TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION: CASE

STUDY OF A DISTRICT IN ORISSA

Thesis submitted to
the University of Mysore
for the award of the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
through the Institute of Development Studies
University of Mysore, Mysore

AVINASH SAMAL
ICSSR Doctoral Fellow
Development Administration Unit

INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE

Dr. V.K.R.V. Rao Avenue, Nagarbhavi Post, Bangalore-560 072
2001
 DECLARATION

I declare that this thesis entitled 'inbal Development Adl1l11l1~1Jatlon Ca-.c Study 01 .\

District in Orissa" is the result of my O\\TI work and it has not kL'1 enht:1 \\holh 01 1111';111

submitted for any other degree Due acknowledgelllL'lh haH: beL'1 m.lllc \\iICll"\ el

anything has been borrowed from other sources

.A- ' ''.... 1"--' >->-.. ",

\ Avinash Sam.1
ICSSR Doctoral Fellow
Development Administration Unit
INS1TIUI'E FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE
Prof V. K R. V. Rao Avenue, Nagarbba\; P n.
8angalore-560 072
 CERTIFICATE

I hereby certifY that that the present thesis entitled "Tribal Development Administration:
Case Study of A District in Orissa" incorporates the results of the independent research of
Mr Avinash Sama~ Ph. D. Fellow, Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore,
carried out under my guidance and supetVision.

I also certifY that it has not previously formed the basis for the award of any Degree,
Diploma or Associate Fellowship of the Institute of Development Studies, University of

Mysore or any other University.

\'J . 5 ·0'"0./" r"L\

B. S. Bhargava
Former Professor and Head
Development Administration Unit
INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE
Prof V. K R. V. Rao Avenue, Nagarbhavi P.O., Bangalore-560 072

Address for correspondence:

Dr. B. S. Bhargava
Senior Fellow
Institute of Social Sciences
th
No.2, 8th Main, 8 Cross
Near State Bank of My sore
Malleswaram, Bangalore - 560 003

II
 ACKNOLEDGEMENTS

I express my profound sense of gratitude to my Research Supervisor Dr. B. S. Bhargava,

formerly Professor and Head at the Development Administration Unit, ISEC, who

encouraged, inspired and guided me throughout the writing of this thesis. I am really
indebted to him for his valuable suggestions and constant supervision. But for his
tremendous patience and incredIble confidence in me, I could not have completed this
work.

It is my earnest duty to express my thanks to Dr. S. N. Sangita, Professor and Head,

Development Administration Unit, for his help and necessary support in carrying out this

work. I am also thankful to Dr. N. Sivanna for his support and co-operation in completing
this work.

This research work could not have been canied out without the financial support of
ICSSR, New Delhi I, therefore, take this opportunity to thank ICSSR and ISEC for
awarding me the fenowship that enabled me to take up the study. I express my deep sense
of gratitude to Prof M. Govinda Rao, Director, ISEC, for enabling me to carry out the
research work.

I also express my heartfeh thanks to Dr. K Mathiyazhagan for his sincere advice at initial

stages of my work. Special thanks are also due to Dr. Madhushree, Dr. Sekhar and Dr.

Vijayalakshrni for showing interest in my work and keeping my morale high.

I would like to place on record my deep sense of gratitude to Prof L. K Mahapatra,

renowned Anthropologist and Fonner Vice-Chancellor of Sambalpur University,
Sambalpur, and my beloved teacher late Prof S. C Hazary, Department of Political
Science, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, for their valuable comments and suggestions,
which helped me a lot in giving the inquiry a pointed sense of direction.

III
I am also thankful to my respondents who provided me with valuable infonnation and to a
host of officials who helped me in cal1)'ing out my field work.

I am grateful to Dr. D. Rajsekbar and Mr. K S. Narayana for their help and support at a
time when I needed it most. I also thank Mr. H. S. Sadananda for his help and assistance at
different points of time.

I sincerely acknowledge the help and assistance received from the members of Librap{ staff
especially Kalyanappa, Venkatesh, Rajanna and those from the admirlli;tration specially
Swamy, Basavaraj and Prakash, and thank them all

I gratefully acknowledge the help and assistance provided by Mr. Krishna Chandran and
Mr. Satish Kamath in giving the thesis its final shape. I also thank Mr. M. LingaIju for his
excellent cartographic work and my friends Srinidhi and Promod for their help in
transfering those maps into its present fOIm

Besides making my stay comfortable and homely, many a friends at ISEC especially
Sushant, Srijit, Sarlananda, Ramakrushna, Venkatakrishnan, Vibha, Anitha, Amit, Rajiv,
Sitakanta, Gagan, Sujit, Biswajit, Satya and Pratyusna helped me in different ways and at
different points of time. I sincerely thank them all

Last but not least I am thankful to my wife and daughter who gave me the constant moral
support all the way to finish this work But for their support I could not have completed this
work.

iv

,
 CONTENTS

Declaration (i)
Certificate ( ii)
Acknowledgements (iii)
List of Figures (vi)
List of Tables (vii)
A bbrevrat/OI/S (xi)

Introduction
Chapter J Conceptual Framework and the Review of Literature 16

Chapter 2 Objectives and Study Design SI

Chapter 3 Tribal Development Administration in India: Approaches, 82

Policies, Plans and Progress

Chapter 4 Tribal Development administration in Orissa: The Structure 146

and Processes

Chapter 5 Implementation of Tribal Development Programmes 16S

Chapter 6 Decentralised Governance and People's Participation in Tribal 227

Development Administration: The Role ofNGOs

Chapter 7 Findings, Reflections and Policy Options 263

Bibliography 291
AppendiCes 309

v
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Title of the Figure Page

No.

2.1 Dynamics ofTnbaJ Development Administration 58

2.2 Sampling Procedure 68

2.3 Location Map ofKalahandi District of Orissa 70

2.4 Location Map ofLanjigarb and Bhawanipatna C. D. Blocks ofKalahandi 71

District

2.5 Location Map of Selected Gram Panchayats and Villages ofLanjigarh 73

C.D. Block

2.6 Location Map of Selected Gram Panchayats and Villages ofBhawanipatna 74

C. D. Block

3.1 Total FinanciaJ Investment in Tribal Areas from First to Seventh Five 128
Year Plan (As percentage to the TotaJ Plan Outlay/Expenditure)

1h
3.2 Flow offunds from State Plan to TnbaJ Sub Plan during 7 Five Year 129
Plan (1985-90) and the annuaJ Plans 1990-91 to 1995-96

3.3 SpeciaJ CentraJ Assistance released to StateslUTs under the Tribal Sub 130
Plan during 7th Five Year Plan (1985-90) and the Annual Plans 1990-
91 to 1995-96

4.1 Administrative Set Up for Tnbal Development Administration in Orissa 156

4.2 Specialised Agencies for Tnbal Development Administration at the Field 157
Level

4.3 Administrative Linkages with the ITDAs 160

vi
 LIST OF TABLES
Table Title of the Table Page
No.

2.1 District-wise Socio-Economic Indicators of Orissa (Population) 65

2.2 District-wise Socio-Economic Indicators of Orissa (Literacy) 66

2.3 District-wise Socio-Economic Indicators of Orissa (Occupation) 67

3. I State-wise Distribution ofTDBs During the Fourth Five Year Plan 107
period

3.2 StatelUnion Territory-wise Position ofIIDPs, MADA and Primitive 116

Tribe Projects and the Coverage of Scheduled Tribe Population During
the Sixth Plan

3.3 StatelUnion Territory-wise Position oflIDPs, MADA Pockets, 123

Clusters and Micro Projects for Primitive Tnbal Groups in Tribal Sub
Plan Area

3.4 Total Financial Investment in Tribal Areas from First to Seventh Five 127
Year Plan

3.5 Flow ofFWlds from State Plan to Tnbal Sub Plan during 7ili Five Year Plan 129
(1985-90) and the annual Plans 1990-91 to 1995-96

3.6 Special Central Assistance released to StateslUTs under the Tribal Sub 130
Plim during 7ili Five Year Plan (1985-90) and the annual Plans 1990-91
to 1995-96

3.7 Flow of Funds to the Tribal Sub Plan from Central Plan, State Plan and 131
Special Central Assistance during Eighth Plan

3.8 Total Allocation and Release of Funds under Article 275 (1) of the 132
Constitution for the Eighth Plan (1992-97) and for the Years 1992-93,
1993-94,1994-95 and 1995-96.

3.9 Percentage of Population Living below Poverty Line 133

vii
3.10 All India Literacy Rate of General, SCs, STs and Non-Scheduled 134
Population

3. II Literacy Rates for Different Groups of Population 134

3.12 Drop-out Rates amongst SC, ST and General Population at Various 135
Stages of Education

3.13 Representation of Scheduled Tribes in the Ministries and Departments 136

under the Government of India

3.14 Representation of Scheduled Tribes in Public Sector Undertakings 136

3.15 Representation of Scheduled Tribes in the Nationalised Banks and other 137
Financial Institutions

3.16 Occupational Classification of Main Workers into Cultivators, 138

Agricultural Labourers and Others among SCs, STs and General
Population

3.17 Percentage Distnbution of Main Workers into nine broad industrial 139
categories of workers among SCs, STs and General Population

3.18 Percentage Distnbution of Total Main Workers into Primary, Secondary 139
and Tertiary Sectors amoog SCs, STs and General Population in 1991

3.19 Sectoral Distnbution of Workers 1981 and 1991 140

4.1 Number of Scheduled Triles or Groups of Tribes notified together for 147
States and Union Territories

4.2 Distnbution ofTnbal Population in India across the States and Union 148
Territories

4.3 Distnbution ofTnbal Population in Orissa 149

4.4 Details of Scheduled areas of Orissa According to 1991 Census 150

5.1 Beneficiaries from Selected Villages Assisted Under Different 169

Development Programs

5.2 Educational Attainment of Beneficiaries 178

Vlll
5.3 Distribution of Beneficiaries by Source of MotivatioD and Help in 179
Selection

5.4 Selection of Programs According to the Choice 180

5.5 Beneficiaries' Awareness of the Facilities Given Under the Schemes and 182
the New Methods Relating to the Profession

5.6 Time Gap Between Application and Sanction of Loan/Subsidies 184

5.7 Time Gap Between Sanction and Receipt of Loan/Subsidies 185

5.8 Nature of Assistance Given (In case, kind or both) 186

5.9 Distribution of Beneficiaries Showing Program-wise Adequacy or 187

Inadequacy of the Financial Assistance

5.10 Distribution of Beneficiaries According to the Consequences They 189

Faced due to Inadequacy of Lone Amounts

5.11 Beneficiaries who Spent the Financial Assistance for Purpose Other 190
than the program intended to be taken up

5.12 Beneficiaries who spent extra Money or incurred fi.uther Loan to run 191
the Program

5.13 DistnlJUtion of Beneficiaries depicting their Repayment Performance 192

5.14 DistnlJUtion of Beneficiaries according to Reasons for not Repaying the 193
Loans

5.15 Main Occupations of Beneficiaries 203

5.16 Distnbution of Main Workers into nine broad Industrial Categories of 204
Workers among ST Population of Kalahandi and the Two C.D. Blocks
of Bhawanipatna and Lanjigarh

5.17 Occupational Classification of Main Workers into Cultivators, 205

Agricultural Labourers and others among the ST Population of
Kalahandi and the CD. Blocks ofBhawanipatna and Lanjigarh

5.18 Percentage of Literacy among the ST Population of Kalahandi and the 205
CD. Blocks of Bhawanipatna and Lanjigarh

5.19 Cases of Commission paid to obtain Assistance under lAY 212

lX
5.20 Break-up of Unit Cost for Banana Plantation 213

5.21 Financial Assistance received by the Beneficiaries of Banana Cultivation 215

Program

6.1 Representation of Scheduled Tribes in the Selected Gram Panchayats 238

(Ward Members)

6.2 Representation of Scheduled Tribes in the Selected Gram Panchayats 238

(Sarpanch and Naib Sarpanch)

6.3 Representation of Scheduled Tribes in the Selected Panchayat Samitis 239

6.4 Leadership Pattern among the Scheduled Tribes in the Selected G Ps. 240
and Panc!layat Samitis (by background: traditional or otherwise)

6.5 Leadership Pattern among the Scheduled Tribes in the Selected G Ps. 241
and Panchayat Samitis (by Age)

6.6 Leadership Pattern among the Scheduled Tribes in the Selected G Ps. 241
and Panchayat Samitis (by Sex)

6.7 Leadership Pattern among the Scheduled Tribes in the Selected GPs. 242
and Panchayat Samitis (by Education)

6.8 Leadership Pattern among the Scheduled Tribes in the Selected G. Ps. 242
and Panchayat Samitis (by Occupation)

6.9 Awareness about the Powers, Functions and other Activities of PRIs 244
6.10 Perception about Panchayats as Institutions of Decentralised 245
Governance and Development

6.11 Participation of Scheduled Tribes in Panchayat Activities 245

x
 ABRIVIATIONS
AEO Agricultural Extension officer
BDO Block Development Officer
BLCC Block Level Co-ordination Committee
CDP Community Development Programme
CDB Community Development block
DLCC District Level Co-ordination Committee
DPAP Drought Prone Area Programme
DRDO District Rural Development Agency
DSWO District Social Welfare Officer
DWO District Welfare Officer
ERRP Employment Rehabilitation of rural Poor
GP Gram Panchayat
GS Gram Sabha
lAY lndira Awas Yojana
lADP lntensive Agricultural Development Programme
IRDP lntegrated Rural Development Programme
IIDAlIIDP lntegrated Tribal Development Agency/Programme
lRY lawahar Rozgar Y ojana
KADA Kutia Kondh Development Agency
LAMPS Large-sized Agricultural Multipurpose Co-operative Society
NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
MADA Modified Area Development Approach
RLEGP Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme
SFPA Small Farmers Development Agency
SMTB Special Multipurpose Tribal Block
OSCSIDFCC Orissa Scheduled Caste Scheduled Tribe Development Finance
Co-operative Corporation
PRI Panchayati Raj lnstitution
SCA Special Central Assistance
IDA Tribal Development Agency
IDB Tribal Development Block
TRIFED Tribal Co-operative Marketing Development Federation oflndia
TSP Tribal Sub-Plan
VAW Village Agricultural Worker
VLW Village Level Worker
VO Voluntary Organisation
WEO Welfare Extension Officer

Xl
 INTRODUCTION

Tribal development as a subject has been an important area of inquiry in the social
sciences. In recent years, the subject has acquired immense importance both at the
national and international level The active support and hectic campaign by a number of
international Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) championing the cause of the
'indigenous people' has made it a burning issue all over the world. Further, United
Nations' declaration of 1993 as the International Year for World's Indigenous People!
provides ample evidence of the growing concern of the world's highest body for the
development of the indigenous people all over the world.

The United Nations' Working Group on Indigenous Population (WGIP, founded

ill 1982) in its first Draft Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, in
1988, had given the call for the promotion of indigenous societies, their culture and
traditions through ethno-development and comprehensive participation. Recognising the
indigenous peoples' inalienable rights of ownership and possession of lands traditionally
occupied by them and their right to pursue their traditional and other economic activities
without adverse discrimination, it had given them the right to decide their own future
development. Further, the revision of the draft in 1990 has brought issues like their right
to natural endowments, treaty rights, autonomy, self-government and self-determination,
2
which have irked many nation states including India .

Whether India accepts its tribals as indigenous or not, the argument of the
indigenous people (adivasis) of India has been that they are covered under the definition
of indigenous people. 3 They argue that this has conceptually been referred to in various
reports and publications of the Government of India. As such, notwithstanding India's
opposing stand in the WGIP, the UN records India's 67.76 million tribals as indigenous
people who constitute about 23 per cent of world's indigenous population.
 Living in remote forests and hill regions, the tribal people of India have remained
unrecognised and ignored, and suffered a long neglect and isolation all through the
centuries. Speaking over 150 languages and 225 subsidiary languages, the tribals are
scattered along the length and breadth of India from the Himalayas to the Indian Ocean
and from the Arabian Sea to the Eastern Frontiers. 4 In a land of kaleidoscopic diversity,
these tribes who have contributed to the richness of our culture and heritage are at
different stages of development and their problems differ from area to area and even
.Within their own groups.

At present they are located in a wide central beh ranging from the Aravali Hills
in the west extending into parts of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh. Orissa, Bihar, West
Bengal and the North Eastern States. In the north, they are concentrated in the southern
ranges of Himalayas and, in the south, in the Western Ghats and Eastern Ghats and also
5
in the Vindhya and Satpura ranges. Though tnbal communities are distnbuted in most
of the states of India, there are a few concentration points of regional distribution.
Taking into account the geographica~ socia~ economic, linguistic, ecologica~ ethnic and
racial factors, the tribal communities living in different regions of the country can be
broadly divided into the following six distinct zones.

1. North-Eastern Region: In the mountain valleys and other areas of north-eastern

India covering the states and union territories like Arunachal Pradesh. Assam,
• Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura live tnbes like
the Abors, Dafla, Garos, Khasis, Kukis, Mizos, Mikirs, Mishmis, Nagas, etc.,
who mostly belong to Mongolian racial stock.

2. Himalayan Region: In the Sub-Himalayan regions covering parts of North-

Benga~ Uttar Pradesh. Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir live tnbes
like the Garos, Lepchas, Asurs, Loharas, Bhotias, Tharus, Rajis, Gaddis, Gujjars,
etc., mostly belonging to Mongolian racial stock.

3. Central India Region: In the older hills and Chotanagpur Plateau, along the
dividing lines between peninsular India and the Indo-Gangetic basin, live
many tribal communities like the Bhumijs, Gonds, Hos, Oraons, Mundas,
Kondhs, Saoras, Baigas, Santals, etc., covering the states of Bihar, Orissa,
Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal and mostly belonging to Proto-Australoid
racial stock.

2
4. Western India Region: Covering the states like Rajasthan, Gujarat,
Maharashtra, Goa, and Dadra and Nagar Haveli live a number of tribal
communities the most important of them being the Bhils racially belonging to
Proto-Australoid group.

5. Southern India Region: Covering the states of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu,
Kamataka and Kerala, in the Nilgiri Hills and covering lines of the Ghats live the
Chenchus, Koyas, Kadars, Kotas, Kurubas, Todas, lrulasn, etc., having Negrito,
Caucasoid, Proto-Australoid or mixed physical features.

6. Island Region: Covering Andaman and Nicober, and Lakshadweep Islands live a
number of small tribes like the Andamanese, Onge, Sentinelese, Jarawas,
Shompens, etc.

According to 1991 Census, with a population of 67.76 millions the 'scheduled

tnbes,6 of India constitute about 8.08 per cent of its total population. Baring a few states
like Haryana, Punjab, National Capital Territory of Delhi and the Union Territories of
7
Chandigarb and Pondicherry, all other States and Union Territories have scheduled
tribe population in varying proportions. So far as the distribution of tribal popUlation
in States and Union Territories (see Table 4.1) is concerned, it is greatly uneven and
presents a number of interesting features. In a number of States, for example in
Mizoram, while 94.75 per cent of its population are tribals, they constitute only 0.97
per cent of the total tribal population of India. Similarly, while 87.70 per cent of
population of Nagaland constitute the tribals, they account for only 1.57 per cent of
the total tribal population of India. On the other hand, there are a number of states
with more tribal population, but covering proportionately less percentage of
population in the state.

In the context ofregional distribution of tribal population, while 82.67 per cent
of scheduled tribe population are concentrated in eight States such as Rajasthan,
Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar and West
Bengal situated in the central belt, the States and Union Territories with substantial
proportion of tribal population such as Arunachal Pradesh (63.66%), Meghalaya
(85.53%), Manipur (34.41%), Mizoram (94.75%), Nagaland (87.70%), Tripura
(30.95%), Dadra and Nagar Haveli (78.99%) and Lakshadweep (93.15%) taken
together account for only 8.01 per cent of India's total tribal population. Madhya

3
Pradesh ranks one sharing 22.73 per cent tnoal population, while Maharashtra and
Orissa occupy the second and third rank respectively, with 10.80 per cent and 10.38
per cent of country's tribal population.

As mentioned earlier, with 67.76 millions of scheduled tribes India has one of the
largest tribal concentration in the world which constitutes about 23 percent of world's
indigenous population. Spread over 23 states and 4 union territories, we have in our
8
country 573 'Scheduled Tribes' as they have been referred to in the Constitution.
Defined differently in different reports and at different times such as forest tribes
(Census 1891), animists (Census 1901), tribal animists (Census 1911), hill and forest
tnbes (Census 1921), primitive tnoes (Census 1931), backward tnoes (Government of
India Act 1935), tribes (Census 1941), and finally scheduled tnoes (Census 1951), the
number and population of these communities have been fluctuating from time to time.
The number of these scheduled tnbes which was 212 in 1950, further increased in 1956
when the Scheduled Tribes List (Modification) Order 1956 was issued. The
Anthropological Swvey of India, in 1967, estimated the number of these tribal
communities to be 314. While the Census of India 1971 put their number at 427, as per
1991 Census the number of scheduled tnoes or groups of tribes notified together stands
at 573.

