.

39. How do you take part in election campaign?

a) Organizing and addressing Public rallies

b) door to door campaign

c) as a supporter

d) any other

40. What are the hurdles affect the women participation in politics;

a) Lack of Interest b) Lack of political knowledge

c) Lack of education d) Lack of support of male members

e) All these

41. Do you think that Politics is still considered as men’s activity. Yes/No

If yes,

a) Do the women are not interested in political activity due to their

traditional roles

b) Whether women don’t get favourable atmosphere in the political

arena.

42. Do your participation in the house hold duties and participation in

politics came into conflict with each other? Yes/No

If yes,

a) rearing children b) taking care for old people

c) domestic work d) all these.

43. Do you think that PRIs have become the nursery for State and Nation
politics? Yes/No

iv
44. Do you think that reservation has helped women in active participation
in democratic process?

45. Do you feel reservation help grass root women leaders to enter the
main stream of State as well as National politics? Yes/No//No Opinion

46. Do you think that there should be reservation in the State and National
Legislative Assembly? Yes/No

47. Do you think that there should be reservation in the State and National
Legislative Assembly? Yes/No

If yes.

48. Are you satisfied with the 50 percent reservation in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions? Yes/No

49. Do you feel it will be a step in the overall development of women?

Yes/No/No opinion

50. Whether the state women leader convinces and motivates the rural
women to participate in politics? Yes/No/No Opinion

51. Are you interested in contesting the state and the Parliamentary
election in future? Yes/No

52. Are you satisfied with the present position? Yes/No

v
 APPENDIX-2
Map of Himachal Pradesh

  

Sample Districts




vi
 APPENDIX-3
Chart of the Sample

vii
 APPENDIX-4
The District-wise Details of Blocks
Sr. Name of the Name of the Block Sr. Name of the Name of the Block
No. Distt. No. Distt.
1 Bilaspur Ghumarwin 8 Mandi Chauntra
Jhandutta Drang
Bilaspur Sadar Dharampur
Sri Naina Devi Ji Gopalpur
2 Chamba Pangi Sundernagar
Tisa Balh
Salooni Mandi Sadar
Chamba Chachyot
Bhattiyat Karsog
Mehla Seraj
Bharmaur 9 Shimla Rampur
3 Hamirpur Tihra Sujanpur Narkanda
Nadaun Theog
Hamirpur Mashobra
Bijhri Basantpur
Bhoranj Chaupal
Bamson Jubbal Kotkhai
4 Kangra Nurpur Rohru
Indora Chauhara
Fatehpur Nankhari
Nagrota Surian 10 Sirmour Rajgarh
Pragpur Pachhad
Dehra Nahan
Kangra Paonta Sahib
Rait Sangrah
Nagrota Bagwan Shilai
Bhawarna 11 Solan Kunihar
Lambagaon Nalagarh
Baijnath Dharampur
Panchrukhi Solan
Sulah Kandaghat
Dharamshala 12 Una Amb
5 Kinnaur Pooh Gagret
Kalpa Bangana
Nichar Una
6 Kullu Nagar Haroli
Kullu
Banjar
Ani
Nirmand
7 Lahaul & Spiti Lahaul
Spiti
Source: Department of Economics and Statistics, Govt. of HP, Shimla

viii
 APPENDIX-5
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Member Gram Panchayat (Term 2011 to 2016)

S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women (%)
Women
General Women General Women Genral Women Total % SC ST OBC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 Bilaspur 1011 90 171 5 22 0 0 388 589 57.47 25.82 2.67 0.00

2 Chamba 1585 77 228 176 278 0 0 428 934 58.93 19.24 28.64 0.00

3 Hamirpur 1341 94 242 0 0 0 0 543 785 58.54 25.06 0.00 0.00

4 Kangra 4554 271 761 0 0 0 0 1893 2654 58.28 22.66 0.00 0.00

5 Kinnaur 359 8 34 133 165 0 0 12 211 58.77 11.70 83.01 0.00

6 Kullu 1228 128 226 2 26 0 0 462 714 58.14 28.83 2.28 0.00

7 Lahaul Spiti 209 0 22 72 85 0 0 17 124 59.33 10.53 75.12 0.00

8 Mandi 2877 289 570 1 34 0 0 1072 1676 58.26 29.86 1.22 0.00

9 Shimla 2077 205 401 0 3 0 0 813 1217 58.59 29.18 0.14 0.00

10 Sirmaur 1390 169 277 5 9 0 0 523 809 58.20 32.09 1.01 0.00

11 Solan 1345 162 262 0 0 0 0 513 775 57.62 31.52 0.00 0.00

12 Una 1437 94 218 0 0 0 0 619 837 58.25 21.71 0.00 0.00

H.P. 19413 1587 3412 394 622 0 0 7283 11317 58.30 25.75 5.23 0.00
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.

