Professional Documents
Culture Documents
HISTORY
OF WARFARE
General Editor
kelly devries
Loyola College
Founding Editors
theresa vann
paul chevedden
VOLUME 32
60 chapter two
EDITED BY
PATRICK J. SPEELMAN
BRILL
LEIDEN BOSTON
•
2005
On the cover: General Henry Lloyd. Detail of map 18 (page 606) “The Battle of Zornsdorf.”
A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
ISSN 1385–7827
ISBN 90 04 14410 2
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written
permission from the publisher.
Illustrations
Maps
1
For a detailed study of his life and writings see, Patrick J. Speelman, Henry
Lloyd and the Military Enlightenment of Eighteenth-Century Europe, foreword by Dennis
Showalter, Contributions in Military Studies, no. 221 (Westport, Connecticut &
London: Greenwood Press, 2002).
xiv editor’s preface
in 1968, the first since 1771. His Essay on the English Constitution,
obscure in his own day due to its anonymity, is not even catalogued
under his name in the few libraries that own a copy of this rare
political tract. Of all his works the study of the invasion and defense
of Great Britain received the most posthumous attention. During the
Napoleonic wars it went through six new editions in the government’s
public relations campaign to reassure a frightened populace that a
French invasion would fail (a French edition used Lloyd’s analysis
to argue the contrary). If Lloyd is a relatively unknown figure today
it is in large part due to the general unavailability of his writings.
Lloyd’s six published works comprise this volume, arranged in the
order of their publication. Although a logical layout, one still might
find it odd that the two volumes on the Seven Years’ War, of sim-
ilar subject matter, are bookends to the overall edition. But the reader
should be able to trace Lloyd’s overall intellectual development rather
than be presented with an artificial arrangement. This is especially
important for eighteenth-century intellectuals who dabbled in several
spheres of study and saw no real divisions between them. The essence
of the original editions has been preserved, except for obvious typo-
graphical errors overlooked or ignored by the previous publishers.
Lloyd’s frequent misspellings are left intact as is his awkward gram-
mar and style. Numbered footnotes contain all editorial corrections,
commentary, and explanation except when added between brackets
within the text. Each book’s introductory essay provides context and
information otherwise absent from the texts themselves.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Lloyd’s first historical treatise, The History of the Late War in Germany,
Vol. 1 (1766), reflects both his experiences in the Austrian Army
during the Seven Years’ War and his burgeoning enlightened out-
look, which attempted to distill the natural laws of warfare into basic
principles of organization and action. The first significant contem-
porary analysis of the Seven Years’ War, John Houlding considers
it ‘unquestionably one of the best pieces of analytical military his-
tory to be written in the English language.’1
The European war began in 1756, but Lloyd did not see action
until 1758. Recommendations from Joseph Wenzel Laurenz, Fürst
von Liechtenstein and the Archbishop of Vienna, Christoph
Bartholomäus Anton, Graf von Migazzi zu Wall und Sonnenthurn,
secured a lieutenant’s commission in Franz Moritz, Graf von Lacy’s
Generalquartiermeister corps. Under Lacy’s leadership Lloyd excelled as
staff officer, scout, and operational planner. He saw action at Hochkirch
and Maxen in particular, but was also privy to the official reports
of battles which he used to supplement his own analysis of the cam-
paigns. Accordingy to his comrade and fellow staff officer, the Italian
nobleman Pietro Verri, Lloyd was a paragon of the military profes-
sional. He intended his history to inform the officers with whom he
served and against whom he fought. In 1760, Lacy promoted Lloyd
to captain in the staff ’s Feld-Jäger-Corps (light infantry). He resigned
the following year after altercations with superiors, thereafter join-
ing the Brunswickian army under Prince Ferdinand.
Lloyd’s methodology was two-fold. He detailed in a narrative fash-
ion the political causes of the war and its chief campaigns in order
to analyze and criticize their conduct. His controversial critique of
Frederick the Great (whom he considered a military genius) as a
flawed statesman whose many mistakes led to the near destruction
of Prussia explains the author’s anonymity. It also triggered a gen-
eral Prussian reaction spearheaded by Georg Friedrich von Tempelhof.2
1
John A. Houlding, Fit for Service: The Training of the British Army, 1715–1795
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), 224.
2
See Georg Friedrich von Tempelhof, Geschichte des Siebenjährigen Krieges in Deutschland
6 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
zwischen de, Königen mit ihren Alliirten, vom General Lloyd, 6 vols. (Berlin: J. F. Unger,
1783–1801), and Otto Hermann, Über die Quellen Geschichte des siebenjährigen Krieges von
Tempelhoff (Berlin: Buchdruckerei von Gustav Schade (Otto Francke, 1885).
3
John Berkenhout, ‘Review of The History of the Late War in Germany,’ The Monthly
Review; or, Literary Journal 35 (August 1766): 87.
editor’s introduction 7
Publishing History
The History of the Late War in Germany, Between the King of Prussia, and
the Empress of Germany and her Allies. London: Printed for the Author,
and Sold by R. Horsfield, L. Hawes and Co., J. Dodsley, J. Walter,
T. Davies, W. Shropshire, and E. Easton, 1766.
Geschichte des letzten Kriegs in Teutschland; zwischen den Könige von Preussen
und der Kayserin Königin und ihren Alliirten in den Feldzögen in den Jahren
1756 und 1757. Frankfurt und Leipzig: [s.n.], 1777.
The History of the Late War in Germany, between the King of Prussia, and
the Empress of Germany and her Allies. London: Printed for S. Hooper,
1781.
Histoire de la Guerre d’Allemagne en 1756; entre le Roi de Prusse et l’im-
pératrice d’Allemagne et ses Allies. Traduite par le C. Roux Fazillac.
Lausanne: [s.n.], 1784.
Introduction à l’Histoire de la Guerre en Allemagne, en MDCCLVI entre le
Roi de Prusse, et l’Impératrice reine avec ses Alliés, Ou, Mémoires Militaires
et Politiques du Général Lloyd. Traduit et augmenté de notes et d’un
précis la vie & la caractere de ce general. Londres, 1784.
Geschichte des Siebenjährigen Krieges in Deutschland zwischen dem Könige von
Preussen und der Kaiserin Königin mit ihren Alliirten, vom General Lloyd.