Among these 573 groups, there are tribes as large about 7 millions and as small
as a few hundreds. While there exist mega tribes like Bhills, Gonds and Stantals having
populations of around 7 millions each, they are large enough to be a nation. In fact, they
are larger than many nations. On the other extereme are tribes like the Andamanese with
hardly two scores of populations. Each community, irrespective of its numbers has
9
come to occupy a place of its own in national life, retaining its own identity and culture.
The tribal population also presents differences in technologicaL economic, educational
and cultural levels of development. Often sections of the same tribe present different
problems.

The socio-economic structure in tribal communities is markedly different from

that of the non-tribals or advanced groups of people. They have a very simple
4
technology, which fits well with their ecological surroundings and conselVative outlook.
Moreover tribal economy can be said to be of subsistence type. They practise different
types of occupations to sustain themselves and live on a 'marginal economy,IO They
belong to different stages of economy from food gathering to industrial labour, which
present their overlapping economic stage in the broader framework of the stages of
economy. I I

The level oftnbal economy is quite uneven though their economy is largely self-
sufficient, unstructured and non-specialised. On the one extreme, there are tnbal
communities who are at the food gathering and haunting stage and, at the other extreme,
they have become undistinguishable from the modem agricultural and industrial
societies. Similarly differences have arisen in their educational status. Some of these
communities particularly in the north-east are far ahead of the general educational level
in the country but, at the other end, there are communities which are still at a pre-literate
stage. ll

The structure of their economy is generally based on forests and, on sea and
forests for those living in coastal and island areas. Small in size and operation, the use of
simple and crude technology is an important structural feature of the tribal economy
where the family acts as a unit of both production and consumption. The community
itself acts like a co-operative unit and the tnbal co~unities living in a village or
location are economically inter-dependent. While the distribution is generally based on
gift and ceremonial exchange, absence of profit motive in economic dealings and
presence of periodical local markets are two special features rampant in tribal economy.
Another important aspect of tribal economy is the low level of its monetisation and
barter system.

The essential characteristics of these communities are primitive traits,

geographical isolation, distinctive culture, and shyness of contact with the community
at large and economic backwardness. Certain communities amongst these scheduled
tribes are so backward that they have been defined as 'Primitive Tribes' with specific
characteristics such as pre-agricultural level of technology, declining or stagnant
5
population and very low level of literacy. While the estimated population of such
groups is around L 7 million, 7S such Primitive Tribes have been identified in 15
StateslUnion Territories. the largest number of such groups being 12 in Andhra
Pradesh and 13 in Orissa. 13

As a major segment of our social fabric, with their varying living pattern and a
legitimate share in the subcontinent's unmatched pluralities, the tribals represent a
distinct cultural stratum and a definite demographic position in India's national life.
From isolated hunting and food gathering bands like Jarawas and shompens of
Andaman and Nicober Islands to the predominant acculturised tribal communities of
Bhills and Gontis, which are encysted in the multi-ethnic milieu, the country presents a
colourful mosaic of tnoal life. Described differently as Adivasis, Girijans and
Vanavasis, the tnoais claim to be the original inhabitants of India. Yet, for centuries,
they have been treated as second class citizens. Having been isolated from the
mainstream of national life, illiteracy, ignorance, and socio-economic backwardness
have always been their partner all through their life. Further, left at the mercy of the
moneylenders and petty officials, they have been the subjects of exploitation by local
traders and non-tribals living in or entering into the tribal areas.

As aboriginal and indigenous people of the land, tribals live mostly in far-flung
areas of remote forests and inaccessible hill-tracts, virtually cut-off from the mainstream
of the society. Even today almost 90 per cent of them live in forest tracts. Their intricate
link with the forest as their anna, aarogya and aasra (food, well being and security) has
been the basis of their symbiotic relationship, their physical and cultural survivaL 14
Geographically and culturally speaking, the tribals of India are at widely different stages
of social as well as economic development and their problems differ from area to area
and even within their own groups. Living in seclusion and having minimal contact with
the world around them, the tribals struggle hard for their existence. While the benefits of
progress of fifty years of planned economic development have hardly percolated to
them, the age-old socia-psychological backwardness coupled with cultural handicaps
and other environmental factors have, to a great extent, contributed to their low level of
living.
6
 According to the Eighth Five Year Plan 1992-97, a very large number of
scheduled tribes continue to be socially and educationally backward and are
languishing at the bottom of the social and economic pyTamid As compared to the all
India percentage of 33.4, in rural areas in 1987-88, the percentage of Scheduled Tribe
population living below poverty line was estimated to be 52.6 per cent. While there has
been a reduction in the percentage of Scheduled Tribes living below the poverty line, the
incidence of poverty is still very high. The latest available estimates of poverty made
by the Planning Commission for the year 1993-94 shows that 5 I. 92% rural and
41.14% urban Scheduled Tribe population were still living below the poverty line.

Considerable disparities also persist in literacy and educational development,

although these are narrowing. As against the national average of 52 per cent, the
literacy rate of Scheduled Tribes is around 29.60 per cent. More than three-quarters
of Scheduled Tribe women are illiterate. These disparities are compounded by higher
dropout rates in formal education, resulting in their disproportionately low
representation in higher education. Not surprisingly, the cumulative effect has been
that the proportion of Scheduled Tribes living below the poverty line is substantially
higher than the national average.

Despite the provision for reservation in employment, the representation of

Scheduled Tribes in the formal sector has been abysmally low. The proportion of
their representation in Central Government Services, which was hardly around 0.41
per cent in Class I, 0.43 per cent in Class II, I. 70 per cent in Class III and 3.65 per
cent in Class IV categories for the year 1971, had increased to 2.92, 2.81, 5.38 and
6.15 per cent for the respective categories by the year 1994. Similar or even worse is
the case with their representation in the public sector undertakings as well as
nationalised banks and other financial institutions. It is a matter of serious concern that
in spite of the reservation policy of the government, the weaker sections have not fOWld
a proportionate share in the non-agricuhural jobs and in fact disparity ratio in case of
occupational pattern of workers have further worsened over the years. While the
participation of the scheduled tribes in administration and in public institutions continues
to be low, specially at the higher levels, these institutions continued to be dominated by
7
91

the higher castes not genuinely responsive to the needs and aspirations of the socially
deprived sections.

According to 1991 Census, while 42.02 per cent of the Scheduled Tribe
population constituted the main workers, of them 54.50 per cent were cultivators and
32.69 per cent were agricultural labourers. About 87 per cent of the main workers,
therefore, were wholly or largely dependent on agriculture. While there has been no
visible change in the occupational pattern of Scheduled Tribes, they still constitute
bulk of the cultivator class, land-less agricultural labourers, construction workers,
workers in the unorganised sectors, and suffer from long periods of unemployment
and underemployment. Poverty, ignorance and lack of options in employment
opportunities, and so on., facilitate their age-old exploitation.

Inequality and exploitation of scheduled tribes, particularly in the rural areas,

whether in the form of bonded labour or the other, both latent and manifest, still
. . 15
contmues. Poverty, ignorance, lack of opportunities and the non-existence of
organisations, which can fight for their rights, facilitate the continuance of age-old
· . J 6 Moreover, wrong identification of beneficiaries, poor selection of
exp Iortatlon.
projects, unrealistic and simplistic assumptions in regard to their viability and
administrative costs, and the leakages are the other problems, which have further been
compounded by a largely unresponsive administrative structure.17 Scheduled caste and
scheduled tribe families have often not been able to derive the full benefit of
development programmes. 18

While most of the Scheduled Tribe families do not own land and other
productive assets, their rights to forests and other natural resources have been taken
away. Many of them have lost control over their lands and have been brought under
internal colonisation., argue some indigenous NGOs.

"In the past forty years, most of the tribal societies have come under attack by
economically more advanced and politically more powerful ethnic groups, who
infiltrated into tribal regions in search of land and new economic possibilities.
8
LI

These populations' movements triggered a struggle for land in which the

aboriginal tribesmen were usually the losers and deprived of their ancestral land.
Now they constitute the impoverished agricultural land-less labourers,
construction workers, and workers in the unorganised sectors". 19

Most tribals work in semi-bondage conditions. Further, they are handicapped due
to non-enforcement of protective laws, such as the Minimum Wages Acts and
2o
Prevention of Land Alienation Acts. Despite the fact that a series of legislation have
been promulgated by the Central and State Governments to protect the rights of the
tribals over their lands and prohibit transfer of tribal land to non-tnbals, land alienation
still continues. 21 Many of these laws have, however, in-built loopholes that have been
very judiciously manipulated by the non-tnbals to concentrate land on their hands.

As documented by the Planning Commission, "the dwindling resource base of

the tnbal people in the shape ofloss of land, restriction on access to forest produce, and
the lack of opportunities for reasonable wage employment, have caused immense
hardships to tribal people. Consequently, developmental inputs for the benefit of these
people have made little impact. Significantly the development process has, in many
cases, interfered with traditional tribal institutions and ethos, and has produced negative
results. These factors have significantly contributed to the dissatisfaction amongst tnbal
people and simmering unrest in some tribal areas.,,22

As poverty anywhere is a hindrance to the prosperity elsewhere, the abject

poverty in which the tribals live may uhimately drag the economic advancement of a
country down. Moreover, India can not afford to develop at the cost of the poverty and
ignorance of 67 millions of its tribal brethren. Fmther, continuous neglect of a particular
segment (tribal) of society may result, either in stagnation in economic progress or
violent reversal of the existing social order. In fact, the acute poverty, malnutrition and
starvation death in some of the tribal areas of India have already contributed to the
simmering unrest among the tribals leading to secessionist activities and the demand for
separate statehood and self-government. This not only poses danger to the polity, but
also impairs the peace and progress of the society. In view of the above situation at
9
home on the one hand and the growing international concern for the cause of the
indigenous people on the other, development of tribal people assumes much more
importance than it was ever before. It acquires attention, not only of academics but the
non-academics also.

The Research Problem

Development of the tribal people of our country is a constitutional obligation of the state.
Article 46 of Part IV of Indian constitution enjoins the state to "promote with special
care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and in
particular, of the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes, and shall protect them from
social injustice and all forms of exploitation". This apart, the Constitution contains as
many as 20 Articles and two special schedules (Fifth and Sixth) specifying the
provisions for the development and welfare of the tnbal people. Keeping in view the
constitutional directives on the one hand and the socio-economic backwardness of the
vast mass of tnbal population on the other, the subject of tribal development has been
accorded an important place in India's strategy for national development. As such, in
pursuance of the policies of protection, integration and development, the government has
formulated a number of development programmes and schemes for the development of
the tribals and tribal areas to ensure a better quality of life and also to protect them from
exploitation. The objective of the government has been to 'level up' the under-
developed tribals by bridging the socio-economic gap between them and the non-tnbals
so that the tnbals could be ensured of a better standard of living and come at par with the
rest of the people.

But over the years, it has been experienced that government's intense efforts to
draw these tnbes from subsistence economy into the wider economic framework of the
country through legislative protection and progressive socio-economic programmes have
not met with much success. Instead of the governmental assistance going to the tribal
communities, the old entrenched exploitative elements have usurped them The
increased investment (Tables 3.4 to 3.8) and change induced by numerous tribal
development programmes through Five Year Plans and lately the 'Tribal Sub-Plan' have
helped the tnbes, but marginally. The development process has, in many cases, been
10
instrumental in causmg numerous disadvantages; prominent among them being
displacement and loss of land, the tribals' main resource base. 23 Thousands of tribal
families have been evicted by the construction of muhi-purpose dams, mining and
14
industrialisation. The adverse socio-economic consequences of these developmental
projects on the tribals have emerged as major controversial national issues as reflected in
the Narmada Sagar Project in the States of Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat.

Land alienation, displacement, lack of opportunity for education and

employment, misappropriation of wages and the products oflabour, sexual abuses and
exploitation; all these have become the hallmarks of life in most of the tribal
25
communities. As a matter of fact, acute poverty, malnutrition and starvation death,
have come to be associated with the life of many of the tribes living in different parts
of the country. Though each of the tribal groups are culturally different and have their
own identities, the problems faced by them are more or less same. Whatever may be
the variation in their cultural life, geographic distribution and linguistic and racial
affiliation, the problems which haunt them all in common are illiteracy, ignorance and
economic backwardness

This brings into question the role of administration (Tribal Development

Administration) as an important agent of change; further leading to the impression that
there is something basically wrong either with the 01bal policy, the approach to their
development and/or the implementation of the development programmes. It makes us
believe that probably at the level of understanding the tribal cuhure, their social structure
and also at the level of making intervention while implementing the development
programmes for the tribals, some gaps have so remained that they have rather frustrated
our objectives and approach to a large extent. Keeping all these things in view, the
present study was taken up to explore and analyse the dynamics of tribal development
administration by making a structural functional analysis of the development
administrative system

The study, thus, makes a humble attempt to identify the problems underlying
the functioning of tribal development administration. It seeks to abstract from the
II
complexities of the real world situation of tonal development administration those
characteristics, which are crucial for understanding the behavioural, structural and
functional relationships underlying the system It tries to explore the dynamics of
tribal development administration in the light of the concept of Soft State,26 which
Myrdal used in analysing the poverty in South Asian countries. The study thus
intends to make an analysis of as to how: (a) the ineffectual policies and programmes;
(b) the dichotomy between enacted legislation and implementation; (c) non-
implementation of the programmes in their true spirit; (d) prevalence of corruption
and the leakage in the delivery system; and finally ( e) lack of obligation and
commitment both on the part of the administration and the people have contributed to
the failure of numerous tribal development programmes and have made the
administrative machinery incapable ofrealising the desired goal

Organisation of the Study

The study has been organised in the following manner. After setting the tribal scenario
in the country and the status of scheduled tribes in terms of their literacy, occupation.,
employment situation., poverty and various other problems, the introductory section
presents an outline ofthe research problem and ends with an overview of the chapters.

Chapter I discusses the conceptual framework followed by a critical review of

the existing literature on tribal development administration. The_ chapter ends with a
discussion on the research gaps.

Chapter 2 outlines the objectives and scope of the study, hypotheses, analytical
framework and the methodology adopted for carrying out the study. It gives a profile of
the study area in terms of its demographic and other socio-economic indicators.

Chapter 3 presents a historical overview of tribal development administration

in India. Briefly outlining different approaches to tribal development both before and
after independence, it discusses Government of India's policy of tribal development,
tribal development under the five-year plans and tribal sub-plan. The chapter ends
with a brief appraisal oftribal development under the five-year plans.
12
 Chapter 4 discusses the tribal development administration in Orissa. Focussing
on the structure and processes of the administrative system for tribal development, it
brings out the inadequacies or otherwise of the development administrative system for
proper functioning of tribal development administration.

Chapter 5 analyses various issues and problems pertaining to the implementation

of tribal development programs specifically the family-oriented income generating
schemes for the socio-economic development ofthe tribal people. It discusses the socio-
cultural milieu of the tribals and its interaction with and influence over tribal
development administration, the nature and extent of leakage in the delivery process.
The chapter ends with a discussion on personnel policy for the tIibal areas and their
perception towards and role in tnbal development.

Chapter 6 deals with decentralised governance and people's participation in

tribal development administration. Looking closely at the nature and transition of
traditional 'tribal councils' to modern local political institutions such as PRIs, it analyses
their role in tribal development by examining their leadership pattern, people's
participation in decision-making process, their overall performance and the constraints.
Further, discussing the role of NGO&'Voluntary Organisations in tIibal development
from the vantage point of their knowledge and understanding of the tIibal socio-cultural
milieu, their problems, needs and requirements, it discusses the potential of voluntary
organisationsINGOs in mobilising people's participation in decentralised governance
and development administration for ensuring an efficient, effective and accountable
system oftIibal development administration.

Chapter 7 summarises the findings of the study with reflections and concluding
remarks. On the basis of the perceptions developed in the course of the study, it comes
out with suggestions and policy prescriptions for a modified ahemative system of tribal
development administration for better implementation of development programmes with
effective people's participation. efficiency, accountability and increased developmental
performance.

I3
Notes and References

1The declaration of 1993 as the InteITIational Year for Indigenous People by the United
Nations is aimed at strengthening international co-operation for the solution of
problems faced by indigenous communities in areas such as human rights,
environment, development, education and health. While encouraging a new
relationship between states and indigenous peoples, and between the inteITIational
community and indigenous peoples, the United Nations wants to build up a new
partnership based on mutual respect and understanding.

2 Though India is a signatory to the International Labour (ILO) Convention of 1957 on

Indigenous and Tribal Population and has been in the forefront of indigenous cause for
so many years, it has not yet recognised its tribals as indigenous people. The official
position of the Gove=ent of India in the Working Group has been that there are no
indigenous people in India, and the tribals of India do not, in any way, come within the
Scope of the current understanding of the term indigenous peoples as interpreted by
the United Nations and other inteITIational organisations. The representatives of the
Gove=ent of India in the Working Group have repeated1y stated that India is
constituted by a complex mosaic of people with different cultures, languages and
religions, and has long been a 'melting pot'.

3C. R. Bijoy, "Emergence of the Submerged: Indigenous People at UN", Ecorwmic

and Political Weekly, 26 th June 1993, Vol. xxvm, No. 26, pp.1357-1360.

4Gove=ent of India, Report afthe Working Group on Tribal Development During the
Sixth Plan (1980-85), Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi, October 1980, p.l.

5Gove=ent oflndia, First Five Year Plan 1951-56, Planning Commission, New Delhi,
1951, p.636.

6 The Constitution neither defines nor lays down any criteria for specifYing the
scheduled tribes. As per Article 366 (25) of the Constitution, "the scheduled tribes
means such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or
tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 Ii) to be the scheduled tribes for
the purposes of this Constitution." Article 342 (i) of the Constitution lays down that
"The President may, after consultation with the governor of a state or that of a union
territory, by public notification, speci.(y the tribes or tribal communities or part of or
groups within the tribes or tribal communities or parts which shall, for the purposes
of this Constitution, be deemed as scheduled tribes in relation to that state or union
territory, as the case may be." While the scheduled tribes are specified by the
President under Article 342 (i) of the Constitution by a public notification, the
Parliament may, by law, include or exclude from the list of scheduled tribes any
tribal community or part thereof in any state or union territory.

7 Though an estimated population of about 0.8 millions of scheduled tribes were

notified in Jammu and Kashmir in October 1989 in pursuance with the Constitution
(Jammu and Kashmir) Scheduled Tribes Order 1989 issued by the President of India
under Article 342 (i) of the Constitution, the total number and percentage of
scheduled tribes mentioned above does not include the ST population in Jammu
and Kashmir as the Census operations for the year 1991 was not done there.

8 Census of India 1991, Final Population Totals: Brief Analysis of Primary Census
.Abstract, Series I, India, Paper 2 ofIndia 1992, p. 38.

9 Ibid.

14
10 In a marginal economy one group of people practises different types of
occupations at one time for its livelihood. The fact that a tribe uses ail kinds
occupations to eke out its subsistence and combines haunting with honey
gathering, lumbering with chase, shifting cultivation with domestication of animals,
shows the complexity of economic subsistence in the lower culture. For further
explanations, see, D. N. MaJumadar, Races and Cultures of India (4th edition), Asia
Publishing House Bombay, 1961, p.139.

11 The main stages of economic development have been characterised as four, i.e.
haunting and food gathering, pastoral, agricultural, and teclmologicaI. Like the
successive g~ologicaI formations, the tribes of mankind may be arranged according
to their relative conditions with successive strata. The idea of successive stages in
economic life is of an evolutionary nature. The stages of economy, as historically
interpreted, provide for a basic unity of economic life and non-linear in feature, i.e.
from collection and food gathering to haunting and pastoral to agriculture.

12 B. D. Sharma, "Administration for Tribal Development", Occasional Papers on

Tribal Development-20, MinistIy of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi,
1982, p.3 .

. 13 Government of India, AntwalReport 1995-96, MinistIy of Welfare, New Delhi, 1996.

,. P. Prabhu, "Tribal Deaths in Thane District: The Other Side", Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. XXVII, No.47, 1992.

15Government of India, Eighth Five Year Plan 1992-97, Vol. 2, Planning Commission,
New Delhi, 1992, p. 420.

16 Ibid.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19Cluistoph Von Furer Haimendorf, Tribes of India: '/he Struggle 'for Suroiva~ Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1992.

20 Government of India, Eighth Five Year Plan 1992-97, op. cit., p. 420.

·21Philip Viegas, Encroached wu1 Enslaved: Alienation of Tribal Lands and its Dynamics,
Indian Social Institute, New Delhi, 1991.

22 Government of India, Eighth Five Year Plan 1992-97, op. cit., p. 420.

23 Ibid.

24 Achyut Das and Vidhya Das, "Development and Tribal Women", Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. XXVII, No. 27, 4th July 1992.