ix
 APPENDIX-6
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Pradhan Gram Panchayat (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 Bilaspur 151 19 20 0 0 4 5 51 76 50.33 25.83 0.00 5.96

2 Chamba 283 25 27 43 46 2 3 67 143 50.53 18.37 31.45 1.77

3 Hamirpur 229 26 29 0 0 11 11 75 115 50.22 24.02 0.00 9.61

4 Kangra 760 78 85 0 0 50 58 241 384 50.53 21.45 0.00 14.21

5 Kinnaur 65 0 0 32 33 0 0 0 33 50.77 0.00 100.00 0.00

6 Kullu 204 30 31 1 2 0 0 69 102 50.00 29.90 1.47 0.00

7 Lahaul Spiti 41 0 0 20 21 0 0 0 21 51.22 0.00 100.00 0.00

8 Mandi 473 68 72 0 0 9 11 157 240 50.74 29.60 0.00 4.23

9 Shimla 363 51 55 0 0 5 5 124 184 50.69 29.20 0.00 2.75

10 Sirmaur 228 35 39 1 2 9 11 63 115 50.44 32.46 1.32 8.77

11 Solan 211 32 35 0 0 4 5 67 107 50.71 31.75 0.00 4.27

12 Una 235 26 28 0 0 15 18 73 119 50.64 22.98 0.00 14.04

H.P. 3243 390 421 97 104 109 127 987 987 50.54 25.01 6.20 7.28
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.

x
 APPENDIX-7
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Member Panchayat Samiti (Term 2011 to 2016)

S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 Bilaspur 93 11 12 0 0 3 4 31 47 50.54 24.73 0.00 7.53

2 Chamba 136 11 14 20 25 1 1 30 70 51.47 18.38 33.09 1.47

3 Hamirpur 125 15 16 0 0 4 8 41 65 52.00 24.80 0.00 9.60

4 Kangra 374 36 43 0 0 20 27 115 185 49.47 21.12 0.00 12.57

5 Kinnaur 45 1 3 15 17 0 0 4 24 53.33 8.89 71.11 0.00

6 Kullu 103 14 17 1 1 0 0 36 54 52.43 30.10 1.94 0.00

7 Lahaul Spiti 30 0 2 11 12 0 0 3 17 56.67 6.67 76.67 0.00

8 Mandi 244 34 37 0 0 4 6 83 126 51.64 29.10 0.00 4.10

9 Shimla 179 24 27 0 0 2 3 63 93 51.96 28.49 0.00 2.79

10 Sirmaur 120 18 20 0 1 6 6 35 62 51.67 31.67 0.83 10.00

11 Solan 118 17 20 0 0 2 3 38 61 51.69 31.36 0.00 4.24

12 Una 115 11 15 0 0 6 9 35 59 51.30 22.61 0.00 13.04

H.P. 1682 192 226 47 56 48 67 514 863 51.31 24.85 6.12 6.84
Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.

xi
 APPENDIX-8
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Chairman Panchayat Samiti (Term 2011 to 2016)

S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 Bilaspur 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 66.67 33.33 0.00 0.00

2 Chamba 7 0 1 1 1 0 0 2 4 57.14 14.29 28.57 0.00

3 Hamirpur 6 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 3 50.00 16.67 0.00 16.67

4 Kangra 15 1 2 1 0 1 1 5 8 53.33 20.00 0.00 13.33

5 Kinnaur 3 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 66.67 0.00 100.00 0.00

6 Kullu 5 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 3 60.00 20.00 0.00 0.00

7 Lahaul Spiti 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 50.00 0.00 100.00 0.00

8 Mandi 10 1 2 0 0 0 1 2 5 50.00 30.00 0.00 10.00

9 Shimla 10 1 2 0 0 0 0 3 5 50.00 30.00 0.00 0.00

10 Sirmaur 6 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 3 50.00 33.33 0.00 16.67

11 Solan 5 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 3 60.00 40.00 0.00 0.00

12 Una 5 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 3 60.00 20.00 0.00 20.00

H.P. 77 5 13 3 4 1 5 20 42 54.55 23.38 9.09 7.79

Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.