2 vols. Berlin: Johann Friedrich Unger, 1785–94.
Mémoires Politiques et Militaires du Général Lloyd, ou, Extrait de l’Introduction
a l’Histoire de la Guerre en Allemagne en 1756 entre le Roi de Prusse et
l’Impératrice-reine et ses Alliés. Basle: J. Decker, 1798.
Mémoires Militaires et Politiques du Général Lloyd: servant d’Introduction à
l’Histoire de la Guerre en Allemagne en 1756, entre le Roi de Prusse et
8 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
The various, and numberless authors, who have wrote on the art of
war, may be divided into two classes, Didactical, and Historical: the
first are of great use, no doubt, but by no means comparable to the
others; particularly such as Xenophon, Polybius, Cæsar, and Arian,
who had not only seen, but executed great things. This enabled them
to write on those transactions with judgment and propriety; and their
works will ever be regarded, by military men in particular, as a pure
spring from whence the general principles of war may be deduced,
much better than from any systematical author.
The moderns, who have undertaken to write the history of different
wars, or of some renowned Commanders, being chiefly men of learn-
ing only, and utterly unacquainted with the nature of military oper-
ations, have given us indeed agreeable but useless productions.
Both species of compositions, are useful and necessary to those
who make war their profession. They are, however, in my opinion,
in many respects imperfect. The didactical kind communicates its
precepts purely and simply, without any application: so that they
make but a weak transitory impression on the mind, which time
soon effaces. From whence it is become a proverb, that the road to
science, by means of rules and precepts, is long and tedious; that, by
example, short and agreeable. A reader, no doubt, is much more
attentive to real, than to imaginary transactions. He believes that it
is possible, at least, to imitate what others have executed. There is
besides in every elevated mind, an emulation which encourages and
animates us to tread the footsteps of those great men, whose actions
and characters, are justly the object of our love and veneration. For
which reason, history has been ever recommended as the best, eas-
iest, and most effectual method to instruct mankind.
Those historians, both ancient and modern, who have given us
an account of different wars, though in many respects extremely
valuable, are not as accurate as they might, and ought to be.
They do not describe, with sufficient precision, and exactness, the
countries, wherein the wars were carried on, nor the particular spots,
upon which some great transaction happened: the number, species,
and quality, of the troops, which composed the respective armies,
12 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
1
Franz Moritz, Graf von Lacy (1725–1801). Of Irish Jacobite descent, Lacy’s
father Peter rose to the rank of field marshal in the Russian army under Peter the
Great and led the successful campaign against Sweden in 1742. See Edith Kotasek,
Feldmarschall Graf Lacy: ein Leben für österreichs Heer (Horn, Austria, Ferdinand Berger,
1956).
preface 13
2
Karl Wilhelm Ferdinand von Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (1735–1806). The Hereditary
Prince and nephew of Prince Ferdinand von Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel and King
Frederick II of Prussia by marriage, Karl reigned as Duke of Brunswick from 1780
until mortally wounded at Auerstadt on 14 October 1806. See Edmond George
Petty-Fitzmaurice, Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick: A Historical Study,
1735–1806 (London, New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1901).
14 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
3
Hermann Maurice, Comte de Saxe and Maréchal de France (1696–1750).
Illegitimate son of Frederick Augustus I of Saxony (Augustus II of Poland). He
served in several armies including those of Savoy, Saxony, and France. He made
his military reputation in the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48), during
which he defeated the Allied army at Fontenoy (1745) and brought the war to an
end by reducing the Austrian Netherlands. He was well-known for his military the-
ory written in 1732 but not published as My Reveries until 1757. See Jean Colin,
Les campagnes du maréchal de Saxe 3 vols. (Paris: R. Chapelot, 1901–04), and Jon
Manchip White, Marshal of France: The Life and Times of Maurice, comte de Saxe,
1696–1750 (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1962).
preface 17
soldier does not see the enemy, and by presenting his flank, is deprived
of all means of defence. No movement therefore ought to be made near the
enemy by conversion, excepting only to form the line on either flank,
should they be attacked. As to the different evolutions now prac-
tised, I shall not here examine them; but will establish as a rule,
that must be generally observed, and by which alone it is possible
to compare one evolution with another, and judge of their propriety.
That evolution is best, which with a given number of men, may be executed
in the least space, and consequently in the least time possible. There is scarce
any figure, geometrical, or ungeometrical, which our modern tacti-
cians have not introduced into the armies, without ever considering
how far such forms were useful in practice. It is very possible to
point out all the cases, that may occur in war, as to the manner of
fighting, which must finally be reduced to that in columns, or in
lines; consequently that form or figure is best, which is best calcu-
lated for offence and defence, marching in all kind of ground, and
may be soonest changed into a line, or column, as the case may
require. It is a general opinion, founded on the practice of all the
troops in Europe, that a column cannot march, without taking up
twice the ground it occupied, while standing, because the last man
cannot move ‘till the first has advanced the length of the whole col-
umn. This is, no doubt, true in practice, and Marshal Saxe thought
it irremediable without the Tact: nothing, however, is so easy to be
remedied, nor deserves it more; because, as we have already said,
marching is the most important point in all the military art.
A man posted in a line occupies nearly two feet, from one elbow
to another, and not quite one foot, from front to rear; that is, a
man is not quite one foot thick, consequently, when the lines make
a motion to the right, or left, the distance between each man is
above a foot, which is augmented by near two more, if they all
begin the march with the same foot: so that all the difficulty con-
sists, in making the men march with the same foot, and keep time
constantly, which is easily done, if the species of step, you would
have them march, is marked by the drum, or any other instrument.
This is often necessary after passing defiles, and when they march
in irregular and unequal ground, which is apt to throw them in con-
fusion. The article of marching is so essential, that it requires, and
deserves the greatest care and attention: it may be asserted, that the
army which marches best must, if the rest is equal, in the end pre-
vail. If what I here propose, and what is actually executed by the
preface 19
4
Indeed, the system of platoon firing (where several sections of the battle line
fired in unison in order to preserve defensive firepower across the entire line) had
given way to alternate fire that had segments of the line fire in sequence, thus
exhibiting a ‘rolling’ type of fire. Although against regulations, James Wolfe’s 20th
Foot adopted alternate fire at the beginning of the Seven Years’ War and it soon
became regulation practice for the entire British army by 1763. See Houlding, Fit
for Service: The Training of the British Army, 1715–1795, 319.