25 Ibid.

26Gwmar Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations, Kalyani
Publishers, New Delhi, Vol. 1, 2 and 3, 1992 (First Published in 1968 by The
Twentieth Century Fund Inc.).
15
 Chapter 1
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND THE REVIEW OF
LITERATURE

While the focus of most of the scholarly works on tribes has been on kinship, their social
structure, economy, culture and religious traditions, modernisation, political system and
socio-economic transformation, studies on tnba! development administration have been
rather rare. Despite their critica! importance in the implementation of any development
project or programmes for tnba! development, the problems relating to administration of
tnba! development have largely been neglected. This chapter, therefore, seeks to develop a
conceptual framework for the study on tnba! development administration Here an attempt
has also been made to examine the available literature on tnba! studies to identify the
research gaps and to place the contnbution of the present study in filling up some of those
gaps.

The Conceptual Framework

Defining 'Tribe'
In general, the term tnbe was applied to people who were considered primitive and lived in
the backward areas of remote forests and inaccesstble hill-tracts. Sometimes it was
considered synonymous with the term race, \\hlch in scientific usage has an entirely
different meaning. In the beginning, when nobody bothered to give a precise meaning to
the term tnbe, the anthropologists, who took over the term from its ordinary usage,
interpreted it in a variety of ways. Despite its wide currency, it has not been defined with
scientific rigour and continues to be used to descnbe a wide range of forms of social
organisation and levels of techno-economic development. In the evolutionary perspective,
it referred to a socia! form intermediate between the band and the nation. In this sense, it
represented a territorially defined social group.

16
 In modem parlance, a tnbe is characterised by smaI1-scale grouping that displays
cultural continuity as well as unity. Its members have a self-conscious image and recognise
affinity with one another. In current usage, it lacks precision and can cover a several
societies that are not recognised as tnbal While different scholars, ie. anthropologists,
sociologists, economists and administrators have adopted different approaches in defining
the term, there exists no universally acceptable definition oftnbe. This is mainly because of
different social, economic, political and cu1nrral characteristics of different groups oftnbes
on the one hand, and the very process of their transition and transformation.

In the Indian context, the term has been used and is being used somewhat
indiscriminately. Several groups of the inhabitants of India before the advent of the Aryans
were referred to as tnbes. The Aryan invaders themselves were descnbed as tnbes by
some. In later historical writings the extant small republics were referred to as belonging to
particular tnbes. Some writers have called even the Rajputs and the Jats as tnbes. Still
later the term was restricted to the autochthonous, the aboriginal, and the primitive groups.
While there are no precise indicators to mark out the tnbes from other groups they are
assumed to have some, ifnot all of the following characteristics:'

• Their roots in the soil date back to a very early period; if they are not the original
inhabitants, they are at least some of the oldest inhabitants of the land.

• They live in the relative isolation of the hills and the forests.

• Their sense of history is shallow for, among them, the remembered history of five
to six generations tends to get merged in mythology.

• They have a low level of techno-economic development. In terms of their cultural

ethos, ie. language, institutions, beliefs and customs, they stand out from the other
sections of society.

• If they are not egalitarian, they are at least non-hierarchic and undifferentiated.

Even these are rough and ready indicators, and are not helpful beyond a point in the
identification of the tnbes within the IndIan population. Since identification of tnbal
population from those of the non-tnbals has become a continuous administrative exercise,

17
the issue has been heavily politicised for personal and political gains because of the special
benefits and status accorded to the scheduled tnbes. While a certain group has been
scheduled in one state, it does not enjoy the same advantage in the contiguous territory of a
neighbouring state. In the absence of a universally acceptable definition and the politics of
scheduling and de-scheduling, some communities which do not satisfY the criteria of a tnbe
have been included among scheduled tnbes and consequently, due to their advantageous
position and developed status they are cornering most of the benefits. On the contrary,
most of the truIy underdeveloped and disadvantaged tnbal people for whom the
programmes are meant, continue to be excluded from the development process.

Hence, before going deep into the problem oftnbal development or for that matter
tnbal development administration, an attempt is made here to analyse various definitions of
the tenn tnbe. Oxford English Dictionary defines the tenn tnbe as "a group of people in a
primitive or barbarous stage of development acknowledging the authority of the chiet: and
usually treating them as having a common ancestor". As the origin of these people can be
traced back to the earliest stages of human evolution, some scholars refer to them by the
term 'adivasis' which means the original inhabitants on the land.

Anthropologically, tnbe is defined as a social group the members of which live in a

common territory, speak a common dialect, have uniform social organisation and possess
cultural homogeneity having a common ancestor, political organisation and religious
pattern. Here the tnbe is considered as a social group with common dialect, purpose, name
and culture. According to Dube tnbe can be defined "as an ethnic category defined by real
or putative descent and characterised by a corporate identity and a wide range of commonly
shared traits of culture. 2 Beteille defines tnoe "as a society having a clear linguistic
boundary and generally a well-defined politically boundary. It is within the latter that
'regular determinate ways of acting' are imposed on its members. The tnbe also has a
cultural boundary, much less well-defined, and this is the general frame for the mores, the
folkways, the formal and informal interactions of these members."l Hoebel opines that "a
tnoe is a social group speaking a distinctive language or dialect and possessing a distinctive
4
culture that makes it off from other tribes. It is not necessarily organised politically".
18
 Majumdar gives an elaborate definition, which can be applied to the grOlmd realities
to distinguish tnbes from non-tnbes. He descnbes tnbe as "a social group with tenitoriaJ
affiliation, endogamous, ",lth no specialisation of functions, ruled by tribal officers,
hereditarily or otheJWise united in language or dialect, recognising social distance with
other tnbes or castes without any social obloquy attaching to them, as it does in the caste

structure, fonowing tnbal traditions, beliefs and customs, illiberal of naturalisation of ideas
from alien sources, above all conscious of a homogeneity of ethnic and tenitoriaJ
integration". S

From a discussion of the above definitions the following inferences could be drawn.
.FIrSt, the tribals are the earliest inhabitants on the land and live in a contiguous tenitory

mostly in forests and hiIl-tracts. Secondly, they speak a common dialect, though every
colDlDlmity has not been able to develop its own language. Thirdly, they possess a social

system and a cuhure common to them, though it varies in different regions and localities.

Fourthly, they practice endogamy and strictly follow their social and political customs, and
owe their loyahy to an elder member of the tnbal community, called the tnbal chieftain.
The last but most important feature, however, is that members of a tnbe feel that they have
more in common with each other than with neighbouring groups. This sense of

commonality binds the members of a tnOO together and distances them from the non-

members of the tnbe.

Seen in the above perspective, pemaps it would be very difficuh to find many tribal

groups in India who posses all these characteristics. Because of the cuhuraI contacts with

the non-tribal dominant castes, changes have taken place in the social and economic life of

many of the tnbal comnnmities. In India, the groups, which correspond closely to the
anthropologist's conception oftnbe, have lived in long association with comnnmities of an

entirely different type. As Beteille remarks "except in a few areas, it is very difficuh to
come across COIDlDlmities, which retain all their pristine tnbal characters. In tact, most such
tnbal groups show, in varying degrees, elements of continuity with the larger society of
India.'06 According to Majumdar, "today most of these tnbes have come in contact with
19
advanced communities, have learnt the traits of their neighbours, have borrowed patterns of
their dress and developed an intricate material economy. Some of these tnbes have
progressed at a tremendous pace effecting in a few years changes which have taken
7
centuries to achieve in other areas". These changes have been brought about as a result of
the migration of the tnbals from the forestIand and their contact with the non-tribal
community due to a number of factors.

Consequent upon their contact with the non-tnbal world, wide socio-economic
differences have come to be observed among the tnbal population of India. While tnbal
groups around industrial and urban complexes have different problems from their brethren
who live in comparative isolation, religious conversion has added another factor of
differentiation into the tnbal way of life. Considering these factors of differentiation in their
eco-systems, traditional economic pursuits, beliefS and practices, and recent industrial and
urban impacts, Vidyarthi has classified the tnbal population of India into six occupational
types. These are (I) hunters and food gatherers, (2) hill cuItivators, (3) plain fanners, (4)
simple artisans, (5) cattle keepers, and (6) industrial urban workers. 8

Whatever may be the changes in the tnbaI situation or their occupational pattern,
two paradoxical facts characterise the tnbal society in India. Firstly, the absence of neat
permeable demarcations of tnbal identity and secondly, the significant magnitude of the
tnbal reality in India. It would indeed be exceedingly difficUlt for anyone to state that all the
CO!DUJlmities listed as tnbes in the 'schedule of tribes' fully conform to the notion of a tribal
CO!DUJlmity in its classical sense. Conversely, it would be very difficult for anyone to claim
that all the coymmmities, which could be regarded as primarily tnbal are included in the
schedule of tnbal coollDllnities. Since all the tnbaI and analogous social formations are not
considered as scheduled tnbes, when tnbal population is considered it always refers to
scheduled tnbe population as specified by the government through the Presidential Orders9
issued from time to time under Article 342 (i) of the Constitution. Hence, the number of
actual tnbal population could be much more than what is mentioned as scheduled tnbe
population.

20
 The Constitution neither defines nor lays down any criteria for specifYing the
scheduled tribes. As per Article 366 (25) of the Constitution, "the scheduled tnbes
means such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or
tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 (i) to be the scheduled tribes for
the purposes of this Constitution." Article 342 (i) of the Constitution lays down that
"The President may, after consultation with the governor of a state or that of a union
territory, by public notification, specifY the tnbes or tnbal communities or part of or
groups within the tnbes or tnbal communities or parts which shall, for the purposes of
this Constitution, be deemed as scheduled tnbes in relation to that state or union
territory, as the case may be". While the scheduled tnbes are specified by the President
under Article 342 (i) of the Constitution by a public notification, the Parliament may,
by law, include or exclude from the list of scheduled tnbes any tnbal community or
part thereof in any state or union territory.

Notwithstanding the confusion pertaining to the definition of tnbe and their

estimation and inclusion in the list of scheduled tnbes, for all practical and theoretical
purposes, be that legislation, social or political intervention or collection of data for
social science research, the 'schedule oftnbes' notified by the government remains the
crucial referent. Accordingly, in the context of the present study 'tribes' or 'tribals'
have been understood as those communities or groups, which have been included in
the list of scheduled tnbes as per the provisions of Indian Constitution.

Development
In common parlance, development can be defined as a process through which the
potentialities of an object or organism are released, until it reaches its natural, complete and
full-fledged form. Development as a concept is loaded with value judgements. While it
means different things to different people, social science researchers have defined it in
various ways. Until 1970s', development was used in the sense of 'growth' indicating a
quantitative increase or progress in production, income, consumption of food etc. and thus
emphasised mainly on economic aspect rather than social, political and cultural aspects.

21
 The first United Nations' Report on the World Social Situation (1952) which
concentrated on the description of existing social condition aroused unusual interest both
inside and outside the United Nations institutions. The expression 'social development',
which was slowly introduced in the reports on the social situation prepared periodically by
the United Nations, appeared as a vague counterpart for 'economic development' and as a
substitute for the static notion of the 'social situation'. The Economic and Social Council
(ECOSOC) of the United Nations in 1962 recommended the integration of both 'social'
and 'economic' aspects of development. In the same year, the Proposals for Action of the
First UN Development Decade (1960-70) established that:

'The problem of the underdeveloped countries is not just growth, but

development.... Development is growth plus change [it added]. Change, in tum. is
social and cuhural as wen as economic, and qualitative as wen as quantitative...
The key concept is improved quality of people's life.,,10

After recognising the fact that a high rate of growth did not bring satisfactory
progress in development during the first development decade, Robert S. McNamara, the
President of the World Bank insisted that the 1970s should see more than gross measures
. growth . ll
of econonnc

Thus, the decade of 1970s' heralded a new era in the field of development
economics throughout the world by making a departure from the age-old belief that growth
.is synonymous with development. Development then came to be viewed as an
improvement in the 'quality of life' of all sections of people, whereas growth was
understood as an index of aggregate performance of economy measured through the GNP
apparatus. The famous Tinbergen Report (1971) of the United Nations stated that
"development implies not simply an increase in productive capacity but transformation in
their social and economic structures". Following this, it was realised that development
requires not only economic growth but also, a concurrent and qualitative transformation of
the society through social, political and cuhural changes. It includes growth,
modernisation, increase in social facilities, political awareness, etc.

22
 In a broader sense, while development signifies aD aspects of development that are
of collective nature pertaining to the society as a whole, in a narrower sense, it has been
used either with reference to the hwnan wellirre aspects of development or in connection
with structural transfonnation in a society. George Frederick has defined development as a
balanced process of self-reliance, economic growth and social justice in order to guarantee
the basic needs (food, clothing, housing, health, education etc.) and their satisfaction in
holding of self-reliance, balanced sectoral development, high degree of dissociation from
the intemational market. 12 The main aim of development is to increase national and
per capita income and to raise the standard of living of the people and to secure justice,
freedom, equality and security for them in a society. The focus of development is now
increasingly on (a) equitable distnbution of weahh and income, (b) full utilisation of
manpower, (c) better utilisation of natural resources, (d) protection of the human
13
environment, etC. Thus, while development can be conceived as an aspect of change that
is desirable, broadly predicted or planned and administered or at least influenced by
governmental action, it consists of (a) an aspect of change, (b) a plan or prediction, and (c)
involvement of the government for the achievements of the planned or predicted goal.

By development Gandhiji meant "the development of man in his entirety, making

him aware of himself as part of the development process, raising the standard ofhis living,
and life and giving him freedom not only from foreign domination but also from economic
exploitation, economic indebtedness and intellectual servitude. It is the process of growth
14
of man., gaining in self-confidence and becoming self-reliant and self_sufficient. For him
the attainment of self-sufficiency, self-reliance and self-confidence are the major aspects of

development.

Development is, thus, never complete; it is relative, a state of mind, a tendency, a

direction; rather than a fixed goal, it is a rate of change in a particular direction. Therefore,
the fulfilment of a certain goal alone can not be termed as development. 15 In the llhimate
analvsis, it resuhs in a sense of well being among the members of the society.
Development, therefore, relates to transforming the entire society enmeshing together its
economic, social, political and administrative aspects, for an all round balanced upward
23
 16
change. It is a process of creating and guaranteeing conditions in which people can enjoy,
exercise and utilise all their human rights- economic, social, cultural, civil and political
From out of the discussion made above, following inferences can be dra\W:

• Development is a process not only of generating the self-sustained growth of a

community but a concurrent and qualitative transfonnation of the society through
sociaL political and cultural changes;

• Development means development of man m his totality on the basis of the

satisfaction ofhis basic needs;

• It also making one aware of himself; se1f:reliant, and self-respecting and giving
freedom from exploitation;

• It involves active participation of the people in the process of making social,

political and economic decisions; and

• It also requires action for preparing a plauned progrannne of development, which

can be implemented effectively by the available instruments of administration.

Development thus aims at economic, social and cultural progress and this can be

achieved through certain programmes.

Tribal Development
Seen in the above perspective, tribal development can be defined as upliftment of the
tribal communities, which are at different stages of socio-economic and cultural realms

of growth. It implies social and economic development of the tribal people through phased
manner and time-bound integrated area development and other programmes suiting the
genius and the economic situation of the people, ensuring progressive elimination of all
forms of exploitation and ensuring a move towards the goal of equality and social justice.

It could be done by bringing about a positive change in the quality of life of the tribaIs

through programs on health, education, employment, transport and communication,

technical manpower etc. with a view to bring them on par with the people in the wider

national society.

While the problem of tnllal development in India is primarily linked with the
backwardness of tribal areas, poverty of the tnlla! people and the issue of integration of
24
tnbals with rest of the population, the concept of development in tnbal situations pose a
number of difficuhies. Even a good definition of tnbal development may lUldergo scrutiny.
Scanders views tnbal development as: (a) a movement emphasising on building upon
organisational structmes; (b) a programme emphasising on activities; (c) as a method of
emphasising on certain achievable ends; (d) as a process of emphasising upon what happens
to people not only economically and socially but also psychologically; and (e)
institutionalisation of newly discovered skills and procedures leading to social change
without completely breaking away from the past. 17

Giving equal emphasis on socia~ cultura~ economic and other aspects of life
Belshaw, however, observed that "Sociologically speaking, development should be
looked upon as an organised activity with the aim of satisfying certain basic needs and
to psychologically orient the tnoa1s to adopt new skills, attitudes and life styles, so that
they build up the inner strength and appropriate social and cultural infrastructure to
-stand the pressure of the new situation and accrue benefits from the new programmes
and maintain higher levels. ,,18 Belshaw considers development as a positive change,
which provides an increase in the capacities of a society to organise for its own
objectives and to carry out its programmes more efficiently.

According to Vidyarthi, development means growth and change which includes

both material and human, the socio-cultural factors which are an integral part of the
dynamics of growth. He argues that "While striving for the development of a group or
an area, due emphasis has to be given to their traditional values and historical
experiences".19 Development activities particularly in the context of tribals, says Roy
Burman, should be concerned with (a) satisfaction of minimum needs; (b) control and
management of productive resources; (c) employment optimisation; (d) broad-
based participation of the population in the development process; and (e) socio-cultural
and political aspect of national integration.20 He further suggests that development nrust
resuh in the reduction of regional disparity and help in the creation of selt:reliant economy.
Besides, it must lead to redistnbution of income, equalisation of distnbution of

25
development benefits, reduction of social stratification and resource mobilisation without
affecting the quality of life and physical environment.

From the above discussion on the concept oftnbal development a number of issues
emerge which are very important in the context of development of tnbal population in
India. They are:

• Development includes both quantitative and qualitative change.

• Social and cuhural aspects of the concerned population should be considered.

• Imposition of ideas and values, plans and programmes, and also priorities of work
without considering the felt needs of the concerned population should not be made.

• Development should promote participation of the concerned population in the

development process.

• Development should help in the elimination or at least reduction of various

processes of domination and cultural hegemony of ruling classes, equa1isation of
distnbution of development benefits (growth with justice) and redistnbution of
mcome.

• Development should not only prevent alienation of the tnbals over productive
resources; it should also not affect the physical environment to any appreciable
extent and the traditional customary rights of the tnbals over productive resources.

• Development should not in any way affect the quality of life, but is expected to
improve it.

If we compare and examine the broad approach and type of tnbal development
visualised by Pundit Nehru and that suggested by the social scientists, particularly
anthropologists and sociologists, it is interesting to note that the major issues are common.
Thus, broad-based participation of the concerned population in development process and
development on the lines of their own genius have been the hallmark of our national policy
on tnbal development and it has been recommended that nothing should be imposed on
them Control and management of productive resources is another important issue and it
has been advised that tnbal rights over land and forest should be respected. Development is
also intended to improve the quality of life.
26
Development Administration
While administration is considered as an integral part of the political process for the smooth
running of the system and management of affiUrs for public good, development
administration according to Weidner means "an action oriented and goal oriented
administrative system,,21 Riggs refers to development administration as "an organised
effort to cany out programmes or projects initiated by those involved in serving
developmental objectives".22 While the phrase development administration is intrinsically
intertwined with the process of change, Pai Panandiker views development administration
as "the structure, organisation, and behaviour necessary for the implementation of schemes
and programmes of socio-economic change undertaken by the governments of developing
nations.',n Elaborating little further, Khosla defines development administration as "a
dynamic process directed towards transforming the entire society, ie. its economic, social,
political and administrative aspects for an all round balanced upward change".24

In brief; development administration refers to the administration of development

programmes, plans and projects for speedy and accelerated socio-economic development of
the people. The purposes of development administration are to stimulate and facilitate
defined programs of social and economic progress or, put another way, development
administration is the administration of policies, programs and projects to serve
developmental purpoSes.2.5 This term is used to denote the complex of agencies,
management systems, and processes that a government establishes to achieve its
developmental goals. While development administration is structurally concerned with the
organisation of new agencies and redesigning of existing ones, practically it aims at
restructuring of public administration in attaining efficient management of governmental
programs of development activities.

Development Administration thus implies administration not merely for the

development people, but working with the people. It signifies decentralisation of
administration and administration by participation. It is a goal-oriented, change-oriented,
progressive, planned, iruwvative, flexible, motivational, clientele-oriented, partiCipative
27
and a highly integrated administrative system with substantial coping ability. It may be
the realisation of goals of development either by governmental administrative system,
vohmtary associations or people's organisations. Whatever may be the implementing
agency, the crux of development administration remains the same, ie. societal change.

The term development administration is used in various connotations. In its narrow

connotation, development administration is construed as the mechanism of consisting of the
structural, personnel and procedural components through v.bi.ch programs, projects and
schemes, or simply activities, for the socio-economic development of the people of the
26
regions are implemented or actualised. The broad connotation of the term includes the
whole complex of objectives, programmes, projects and schemes to realise the objectives;
institutions, personne~ methods and procedures i:nst:rumental to fiuctify the above-
mentioned complex of activities, to realise the objectives of socio-economic development of
individual persons, their groups or regions. 27 Thus, according to this broad connotation,
there exists the fonowing three components in 'development administration'.

• Philosophy or ideology of the government from v.bi.ch flow the ethos, motivation,
rationale and jurisdictional ambit of the development administration.

• Programs, projects and schemes, or just the rubric of activities, which is substantial
core of the development administration.