xii
 APPENDIX-9
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Member Zila Parishad (Term 2011 to 2016)

S. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
No. Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 Bilaspur 14 2 2 0 0 0 1 4 7 50.00 28.57 0.00 7.14

2 Chamba 18 2 2 2 3 0 0 4 9 50.00 22.22 27.78 0.00

3 Hamirpur 18 2 2 0 0 1 1 6 9 50.00 22.22 0.00 11.11

4 Kangra 56 6 6 0 0 4 4 18 28 50.00 21.43 0.00 14.29

5 Kinnaur 10 0 1 3 4 0 0 0 5 50.00 10.00 70.00 0.00

6 Kullu 14 2 2 0 0 0 0 5 7 50.00 28.57 0.00 0.00

7 Lahaul Spiti 10 0 1 3 4 0 0 1 6 60.00 10.00 70.00 0.00

8 Mandi 36 5 6 0 0 1 1 11 18 50.00 30.56 0.00 5.56

9 Shimla 24 3 4 0 0 0 0 8 12 50.00 29.17 0.00 0.00

10 Sirmaur 17 2 3 0 0 1 1 5 9 52.94 29.41 0.00 11.76

11 Solan 17 2 3 0 0 0 1 5 9 52.94 29.41 0.00 5.88

12 Una 17 2 2 0 0 1 1 6 9 52.94 23.53 0.00 11.76

H.P. 251 28 34 8 11 8 10 73 128 51.00 24.70 7.57 7.17

Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.

xiii
 APPENDIX-10
Number of Seats Reserved for Women Representatives in Panchayats, Chairman Zila Parishad (Term 2011 to 2016)
S. No. District Total Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Posts Reserved for Reservation Reservation for Reservation Percentage (%)
Post Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes OBC for General Women
Women
General Women General Women General Women Total % SC ST OBC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 Bilaspur 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

2 Chamba 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

3 Hamirpur 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

4 Kangra 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 100.00 0.00 0.00 100.00

5 Kinnaur 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 0.00 100.00 0.00

6 Kullu 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

7 Lahaul 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 100.00 0.00 100.00 0.00

Spiti

8 Mandi 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 100.00 0.00 0.00

9 Shimla 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

10 Sirmaur 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 100.00 100.00 0.00 0.00

11 Solan 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 100.00 100.00 0.00 0.00

12 Una 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 100.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

H.P. 12 1 2 1 1 0 1 2 6 50.00 25.00 16.67 8.33

Source: Panchayati Raj Department, HP.

xiv
 APPENDIX-11
Candidates Contested and Votes Polled in HP State Assembly
Year/ Candidates Contested Party –wise valid votes polled
District Men Women Congress B.S.P. B.J.P. C.P.I. C.P.M. Others Total
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1998 344 25 1121071 - 984916 11088 13508 421146 2551729
2003 377 31 1251409 - 1079781 6220 14616 700520 3052546
2007 311 25 1280480 238959 1441142 6366 18916 305803 3291666
2012 425 34 1447319 39575 1300756 7362 38244 547772 3381028
1. Bilaspur 25 - 91974 2120 86209 1117 - 18994 200414
2. Chamba 23 4 108826 2848 102250 2620 960 24330 241834
3. Hamirpur 27 2 94277 1217 116431 - 1368 29656 242949
4. Kangra 119 10 312393 12954 248602 1320 1230 191032 767531
5. Kinnaur 5 - 20722 499 14434 - - 2658 38313
6. Kullu 20 2 80563 1544 73574 - 474 56932 213087
7. Lahaul Spiti 6 - 10187 54 6491 - - 153 16885
8. Mandi 66 3 229130 5285 221282 1468 3750 70706 531621
9. Shimla 44 4 191252 3822 94075 - 23227 46650 359026
10. Sirmaur 24 2 84519 2846 118002 - 2877 40970 249214
11. Solan 34 5 100875 2004 100874 837 2981 51187 258758
12. Una 32 2 122601 4382 118532 - 1377 14504 261396
Source: Chief Electoral Officer, HP.

xv