20 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
5
A common eighteenth-century concept that denotes a person’s intuitive ability
to visualize the battleground and readily comprehend the most advantageous posi-
tioning of troops.
preface 21
different wars with the house of Austria, and upon this principle our
great and heavy horse, is certainly inferior to the hunter, particu-
larly, if you make these work more on their haunches, than at pre-
sent. Nothing contributes more to facilitate the evolutions of cavalry
than this: they will be enabled in one instance to set out on a gal-
lop, without being obliged to pass, successively, from standing to
trotting, and then to gallop. While this is performing, the light-horse
is on your flanks, or shocks yours with a superior degree of veloc-
ity; and therefore gains what he loses in the mass, and beats you.
The march of armies cannot be calculated with any degree of
precision, without the help of mathematicks: because whatever is not
reduced to space and time, will in practice, turn out very uncertain.
The choice of camps depends on two principles: the one geo-
metrical, and the other, is the effect of genius: the first consists in
calculating the distances relative, to the number and species of troops
which compose the army.
The other, in seeing all the different combinations, that may be
formed on a given piece of ground, with a given army, and in the
choice of that precise combination, which is most advantageous. This
inacquirable and sublime talent is much superior to the other, and
independent of it. Great geniuses have a sort of intuitive knowledge,
they see at once the causes, and its effect, with the different com-
binations, which unite them: they do not proceed by common rules,
successively from one idea to another, by slow and languid steps,
no: the Whole, with all its circumstances and various combinations,
is like a picture, all together present to their mind; these want no
geometry: but an age produces few of this kind of men: and in the
common run of generals, geometry, and experience, will help them
avoid gross errors.
Fortification, another very extensive branch of war, is purely geo-
metrical, in the execution. The construction of every species of works
ought to be reduced to geometrical precision; and may therefore be
learnt by any one; but the choosing the ground advantageously, is
here, as in the choice of camps, the gift of genius alone, and sub-
ject to no rule. As the practice of fortification depends on one prin-
ciple alone, we see a remarkable uniformity in the works of all
engineers, which proves they knew only what they learnt, and indeed
what alone could be taught them; but that they had not one grain
of genius, which varies infinitely, and forms new combinations rel-
ative to the new circumstances, which must, and do occur. It is with
22 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
the ground, as with the features of men: there are not, perhaps, in
the whole world, two features perfectly alike, nor two pieces of
ground, of a given extent, perfectly similar; and consequently where
the same species of works, or the same order of battle, would be
equally proper for both. Genius alone can distinguish the most minute
and imperceptible difference to the vulgar eyes, there is between
different grounds, and occupy them accordingly. From hence appears,
how inconsiderate those great engineers and Tacticians are, who
attempt to subject every kind of ground, though infinitely different,
to one general rule. The perfection of our art would be, no doubt,
to find a construction, or an order of battle, equally proper for all
kind of ground: but this being impossible, the only thing remaining
for them to do, is to find such a construction, and such a forma-
tion of the troops, as may with the greatest simplicity, and conse-
quently velocity, be adapted to those numberless circumstances which
occur. This ought to be the constant object of their studies; but can
never be attained without geometry.
The artillery, now become the soul of military operation, is noth-
ing without geometry. The dimensions of pieces, as M. Muller6 very
justly observes, ought to be regulated by the use you propose to
make of them: and I will add, by the nature of the country where
they are to be used. For want of attending to this natural reason,
imitation and caprice have been the only rules followed, in deter-
mining the dimensions of pieces.
As the French, during the reign of Lewis the 14th,7 gave birth to
most of the customs and fashions in Europe, so in this important
article, were they imitated by every body; 24 pounders, of immense
length, and weight, were made by princes, who had neither places
to attack, or defend; whose countries, for want of roads, did not per-
6
John Muller (1699–1784). He wrote The attack and defence of fortify’d places: in three
parts (London: Printed for J. Millan, 1747), A treatise containing the practical part of
fortification: in four parts (London: Printed for A. Millar, 1755); and A treatise of artillery
(London: Printed for J. Millan, 1757).
7
Louis XIV (1638–1715), King of France (1643–1715). The ‘Sun King.’ Louis’s
reign was the longest in modern European history. He was noted for his firm belief
in the divine right of kings and his quest to secure France’s natural frontiers. The
former led to religious persecution of the Huguenots and the latter spawned con-
stant warfare that did not cease until his death. See Peter R. Campbell, Louis XIV,
1661–1715 (London, New York: Longman, 1993), and John A. Lynn, The Wars of
Louis XIV, 1667–1714 (London, New York: Longman, 1999).
preface 23
mit the use of such heavy machines: even they were introduced into
armies, though no siege was expected.
It ought to have been considered, that the French made war in
a fine open country, where the roads are good, and where there is
a great deal of water carriage. That Lewis the 14th and 15th were,
from the proximity of their own fortresses, enabled to form their
magazines near the scene of action: and lastly, that in Flanders, they
could not make one step, without besieging some important place.
The French artillery was formed relative to these circumstances. But
why we, and other princes, that are not situated in similar circum-
stances should imitate the French I do not know. I am very glad to
see Mr. Muller’s opinion prevail; and hope that artillery, and every
other machine, relative to military operations, will hereafter be made
in the most advantageous manner possible, for the use we can in
our circumstances make of them. This gentleman has proposed many
excellent things in his works; which makes it needless for me to say
any thing on the subject. I wish, for the sake of the publick, he may
give us the doctrine of sieges in all its parts, including the theory
and practice of mines, in order to complete his most useful works.(a)
The next, and indeed most important object of any, to those who
aspire to the command of armies, is geography; not only that which
consists in a general knowledge of a country, but a local one: a man
must be thoroughly acquainted with the face of the country, and its
productions; and particularly with those objects which are immedi-
ately connected with military operations, as the spring, course, breadth,
depth, velocity, windings, banks, fords, bridges of rivers, whether they
are navigable or not; whether they run into your country from that
of the enemy, or on the contrary: in the first place, you must have
a fortress, as high up as possible, in order to hinder the enemy from
taking advantage of the navigation; which is a very great one, and
facilitates much the operations of an army; insomuch, that all great
generals make it a point never to quit them if possible: and it is
remarkable that the Austrians have generally been worsted by the
Turks, whenever they have quitted the Danube. If the river runs
out of your country, you must have likewise a fortress, as low as
may be, in which you must form your magazines, that you may, at
once, enter your enemy’s country. If the river runs along your fron-
tier, as the Rhine does with regard to France, you must endeavour
(a)
The Author did not know that Mr. Muller had already executed this.