• Machinery or mode, personnel manning this, and procedures which constitute the
wherewithal through which the clientele in the different stages of the process
receive the benefits of development activities.

As a concept, development administration is interwoven with two notions: first the

'administration of development' and second 'development of administrative capacity'.
While the fonner is termed as 'development administration', the later is called
'administrative development'. Both the phenomena are inter-linked and interdependent so
much so that together they give meaning to the concept of development administration.
While the first one refers to the functional aspects, ie. administration of development plans,
programmes and projects for achieving socio-economic development of the people, as an
essential corollary to 'development administration', administrative development refers to
28
the structural aspects that implies the enhancement of the capacity and capability of an
administrative system to achieve the progressive socio-economic goals. 1bis can be
achieved by modernising the administrative structure and processes, inducting a spirit of
innovation, cultivating a highly motivating climate, increasing differentiation, effective
integration and positive attitudinal and behavioural changes among the administrators. The
strategies of administrative reform are a part of the process of administrative development.
Administrative development is viewed as the growing capability of the
administrative system to cope continuously with problems created by social change towards
the goal of achieving political, economic and social progress. 28 According to Riggs,
administrative development reflects the capacity of administrative system to make choices
and to exercise discretion to bring about environmental changes by deliberate programs and
self-conscious decisions. 29 Administrative development, thus, entails the assumption of
greater responsibility on the part of the governmental bureaucracy to bring about broader
and macro changes, which touch all sectors of society.

Administrative development is usually used interchangeably along with

reorganisation and administrative reform to convey the same meaning. The motive behind
any reorganisation effort and administrative development program is to bring a change in
the present state of administrative system, which will enhance its capacity to undertake and
perfOlID complex functions as they emerge. It is said that over all development in
administration is achieved by administrative reform programs. Here administrative reform
is conceived as a directed action and a process, v.mch refers to those efforts which call for
or lead to major changes in the bureaucratic system of a country intended to transform the
existing and established practices, behaviours and structures within it.

So far as development administration is concerned, in one sense, administrative

reforms are embedded in the very process of development administration. The rationale of
development administration itself is unfulfilled if administrative reforms in this area are not
thought ot: discussed and acted upon. The essence of development administration consists
in the fulfilment of the objectives of development the development activities through
meeting people's demands and difficulties and solving their problems in the process of the
29
execution of the development programmes, projects and schemes. In a country like India,
facing acute scarcity of resources in relation to the people's needs and resultant competing
demands on the resources, the wastage has to be avoided or reduced to the minimnm This
brings out the need for instituting the mechanisms of administrative reforms in the
structures and processes of development administration themselves.

While in law and order and regulatory administration, the processes of

administrative reforms can be applied later in point of time and their resuhs waited, their
concomitant exercise is not absolutely necessitated In the case of development
.administration, on the other hand, if the organisation, personnel and procedures become
monbund, it defeats its very purpose. The administrative reforms, therefore, is a
continuous process in development administration.

The administrative reforms in development administration are inextricably

intermeshed with related political reforms and constitutional reforms. While administrative
reforms relate primarily to the administrative structures involving the participation of
bureaucracy, the political reforms require the collaboration of the political structures, like
the political parties and groups, and semi-political organisations like labour unions and
fanner's organisations or voluntary bodies. Constitutional reforms entail constitutional or
statutory action involving statutory amendments to the constitution or new or amended
legislation on the floor of Parliament/state legislatures. The intermeshing of administrative
reforms with political and constitutional reforms occurs before, during and after the process

of development proper.

While our attempts at reforming or strengthening the administration have stemmed

from the concern of making the administrative action more effective in achieving
developmental goals, the major thrust of development administration have always been
towards reform and change in the existing administrative systems of the developing
countries. As such, the development of concepts and approaches such as 'New Public
Administration', 'New Development Administration', 'New Public Management' and
'Good Govemance' are nothing but the experiments in the direction of reforming Public
30
Administration and Management for increasing governmental productivity and
performance. Osborne and Gaebldo also emphasise on the same thing when they talk
about reinventing government for increased governmental performance with efficiency,
effective people's participation and accountability.

Tribal Development Administration

like development administration, tnbal development administration refers to the
administration of development projects and programmes for the all round development of
the tnbal people and the areas they live in. Since tnbal areas present an extremely complex
socio-economic situation, it also includes development of administrative machinery in the
tribal areas and its capacity to administer development in the filce of specific environmental
and geographical constraints. In speaking of tribal development administration, though
more emphasis has been given on administrative development, administration or
implementation of developmental projects or programmes is no less important than the
former. It is because, the methods of administration that ordinarily work wen and produce
good resuhs, often prove inadequate to the delicate task oftnbal development.

Operr.tionally, tnbal development administration can not be said to be ahoget:her

different from development administration. It is the same as that of development
administration, but a system specially designed to suit to the socio-cultural, economic and
political environment of the tnbal people. FW1her, it may mean redesigning or restructwing
of various organisations and agencies or creation offew more for better administration of
development programmes. Because, the system has to work under peculiar environmental
and geographical conditions of region and cultural specific areas, catering to the needs and
requirements of numerous tnbal groups living in different parts of the country.

Often a distinction is made between regulatory administration and development

administration. But tnbal development administration does not exclude reguJatory
administration from playing its role in the development process. In the present tribal
scenario when there is increasing encroachment upon tnbals' land and attack on their
cuhure, when they are subjected to atrocities by the non-tnbals and are being exploited
31
variously, regulatory administration has to play an important role in protecting their rights
and interests to ensure the constitutional safeguards provided to them Arguing against any
distinction between regulatory and development administration in the tnbal areas, Sharma
observes that "when the people are faced with the problem of alienation of their land, their
rights over forest usurp and even their honour being touched, which they cannot defend for
fear of reprisal by the police contrived by the guilty with a distorted report, any talk of
development is out of place". 31 It is only when tribals interests and rights are protected and

respected and they are given the freedom to do \\<hat ever they want according to their ovm
genius, some desired change can be brought in the tnbal society.

Dynamics of Tribal Development Administration

Development administration in itselfis a dynamic system, which values changes. As a goal-
oriented and change-oriented administrative system whose main objective is to bring about
change in the soci~cuhural, economic and political conditions of people. This change is
called for as a strategy for increasing the coping ability of the administrative system in

relation to its external environment as well as a mechanism to activate its intemal structure.

As such, the development administration of today is not exactly what it was when it
emerged in the early I 96Os' . There has been lot of changes since then.

As regards tribal development administration, since independence, there have been

many changes and shifts in the approaches and strategies to tnbal development. The
institutional, structural and functional contours of tnbal development administration have
changed not only in conformity with the developmental strategies and policies that have

evolved over a period of time, but also in keeping with the changing needs and priorities of
tnbal people. This pertains to the structural dynamics oftnbal development administration.

Functionally, the dynamics of tnbal development administration, which are of critical

importance from the perspective of implementation of development programmes or

projects, have hardly been explored and analysed.

The Oxford English Dictionary defines 'dynamics' as 'motive forces', physical or

moral, that affect or influence the functioning of a system For the purpose of the study
here, dynamics have been defined as functional relationships of variables at different points
32
of time and space and they come into play when two or more variables interact with each
other. In this context, dynamics have been referred to as the forces and factors that
influence the functioning of the system oftnbal development administration.

Like any other administrative system, formal organisations and procedures are also
necessary prerequisites of tnbal development administration. But they are not sufficient in
themselves to determine the nature of its functioning. There are other factors (motive
forces) too, which do influence the functioning oftnbal development administration. And
these forces are nothing but the dynamics, which influence the development administration
to function in a particular way either impairing or improving its performance. These
dynamics are the functional relationships of variables at different points of time and space,
and they come into play when administration operates in an environment, ie. the
development officials interact with the people in the process of implementation of
development programmes.

Review of Literature
There exists plenty of literature on the tnbals of India. While the tribals of India have been
the subjects of research and study for pretty long time, nmch of the studies on tnbes have
been done from sociological, anthropological, cuhural or historical perspective. While
some scholars have tried to romanticise them, others have tried to look at them as curious
anthropological species or as exotic museum pieces. Studies have also been conducted
with regard to modernisation, political socialisation., and socio-economic transformation of
the tnbes. Of late, a great deal has been written on the need for bringing the tnbals of this
COWltry into the mainstream of national life. But, a review of the available literature reveals
that there are very few studies on tnbal development administration. While there are only a
few books available on tnbal development administration, which are based on research
works carried out by scholars from different perspectives, most of the studies concerning
development administration consist of edited books, and compilation of papers presented in

conferences and seminars.

33
 For example Paramahamsa ' S32 "Perspectives on Tnbal Development and
Administration", Mathur's33 "Development Administration in Tnbal Areas", Vidyarthi's34
"tnbal Development and Its Administration", Raha and Coomar's35 "Tnbal India: Problem,
Development, Prospect", Basu and Nijhawan's36 "Tnbal Development Administration in
India" are all such works which belong to the above categol)'. These volumes contain
varieties of articles written by anthropologists, sociologists, social workers, policy-makers,
planners and administrators which address themselves to the problem oftnbal development
or have some kind of bearings on tnbal development administration.

Tribal development administration being a relatively neglected area of inquiry, an

attempt is made here to review the available literature on the subject or those relevant
works which have some kind of bearing on the subject. In the succeeding paragraphs, a
review of relevant articles published in the aforesaid edited volumes has been made linking
them together on the basis of issues or problems raised

Dealing with the administration of development for tnbal people Baranbas37

observes that the complex nature of administrative set-up and the complexities involved in
the administration of development programs creates problems for the uneducated and
simpl~minded tnbals. This, the author argues, has to be done away with to help the tnbals
benefit from the developmental programs. Emphasizing the fact that the ethnocentrism of
tnbal people, Le. their religious beliefs, social customs and traditions, traditional institutions,
language and the problem of communication has a bearing on the development programs
that are to be administered, he observes that the administration as the agent of social change
in most of the developing countries including India has to be aware of the situation and the
environment where it operates.
Not only the administrative system but also the personnel that run it are vital to the
administration of development programs. Pointing out the defects in the recruitment of
38
staff for the tnbal areas and the environmental pressure under which they work, Chawhan
suggested for due rewards to the efficient and able administrators. Endorsing his view
point Sharma39 in his paper on "MachineI)' for the Administration of Tnbal Development
Programs" stressed the need for recruiting the lower level functionaries from among the
34
 "

tnoals, He argued that besides providing employment to the tnoals this would help in
overcoming the baniers of language and dialect faced by the non-tnoals employed in tribal
development

40 41
Both Changani as well as Sharma observed that personnel engaged in the
administration of development programs largely determine the quality of implementation,
and as such, they urged that selection of personnel for implementing development programs
in tnoal areas be made with an eye to their aptitude for the special nature of the work.
While Changani argued for making greater efforts towards improving the implementation
42
capability of the officials posted in the field, Mathur advocated for strengthening the
administrative capability for the development of tnoal regions, which he warned could be
ignored at the very cost of administration itself

In dealing with the strategy for economic development of the tnoals from a
43
sociological perspective, Sharma and Doshi argued, among other things, for the creation
of a tnoal will for carrying out developmental activities, They observed that a hoeral
subsidy or grant ofloan by the government or any other financial institutions generates a
spirit of dependency among the tnoals, which is not conducive to attain self-sufficiency,
For that matter, they emphasized on the role of voluntary agencies for creating an
awareness among the tnoals about the available sources of economic development, and
advocated for establishment of big industries having enough employment potential, which
can absorb the surplus manpower in agriculture. This, they argued, would breed forces of
urbanization, education, and technology ultimately bringing about moderninltion in tnoal
societies.
Contradicting their VIew, Singh44 in his paper "Development of Tnoal
Entrepreneurship" emphasized on tnoal entrepreneurship at the lower and intermediate
'level Since tnoal areas have greater potentialities for the improvement ofKhadi and Village
Small Scale industries, the author, observed that by stepping up investment, organizing
growth centres and expanding and improving the training programs it would be pOSSIble to
develop the tnbal areas on a larger scale,

35
 Dealing with the reasons for non-acceptance of panchayati raj institutions in tnoal
45
areas, Jain obselVed that these institutions do not take cognizance of the value system of
the tnoal societies and do not take up the traditional functions of the tnoal councils such as
the maintenance of cultural norms and practices related to the regulation of the activities of
the society. On the contrary, ooen they concern themselves with the development activities
and collection of taxes, tnoals find it difficuh to accept them. This, he obseJVed, has
brought to the fore a sort of cuhural conflict between the tnoals and the newly introduced
system. However, he suggests that instead of working in rivalry with the traditional village
institutions, much can be achieved by harmonizing the traditional and modem institutions.

Focussing on the problems oftnoal development administration Mathur46 obseJVed

that they are inextricably linked with the larger issues of national development. Through
integrated area planning, he argued that the goals of economic, political and socio-cultural
development could be achieved at a faster rate. For this he suggested the creation of an
autonomous corporation with wide financial and administrative powers.

Discussing the cultural factors in the development process, Vidyarthi47 emphasized

on the overwhelming need for planners and administrators to bear in mind the cultural
background and the lifestyles of such tradition bound societies. The concept of nature man
script complex epitomizes the life-styles of tnoal connmmities, and he warned that this
.
could be ignored only at the risk of making planning programs go off the rails with
disastrous resuhs.
Application of scientific management principles and evaluation techniques is being
seen as a fashion in development administration. While dealing with the administration of
48
tnoal development programs, many scholars argued that the same should be brought into
operation. Making a discussion on project fonnulation and appraisal of tnoal development
programs, Patanakar49 obseJVed that the tnoals themselves should be allowed to decide
change and the development administration should only help the tnoals to develop their
ability to grasp the implication of change.

36
 Emphasizing on tnoals' role in their own development, SarafO argued for active
participation of the tnoals in the implementation of development programs. Referring to
the third principle of Nehru's Panchsheel Policy, the author obselVed that this is the high
time to reorient the tribal development plans and policies wherein a team of trained
bureaucrats and technocrats will get nurtured from amongst the tnoals themselves. This, he
argued, would facilitate in proper identification ofpriorities and accordingly the plans could
be implemented by the trained tnoal manpower in consuhation with the tnoal people on the
one hand, and the central and state governments 00 the other.

Making a broad comparison of the administrative set-up for tnoal development in

51
different states, Basu obseJVed that administrative mechanism could only be a tool to be
wielded by autonomous forces. It can be used to promote the urges and aspirations of the
people. Highlighting the strong tradition of self:govemance in tnoal areas, Basu argued
that PRis could playa vital role in the efficient management of development of programs
through effective people's participation. He preferred a mix of traditional and elective
bodies in promoting tnoal development.

On the whole, the scholars and administrators through their articles published in the
aforesaid vohunes emphasized on an adequate u.terstanding of the problems of the tnoes
and their way of life. Attnouting the failure of programs oftnoal development to the rigid
bureaucratic procedure, lack of fleXlole approach, a missionary zeal, shortage of properly
qualified manpower and the lack of appropriate md effective co-ordinating mechanism to
administer the development programs, they emphasized the need for and importance of
building up inner-strength of the people to improve their organizational capabilities. In
preparing and implementing the development programs for the tnoals, the scholars
emphasised on the need for planners and administrators to understand the cultural
background of the tribal societies and suggested appropriate training programs for the
lower level pt'1"sonneL

However, most of the articles in the aforesaid vohunes deah with such aspects as
historical background to tnoal development, the philosophy of tnoal development followed
37
by the structural pattern of tnlJal development administrative machinery and the problems
which the tnlJal people of India in general are facing. Aiming to cover almost all aspects of
tnlJal development administration, in most cases textual treatment was given to the subject.
The studies also highlighted the policies of tribal welfare, the nature and extent of
development undertaken for the over all development of tnlJals and particularly for the
development of their economy, health and educatiooal status, so as to bring them closer to,
if not on par with, the people in the mainstream.

In addition to the articles published in the aforesaid edited volumes, there are a few
articles published in periodicals like Indian Journal of Public Administration, Journal of
Social and Economic Studies, Social Change, etc. which have some kind of bearing on
tnlJal development administration. While they hardly touched upon the area under inquiry,
by and large, they contnlJuted to a wider undemanding of the issues and problems and
stimulated our thinking.

Despite serious efforts made through five-year plans to uplift the tnlJals, Singh52
observed that the resuhs have not been satisfactory. AttnlJuting the failure of the tnlJal
development programs to adhocism in the planning process, lower investment in
beneficiary-oriented schemes and lack of adequate institutional finance, he argued for a new
approach to the problem of tnlJal development through conscientisation and organisation
for effective and meaningful participation of the tribals in the fonnulation and
implementation of development programs. Strengthening the Panchayati Raj Institutions
(PRls), he argued, would go a long way for effecting a meaningful participation oftnlJals in
local decision-making process.

Making a global comparison of the policies, programs and constitutional provisions

53
adopted for the tnlJals in India, Prasad observed that when compared with other
countries, they are unmatchable. Commenting on the failure of tnlJal development
programs, he observed that the administration in tnlJal areas would have to be fieXllJle in
view of the culture, ecology and ethos of each of the tnlJal groups. While implementation
of the development programs crucially depends upon the attitude of civil servants, he
38
obselVed that the administrators in India are not aware of the ethos of the tnbal areas. He,
therefore, argued for proper training and orientation of the officials for which preference
should be given to the tnbals.

Dealing with tnbal development policy and administration, Singh54 obseIVed that
merely economic and legislative measures might not succeed unless the capability of the
tnbals is buih up through education. He, therefore, argued that aduh education and training
should underpin the socia-economic programs and improvement of health should play a
significant role in furthering them Commenting on the administrative structure, he
obselVed that due emphasis was not given to the administrative machinery for execution of
development programs. Suggesting government and voluntary organisation collaboration,
he obseIVed that voluntary organisations should be encouraged to play an important role in
the execution of development programs for the tribals.

Discussing the salient features of tnbal administration in the states, Trivedi55

obselVed that one of the stumbling blocks in the development oftnbal communities in India
has been the difficulty of state governments in evolving viable administrative structures and
procedures to cater to the needs of the tnbals. Highlighting the problem areas in tnbal
development administration in the states such as lack of a suitable administrative system and
an appropriate administrative structure characterised by the absence of decentralisation in
tnbal administration, he suggested that while the personnel working in areas of tnbal
concentration should be provided with training, the uniform personnel system performing
regulatory but passive role in development should be geared up to function as an active
catalytic agent. Trivedi further suggested that while there is a need to have a less
specialised and more integrated system of administration for the extremely backward tnbal
areas, the officers in the tnbal areas must be asked to work as a public leaders inspiring and
guiding the tnbal people for progress in all walks of life with highest priority on economic
uplift. Correspondingly, the officials should have the ability and aptitude to initiate,
organise and guide social reform movements among the tnbals through voluntary social
works.

39
 Reviewing the role of administration in the process oftnbal development, SharmaS6
argued that the distinction between regulatory and developmental administration is
irrelevant in the tnbal areas. According to him, the processes of administration are such
that they tend to alienate tnbals from their environment, and various external agencies help
to accelerate this process of alienation. He observed that in any strategy of tnbal
development the first crucial step should be to neutralise the adverse forces so that the
people can fully enjoy the fruits of their own labour. While protection must head the
agenda of development programs, measures must be taken to create capabilities of the tribal
COTDID!mity so that they can face the new situation on their own and be able to counter

adverse forces. Sharma further observed that this could be pOSSIble through sensitising the
people to the new situations and educating them for change. While developmental
programs should be buih-up on the strong foundation of the critical elements of protection
and building-up of the inner strength of the tnbals, the development programs should be
.designed in such a way that they answer the needs of the people and are in harmony with
other facts of their social and economic life. He argued that this grave respon.st.bility of the
state in tnbal areas could be discharged only though a suitably designed and adequately
motivated administration.
Further, discussing the interaction between personnel system and the environment
in the context of tnbal areas and its implications on tnbal development administration
Shanna 57 identified several weaknesses in the recruitment of administrative personnel which
render them unsuitable for facing several of the new challenges to administration. He
observed that a uniform personnel system largely designed for the needs of the more
advanced areas has failed to serve the needs of the backward areas. While functional
.specialisation may be useful at the national level, he argued that the principle of regional
particularisation should be accepted for the tnbal areas. This, he argued, would lead to a
simpler structure of administration, which in tum would lead to a better understanding
between the administrative personnel in charge of tribal areas and the COTDID!mity they are
supposed to serve. Emphasising the increasing incompatJbility between the administrative
system and the local socio-cultural milieu of the tnbals, Sharma argued that persons with
sympathy and understanding should be specially drawn into the administrative system to
work in the tnbal areas.
40
 Similarly, emphasising the on right type of personnel policies for the tribal areas,
Singh58 observed that while the Imps should become the nelVe centre of planning,
implementation and evaluation impulses, for improving the quality of implementation, right
type of personnel policies have to be followe~ and competent and dedicated officials
should be posted in these areas with adequate provision for incentives. While the tnbals
living in the TSP areas should be provided with a simple and unified administrative
structure easily comprehenSIble and accessible to the common tnbal people, Singh
suggested that, as far as pOSSIble, the developmental and regulatory strands should be
interwoven in it.

Highlighting the need for a special approach towards the development of the tribal
59
regions of Bihar, Sinha observed that the entire administrative machinery should be
geared to providing greater confidence among the tnbals and ensuring greater people's
participation in the planning and execution of schemes. While the ag~old deception of the
tnbal by the non-tnba! makes it more difficult for the administrative machinery to win the
trust of the people, this can only be pOSSIble by creating a village leadership of the educated
tnbal boys. A better appreciation of tnbal heritage and their cuhural entity will only aid the
administration in getting a deeper insight into the problems of the tnbals. Knowledge of the
tnbal dialects and acceptance of their way of living along with greater amenities for
development functionaries, she argued, would ensure a more harmonious relationship with
the people, \Wich in turn would help in better implementation development programs for

the tnbals.

The literature available in the form of reports constitute a number of

commissions, committees, working groups and study teams set up by the government
of India from time to time. Important among them are the Annual Reports of the
Commissioner of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the Study Team on Social
Welfare and Welfare of Backward Classes (1958-59) headed by Renuka Ray, Report
of the Committee on Special Multi-Purpose Tribal Blocks (1959-60) headed by Verrier
Elwin, Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission (1960-61)
41
under the chairmanship of U. N. Dhebar, Report of the Study Team on TnDal
Development Programs (1966-69) headed by P. Shilu Ao, the Task Force on
Scheduled Tribes (1972) headed by Prof L. P. Vidyarthi, the Expert Committee on
Tnbal Development (1972), headed by S. C. Dube, the Working Group on Personnel
Policy for the Tnbal Areas (1972) headed by R. N. Haldipur and a number of Working
Groups on Tnbal Development constituted during FIve Year Plans from time to time, the
latest being the Working Group on Tribal Development during the Eighth Five Year
Plan.

The main objective behind the framing of these bodies was to reform and rejuvenate
the prevailing administrative system by providing suitable alternatives. But the studies
conducted by most of these Committees, Commis<iions, Study Teams and Working Groups
were mainly in the form of evaluations and sometimes they lacked qualitative analysis.
However, while some reports have come out with recommendations directed towards
solving the problems in the administration oftnbal development programs, some have made
inputs of varying worth in concretizing the welfiue and development programs for the tnDes
giving them a more pointed sense of direction.

Coming to the category of research publications bought out by individuals or

groups in the form of books, there are a few studies, which have a bearing on tribal
development administration. In dealing with the dynamics of rural development in tnbal
areas, Pachauri60 observed that there is not so oruch lack of policy but the lack of political
and administrative will to implement the policies. Emphasizing on social and economic
fuctors, Le. educatio~ health, agriculture and irrigation, forests and land as the critical
inputs of tribal development, he observed that for any development and change to be
brought about in the tnbal life and their socio-economic conditions, administration has to
playa vital role. Administration as an agency for change depends oruch on the personnel
who have to play the role of catalysts. Traditional leadership amongst the tnbes, he argued
is a force to be reckoned with and could be utilized more effectively for implementation of
development programs. He also emphasized on voluntary and active participation of the
tnbal people in decision making and implementation of development programs.
42
 In his study of tnbal development programs and administration in the Chamba
61
district in Himachal Pradesh, Basu dealt with the strengths and weaknesses of the
organizational set-up and administrative procedures that have evolved over a period of time
as a resuh of the emergence oftnbal sub-plans in the context of five-year plans. Making an
in-depth analysis of tnbal administration, he attnbuted the failure of development
Programmes to the weak administrative system characterized by the absence of
administrative decentralization and lack of a well motivated, guided and disciplined
personnel for tnbal areas, and the absence of an effective monitoring and evaluation
mechanism He, therefore, suggested that while earnest attention must be given to the
issues like proper identification of tnbal areas, beneficiaries and their needs, adjustments of
financial allocations and administrative decisions suiting to local conditions, it is essential to
have a motivated and disciplined administrative personnel with sympathy and understanding
.about tnbal cuhure and their ways of life who can cultivate devotion to administrative
duties in a physically and socially rather uncongenial environment. This, he argued, would
help in ensuring tnbals' participation in their own welfare and development process.

Examining the administration in tnbal areas during the British days as well as free
India, Hasan 62 observed that the administrative arrangements mentioned in the fifth and
sixth schedule are largely based on the model evolved by the British's. Writing later on
63
tnbal development in India, Hasan critically examined the various facets and facts oftnbal
development with specific reference to Uttar Pradesh. Making a distinction between
measures taken for the development of the tnbal people and those for the development of
tnbal areas, he pointed out that there is hardly any official tnbal policy as to how to

approach the tnbal people.

In his study of a district in Andhra Pradesh, Bapujj64 focussed on three institutions

such as the Tnbal Development Blocks., ITDAs, and the Girijan Co-operative Corporation
in the task of tnbal development. Analyzing the structural characteristics, operational and
delivery processes, the study showed that the purely bureaucratic model of development
administration has been a mismatch to the task oftnbal development.
43
Uterature on Orissa:
While literature relating to tnbal development administration in Orissa is not only scanty,
but also structural in their approach. Most of them are general and informative in nature.
Hardly any systematic attempt has been made for studying the development administration
in tnbal areas in a scientific way. Whatever literature is available, it serves only as a
background material for researchers to gain a first hand knowledge about tnbal
development administration in the state.

The study carried out by Nayak, Boal and Soreng65 in the Kondh dominated
Koraput, Kalahandi. Bolangir, Phulbani, Ganjam, Puri and Dhenkanal districts of Orissa
with the help of a research team from National lMitute of Social Work and Social Sciences
(NISWASS), Bhubaneswar, throws light on the kondh's social values, religious ethos, and
spiritual norms and the Jiving pattern. Focussing on the problems of development in the
light of the development programs implemented through the sub plan, the study indicated a
strategy for harnessing the local resources and the genius of the tnbaIs for their
development with very little outside intervention or support.

Dealing with tnbal development and its administration in a separate chapter in their
work on The Kondhs of Orissa, Patnaik and Das Patnaik66 have made a detailed analysis of
tnbal development administration in Orissa from British Period till the sixth fiv~year pIan.
In assessing the achievement of the tnbal sub-pIan, they have discussed the role of different
organizations and agencies and particularly of Tnbal and Harijan Research cum Training
Institute in achieving the desired goal Besides, Mishra and Rama nm rthl have tried to
67 8

identifY the problems relating to tnbal development administration and suggested measures
to strengthen the machinery oftnbal development administration.

The Research Gaps

Thus, a review of the available literature makes it clear that the subject of tnbal
development administration has long been a neglected area. Further, when it comes to
Orissa, hardly any study has been made in this respect. Studies on tribal development
44
administration available, if any, are descriptive in nature and have given more importance to
the structural aspects of development admini!Uation than the functional dimensions.
Further, the studies that have addressed themselves to the problem of tnbal development
administration are mainly in the form of papers and notes written for seminars and
conferences, which confine themselves to mere suggestions and observations without any
empirical support.

Thus, while very little attention has been given to study the problems of tnbal
development from an administrative and organisational perspective and the complexities of
interactions and inter-linkages involved in the process of their functioning, hardly any
attempt has been made for a scientific explanation of the forces and factors that impair the
performance oftnbal development administratioa Despite their critical importance in any

development project or strategy for tnbal development, the functional dimensions of tribal
development administration have largely remained neglected. It is to plug this research gap
that the present study was taken up to study the dynamics of tnbal development

administration by critically analysing the processes and problems relating to the functioning

.of tnbal development administrative system

45
Notes and References

1 S. C. Dube, Tribal Heritage of India, Vikas Publications, New Delhi, 1977, p. 2.

2 S. C. Dube, Tribal Heritage of India, op. cit. p. 4.

3Andre Beteille, "The Definition of Tribe", in Romesh Thapar (ed.), Tribe, Caste and
Religion in India, Macmillan Company ofIndia Ltd., 1977, pp.7 -8.

4E. A. Hoebel as quoted in L. P. Vidyarthi and B. K. Roo, The Tribal Culture of India.,
Concept Publishing Company, Delhi, 1977, p. 167.

5 D. N. Majumdar, The Eastern Anthropologi.st, September-November, 1958.

6 Andre Beteille, "The Definition of Tribe", op. cit., pp. 10-11.

7 D. N. Majumdar, Races and Culture of IndU:z, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1961.

8L. P. Vidyarthi, 'Strategy for Tribal Development in India", paper presented in the
seminar on Tribal Development, Bhubaneswar, 1975.

9 In pursuance with the powers conferred on the President of India under Article
342 (i) of the Constitution, for the first time some of the tribal communities in India
were specified as 'scheduled tribes' in 1950 following the Constitution (Scheduled
Tribes) Order 1950. Later on the number of scheduled tribes have been added and
modified a number of times following the successive Presidential Orders issued
from time to time. They are: (1) The Scheduled Areas (Part A States) Order 1950,
(2) The Scheduled Areas (Part B States) Order 1950, (3) The Constitution
(Scheduled Tribes) Part C States Order 1951, (4) The Madras Scheduled Area
(Cessar) Order 1951, (5) The Andhra Scheduled Area (Cessar) Order 1955, (6) The
Scheduled Tribes List (Modification) Order 1956, (7) The Constitution (Andaman
and Nicober Islands) Scheduled Tribes Order 1959, (8) The Constitution (Dadra and
Nagar Haveli) Scheduled Tribes Order 1962, (9) The Constitution (Scheduled
Tribes) U. P. Order 1967, (10) The Constitution (Goa, Daman andPiu) Scheduled
Tribes Order 1968, (11) The Constitution (Nagaland) Scheduled Tribes Order 1970,
(12) The Scheduled Areas (Himachal Pradesh) Order 1975, (13) The Scheduled
Areas (States of Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa) Order 1977, (14) The
Constitution (Meghalaya) Scheduled Tribes Order (Amendment) Act 1987, and
finally (15) The Constitution (Jammu and Kashmir) Scheduled Tribes Order 1989.

10United Nations, The UN Development Decade- Proposals for ActWn, New York, United
Nations, 1962.

II Robert S McNamara, "The True Dimension of the Task", International Development

Review, 1970, Vol. 1.

12 As quoted in K. K. Mukherjee, ET. aL, "Development: Concept, Programme and

Strategies', Changing Villages, Vol. 2, No.5, 1981, p. 6.

13 United Nations, Development Administration: Current Approaches and Trends in

Public Administration for National development, New York, (No. E7 II H-I), P. 8.

46
,. As quoted in K. K. Mukherjee, et. aL, "Development: Concept, Programme and
Strategies", op. cit .. p. 6.

15 Edward Weidner. "Development Administration: A New Focus for Research", in

Ferrel Heady and Sybil L Stoke (eds.)' Papers in Comparative Public Administration,
University of Michigan Press. Michigan, 1962.

16 S. K. Sharma, Development Administration ill India: Theory and Practice,

Intcnmtional Book Company, Jullundur, 1971.

17As quoted in Robert Goodland et. aL, Tribal Peoples and Economic Development,
The InteITlational Bank for reconstruction and Development, New York, May 1982,
p.10.

18C. S. Belshaw, "Development: The Contribution of Anthropology", International Social

Science Joumnl, Vol. 34,1972.

19L. P. Vidyarthi, Tribal Development and Its Administration, Concept Publishing

Company, New Delhi, 1981.

20 B. K. Roy Bunnan, Challenges of Tribal Development and Tribal Women in India,

.Report of the National Conference on Tribal Woman and Development: Problems
and Perspective, MLV Tribal Research and Training Institute, Udaipur, 1986.

21 Edward Weidner, "Development Administration: A New Focus for Research", op. cit.

22F. W. Riggs ed., FroTltiers of Development Administnztion, N. C. Duke University Press,

Durham, 1970.

23 V. A. Pai Panandiker, "Development Administration: An Approach", Indian

Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 10, No. I, Jan-March 1964, pp. 35-36.

2'J. N. Khosla, "Development Administration: New Dimensions", Indian Journal of

Public Administration, Vol. 13, No. I, Jan-March 1966, p.18.

25 Kempe R. Hope, "Some Problems of Administering Development in Developing

Nations", lrulian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 29, No. I, Jan-March 1983,
p.l.

26N. R. Inamdar, "Development Administration and Administrative Reforms", Indian

Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 31, No.3, July-September, 1985, p. 504.

27 Ibid.

28 Jamal Khan, • Administrative Change and Development in Barbados",

International Review of Administrative Sciences, Vol. 41, No. 1,1975, p. 149.

29 Fredrick W. Riggs, "Introduction", in Fredrick W. Riggs ed., Frontiers of

Development Administration, N. C. Duke University Press, Durham, 1971, p. 25-26.

30 David Osborne and Ted Gaebler, Reinventing Government: How the

Entrepreneurial Sprit is Transfonning the Public Sector, Prentice Hall of India Pvt.
Ltd., New Delhi, 1992.

47
31B. D. Sharma, "Administration for Tribal Development", Journal of Social and
Economic Studies, Vol. 2, No.4, 1985, p. 364.

32V. R. K. Paramahamsa ed., Perspectives on 1Jiba1 Development and Administration,

NICD, Hyderabad, 1975.

33H. M. Mathur ed., Devewpment Administration in 1Jiba1 Areas, HCM State Institute of
Public Administration, Jaipur, 1976.

34L. P. Vidyarthi, ed., Tribal Deve1JJpment and Its Administration, Concept Publishing
Company, New Delhi, 1986.

3SM. K. RaM and P. C. Coomar eds., TribalInditl: Problem, Deve1JJpment, Prospect, Vol. 1
and VoL 2, Gian Publishing House, New Delhi, 1989.

36A. R. Basu and Satish Nijhawan eds., Tribal Devewpment Administration in India,
Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 1994.

37A. P. Baranbas, "Admjnistering DevelopmentofTnbal People", in H. M. Mathur (ed.),

Development Admillisbation in Tribal Areas, HCM State Institute of Public
Administration, Jaipur, 1976.

33Brijraj Chawhan, "Administration and the Tnbal People", in H. M. Mathur (ed.),

Deve1JJpment Admin.istration in Tribal Areas, op. cit.

;9 G. B. Sharma, "Machinery for the Administmtion ofTnbal Development Programs",

in H. M. Mathur (ed.), Devewpment Administrotion in 1Jiba1Areas, op. cit.

40 Mohan Changani, "Inaugural Address", delivered at the seminar on Problems of

Administering Development in Tribal Areas, held on 3{)11> May 1975, later published in
H. M. Mathur (ed.), Deve1JJpmentAdministration in TribalAreas, op. cit.

41 B. D. Sharma, ·Some Aspects of Tnbal Development", in H. M. Mathur (ed.),

Deve1JJpment Admin.istration in Tribal Areas, op. cit.

42H. M. Mathur, "Strengthening Administrative Capability for Development of Tribal

Regions", in L. P. Vidyarthi (ed.), Tribal Development and Its Administration, Concept
Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1986.

43O. P. Sharma and S. L. Doshi, ·Strategy for Economic Development of Tribals: A

Sociological Perspective", in H. M. Mathur (ed.) , Development Administration in Tribal
Areas, op. cit.

.-" K. S. Singh, "Development of Tribal EntreprenelIDihip", in V. R. K. Paramahamsa

(ed.), Perspectives on Tribal Development and Administration, NICD, Hyderabad, 1975.

45 S. P. Jain, "Panchayati Raj in Tribal Areas" in V. R. K. Paramahamsa (ed.),

Perspectives on Tribal Deve1JJpment and Administmtion, op. cit.

46 J. S. Mathur, "Tribal Development Administration", in V. R. K. Paramahamsa

(ed.), Perspectives on Tribal Devewpment and Administration, op. cit.

48
47 L. P. Vidyarthi, "The Cultural Factors in Development Process", in L. P. Vidyarthi
(ed.), Tribal Development and Its Administration, op. cit.

48 K. K. Srivastava, "Organization of Training Programs in Tribal Development

Administra1J.on: Need Based", in L. P. Vidyarthi (ed.), Tribal Development and Its
Administration, Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1986. Also see articles in the
same volume by G. S. Grewal, "Organization of Training Programs for Tribal
Development Administration", S. M. Shah, "Evaluation Teclmiques", and S. Patankar,
"Project Formulation and Appraisal of Tribal Development Programs".

49 S. Patankar, "Project Formulation and Appraisal of Tribal Development

Programs·, in L. P. Vidyarthi (ed.), Tribal Deue10pment and Its Administ.rat:ion, op. cit.

50 Samarendra Saraf, "Tribal Development and the Role ofTribals", in M. K. Raha and
P. C. Coomar (eds.), Tribal Indio.: Problem, Development, Prospect, Vol. 1, Gian Publishing
House, New Delhi, 1989.

S1A. R. Basu, "Tribal Development Administration in India", in A. R. Basu and

Satish Nijhawan (eds.), Tribal Deuelopment Administration in India, Mittal
Publications,NewDelhi,1994.

52 S. K. Singh, "Development Program for the Tribals: Need for a New Approach",
Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 29, No.4, October-December 1983.

53L. M. Prasad, "Tribal Development Administration in India", Social Change, Vol.

13, No. 1. 1988.

54 Bhupinder Singh, "Tribal Development Policy and Administration", Course on

Tribal Development, NlRD, Hyderabad, 1988.

~ H. R. Trivedi, 'Salient Features of Tribal Administration in the States·, Indian

Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 22, No.3, July-September 1976.

56B. D. Sharma, "Administration for Tribal Development", Journal of Social and

Economic Studies, Vol. 2, No.4, 1985.

57 B. D. Sharma, "Environmental Context and the Personnel System: Its

Implications for Tribal Areas", Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 22, No. I,
January-March 1976.

58Bhupinder Singh, "Tribal Development in retrospect and Prospect", Occasional

Papers in Tribal Development-33, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India,
New Delhi, 1983.

S9Anita Sinha, 'Some Administrative Problems of Rural development in the Tribal

Regions of Bihar", Journal of Regional Studies, Vol. 1, No.2, 1986.

60S. R. Pachauri, Dynamics of Rural Development in Tribal Areas, Concept Publishing

Company, New Delhi, 1984.

61A. R. Basu, Tribal Deuelopment Progromme and Administration in India, National Book
Organization, New Delhi, 1985.

49
62Amir Hasan. Tribal Administmtion in India, B. R. Publishing Corporation, Luclmow,
1988.

63 Amir Hasan. Tribal Development In India, Print House. Lucknaw, 1992.

64M. Bapuji. Tribal Development Administration, Kanishka Publishing House, Delhi,

1993.

65R. K. Nayak. Barbara M. Baal and Nabor Sareng, The Kandhs: A HandBook for
Development. Indian Social Institute. New Delhi, 1990.

66N. Patnaik and P. S. Das Patnaik. The Kandh of Orissa, Tribal and Harijan Research
cum Training Institute. Bhubaneswar. 1982.

67Baidyanath Mishra, "Perspective of Tribal Development In Orissa", in Developmental

Aspects of Tribal Areas. Tribal and Harijan Research cum Training Institute,
Bhubaneswar, 1980.

68 K. Ramamurthy, • Administrative Structure in Tribal Areas: Some Important Aspects",

in Developmental Aspects of Tribal Areas, op. cit.

50
 Chapter 2
OBJECfIVES AND STUDY DESIGN

Development of tnbal population of our country is a constitutional obligation of the State.

But, how to develop the tnbals? This has been the vexed question baffiing the country's

policy makers, planners, administrators and all those concerned with the welfare and

development of the tnbal people. Laws have been made with regard to the protection,

safeguard and development oftnbals; and they have been put into practice too. Right from

independence, a large number of development programmes have been undertaken by the

Government of India for the development of the tnbals and tnbal areas to ensure a better

quality of life and also to protect them from exploitation. Thousands of millions of rupees

have been spent for developing a few millions of people. But the resuh shows that the
quality and quantum of development that we have achieved is far from being satisfactory.
Development programmes implemented through different five-year plans have helped the

tnbes but marginally, which is not commensurate with the needs of the tnbals on the one

hand, and the amount of money spent on the other.

Here arises the question as to why tnbal development has not been so satisfactory?

Where lies the mistake? Is it with the policy, approach, administration or implementation of

development programmes or all of the above? This is what the present study seeks to
explore and analyse in the light of the present system oftnbal development administration,

i.e. the continuing strategy oftnbal development, the institutions and organisations engaged

in tnbal development and their inter-linkages, various developmental schemes and

programmes, and finally the way they are administered and implemented.