24 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
to occupy two or three capital points upon it, with good and exten-
sive fortresses; so that you may not only cover your own country,
but also make it impossible for an enemy to penetrate, without giv-
ing you an opportunity to enter his, and cut off his subsistences:
though the river be not navigable, it may however be of great use
in military operations; particularly, if it runs parallel to the enemy’s
frontiers, and crosses the principal roads that lead into his country,
because then they furnish good positions on their banks. If you make
war on any river, you must be masters of both sides, if possible,
otherwise they are of little use, excepting only to take positions behind
them. When you have a strong place on a navigable river, you may
with a handful of men embarrass a great army.
The passing of rivers, is justly considered, as one of the most del-
icate and dangerous operations of war; and yet it generally succeeds
for want of being perfectly acquainted with them; and for want of
diligence and activity in those who oppose it, otherwise it cannot
succeed: for though an enemy cannot prevent your throwing a bridge
under the protection of your artillery, if properly placed: he can,
however, hinder you from occupying such an extent of ground as
is necessary to develop your army, and may, without exposing him-
self to your artillery, attack any part of it that has passed. This
method ought to be embraced rather than attempt to prevent a pas-
sage. A remarkable instance of this happened in Italy, in the war
for the succession of Spain.8 Prince Eugene9 wanted to pass a certain
river, which the vigilance of his antagonist, the Duke of Vendome,10
8
The War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714). Considered one of the first
European ‘world wars,’ it was ostensibly a struggle over the throne of Spain between
the Bourbon family led by King Louis XIV of France and the Habsburgs under
Emperor Leopold I. England, the Holy Roman Empire, and the United Provinces
opposed France and Spain led by the Bourbon Philip V. Much of the fighting
occurred in the Netherlands, but Italy and Portugal witnessed important campaigns.
The war ended with the Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt, which confirmed Philip’s
monarchy albeit with concessions. For the military campaigns see David G. Chandler,
Marlborough as Military Commander (New York: Scribner: 1973), and Henry Kamen,
The War of the Spanish Succession, 1700–1715 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969).
9
François-Eugène, Prince de Savoie-Carignan (1663–1736). Austrian General.
A son of the royal house of Savoy, Eugene was brought up in France. He was
rejected by the French army, whereupon he joined the Austrian military. He became
a brilliant commander and served in the Turkish and French wars of the 1680s
and 1690s. Appointed field marshal at the age of 32, he served alongside the Duke
of Marlborough with distinction in the War of the Spanish Succession. See Derek
McKay, Prince Eugene of Savoy (London, 1977).
10
Louis-Joseph, Duc de Vendôme (1654–1712).
preface 25
had for a long time prevented; at length, however, the prince hav-
ing stole a march, threw over a bridge, and even a great part of
his army had passed and intrenched themselves, under the protec-
tion of the artillery on the other side; so that Vendome could not
attack them without much loss and danger. He therefore posted his
army as near as possible, ready to attack them, if they offered to
quit their retrenchments, in order to form and extend their front;
but it was found quite impracticable: for the Duke had placed his
troops in such a manner, that they formed a portion of a circle,
concave towards the enemy, so that the whole fire both of artillery
and small arms, could be directed and concentred upon the retrench-
ments. Prince Eugene having observed the Duke’s dispositions, was
too wise to risk an action in these circumstances, with a river behind
him; he therefore ordered his troops to repass the river, and broke
the bridge after them. This example is the best lesson that can be
given on the defence of rivers: if the course of the river is convex
to you, it will be extremely difficult to hinder an enemy from pass-
ing; because marching on the chord of the circle, he has much less
space to go than you: he labours, however, under one difficulty,
which is, that generally speaking, the banks of every river are higher,
on the side where its course is convex: if the banks are in the least
elevated, no bridge can be thrown over the river; and they are always
high alternately, if the river has a winding course, high on the con-
vex side, and low on the concave of the curve it forms. In defend-
ing the banks of rivers, the army must be separated into two or
more great corps, as the nature of the river admits; and disposed in
such a manner, as to be able to discover where the enemy passes,
and strong enough to hinder him from occupying any posts far from
the banks; because he will then have ground to form his whole army
upon, and there is no advantage in fighting him. A due attention
to what we have said, and a perfect knowledge of the river, will
make it impossible for an enemy to pass it.
I am surprised that no use is made of small rivers and rivulets to
make inundations to cover camps, which may be executed on almost
every spot, with very little expence, and would render them no less
strong than fortresses. All capital positions should, if possible, be cov-
ered by inundations, which are much more efficacious, than all the
retrenchments in the world. The sluices must be made as low as
possible, and moreover, covered with some good work or other.
If the country is mountainous, the roads must necessarily pass
26 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
through many defiles, formed by the ravins, torrents, rivers, &c. con-
sequently, advantageous camps and positions are to be found on
every spot. The knowledge of all this, when improved by superior
talents, will enable a small army to make a successful war against
one infinitely superior; as appears evident, from the example Duke
Ferdinand11 has given us in his glorious campaigns in Hessia. Most
particular care must be taken to occupy all the mountains without
exception, before you approach them with the army; for though
there are few great roads in such a country proper for cavalry and
artillery; you may however be certain, that if the country is well
peopled, there is no mountain, however it may appear steep and
craggy, nor any wood, though in appearance impracticable, but what,
on diligent enquiry, will be found to have roads at least for infantry;
and therefore you must never encamp in such a country without
occupying all the Mountains; which will not only secure your army,
but will enable you to observe the enemy’s motions, and prevent
him from observing yours, a thing of so much consequence, that I
will establish it as a rule, never to let an enemy send a patrol near
your army: on the contrary, you must always send yours on his
flanks. When the ground has been well reconnoitred, and the moun-
tains occupied, you must always camp behind them: so that the
enemy cannot see you; and that you may keep him in a state of
incertitude, which is a great advantage, in military operations: upon
this same principle you must never camp near a wood, unless you
occupy it entirely, otherwise the enemy covered by it, may make
some decisive motions against you, which you cannot perceive till it
is too late to prevent it. Had this maxim been observed at Malplaquet,
Hastenbeck, and Torgau, things would have turned out otherwise in
all probability. Never approach a wood or a mountain, unless you
occupy it intirely, is a rule that must be for ever observed, and can-
not be transgressed without imminent danger. Not only an exact
knowledge must be had of all fortified towns, but even of all the vil-
lages; particularly those through which the high roads pass, because
they form defiles; which being occupied, put an effectual stop to an
11
Ferdinand, Prince of Brunswick-Lüneburg (1721–92). Prussian Field Marshal.
Brother-in-law of Frederick the great, he commaded the army of British and German
auxiliaries in western Germany during the war. See Reginald A. Savory, His Britannic
Majesty’s Army in Germany during the Seven Years’ War (Oxford: The Clarendon Press,
1966).
preface 27
enemy, and give you time to make any disposition that may be
judged necessary. The science of position, camps, marches, and even
the project of campaign or plan of operations, must be regulated by
these points: it is on this knowledge only, you can determine the
numbers and species of troops that must compose the army; and
consequently the quantity and quality of your magazines, and where
they must be made; and every plan that is not founded on these
principles, must fail in the execution, if your antagonist has com-
mon sense: so that the great and important parts of war, as well in
the formation, as in the execution, depend on the knowledge of the
country; and wise generals, will always chuse to make them the foun-
dation of their conduct, rather than trust to the uncertain issue of
battles. If you possess these points, you may reduce military opera-
tions to geometrical precision, and may for ever make war without
ever being obliged to fight. Marshal Saxe calls battles the resource
of ignorant generals; when they do not know what to do, they give
battle.12
Next to this local geographer of a country, the natural history,
and political constitution of it, is an object that deserves the utmost
attention: the quantity and quality of its productions, soil, climate,
food, and form of government; because of these the physical and
moral qualities of the inhabitants intirely depend. Those who inhabit
the plains, and rich countries, are generally effeminate and bad sol-
diers, impatient under the least fatigue, are soon sick, require too
much food, and are less active than those of the mountains, and in
every respect inferior to them. What did not the poor Highlanders
do? What did they not suffer? they will live where an Englishman,
though animated with equal courage, and love of glory, will perish;
merely from the difference of their situations before they become
soldiers. The Croats in the Empress’s13 service, seldom or ever camp,
12
This passage is often cited as proof that Lloyd reflected and codified the
eighteenth-century’s disdain for battle and fighting in general. Though he qualifies
this blanket assertion in his later works, he never wavered from his belief that battle
for its own sake without a proper goal (or it being forced on you by circumstances)
was folly and ruinous of the army and to the state. In fact Lloyd became one of
the most offensive-minded theorists of the century.
13
Maria Theresa, the Empress-Queen (1717–80). Daughter of Holy Roman
Emperor Charles VI, she reigned as Archduchess of Austria and Queen of Hungary
and Bohemia (1740–80). She is most known for her heroic defiance and opposi-
tion to Frederick the Great and the restoration of Habsburg power in the second
half of the eighteenth century. She married Francis, Duke of Lorraine in 1736, who
28 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
and are exposed to all the inclemency of the weather; yet, in pro-
portion, much fewer of them die, than among the rest of the troops;
which can be attributed only to the difference of the countries from
whence they come. The inhabitants of great towns are still worse,
than those of the plains, being long enervated with vice, and its con-
sequences, they are unable to support any fatigue; and moreover,
too talkative ever to form a good and obedient soldier. The form
of government produces no less variety in the characters of men
than the physical qualities of the country.
The subjects of a despotick prince being from their birth taught
obedience, and subordination, two essential qualities to form a good
soldier, if not intirely alienated and weakened by oppression, and
poverty, are preferable to those of republicks, unless these are ani-
mated by the enthusiastick fire of liberty; of which they are very sus-
ceptible, if conducted by an able hand, and become invincible: but
if destitute of this principle, they make but indifferent soldiers; because
their pretensions to liberty, clashes continually with that blind sub-
ordination, which constitutes the very foundation of a good army.
As the subjects of a despote cannot possibly be animated with a
passion for liberty, that can raise any degree of enthusiasm, their
leaders must endeavour to substitute that of religion, which is supe-
rior to the other. When these two principles are united, as in some
of the Grecian and Roman republicks, the soldier is invincible. If
we consider the force they have on the human heart, and how eas-
ily raised, we most be surprised to see the Generals of our age neglect
them intirely: this proves they want the most infallible and must sub-
lime art of conducting mankind. There is another species of enthu-
siasm, much weaker than the former, and may be rather called a
strong passion, whose object is the love of glory and riches; both
these principles are ingrafted in the human heart, and if cultivated
with care, will produce wonderful effects, especially among the officers,
who by their situation, have the means of enjoying the fruits of them.
These principles are to be found chiefly among the subjects of a
mixt and monarchical government, where glory and riches are attended
with a real superiority and distinction.14
From these moral and physical principles are formed national char-
acters, whose influence is seen, more or less, in every army, as it is
more or less subject to military discipline. If this is strong, and
founded only on the principle of Fear, it destroys national charac-
ters, and does not substitute any thing that is equivalent to it.
Discipline should be founded on national characters, and both are
improved by it: but as those who have the formation and conduct
of armies, seem wholly unacquainted with human nature in general,
and with its various modifications, according to the difference of
countries and government, they find themselves incapable to form a
code of military laws, founded on national characters; and are there-
fore forced to destroy these, and establish it, on weak, uncertain,
and slavish principle of Fear; which has rendered our armies much
inferior to those of the antients, as appears evident from the history
of mankind.