In most of the third world countries, nationally as well as internationally organised

efforts to promote rapid socio-economic development do not yet seem to be producing the
intended impact. While the penormance of government-administered development

programs does not appear to be measuring up to the expectations, the inefficiency of the

administrative system is proving to be a major constraint on development. On the one

51
 hand, while it is becoming increasingly clear that the inability of development to yield the
promised resuhs is largely attnbutable to the weaknesses in administration, evidence is
rapidly DlOWlting in support of the view that the poor performance of most of the programs
and projects is due to their poor management.) It is in recognition of the significance of the
administrative dimensions in the development process that the World Development Report ,
1983 had focussed on the management of development programs. 2

I
The inadequacy of the administration to respond to newly emerging development J
challenges has largely to do with the fact that earlier development efforts failed to
appreciate the true significance of administrative capability as a key factor in the overall
development process, and, therefore, took no concrete steps to promote administrative
development. As documented by the United Nations, "Administrative capability, though a
key determinant in the success or fuilure of a pian, has not been one of the main
preoccupations of development planners. It has been taken for granted as a constant. It
has normally been assumed that the capability of the ongoing system is sufficient to carry
out the more complex tasks demanded by increasingly sophisticated development plans.
The administrative feaSlbility of projects, where it has been looked into has been confined to
such matters as increased personnel requirements, rather than the more fundamental issues
of administrative capability. Even where administrative reform efforts have been laWlched,
they have generally been attempted in isolation without being directly related to the needs
of national development plans.',3

In faet, ineffective administration is being increasingly recognised as an endemic

source of trouble for a large number of development programmes. Despite serious
attempts to restructure the system of development administration and to increase its
effectiveness and impact, a number of factors still exist, which impede the process. While
the search for innovative ways of improving the administrative capability so as to make
both planning and implementation systems better adapted to developmental needs of the
rural poor have not yielded any prescriptions as yet, the desire to accelerate the pace of
development has fiuther complicated matters. Almost everywhere numerous organizations
and agencies have spfWlg up to implement the development plans and programs. This
S2
 proliferation of newly created units to administer development programs has only produced
some well-known negative side effects, including wasteful duplication of functions,
insurmountable problems of co-ordination, endless inter-agency rivahies and conflicts.

Investments in development projects, which have sharply increased in recent years,

have not led to any improvement in the situation either. Often funds meant for various
development schemes remain unutilised simply because the administration with its existing
resources is not in a position to undertake all the needed action within the time available.
The observations made by an Expert Group on Administrative Arrangements and
Personnel Policies in tnbal Areas in connection with the implementation of tnba!
development progrannnes in India are worth quoting. In its report, the Group observed
that "For the first time since independence, massive ... financial inputs have been made
available in these areas. While these investments have been rising, a corresponding
matching administrative framework has not been brought into existence ... with the result
that outlays ... have not been utilised fully. Thus the objective of benefits accruing to the
tnb8Js has been incompletely realised.'.4

In the current development literature, an observation that appears time and again is
that the constraints on development are not technological or even financial but are
essentially organisational and administrative. In fact, it does not matter what lofty
programs or projects a state launches or how much money it spends on that. But it
matters most, how effectively and efficiently the programs are administered and
implemented in fidfil1ing the needs and aspirations of the people.

This brings into focus the importance of administration (development

administration), Le. the administrative machinery and the way it administers and implements
the developmental programs. Even the UN document recognizes administrative capacity of
the development administrative system as a major and crucial factor in the success or failure
of development efforts. 5 Since tnbal development problems are more complex., a
considerable increase in administrative capability is required to translate the development
plans into effective progrannnes of action. The success oftnbal development progrannnes
53
thus depends not only on the ability of the development ,dministrative system but also on
the development personnel that constitute the bedrock of administrative system and the role
they play in implementation of the development programs, the support and ~operation the
administration gets from the tnbal people, and the participation it evokes in them Above
any thing else, what is more important is the dynamics of interaction between administrative
system and the environment and 'the influence they exercise over each other in the
functioning oftnoal development administration.

In view of the above perspective, the study seeks to examine and analyse the
problems and processes relating to the functioning of tooal development administration
from the organisational. and mvironmental point of view. While the basic premise
Wlderlying the study is that the implementation of development programmes constitutes the
crux of our developmental efforts6 , it makes an attempt to understand and analyse the
forces and factors that largely affect the functioning of the developmental administrative
system making the implementation weak and ineffective.

Objectives of the Study

The main objective of the study is to explore the dynamics of tribal development
adritinistration by critically analyzing its structural and functional aspects. The specific
objectives are:

• To study the socio-ecooomic and cultural milieu of the tnoals and its influence on
the functioning oftnoal development administration;

• To study the government's personnel policy for tooal areas and their perception
towards and role in tribal development;
• To examine the nature and extent of conuption and leakages in the delivery
process;

• To examine the nature of transition taking place from traditional (tooal councils)
political institutions to modern local political institutions (PRls) and the latter's role
in tnoal development;

• To study the role ofVolWltary OrganisationsINGOs in tnoal development with

specific reference to building up human resources for effective people's
participation in tnoal development administration; and
54
• To come out with suggestions and policy prescriptions for a modified ahemative
system oftnbal development administration based on the perceptions developed in
the course of the study.

Scope of the Study

As stated earlier, development administration implies the administration of development
programs and projects not only by governmental administrative machinery but also by the
non-governmental organizations and voluntary organizations as well Accordingly, in order

to have a better understanding of the functioning oftnbal development administration and

to capture the dynamics that preswnably affect its functioning, in addition to the usual
development administrative system including the specialized agencies and organizations, the
study focuses on the role of other actors like PRIs and NGOs in tnbal development. By

examining the tnbal development administration from a holistic perspective, the study seeks
to descnbe social reality largely in terms of its structure, processes and functions in the light
of the ongoing strategy of tnba) development within the broad framework of the national

policy on tnbal development of the Government ofInilla.

The scope of the present study, therefore, lies in examining the dynamics of tnbal
development administration and to see as to how they come on the way of either improving

or impairing the performance of the development administrative system? Obviously, the

study does not intend to evaIuae the impact ofvarious development programmes. It rather
tries to analyse the proce&'1eS and problems associated with the formulation and
implementation of tnbal development programmes from organisational and environmental

perspective.

Analytical Framework
Administering development is a very complex task and it has proved so in the developing
countries. 7 While administration of development is difficult an)'\\'here in the world of

today, in India, it is doubly so because of our special circumstances and also because much
of our thinking and the systems that we have derived from other countries have very little
relevance to the conditions in India. 8 And specifically, when it comes to tnbal
development, the challenges of development administntion are numerous, for the system

55
has to work under peculiar environmental and geographical conditions of region and
cuhure specific areas catering to the needs and requirements of numerous tnoal groups
living in fur-flung areas of remote forests and inacce8Slole hill-tracts virtually cut-off from
the mainstream of the society.

Administration does not function in isolation from its environment. It operates in

an environment. In the process of its interaction with the environment, administration
influences the environment and in tum is influenced by the environment. The understanding
of the dynamics of this process of interaction between the two, ie. the influence one
exercises over the other, is essential for understanding of the administration. 9 Because the
pattern of administration that emerges out of it ultimately determines the degree of
development. Tnbal development, thus, depends on the pattern of tnbal development
administration, which influences and is influenced by the environment, ie. tnoal cuhure,
their economy, social structure and the local political system, etc. Successful functioning of
tnba! development administration can further be attnbuted to the type of personne~ their
beliefS, values, attitudes, perception, motivation and commitment towards the people they
seNe on the one hand, and people's participation and co-operation on the other.

In an att~t to analyz.e the dynamics of tribal development administration, the

study adopted an analytical framework (FtgUfe 2.1) drawing mainly from systems approach
as wen as ecological approach. The general systems approach views an administrative
systern as a sub-system of the society. It looks at various parts of an administrative system
(ie. formal organization, informal organization, roles, and individuals) and examines the
inter-linkages among various parts. Besides, the system approach also analyses the
dynamic interactions between the administrative system and its environment.

The ecological approach, which borrows largely from the systems approach to the
understanding of the phenomena, examines the interactions between an administrative
system and its external environment. It examines the impact of the social, cultura~
economic and political system on the structure and behaviour of the administrative system
as wen as the influence of the administrative system on these environmental structures.
56
 While ecology (a biological term) is concerned with the science dealing with the
inter-relationship of organisms and their environment, ecology of public administration is
interpreted as the interaction of administration with its environment. like a particular plant,
for its growth, requires a particular climate, soil, humidity, temperature etc., the growth or
development of each society is conditioned by its 0\\011 history, economic structure, values
and the political system, etc. The characteristics of the social system and its physical
environment shape the ideas and institutions, which in turn helps promote development.
Thus, to have a clear Wlderstanding of the dynamics of tribal development administration,
we fOWld the ecological approach of Fredrick W. Riggs most rewarding which could help
us Wlderstand the interaction of development administration and its environment by
Wlderstanding the various forces and factors affecting its functioning.

The study thus makes a critical analysis of tnoal development administration by

focusing on the issues like socio-cultural and other environmental and organizational
factors and their influence on the functioning of tnoal development administration. It
examines the personnel policy of the government of India and their perception towards and
role in tribal development, the problem of conuption and leakages in the delivery process
and the role ofPRIs in tnoal development administration.

Besides the governmental administrative organizations and agencies for tnoal

development administration, the birth and expansion of the vohmtary sector, ie. the
formation of thousands of vohmtary organizations has been a decisive trend in the field of
emerging rural development administration. It has often been asserted that successful
functioning of development administration and for that matter tnoal development
administration depends, first of all, on the spread of vohmtary organizations and their
efforts, rather than that of the target oriented approach of the government administrative
machinery. The study, therefore, analyses the role of vohmtary organizations in tnoal
development and their linkages with other local political and administrative institutions in
carrying out the delicate task oftnoal development.

57
 Figure 2.1
Dynamics of Tribal Development Administration

• Beliefs
Personnel • Values
• Attitudes
• Motivation

Social Cultural
'-"
00

Organiza tions
Agencies

Economic Political

• Rules
Procedures
• Regulations
 In the figure 2.1 presented above, there are two variables, namely administrative
system and the environment. The administrative system, ie. development administrative
system, consists of certain organisations and agencies and a number of development
perSonnel who run the system following a set of rules and regulations called procedures.
like a system refers to a complex set of elements in nrutual interaction, the development
administrative system here implies the patterned interactions among different (constituting)
elements such as individual personne~ their values, beliefs, attitudes, motivation, etc.
operating within the framework of the rules and regulations and a particular organisational
structure. Outside the administrative system exist several other systems such as so~
cultural, economic, political, etc., which taken together constitute the environment for the
development administration system -to operate. Now, when the administrative system
operates in the environment, i.e. both administration and environment interact with each
other, in the process of their interaction they influence each other. Operating through
various organisations and agencies, the personnel perform their functions trying to cany out
the organisational objectives following the due procedures. But that is not enough.

As explained earlier, like any other administrative system, formal organisations and
procedures are necessary prerequisites of tnbal development administration. But they are
not sufficient in themselves to determine the nature of its functioning. There are some other
forces- physical and moral, which do influence the functioning of trIbal development
administration. While on the one hand, they represent the moral forces, i.e. the beliefs,
values, attitudes and motivation of the personnel and the people, on the other, they
represent the physical forces from within the environment and the administrative system.
In the process of their interaction with each other, these forces, i.e. intra-organisational as
well as extra-organisatio~ together influence the development administration to function
in a particular way either impairing or improving its performance.

Here, these forces have been referred to as the dynamics, i.e. the functional
relationship between the variables at different points of time and space. It implies that given
an administrative system, with the same personnel and their beliefs, values, attitudes and
motivation, the performance of development administration may be different in a different
59
environment and at different points of time. The reverse is also true. That is, in the SlIDe

environment with a change in the personnel or that of their value system, beliefs. attitudes
and motivation, the performance of development administration could be different

In view of the complex interrelationship between various elements of the system, in

the ultimate analysis, the interaction between administrative system and the environment
boils do\W to the relationship between a small group as defined by the personnel system
and the larger COlDllDmity within which the system operates. Though it looks very ~le
and narrow, in the concrete world situations all interactions between the administrative
system and the environment take place through two groups of individuals, one representing
the personnel system and the other being the COlDTD!mity comprising the society at large. 10

As a member of society, each individual has numerous roles to perform. In the

present context, each member of a group has at least two roles, one as a member of the
sub-group and another as a member of the larger COlDllDmity. For example, besides being a
part of the administrative system or its personnel structure, a civil servant as an individual is
also a member of a fumily, a member of the society, a friend and so on. Similarly, an
average individual also has a number of roles. But a very small section of his total
personality comes in contact with the administration. But the focus of the study here is the
interaction between the individual in his role as a member or as a part of the personnel
structure and an individual as a member of the society so fur as he comes in contact with
the administration.

Ahhough this area is extremely narrow, in the complex human situation, all
elements in the contact zone and outside are not independent variables. The relevant points
of interaction may be few, yet the total personality of an individual will have a bearing on
them and, therefore, the whole personality becomes relevant. II The study of the interaction
between the environment and the administrative system should therefore be understood in
terms of the individual aggregates as packages of personality traits comprising the
respective systems. It needs to be mentioned that individual traits reflecting one's beliefs,
value system, attitudes developed mostly through the process of socialization together with
60
the organizational factors such as organizational goals, one's position in the hierarchical
structure, work culture, etc. help influence his perception and motivation that largely
determines the peIformance of the administrative system

The crux of the ....bole argument here is that the peIformance of the administrative
system depends not so much on the formal organizations, rules and regulations, though
they are important. Rather it depends upon the kind of the personnel employed for the job,
their beliefs, values, attitudes, motivatioll, sincerity, commitment on the one hand and the
environmental factors on the other, ....mch largely determine the pattern of development
administration. It also depends upon the participation and co-operation of the people for
.....nom the system works.

To put it in a more concrete way, if the rules are flexible, progressive and designed
in such a way to bring out the best for the welfare of the tnbaIs, the organization represents
a stimulating work culture and the personnel are d}namic, efficient, sincere, committed and
have a better Wlderstanding of the tnbal social structure, their values, culture, economy and
their way of life, the peIformance of the system would be better. Then again it depends
upon the kind of environment the system operates in.

As is well known, the tnbal society represents an entirely different picture. Their
society, economy, polity and the culture are different not only from the people in the
mainstream, but also from one group to the other. And ,,\!hen the administration operates
in such an environment, all these forces both 'moral' as well as 'physical' from within the
organization and the environment come into play, which in tum help shape up and influence
the functioning of tnoal development administration that ultimately determines the

perl'onnance of the system

Hypotheses
For examining the objectives of the study within the analytical framework presented above,
the investigation was carned out with the help of the following hypotheses.

61
• Development programs meant for the tnbals are not implemented m an efficient
manner.

• . The socio-cuhural practices of the tnbals and other environmental factors affect the
working oftnbal development administration.

• Leakages and conuption in the delivery process largely contnbute towards the failure
of development programs.

• Both personnel and tnbals' negative perception towards each other hampers tnbal
development administration.

• Replacement of traditional tnbal counci1s'Panchayats by the modern Panchayati Raj

institutions have failed to evoke people's co-operation and participation in furthering
tnbal development.

Methodology and Data Base

For an exploratory study such as the one contemplated here, it requires an in-depth
understanding of the issues relating to the structure, processes and functioning of tnbal
development administration. Since the focus of the study is to capture the dynamics of
tnbal development administration by critically examining the problems and processes
relating to the functioning of tnbal development administration, much of the data needed
was expected to be qualitative in nature. Such data could be collected by in-depth
interviews with the actors (beneficiaries as well as development officials, representatives
from PRIs and NGOs) involved in the planning and implementation process of tnbal
development programs. As such, to understand the functioning of tnbal development
administration from a holistic perspective, the case study method was followed to make an
in-depth study of the area covering all aspects oftnbal development administration.

A case study generally refers to a detailed examination of a single 'case' implying

an organization, a factory, a hospital a district or a village. It could also be an individual,
an institution, a community or even a nation. Whatever may the unit of study, it studies the
unit in detail According to Yin, "A case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a
contemporary phenomenon within its real life context when the boundaries between the
62
phenomenon and the context are not clearly evident, and in which multiple sources of
'dence are used. ,,12
ev1
In lact,
Co
case stu dy IS
. an area where multiple methods of data

collection are used. It often involves interviews, observation and documentation analysis to
collect information on the particular case.

Generally, the case study method is preferred to other methods of research when
the researcher is interested in answering 'why', 'what' and 'how' questions, and when
he/she has little control over the factors that affect the phenomenon to be studied. In
helping the researcher to have a better understanding of the phenomenon under study, it
enables himlber to look into the dynamics of the processes of interaction. In this study, the
case study method was therefore followed with a hope that besides helping to understand
the processes of interaction between the administrative system and the environment, it
would help identifY the forces and factors that affect the functioning of the development
administrative system.

In addition to the usual development administrative machinery, tnbal development

administration operates through certain specialised agencies and organisations like ITDAs,
MADA Pockets, Cluster Pockets, Micro Projects for primitive tnbal groups, etc. As such,
in order to have a better understanding of the functioning of tnbal development
administration, only a few blocks having such specialised agencies and the operation of
NGOs were selected for the purpose of sfudy. To understand the functioning of tn"bal
development administration both from the administration as well as clientele perspective,
development personnel as well as some tnbal beneficiaries were interviewed from the
selected viIlages the details of which will be discussed in the sampling section.

Arta of Study
As the title of the study suggests, the study was carried out in the Kalahandi district of
Orissa, taking the district as a unit of administration (Figure 2.3). The selection of the state
and for that matter the district was made in view of the concentration of tn"bal population
on the one hand, and their general socio-economic backwardness on the other. It is widely
known a filct that Orissa is a poor state. And from among the districts of Orissa, Kalahandi
63
is kno\W to be the poorest district which has constantly been in news for more than over a
decade for wide spread poverty, the stories of baby selling by the destitute tnbal parents,
root eating, malnutrition, starvation death and so on.

So fur as tnbal population of the state is concerned, Orissa, with 62 groups of

tnbes, accommodates about 10.38 percent tnbal population of the country and as such,
comes third in the hierarchy of states having largest tnbal population. The district of
Kalahandi with 28.88 per cent tnbal population shares about 4.65 per cent of the total tnbal
population of the state. Fwther, out of 62 groups oftnbes, Kalahandi accommodates 57
tnbal groups, including the numerically dominant Kondh tnbes. The relative socio-
economic backwardness of Kalahandi district can be understood from the data presented in
Table 2.1, 2.2 and 2.3.

64
 Table 2.1
District-wise Socio-Economic Indicators of Orissa (Population)
1991 Census
District! Percmtage Sex DEnsity of Percmtage Percmtage Percentage
State Distri buti on Ratio Population of Urban ofSC ofST
of Population Population Population
Population to Total
Population
1. AmnII 3.04 942 151 11.4616.82 11.68
2. Balasore 5.36 955 458 909 18.57 10.57
3. ~
B 3.81 979 207 6.6718.44 19.56
4. Bhadrak 3.49 985 397 9.9321.71 1.69
5. Bolangir 3.89 981 188 JOjl 15.39 2206
6. Boudh 1.00 987 92 4.8719.64 12.92
7. Cuttack - 6.23 919 504 24.6318.19 3.49
8. ~"rn 0.74 982 84 7.3714.60 33.31
9. Dhenkanal 2.99 954 206 8.2416.03 12.68
10.Gajapati 1.44 1027 151 10.29 8.77 47.88
11.Ganjam 8.54 1006 335 15.6717.91 2.93
12.Jagatsinghpur 3.20 977 583 7.5021.72 0.61
13.Jajpur 438 977 480 3.8522.87 7.40
14.Jharsuguda 1.41 938 203 35.6717.15 31.88
15.Kalahandi 3.57 999 138 6.9117.01 28.88
16.Kendrapara 3.63 1007 448 5.5019.83 0.40
17.Keonjhar 4.23 974 161 12.4811.49 44.52
18.Khurda 4.74 903 520 34.3713.62 5.14
19.Koraput 3.25 991 123 16.6713.41 50.67
20.Malkangiri 1.33 985 69 8.16 19.96 58.36
21.Mayurbhanj 5.95 979 181 6.17 6.99 57.87
22.Nawapara 1.48 1002 138 5.49 1309 35.95
23.Nayagarn 2.47 958 198 335 13.78 5.96
24.Na ur 2.67 989 160 4.97 1509 55.27
25.Phulbani 1.73 999 100 6.53 18.21 51.51
26.Pi.ui 4.13 970 427 12.52 18.56 0.27
27.Rayagada 2.26 1012 94 12.51 14.28 56.04
28.Sambalpur 2.56 956 121 25.40 17.07 35.08
29.Sonepur 151 979 209 7.30 22.11 9.50
30.S undergarn 4.97 936 162 33.36 8.78 50.74
Orissa 100.00 971 203 13.38 16.20 22.21
Source: EcofWmic Survey 1998-99, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Planning and
Co-ordination Department, Government Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1999.