The French, are gay, light, and lively, governed rather by an
immediate and transitory impulse, than by any principle of reason,
or sentiment: their sensations, from the nature of their climate, are
very delicate; and therefore objects make a very strong impression
but momentary; because a new object, producing a new impression,
effaces the former. From whence follows, that they are impetuous,
and dangerous in their attacks; all the animal spirits seem united,
and produce a sort of furious convulsion, and gives them a more
than ordinary degree of vigour for that instant; but it exhausts the
whole frame: the instant following they appear languid and weak,
and changed into other men. To this national character may be
added, that their armies are recruited from the class of men that
inhabit the towns, who of all others, are the least proper for Soldiers,
being vain, impatient, talkative, and effeminate; they advance as
assured of victory, having a great opinion of themselves, and con-
tempt of others: but if repulsed, their spirits are exhausted, shame
succeeds, and humbles them to such a degree, that they are not eas-
ily prevailed upon to renew the attack; and as their vanity will never
let them confess they are in the wrong, they throw the fault on their
leaders, become mutinous, and desert. Wherefore it should be a
maxim, in making war against the French, to keep them constantly
in motion, especially in bad weather, always attack them, never per-
mit them to follow their own dispositions, force them to observe
yours; their impatience will soon reduce them to commit some cap-
ital error: if their leader is wise and prudent, and refuses to comply
30 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
with their unreasonable requests, they will treat him with contempt,
grow turbulent, and desert.
The present ministry, endeavours to introduce the German disci-
pline among them, without considering the difference there is between
their national characters; and I doubt whether it will produce the
effects they expect from it: nature must be improved, not anihilated.
The Austrian army is composed chiefly out of the class of labour-
ers, vassals of the great lords; they are obedient and patient, and
bear without a murmur the greatest hardships; and though their reli-
gion does not rise to any degree of enthusiasm, probably for want
of being excited by an able leader, yet it keeps them sober, and free
from vice: objects must strike hard to make any sensible impression,
which once received lasts long, because not easily effaced. By edu-
cation and temper, little disposed to reason about causes and events;
and therefore very proper to form a good soldier, and superior to
any other, who are not raised by some species of enthusiasm.
The Russians have all these qualifications, in common with the
Austrians; and besides, such a fund of religion, and respect, or rather
veneration for their prince, which inspires them with a degree of
enthusiasm, that must necessarily render them superior to every other
army that is not animated with similar principles. Their courage
alone has rendered them victorious, in spite of all those difficulties
in which the general ignorance of their officers involved them.
The Prussian army, being composed chiefly of strangers of different
countries, manners, and religion, are united only by the strong chain
of military discipline: this, and a most rigid attention to keep up all
the forms and discipline established, constitutes a vast and regular
machine; which being animated by the vigorous and powerful genius
of their leader,15 may be justly accounted one of the most respectable
armies in Europe: but should this spring, however, languish but for
an instant only, the machine itself, being composed of such hetero-
15
Frederick II, the Great (1718–1786), King of Prussia (1740–86). The greatest
of all the Hohenzollern rulers, Frederick made his name in war and philosophy.
He added to and increased the domains of Prussia at the expense of Austria in the
War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years’ War. Considered the great-
est military commander of his day he also is viewed as an enlightened despot who
sought to instill the principles of the Enlightenment in his government and legal
system. See Gerhard Ritter, Frederick the Great: A Historical Profile (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 1968); and Dennis Showalter, The Wars of Frederick
the Great (London: Longman, 1996).
preface 31
geneous matter, would probably fall to pieces, and leave nothing but
the traces of its antient glory behind.
They have a facility in manœuvring, beyond any other troops
whatever; and their victories must be ascribed to this chiefly; for all
the genius of the leader can do nothing without it, and almost every
thing with it.
The Spaniards are brave and patient; and have besides a point
of honour, which being improved, would make them good soldiers:
their army at present, would make but an indifferent figure, for two
or three campaigns, as their generals have neither that knowledge,
founded on study and application, or that produced by experience.
The English are neither so lively, as the French, nor so phleg-
matick as the Germans: they resemble more, however, to the for-
mer; and are therefore somewhat lively and impatient. If the nature
of the English constitution, permitted some degree more of disci-
pline, a more equal distribution of favours, and a total abolishment
of buying and selling commissions, I think they would surpass, at
least equal, any troops in the world.
The Turks, and every government founded on military force, must
necessarily decay, unless the same fanaticism which gave it birth, be
kept up, by continual wars. Mahomet understood this principle so
well, that he has made a religious precept of it, commanding his
followers never to make peace with their enemies. As the force of
this army, depends entirely on numbers, and enthusiasm; if this last
is ever extinguished, which now seems to be so much the case, the
other will avail them nothing; and that immense fabric being no
longer animated with the only spirit which could support it, must
sink under its own weight.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE
In order to convey a more clear idea of the history of this war, and
of its various operations; we think it may be useful previously to
shew the motives which induced the several powers of Europe to
undertake it. And also to give an exact description of the country
where it was carried on; because, the knowledge of these two points
will, it is imagined, enable the reader to form a proper judgment of
the generals who conducted the different armies, and of the pro-
priety of their manœuvres, to obtain the end each had in view.
As the reasons which determined England to declare war against
France are generally known: a detail of them would be needless. We
shall therefore relate those of other nations only.
Of France
ineffectual, were taken for that purpose, and hostilities were ordered
to be committed against the French both in Europe and America.
As they were not prepared sufficiently to avow their pretensions, they
only opposed remonstrances and a seeming moderation to our repeated
attacks. By this means they proposed to gain time, make us relax
our preparations, and render us odious to the other courts of Europe.
In all which they succeeded, more or less, as the history of those
times, fully evinces.
Finding at length that the contest must be decided by arms, and
that however formidable their land army was, the dispute in America
was unequal, and would probably be determined in our favour, as
it depended intirely on the means of transporting and sustaining an
army there, and consequently was intimately connected with a supe-
riority at sea; they wisely formed a scheme for attacking Hanover;
the conquest of which they supposed easy, and from the king’s nat-
ural affection for that country, they hoped a restitution of it would
make them regain whatever they lost in America, or procure them
some other advantages. In the mean time their army would be main-
tained from the contributions to be raised in the conquered coun-
try, and by its position on the Elbe, overawe Germany, and effectually
give laws to the contending parties.
The plan was in the beginning attended with all the success imag-
inable, and in the end was rendered ineffectual, only by the rapa-
ciousness and ignorance of the French general who then commanded.
The French system, we think, well concerted and even great. They
had then, including the militia, near 220,000 men, maintained at a
great expence; these would remain intirely useless, if the war was
limited to America, or even to England, for want of a marine, which
could not be formed in time of war; and the less so, as we had
already acquired too great a superiority.
A German War, was for all these reasons both eligible and nec-
essary, the expence of it to them, was comparatively nothing at all,
being reduced to the simple difference, between maintaining an army
in the field, and keeping it at home. They had troops sufficient to
form an army in Germany, to guard their country, and to conquer
America; supposing their marine had been capable to protect their
transports into that country. To supply this extraordinary expence,
they proposed making every country between the Rhine and the
Elbe contribute. This they believed would produce more than sufficient
34 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
for that purpose; so that they would have an immense army main-
tained and enriched at the expence of others. Add to this, that being
limitrophes, this alone gave them infinite advantages over us.
Whereas if England proposed sending an army into Germany, she
must form it out of nothing, that is, she had not one man as yet
inlisted for that purpose, and whatever English would be sent there
must be replaced by new levies, in order to carry on the necessary
war in America. As to the Germans, they knew we must pay for
tem at an extraordinary price, all which expence must be paid by
England alone, as it was not possible she could make any conquest
to bear any considerable part of it. These circumstances, the French
naturally supposed, would exhaust the nation’s treasure, call the king’s
attention, consequently that of his ministers to the affairs of Germany,
relax our preparations for America, produce murmurs in the peo-
ple, disunion in our counsels, and at last reduce us to the necessity
of submitting to whatever terms they should think fit to impose. To
them much more justly may be applied that remarkable saying,
America was conquered in Germany. The only or at least the most
probable means they had of saving or conquering America, was to
carry on the war with success in Germany.
It was indifferent to the French, whether they entered Germany
as allies to Prussia, or Austria, as either would answer the object
they had in view. It is probable, however, they would have chose
the first connexion, as they could with more ease hurt the Austrians
than the Prussians. Being informed of our alliance with Russia, they
instantly sent a minister to Prussia to conclude a treaty on the same
footing as that in the war of 1741; but finding we had been forced
to renounce the alliance of the former, and embrace that of the lat-
ter, they naturally accepted the friendship of the two imperial courts,
and under pretence of fulfilling their engagements contracted by this
new alliance, they immediately prepared an army of above 100,000
men, about 20,000 of which were destined to march to the Mayn,
and from thence where the empress should choose; the remainder,
which was to form the main army, was ordered to the lower Rhine,
and from thence proceed against Hannover and its allies. The com-
mand of this army was given to Marshal D’Etreés,1 as a recompense
1
Louis-Charles-César Le Tellier de Louvois, comte, duc and Maréchal d’Estrées
(1695–1771).
preliminary discourse: of austria 35
for having negotiated the treaty of Versailles; and had not he favour
of an intriguing mistress prevailed in the choice of those employed
afterwards to execute the French plan, all the efforts of England and
its allies though supported by some of the ablest generals, that this
or any age has produced, could not in all probability have prevented
its future success.
Of Austria
The empress had ever reflected on the loss of Silesia with infinite
regret, being attended with a very great diminution of her revenues
and power. These thoughts were aggravated by observing the ascen-
dancy which this additional power gave the king of Prussia, whom
it is said she personally disliked: she saw him treated every where
with respect, feared and courted by most of the courts in Europe.
No wonder therefore, that animated with these sentiments, she should
form a plan for recovering Silesia. This seems to have been the chief
object of her counsels, ever since she had ceded it to Prussia, as
appears evident, from the papers published by the king on this sub-
ject. She applied to the empress of Russia,2 and irritated that princess
against the king of Prussia to such a degree, that she was easily pre-
vailed upon to concur in any measures concerted for his ruin. The
two imperial Courts were therefore united, by new and strong alliances:
the object of which was very extensive, and tended not only to the
recovery of Silesia; but to annihilate the king of Prussia, whose domin-
ions they proposed dividing among them. The better to accomplish
this end, they invited the king of Poland3 to accede to this alliance.
He however declined it, till he saw the two empresses act with such
vigour, as would make it safe for him to declare against Prussia.
Experience had taught him that the Prussians could oppress him
with more ease and facility, than the Austrians protect him.
2
Empress Elizabeth of Russia (r. 1741–62). Daughter of Peter I, the Great, she
came to power by overthrowing the infant Ivan IV with the aid of the Guards reg-
iment. Under Elizabeth the arts and education were promoted. In 1755 she founded
the first university in Moscow. In foreign affairs her regime was known for its anti-
Prussian bias, which helped lead to the Diplomatic Revolution and trigger the Seven
Years War. She died childless in December 1761. See James F. Brennan, Enlightened
Absolutism in Russia: The Reign of Elizabeth, 1741–1762 (New York: P. Lang, 1987);
and Tamara Rice, Elizabeth, Empress of Russia (New York: Praeger, 1970).
3
King Augustus III of Poland/Elector Frederick Augustus II of Saxony (r. 1733–63).
36 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Of Prussia
The late king of Prussia6 had cultivated the arts of peace, I mean
those which fall more particularly under the cognizance of a prince,
4
Nicolaus Joseph Prince Esterházy (1714–90).
5
King George II of England/Elector of Hanover (r. 1727–60).
6
King Frederick William I of Prussia (r. 1713–40). Called the ‘Soldier King,’ he
laid the military and political foundations of the Prussian state. His fondness for
preliminary discourse: of prussia 37
justice and interior policy, from principle. The military art rather
for shew, than with any particular view, or love of glory. He had
left at his death 67,000 men well disciplined, and his magazines
abundantly furnished with artillery, stores, &c.
The death of the then emperor Charles VI7 left the affairs of the
house of Austria, in the utmost confusion, and distress. This the king
of Prussia thought a favourable opportunity to assert the claims he
had to some part of Silesia, and by such a bold enterprize, at the
beginning of his reign, satisfy the ambition he had, to appear a for-
midable and enterprising power, capable to hold the ballance of the
empire, and protect those princes who should hereafter recur to him
for succour. He was the first who began the war against the empress,
which having succeeded to his wish, he concluded by a treaty that
gave him all Silesia.