65
 Table 2.2

District-wise Socio-Economic Indicators of Orissa (literacy)

1991 Census
District! Literacy Rate of Literacy Rate of Literacy Rate of
State General Population Scheduled Caste Scheduled Tnbe
Population Population
1. .Angul 51.53 35.88 25.77
2. BaIasore 57.64 40.47 18.91
3. Bargam 47.65 35.68 30.85
4. Bhadrak 60.54 39.19 12.87
5. Bolangir 38.63 33.23 24.86
6. Boudh 40.98 29.74 28.88
7. Cuttack 65.44 45.39 21.03
8. Deogam 44.45 34.06 27.47
9. Dhenkanal 54.91 34.98 22.40
10. Gajapati 29.37 21.74 15.88
11. Ganjam 46.72 28.01 19.98
12. Jagatsinghpur 65.78 47.87 24.87
13. Jajpur 58.00 35.53 16.04
14. Jharsuguda 52.64 42.16 34.87
15•. Kalahandi 31.08 28.28 18.54
16: Kendrapara 63.61 34.51 27.49
17. Keonjhar 44.73 41.77 16.86
18. Khurda 67.72 43.67 24.89
19. Koraput 24.64 47.46 28.11
20. MaT1can om 20.04 20.18 8.34
21. Mayurbhanj 37.88 33.76 6.77
22. Nawapara 27.52 37.79 24.10
23. Nayagam 57.20 23.38 9.66
24. Nawrangapur 18.62 40.17 32.05
25. Phulbani 37.23 25.44 18.49
26. Puri 63.30 42.51 38.94
27. Rayagada 26.01 21.46 10.39
28. Sambalpur 51.56 41.44 32.06
29. Sonepur 42.62 32.70 27.44
30, .Sundergam 52.97 43.86 37.34
Orissa 49.09 36.78 22.31
..
Source: Economic Survey 1998-99, Directorate of EconOilllCS and Statlstlcs, PJannmg and
Co-ordination Department, Government Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1999.

66
 Table 2.3

District-wise Socio-Economic Indicators of Orissa (Occupation)

1991 Census
District! Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage
State of of of of rest of of Total of Total
CuItiv.uors Agricultural Cultivators the Main Main Workers to
to Total Labourers and Workers" Workers to Total
Main to Total Agricultural to Total Total Population
Workers Main Labourers to Main Population
Workers Total Main Workers
Workers
I. Am",1 41.27 28.23 69.50 30.50 ]2.84 38.30
2. Balasore 48.58 26.78 75.36 24.64 27.89 29.52
3. Barv,arh 45.94 ]2.56 78.50 21.50 37.02 44.30
4. Bhadrak 57.64 18.97 76.61 2].]9 25.70 26.64
5. Bolangir 49.04 30.89 79.93 20.07 ]4.57 40.74
6. Boudh 51.90 32.48 84]8 15.62 ]7.99 29.68
7. Cuttack 30.57 22.28 52.85 47.15 28.58 46.55
8. 51.81 31.20 83.01 16.99 ]6.59 4487
9. Dhenkanal ]9.69 32.99 72.68 27.]2 29.99 3290
10. 50.20 35.39 85.59 14.41 41.94 49.29
11. Ganjam 38.96 32.94 71.90 28.10 35.02 40.08
12. J 46.40 21.14 67.54 32.46 26.52 27.53
13. Jajpur 41.79 28.41 70.20 29.80 25.49 26.44
14. 32.71 23.91 56.62 43.38 33.52 39.06
15. Kalahandi 42.85 41.04 83.89 16.11 37.68 45.07
16. Ken 55.91 20.35 76.26 23.74 24.31 25.08
17. Keonjhar 47.68 24.52 72.20 27.80 ]2.91 38.82
18. Khurda 25.97 19.16 45.13 54.87 29.0] 29.94
19. Koraput 48.15 31.26 79.41 20.59 4108 49.90
..
20. • 74.56 15.55 90.11 09.89 37.39 46.86
21. M:tv11 48.49 31.83 80.]2 19.68 37.28 45.82
22. Na 55.38 30.52 85.90 14.\0 ]6.95 45.65
23. N h 49.05 28.05 77.10 22.90 30.23 ]2.28
24. N 52.22 35.65 87.87 12.13 38.78 49.00
25. Phulbani 48.34 34.62 82.96 17.04 38.98 47.75
26. Puri 45.85 23.12 68.97 ]1.03 28.19 29.36
27. R: 40.20 4U] 81.33 18.67 4125 48.89
28. Sambalpur 33.88 33.26 67.14 32.86 ]8.12 44.08
29. Sonepur 48.27 ]4.01 82.28 17.72 36.19 44.06
30. Sundergprh 38.77 17.92 5669 4].] 1 ]2.29 39.44
Orissa 44.31 28.68 72.99 27.01 32.78 37.53
Source: Economic Survey 1998-99, Directorate ofEcononncs and StatIStics. Plannmg and
Co-ordination Department, Government Orissa. Bbubaneswar, 1999.
Note: .. Rest of the main workers refers to seven other broad industrial categories of
workers other than cuhivators and agricultural labourers.

67
Sampling Procedure

To study the development administration in the tnbal areas and tlle implementation of
various development programs by different agencies and organizations.. a muhi-staged
pwposive sampling procedure was followed to select the sampling units. As shown in
figure 2.2, the sampling process was carried out at three different stages.

Figure 2.2
Sampling Procedure

DISTRICT (KAlAHANDI)
(12 C. D. Blocks including 2 ITDA Blocks)

lANnGARH BHAWANIPATNA
(ITDA Block with a Micro Project) (c. D. Block with a MADA Pocket
and Cluster Pocket)

GRAM PANCHAYATS (3) GRAM PANCHAYATS (4)

VILlAGES (6)
VILlAGES (6)
(Covering 80 Beneficiary
(Covering 80 Beneficiary
Households)
Households)

68
Selection ofe. D. Blocks

Kalahandi district has 12 C. D. blocks including 2 Tn"bal Development blocks, which

comprise the Tn"bal Sub-Plan area in the district. Both the Tn"bal Development blocks
llmama l-Rampur and Lanjigarh taken together constitute the Thuamal-Rampur Integrated
Tn"bal Development Agency (ITDA). The office of the Thnamal-Rampur ITDA is located
at Bhawanipatna, which incidentally happens to be the headquarters of Kalahandi district
and that of Bhawanipatna C. D. Block. In addition to I ITDA, Kalahandi has 13 MADA
Pockets, 5 Clusters and one Micro Project for Primitive Tn"bal Groups operating within its
area ofjurisdiction.

As such, taking into consideration the accessibility, existence and operation of

offices of different administrative units, special1y created agencies (established under the
Tnoal Sub-Plan) and NGOs, in the first stage, two Community Development Blocks,

namely Lanjigarh and Bhawanipatna were selected for the purpose of study (Figure 2.4).
Lanjigarh was selected because it forms a part ofThuamul-Rampur ITDA and has a Micro
Project called Kutia Kondh Development Agency operating within the area of its
jurisdiction. Besides, Lanjigarh happened to be the main area of operation of an NGO
called Friends Action for Rural Reconstruction (FARR), which had its head office near the
Block headquarters at Biswanthpur. Bhawanipatna was selected because it has one
Modified Area Development Approach (MADA) Pocket and a Cluster Pocket operating
within the block area. While Lanjigarh Block comprises of the interior highland areas
bordering Rayagada and Phulbani districts, Bhawanipatna Block consists of the
surrounding areas ofBhawanipatna Municipality.

Selection of Gram Pal/Chayats

In the second stage, a few gram panchayats were identified on the basis of geographic
location, distance from the block headquarters and the existence and operation of NGOs.

This was done specifically with a view to examining the influence and impact of

commnnication facilities, information and awareness on the development process of the

69
 Figure 2.3
Location Map of Kalahandi District of Orissa

•••
INDIA
[-
I
ORISSA I
1

N ~ BIIlAR ~•.J I~
~...J\, ~s.,.
,.J .... .../""'-", .., ""'"\... 111,'

~
,1INnA,,(;AlIII _ : ~ I\'(,~ ,
•.1"'0/~\ '--..r-- .., J .~
~ r-' ~.--:",""MRIIA.N~
<..
• -.:-, _V e·J"\......
y A ( .: • ..,..... \!)

('U[OC;AUII) ) '- / e
l • ~ .:
.\!, ~
~ ~ -. \_ .,,,,,.>'
IIAn(:~I.~"~lnAI r'~ .~.
KEONJUt\J.t •
~.
"
MI",,'O"[

~. ~ ~()N,.rll"'Y' "~GI'1. ~ "1:.:::. • !!!!~nl~

... ____- .,,-r(,-. .e'-'
L/
\
~ z· · )"r-../\.-o t. ~.ez..
"""DII'",,-
e )"III:N~ANAj-\JAJ'''M::.r::~
r • ./'".-=\ .... . ~
A~ ...... I.AN(;iU. ,,-,,,,,,,"S',. ~ ,--.--""rU~A<":K-:-~'~;nR.ArAMA
-..I
o ",q;..
~
• ~
'-, NAYAf"ANIl
'-.......... ...-:;:-;
_,."..-' - .,.
,.4.. .
-'
_..."If' NAw).rAI\A rllm DANI~...,' (:'::...:II\IRO".~" .... ,,,GATlUNOUPLI"
~~. C ~ . ..:::' .,.....
~ SELECTED DISTRICT ~ ...... N..., r (".
..:L. "ANJA"
~ /_ v--- UIIU... NESIIWAK

KA\,A(;t\lM, ~ ~(. / BAY

• i I 01'
c:..-
r~
.~) IIF:N(;i\I •
... STAT!:: CAPITAL 4.",1,,1'/1,11

<!J DISTRICT HEADQUARTERS .~ .. ';;;A.'' ' ~:'

~' ntr\,-.
-J
I STATE
BOliNDARIES
--"--- : '''I.KAN'''''' ) \'~,,\)
,,5\\
•

IHSTRICT ---'- /~ ~Q\\~"

.r- "

[- NOT TO SCALE J
 Figure 2.4
Location !\lap of Larijigarh and Bhawanipatna C. D. Blocks of Kalahandi District

ORlSSA
[ KALAHANDI DISTRICT I
t

N or- -.......,., h. "-,

1>\S't~ .J~IWU.AMlIHD. \r'
r,~ ,/ / . b
\\ ...v~ /\ ~ ~
-...
w•
.;>~

.....
~/rqn"
~"r'~ __ COUttJlloA
• .__ .,1 S~=
...::

SELECTED BLOCKS
EHi I. LAHJlGARH J\1!"tA CA RJt
E83 1. BHAWAHIPATHA

$
;-
STAn
PQUNDARIES

DISTRICT
CO. BLOCK
_
-'-
•• -
~o
, ~
~
"
. . . ,-.J
•

~
-Q"r'
o"r"
~,.

c~
1r STAn CAPITAL -e.0.
• DISTRICT IlE,ADQUARnRS NOT TO SCALE
o C. D. BLOCK HEADQUARTERS
tnbals in particular and their standard of living in general Accordingly, out of 12 gram
panchayats in Lanjigarb block, 3 panchayats namely Biswanthpur, Lanjigarh and

Malijubang were selected taking into consideration the above mentioned factors (Figure
2.5). While Biswanathptir G. P. was selected from near the block headquarters situated

within a distance of 0-8 kms from the block office, Lanjigarb G. P. was selected from a
distance of 8-20 kms from the block headquarters. The third, le. Malijubang G P was

selected from the interior highland areas bordering Rayagada district with its panchayat

office situated at a distance of45 krns from the block headquarters.

Similarly, from out of 23 panchayats of Bhawanipatna C. D. block 4 gram

panchayats namely Karlapada, Chheliarnal, Duarsuni and Jugsaipatna were chosen on the

basis of geographic location, distance from the block headquarters and the operation of
specialized agencies like MADA and Cluster Pockets (Figure 2.6). The Cluster Pocket

operating within the area of Bhawanipatna C. D. block covers 11 villages from 3

panchayats namely Karlaguda, Karlapada and Chheliamal The MADA Pocket operating

within the block area covers 94 villages from 4 panchayats namely Risigaon, Sagada,
Duarsuni and Jugsaipatna. Hence, a total of 4 panchayats were selected for the study
taking 2 each from the panchayats covered by Cluster Pocket as well as MADA Pocket. In

terms of distance from the block headquarters at Bhawanipatna, while Karlapada and
Chheliamal are situated at a distance of 18-20 k.ms, Duarsuni was selected from near the

block headquarters situated within a distance of 0-12 kms. The third panchayat. i. e.

Jugsaipatna was selected from the far offhighland areas situated at a distance of around 25-

40 krns.

Besides the Micro Project for Primitive Tnbal Groups namely Kutia Kondh

Development Agency operating in 17 villages of Lanjigarh G. P., when all the 3 selected

panchayats of Lanjigarh block had the presence of NGOs, none of the panchayats selected

in Bhawanipatna was covered by NGOs.

72
 Figure 2.5
Location Map of Selected Gram Panchayats and Villages of Lanjigarh C. D.
Block

JIGARH
BLOCK
N

i
SELECttD
GRAM PANCBAYAt'S
&:
VILLAGES
im BISWANATHPUR
• 1. GaI ..,abandhl
1. SibJIll'
LANnGARH
3.Mubpadar
4.Similibuta
MAUJUBANG t,
s. U.blbabln
6. Serbjhala

fo' .... part

STATE
DISTTUCf
I • DlSTRJcr HEADQUARTERS
o Co D. BLOCK HEADQUARTERS I
CO.BLOCK NOT TO SCALE .
G.P

73
 Figure 2.6
Location Map of Selected Gram Panchayats and Villages of Bhawanipatna
C. D. Block

BHA ANIPATNA
BLOCK
N

SELECTED
GRAM PANCItAVATS
I
"
Vn..LAGES
FrJI KARLAPADA
• 1. MadlJtgpadar
CHHEUAMAL
1. Cllbelluaal
OUAJlSUNl
3. Duanoni
4. 8eheraguda
JUGASAJPATNA
50 TaapbalJak
6.

• DISTRICT taADQUARTERS
o C. D. BLOCK BKADQUARTERS

STATE
DlSnuCT NOT TO SCALE
CO. BLOCK
p

74
Selection of Vii/ages mid Beneficiaries

The third stage in the sampling process consists of selection of villages and beneficiaries for
collection of primary data. First of all, for the pwpose of selecting villages and
beneficiaries, village-wise and programme-wise lists of beneficiaries for the year 1993-94
and 1994-95 were obtained from the office of the ITDA and other implementing agencies
Since a large number of programs are being implemented in the tnbal areas, an inventory of
development programs was prepared collecting information from the respective
organizations and agencies involved in the formulation and implementation of development
programs. After due consulution with the experts and officials associated with tnbal
development activities a typology of development programs was prepared selecting a few
specific programs for the ptupose of study. In selecting the programs for the study,
emphasis was given on family-oriented income generating schemes implemented by
different agencies and organizations. Thus, basing on the typology of development
programmes prepared earlier and also the village-wise and scheme-wise lists of
beneficiaries, two villages with concentration of beneficiaries under the selected
programmes were chosen from each of the selected panchayats. Since only one village was
chosen from each of the panchayats coming under the Cluster Pocket, ie. Karlapada and
Chheliamal, a total of 12 villages were selected from both the blocks.

Having selected the sample villages, all those beneficiaries in the selected villages
who received assistance during the year 1993-94 and 194-95 under the category of
programmes selected for study were chosen for obtaining relevant information on issues
and problems relating to the fomru1ation and implementation of development programmes.
It does not mean that apart from those selected there were no other beneficiaries in the
selected villages. In fact, there were. But since they received assistance either before the
year 1993-94 or received assistance under schemes and programmes not selected for the
purpose, in the context of the present study they were considered as non-beneficiaries.
Altogether, a total of 160 beneficiary households assisted under 8 family-oriented income
generating schemes were selected from the 12 selected villages of Lanjigarh and
Bhawanipatna C. D. blocks. Table 5.1 given in Chapter 5 presents the details of
distnbution of beneficiaries across the selected villages in both the blocks who were assisted
75
under different development programmes sponsored by IIDA, MADA, Cluster, Micro
Project and JRY under different programmes.

Period of Data Collection

For the pwpose of the present study, data were collected from January 1995 to March
1995 and later on from September 1995 to November 1995. In collecting information from
the tribal beneficiaries, care was taken to select those beneficiaries who received assistance
under developmental programs during the period 1993-94 to 1994-95 depending upon their
availability in the selected villages. Subsequent visits were also made to the field area in the
year 1997 to keep track with the changes particuIarly in the field of decentralised
governance and tnbaIs participation therein.

Sources of Data

In this study data collected from both primary as well as secondary sources have been made
use of While information collected from tnbal beneficiaries, development officials,
representatives from Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) as well as NGOs through focussed
group discussions, observation and interviews constituted the primary source of data, data
from the secondary sources were collected from the study of relevant literature published
and unpublished, official records and files, census reports etc.

While the Acts, Rules and the CircuIars issued by the Central and State
governments were consulted for understanding the legal and structural framework of
development administrative set up, the reports of various Commissions, Committees,
Working Groups and Study Teams constituted by the central and state governments were
referred to for obtaining first hand information about the fimctioning of the organizations
and institutions engaged in tnbal development. The Census data along with government
files, records and reports were used to understand the general characteristics of the state as
a whole and the district selected for the study in particular.

76
Tools ofDala Collection

In addition to focussed group discussion lJ and obSCIVation, information from primary

sources were collected through two sets inteIView schedules, ie. one for the tnbal
beneficiaries and the other for the development officials. While information from tnbal
beneficiaries of the selected villages was collected through focussed group discussions,
observation and inteIView schedules, information from development officials representing
the specialized agencies as well as community development blocks, banks and other
financial institutions were collected through personal inteIViews using the inteIView
schedules. Ahogether a total of 22 officials including bankers were inteIViewed for the
purpose. While this was done with a view to understanding the fimctioning of tnbal
development administratipn both from the administration as well as clientele perspective,
representatives from PRls and NGOs were also inteIViewed with the help of inteIView
schedules to have their perceptions and reflections on their role in the delicate task of tribal
development.

In preparing the intcrview schedules for tnbal beneficiaries care was taken to
incorporate those questions, the answers to which would help in examining the objectives
and testing the hypotheses. In a ten-page inteIView schedule questions were raised to have
a reflection of tnbals' views on different aspects relating to implementation of tnbal
development programmes, their attitude and perception towards the development officials,
Panchayati Raj Institutions and the NGOs working in their area. In addition to the above,
information from the beneficiaries were also collected through observation and focused
group discussions.

Similarly in the inteIView schedules for development officials like extension officers
and Block Development Officers at the C. D. block level and other officials belonging to
the specially created agencies and organisations like ITDA, MADA, etc. and some other
bank officials were prepared focussing on issues like participation and co-operation of
tnbals in the formulation and implementation of development programmes, follow-up
actions, co-ordination, monitoring and evaluation, etc.

77
 While much of the relevant infonnation could be collected through obseJVation and
focussed group discussions with the tnbals in their leisure times in the evenings, the
interview schedules were used to obtain quantitative infonnation about their fiuniIy size,
economic condition, education, occupation, etc. Mostly the interview schedules were used
to supplement the information and sometimes to verifY the information already obtained
through observation and focused group discussions. Since a case study method is different
from the survey method and basicaDy makes use of qualitative data, it depends much on the
power of observation, sense of logic and analysis. However, the data used in case studies
can also be quantitative. That is why interview schedules were used to collect some
quantifiable information so as to have some kind of quantitative interpretation of data to
support our qua1itative analysis.

As regards the role and performance of the PRls and the NGOs in tnbal
development, information was collected from the office bearers of the PRIs and NGO
workers through personal interviews and infonnal discussions and by attending meetings at
the Gram Panchayat and Panchayat Samiti level Since there was no Zilla Parishad existing
at the district level during the period of study, it was not pOSSIble to obtain any information
from the representatives of district panchayats. The acceptabiIity ofPRIs by the tnbals and
their role in tribal development was examined from the perspective oftnbaIs' participation
in the local political institutions in particular and the process of development in general

In collecting primary information about tnbal social structure and their way of
living, etc., assistance was taken from the knowledgeable persons in the villages like
corrmrunity leaders, members of the village level connnittees, school teacher and others
who acted as 'key informants' and provided interesting information on tactual matters
relating to tnballife, their customs, traditions, values, attitude and behaviour.

Analysis oj Data
Primary information collected through focus group discussions, observation and
interviews with the tribal beneficiaries as well as development officials and
representatives from PRIs and NGOs were mostly qualitative in nature. However,
78
 quantitative information gathered through interview schedules was represented in
tabular and graphical forms wherever possible, and interpreted through simple
arithmetic means like percentages and averages. This was made use of to substantiate
our analysis, which is mostly qualitative in nature. Broadly speaking, for a subject of
this nature, a descriptive-analytical method was used drawing upon the empirical data
or findings wherever needed.

Limitations of the Study

Carrying out a research study in the tnbal areas is a difficult task and the difficulties get
muhiplied when one attempts to venture into their traditional social, economic, political and
i
cultural life trying to examine its interaction with and influence over modern administrative
systems called development administration. This is because people living in tradition bound
societies like tnbals tend to live in a kind of closed system generally not willing to allow the ,j'

outsiders to make an inroad into their lives. Despite the problems inherent in the process,
all pOSSIble efforts were made to take the study to its logical conclusion. However,
limitations still remain which could not be eliminated. And they are:

• Since the development programs currently being undertaken in the tnbal areas are '.'
\,
innumerable, in view of the scope of the study and in keeping with the limitations
the researcher had in terms of resources, ie. time, money and manpower, the study
was carried out taking a rather small number of family oriented income generating
programs. Obviously, the community oriented development programs
implemented in the tnbal areas under infrastructure, economic development and
human resources remain outside the purview of the study.

• The gestation period being so long, a number of changes might have taken place
pertaining to the study area and the field of research. One such change pertains to
the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act 1996. All pOSSIble effort
was made to collect the latest information in this regard. However, it may take
sometime before the implications of the Act could be assessed.

79
 • As it happens to be a case study, a study carried out mostly among the dominant
Kondh rommunity involving the interactions and influences between their socio,
eronomic, political, psychological and cuhural environment with the administrative
system, the inferences drawn or the ronclusions anived at can not be generalised.
The findings of the study only indicate the problems underlying the system of
development administration that affect its fimctioning in the real world situation.

Notes and References

Samuel Paul, Managing Development Programmes, Westview Press, Boulder,

1

Colorado, 1982. Also see Samuel Paul, Strategic Management of Development

Programmes: Guidelines for Action, Management Development Series 19,
International Labour Office, Geneva, 1983 and Milton J. Esman and John
Montgomery, 'The Administration of Human Development", in Peter T. Knight (ed.),
Implementing Programmes of Human Development, The World Bank Staff Working
Paper No. 403, The World Bank, Washington, D. C., 1980.

2 World Bank, World Development Report 1983, Oxford University Press, New York,
1983.

3 United Nations, General Technical Paper, Department of Economic and Social

Affairs, Public Administration Division, New York, 1971 (E. 71, II, H. 3, P. 37).

• Report of the Expert Group on Administrative Arrangements and Personnel Policies

in Tribal Areas, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New D~lhi, 1979, p.
1.

5 United Nations, Development Administration: Current Approaches and Trends in

Public Admini.stration for National Development, Department of Economic and Social

Affairs, United nations, New York, 1975, p. 32.

6G. Ram Reddy and G. HaragoPal' "Rural Development: Implementation is the

Crux", Journal of Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 2, No.4, 1985, p. 275.

7Kempe R. Hope, 'Some Problems of Administering Development in Developing

Nations", Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 29, No, 1, Jan-March 1983.

8Speech delivered by the former Prime Minister of India Smt. Indira Gandhi to the
Senior and Middle Level Officers from the State and Union Government
Departments of India undergoing a long-term course at the Indian Institute of
Public Administration, New Delhi, on February 7, 1984.

9Fredrick W. Riggs, The Ecology of Public Administration, Asia Publishing House,

New Delhi, 1961.

80
10 B. D. Sharma, *Environmental Context and the Personnel System: Its Implications
for Tribal Area:i', Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vo1.22, No.1, Jan-March 1976.

11 Ibid.

12 Robert K. Yin, Case Study Research: Design and Metlwds, Sage Publications, New
Delhi, 1984.

13 Focus group discussion refers to group discussion exploring a set of specific issues.

While the group is focussed in terms of some kind of collective activity, the discussion
is also focussed on the subjective experiences, i.e. attitudes and experiences around
specific topics regarding a particular concrete situation under study. Crucially the
focussed groups are distinguished from broader category of group interviews by the
explicit use of group interaction to generate data. instead of asking questions to each
person, focus group discussion encourage participants to talk to one another, in asking
questions, commenting on each other's experiences and points of view. Tribals, who
usually do not speak out or share much information individually, comfortably express
their opinion and experiences when ~ey are approached in group. This aspect of their
behaviour prompted the researcher to elicit relevant information regarding the subject
under investigation by holding focus group discussions in their leisure times. Mostly,
the focus group discussions were held in the evening by organising get together among
the villagers- both beneficiaries as well as non-beneficiaries in their respective village
squares.

81
 Chapter 3

TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION IN INDIA:

APPROACHES, POLICIES, PLANS AND PROGRESS

Right from the Briish Rule in India, there have been many changes and shifts in the
approaches and strategies to tribal development. The institutiona~ structural and
functional contoUIS of tribal development administration have changed not only in
confomllty with the developmental policies and strategies that have evolved over a
period of time, b~ also in keeping with the changing needs and priorities of tnbal
people.

This chapter seeks to present a historical ovetVlew of tribal development

administration in India as it evolved over the years. Outlining various approaches to
tribal development both before and after independence, it discusses India's policy of
tribal development, uibal development under the Five-Year Plans, and finally the
strategy of Tribal Sub-Plan enunciated during Fifth Five-Year Plan. Helping us to
understand the administrative and institutional arrangement at various levels including
those specialised agencies and organisations set up under the Tnbal Sub-Plan, it makes a
brief appraisal of tribal development during the four and half decades of planned
development.

Approacbes to Tribal Development

Though the problems oftribals had attracted the attention of country's politicians, policy
makers and social workers much before independence, the whole perspective with
regard to the role of state vis-it-vis the tribal people in India underwent a significant
change only after the adoption of the Constitution. The builders of modem India took
the task of development of tribal people and their integration with the mainstream of
Indian society as one of the problems of nation-building and accordingly, the subject
of tribal development has been accorded an important place in India's strategy for
national development since then.

82
 The first Prime Mini~er of free India late Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, who had
great love for the tribals, wanted the tribals to "develop along the lines of their own
genius" and further assured that in no case should there be any imposition in the name of
their development. I Delivering the inaugural address at the Conference of Tnoes and
Scheduled Areas held at New Delhi, in 1952, he stated that "I am not at all sure which
way of living is better, ours or theirs. But in some ways, I am quite certain theirs is
better. A great deal of things could be learnt from their cuhure especially in the frontier
areas. They are people who sing and dance and try to enjoy life; not people who sit in
stock exchanges and shout at each other and call that civilisation.',2 Further, addressing
an all-India Conference of the Tribals held at Jagdalpur (Bastar District, Madhya
Pradesh), in March 1955, he advised the tribals of India in the following words:

"Wherever you live, you should live in your own way. This is what I want you
to decide yourselves. How would you like to live? Your old customs and habits
are good. We want that they should survive but at the same time we want that
you should be educated and should do your part in the welfare of the country". 3

While the above statements of Pundit Nehru symbolise the concern and care for
the development and welfare oftribals, the main objective of the tnoa! policy in the post
independent India has been the social, economic and educational advancement of the
tnoaIs with an emphasis on the their integration with the rest of the society on a footing
of equality.

Prior to independence, British administration, on the one hand., and the social
workers, reformers and missionaries on the other, had worked for the development of the
tnoaIs and evolved their respective lines of approaches. These approaches to tribal
development may separately be considered in the context of pre-independence and post-
independence periods. While the approaches during the pre-independence period mostly
varied at the two extremes, i.e. the policy of isolation or total assimilation, after
independence the policy of integration with the local, regional and national settings is
mostly followed. Of course, the assimilation process is still there, but mostly at the
initiative of the social reformers. Historically, the approaches to the development of the

83
tribal people in India can, therefore, be divided into three categories such as
(a) Isolationist Approach., (b) Assimilation Approach, and (c) Integration Approach

Isolationist Approach

During the British rule in the pre-independence period, most of the tribal communities
in India remained isolated from the mainstream of national life. Deliberately, the
tribal areas were kept secluded and cut off from the rest of the people. The policy of
the British government was solely directed and dominated by the colonial interests
and based on isolation and exploitation of the tribals. Since the policy of isolation and
neglect encouraged the vested interests namely landlords, contractors and moneylenders
to exploit and uswp the tnballand and forests, the tribesmen had to remain at the mercy
of the officials and usurers. It was a policy of total neglect and saga of exploitation
The whole basis of British administration in India was to support its supporters 4 The
vested interests, i.e. non-tribal landlords, contractors and moneylenders not only took
possession of the tribal land, but also brought the tribals in perpetual bondage. Such
encroachments on the tribals' right in land and forest led to the expression of anger in
the form of tribal uprising in many places. 5

The upnsmgs made the British administration, among those who had a
sympathetic understanding of the tribal problems, take some measures for the
protection of tribal interests. Accordingly, a number of Acts such as the Scheduled
Tracts Act 1870, Scheduled Districts Act 1874 and the Government of India Act 1919
were enacted by the British Parliament wherein areas with large concentration oftribals
were segregated and isolated for separately dealing with the problems of the tribal
people. Further, in the name of helping the tribals with special protections. the
Government of India Act 1935 provided for the creation of 'excluded' and 'partially
excluded' areas with separate political representation for the tribes.

But the main thrust of the policies adopted by the British government was to
isolate the tribal people from the general mass and separate the tribal areas from the
pwview of the normal administration. On the whole. the British government was
inclined to leave the tribesmen alone, partly because of the task of administration..
84
especially in the boarder areas, was difficult and unrewarding, partly from a desire to
quarantine the tribes from possible political infection, and partly because a number of
officers sincerely held the view that the people were better and happier as they were. 6

The policy of isolation by the British government was largely effected by their
deliberate efforts not to develop communication in the tribal areas, which, as a result,
remained cut off from the rest of the popUlation. A few roads that were constructed were
for security purposes and to enable the contractors to exploit the forest produce.
Communication with other groups of people in the plain was also discouraged as the
tribal areas were made secluded by the authority. The most burning example that can be
cited in this respect is of the North Eastern Himalayan tribes. They had no
communication with the rest of India and consequently, a sense of separatism developed
in them

Only a few people namely contractors, government officials and some

businessmen could enter the isolated tribal areas through the administration and were
allowed to have economic transactions. These people grouped together and, in the
absence of any specific guidelines, they started business on their own terms and
conditions that led to the exploitation of an extreme degree.

Apart from the policy of isolation and neglect, the British never hesitated to
intervene or even to mop up whenever any untoward tendency, detrimental to their
colonial interest, was sensed among the tribals. Sometimes through brutal repression
and quite often through indirect involvement by the method of appeasement of tribal
chiefs and their influential elite groups, they succeeded in deriving maximum political
benefit. Simultaneous with their general policy of isolation characterised by non-
intervention or limited intervention under dire political need, they often provided covert
and sometimes direct encouragement to the Missionary activities leaving the tribal areas
as a pastureland for Christian Missionaries. The Christian Missionaries, who went there
to serve the suffering humanity, soon started proselytising the tribals. This resulted in
largt>-scale conversion of many tribal groups, especially in the states of Eastern India,
which had far reaching implications. With the passage of time it became more and more
85
apparent to the people that the primary goal of the Missionaries was conversion and "the
opening of schools, hospitals md other welfare agencies (were) only bait in the trap of
conversion".7 Thus, the Missionaries, under the garb of humanitarianism, served the
obnoxious political motives of the colonial rulers. It was a sort of intellectual and moral
aggression on Indian life strongly patronised by the British Government, which aimed at
gradually alienating a chunk of population from the mainstream by generating a kind of
sentimental and emotional detachment with the rest of the people; a process that could be
effectively carried out under the auspices of British policy of isolation.

Verrier Elwin, the renowned anthropologist and the Advisor on tn"bal affairs to
the Government of Assam, recommended the isolation of tribal groups in certain I,
extreme cases. Advocating the establishment of a sort of 'National Park' for the tribal
people, Elwin advised that their contact with the outside world should be reduced to
the minimum 8 The social reformers and the national leaders fighting for the freedom
of the country did not subsaibe to Elwin's 'National Park' policy of keeping the
tn"bals as museum specimens. Criticising the 'isolationistic' and 'separatistic'
approach as dangerous for national solidarity, A. V. Thakkar, a close associate of
Mahatma Gandhi, advocated for the assimilation of tribals with the mainstream of
Indian society which later came to be known as assimilation approach.

The Government of India after independence also continued with the policy of
isolation, of course, in a slightly modified form The partial exclusion of large tribal
areas was followed by special welfare measures, which resulted in a separatistic
move, i.e. the demand for an independent Naga State and an autonomous lharkhand.
The declaration of "a few particular areas of tribal concentration as Scheduled Areas
and Tribal Areas" is also an example of partial isolation. The isolationistic treatment
could also be noticed in the various five-year plans wherein tribal development faced
a kind of financial segregation. The fund meant for 'tribal welfare' was kept reserved
for tribal development and the general fund was not utilised for the developmental
work among them They were not given the benefit of being a part of the general
mass.

86
ASsimilation Approach

Assimilation as an approach to tribal development refers to the assimilation of tribal

people with the rest of the population through acculturation and their ultimate
incorporation into the mainstream of society. Acculturation according to
anthropologists is a phenomenon "which results when groups of individuals having
different cultures come into continuous first hand contact with subsequent changes in
the original cultural patterns of either or both groups. ,.p This process of tribal
transformation has been conceptualised by M. N. Srinivas as 'Sanskritisation,lo. The
process of tribal acculturation or Sanskritisation is expected eventually to result in
tnDal assimilation. Park and Burgess define assimilation "as a process of
interpenetration in which one group acquires the memories, sentiments and attitudes
of other groups 'and in this way incorporated with them in a common cultural life". 1I
It has been argued that through this process of assimilation, cultural differences tend
to di sappear. 12

Being llioved by the plight of the tribals, the social workers and politicians
under the leadership of A V. Thakkar strongly criticised the isolation policy and
argued for their assimilation with mainstream of Indian society. Dealing with the
problems of Aboriginals of India in his R. R. Kale Memorial Lectures, in 1941,
Thakkar observed that "to keep these people confined to or isolated in their
inaccessible hills and jungles is something like keeping them in glass cases of a
museum for the curiosity of purely academic persons. ,,13 Analysing the tribal
problems in terms of poverty, illiteracy, lack of communication, ill health, defects in
administration and lack of leadership, he advocated the elimination of all these
problems from tribal areas and indicated a line of action to be applied to any tribal
concentration. Emphasising the need and importance of contact, he argued that unless
the aboriginals realised through contacts with more advanced people their own
backwardness in the economic, social and political field, they could not make any
progress.

In India, the tribal people have come in contact with Hindu and various other
communities and acquired their culture leading to assimilation in different parts. In
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the process, some tribals have gradually accepted the Hindu way of life and others
have converted to Christianity. Anthropologists like Elwin, Majumdar, Dube and
Ghurye opine that this culture contact has created a set of different types of tribes on
acculturation level. Applying their own methods and ways of classification though
different scholars have come out with different categories of tribes, their classification
reveal that the process of assimilation has been a part and parcel of the Indian tribal
culture. As such, most of the tribals in India have acquired the way and life pattern of
the Hindu religion. Ghurye characterised the tribals as 'Backward Hindus' or 'as
imperfectly integrated classes of Hindu society' and argued that "any attempt to
isolate them from the mainstream of Indian life would be meaningless". 14

Integration Approach
The third way in which the tribals of India were approached is of integration of the
tribes with the regional and national setting. Paying due attention to different
arguments and counter arguments, the leaders of independent India rejected the policy
of isolation on the ground that it would deepen and perpetuate division within the
Indian nation and considered it wise to adopt a middle path of national integration by
pursuing the policy of protection and welfare simultaneously. The base of Indian
culture being 'unity in diversity', the politicians, social reformers, anthropologists as
experts on the tribal ways of life and the administrators combined their skills and
adopted an integrated approach towards the tribals.

In the background of pre-independent thinking about the tribals, the first Prime
Minister of India gave a serious thought to the problems of tribals and suggested his
own enlightened approach ''to develop the tribals along the lines of their own genius",
and expressed his disapproval against our false idea ''to call some people primitive
and to think of ourselves highly civilised." The Panchsheel, Le. the five fundamental
principles for tribal development enunciated by Pundit Nehru and the latest
approaches to tribal development as visualised through the tribal Sub-Plan strategy
since the fifth five year plan clearly reflect the policy of integration through protection
oftribals against exploitation and their socia-economic development.

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 'I

Tribal Development Administration in Pre-independence Era

When British administration had spread into most part of the Indian sub-continent, the
tribal areas in India were the lasts to come under the British rule. This was mainly due to
inaccesSIbility to the difficult terrain and remote forests they were living in. With the
development of transport IIld communication, which opened up the hitherto
inaccessible tribal areas, the British rulers entered into the hills and forests inhabited by
the tnbals that ultimately led to the extension of British administration and
establishment of law and order in these areas. With this change, there was an influx
of other caste people from a more civilised world who rushed into the tribal areas to
exploit its economic potentials.

Being supported by the British administration, the non-tribal vested interests

namely, landlords, contractors and moneylenders started exploiting the tribals and uswp
their land and forests. These vested interests not only took possession of the tribal
land, but also brought the tnbals in perpetual bondage. While the British
administration, along with the vested interests, started exploiting the tribals and the
resource rich tnbal areas, it did not take any positive step to improve the tnbals' lot.
There were areas in the country where the relationship of the tribals with the
administrators and the non-tnbal communities was not amicable. The tribal people
continued to rise in rebellion for a long period for asserting their right to self-
governance particularly in relation to their rights over land and forests. History
reveals that there were instances of clashes between the tribal groups and the police,
which ultimately resulted in the annexation of tribal land and the imposition of
sovereign power by the colonial administration.

Though a number of Acts 15 were passed by the British government to deal with
the tribal problems, the history of tribal development administration in India can,
however, be traced back to the 1930s' when for the first time an official reference was
made to the 'backward tribes' in the Government of India Act 1935. By passing the
Government of India Act 1935, the British government declared some of the nibal areas
as 'excluded' and others as 'partially excluded' and adopted a somewhat soft policy in
administering those areas.
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 The British government broadly followed the model of an indirect rule under
which tenitories predominantly populated by the tribes were demarcated and brought
under the special provisions of the constitution. The idea was to protect the tribals
from the unequal competition of their more aggressive neighbours and to anow them
to lead their life according to their traditional pattern without undue disturbances from
extraneous forces. The normal administration of the provinces, in which tribal areas
were located, was not extended to them In many regions, single line administration was
established where all authority was vested in one fimctionary who was the chief i
1
representative of the government in that area. The local custom was honoured and there ~ I
I
was intervention only when it was considered inevitable. Thus the administration in the
tribal areas during the pre-independence days was not formalised. 16 At first individual
laws applicable to particular areas were enacted which among other things prescribed
simple elastic form of judicial and administrative procedures.

In fact, the area-wise isolation began with the enactment of Government of India
Act of 1870 wherein provision was made for specifYing few areas as 'scheduled tracts'
in the country. In 1874, the Scheduled Districts Act gave effect to what was contained in
the Government of India Act of 1870. Further, a number of Acts were enforced from
time to time till 1919 when certain territories were declared 'backward tracts' under the
Government of India Act 1919. These 'backward tracts' were nothing but the same as
those of 'scheduled tracts' and 'scheduled districts' with certain additions and omissions.
Based on the recommendations of the Montague Chelmsford Report, the Act of 1919
made specific provisions for the formulation of special administration of various
backward areas as ordered by the Governor General-in-Council. The administrative
authorities working at the District and Taluk. levels had to make final decisions in
matters of law and order, and the right to land wherever necessary. The officers working
in the interior tribal areas had greater freedom to conduct the affairs of the tribals
keeping in mind the broad policy framework of the colonial authority. Then came the
famous Government of India Act 1935.

Under the Government of India Act 1935, while the popularly elected
governments took charge of the administration of the provinces, in the excluded area the

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Governor functioned in his own discretion. In the case of partially excluded areas, the
governor functioned with the advice of his ministry. The Act also made provision for
the institution of Tribal Inquiry Committees for the partially excluded areas which can be
re~arded as an important milestone in the matter of tribal development in the British era.
This was mainly provided for improving the administration of the tribal areas
particularly in the provinces of Bihar, Orissa, Bombay and Madras. The provincial
legislatures had no power to discuss and vote the expenditure to be incurred for the
administration and welfare of the tnoals living in excluded areas, while the budgetary
provisions in respect of the partially excluded areas were subject to scrutiny and vote by
the legislature. Discussion of any matter connected with the excluded areas needed the
prior permission of the Governor. Compared to the earlier Acts, though the Government
of India Act 1935 brought some minor improvements in the treatment oftnoal problems,
the general policy of the British administration towards the tnoals continued to be that of
isolation.

Since the task of administration in the hill areas was difficult and costly, the
British administrators strongly thought it expedient to live the tnoaIs alone. Further, it
was considered desirable to keep away the tribals from possible political influence from
the world outside. Some of the British officers genuinely felt that left to them the tnoal
people would remain a happier lot. Apart from special protection, some welfare
programmes and legislations were enacted and implemented by the British rulers during
the pre-independence period to mitigate the sufferings of the tribals and prevent their
exploitation by the outsiders. However, there was no deliberate attempt to strengthen the
economic base of these downtrodden backward communities in the country. Though it
is true that the Christian Missions under foreign missionaries did a lot of welfare works
17
in the field of education and health, it had other implications toO. The main purpose of
their policy towards tnoal development was to secure peace and not necessarily to help
the people to advance on the road of progress either by integration with the plain Hindus
. 18
or 0 th erwtSe ....

In short, the British approach towards the tribes in India was one of isolation and
segregation of the tnoals from the mainstream of national life. The motive was to see

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