The recovery of this most fruitful province had been the princi-
pal object of the Austrian counsels ever since, which furnished, as
we have already related in an alliance with Russia calculated for
that end. Though they had for many years been occupied by this
one object, yet in 1756, they were not prepared to put it in execu-
tion, and had fixed the following year for that purpose.
The king of Prussia perfectly informed of what they had projected
against him, thought it prudent to anticipate their operations, and
attack the principal power of the confederacy, whom, being as yet
unprepared, he hoped to crush, and thereby dissolve the league
before they could united and bring their plan to bear. With this
view he entered Saxony: This brought on the general war in Germany,
of which we propose giving an exact account in the following Work.
the military life, his violent temper and ruling style, and the build-up of the Prussian
army did much to link Prussia with militarism and authoritarianism in the modern
world. Very cautious in foreign affairs, he waged no offensive wars. See R.A.
Dorwart, The Administrative Reforms of Frederick William I of Prussia (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1953), and Robert R. Ergang, The Potsdam Führer, Frederick
William I: Father of Prussian Militarism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941).
7
Charles VI, Holy Roman Emperor (r. 1711–40). Most noted for failing to pro-
duce a male heir and working throughout his reign to secure acceptance of the
Pragmatic Sanction, which ensured the undivided inheritance of Habsburg lands to
his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa. His death in 1740 and Frederick the Great’s
rejection of the Pragmatic Sanction triggered the War of the Austrian Succession.
See Reed Browning, The War of the Austrian Succession (New York: St. Martin’s Press,
1993); and Matthew S. Anderson, The War of the Austrian Succession, 1740 –1748
(London: Longman, 1995).
38 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Of Saxony
Of Russia
Though the plan, formed and pursued with unwearied activity and
vigilance by Peter the Great,9 had not since his death, been culti-
vated with equal care and success; however, what he had already
8
Heinrich Brühl (1700–1763). Chief minister to Elector Frederick Augustus II
of Saxony (1733–63)/King Augustus III of Poland (1733–63).
9
Peter I, ‘the Great,’ Czar and first Emperor of Russia (r. 1682–1725). Dedicated
to enhancing the power and territory of the Russian state in the Baltic region, Peter
preliminary discourse: of saxony⁄of russia 39
done, made this empire powerful; and therefore respected and caressed.
The vast extent of this empire, the variety of its productions, and
the number of its inhabitants, form so many and such great sources
of power, that a small neglect, which in lesser states would be imme-
diately and severely felt, pass in this country unnoticed, and pro-
duce no sensible or direct bad effect. Its resources are so many, that
in some measure they may be said to supply those mistakes which
happen in the administration, and have kept up the lustre of the
empire, though the plan of the first Peter has not been steadily
adhered to.
While the Ottoman empire was formidable, this court and that
of Vienna were naturally connected. The fear of a common, and
powerful enemy, united them by the strong tye of mutual safety.
Since the decline of the Turkish empire, she finds it no less neces-
sary to cultivate the friendship of the other princes, particularly that
of the maritime powers, who take off a vast quantity of useless com-
modities. This brings a proportionable sum of money into the empire,
which, there circulating, puts that vast machine in motion, and ren-
ders it therefore formidable. Hence the facility, or rather avidity with
which the northern powers in general embrace every opportunity of
taking subsidies. The luxury and magnificence of their courts are
thereby kept up, and their princes abundantly supplied with all the
superfluities, which vanity has made necessary, and their armies main-
tained at the expence of others. To these general motives may be
added others, the late empress of Russia had, as we have already
said, conceived a most violent aversion to the king of Prussia, and
therefore readily concurred in any measure concerted for his humil-
iation, and the more so, as they flattered her with the hopes of
extending her dominions on the Baltick, a thing long aimed at, by
the Russians; she therefore with pleasure contracted an alliance with
us, which would enable her to execute the designs of her hatred and
politicks at our expence. But finding we would not break with Prussia,
she instantly renounced our friendship, and embraced that of France,
who promised her such subsidies, as would enable her to put troops
in motion, and act according to her own principle.
was inevitably drawn into war with Charles XII’s Sweden. Known as the Great
Northern War (1700–21), after initial setbacks Peter’s Russia emerged triumphant
and secured its place as the rising great power in the east. See Robert I. Frost,
The Northern Wars: War, State, and Society in Northeastern Europe, 1558–1721 (New York:
Longman, 2000).
40 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Of Sweden
10
The limited constituional monarchy that followed the disastrous Great Northern
War, the ‘Age of Liberty,’ saw the political system dominated by the Hats and
Caps in the aristocratic senate. See Michael Roberts, The Age of Liberty: Sweden,
1719–72 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
11
Queen Louisa Ulrika of Sweden (1720–82).
12
King Adolf Fredrik of Sweden (r. 1751–71). A member of the Holstein-Gottorp
ducal house, Bishop of Lübeck (1727–50) and nephew by marriage of Charles XII,
he became King of Sweden due to Elizabeth of Russia’s influence. Married to
Lousia Ulrika, sister of Frederick the Great, he is most known for his failed coup
to recover some lost monarchical power in 1756. Sweden joined the anti-Prussian
coalition in the Seven Years’ War hoping to regain influence and territory on the
Pomeranian coast.
preliminary discourse: of sweden 41
a
A road where infantry, cavalry, heavy artillery, and all kind of carriages can
pass.
1
Field Marshal Ernst Dietrich, Graf Marschall von Biberstein (1692–1771).
a military description of the seat of war 43
made, during the last war, was owing as much to the weakness of
the Prussian army, as to his own talents and vigilance, as will evi-
dently appear by the history of that famous siege. This fortress is so
far back, that it leaves all the avenues leading from Silesia and Glatz,
into Moravia, quite open, and a considerable body of men cannot
be sent into the mountains, without evident risk: nothing would be
more efficacious to check the Prussians, than the building a fortress,
either in the neighbourhood of Altstadt, or between, Freudenthal
and Zuckmantel; or lastly, between Jägerndorff, and Johannisthal.
The first, would be a check on Glatz and Neiss, at the same time,
and enable the Austrians to make continual incursions into those
two provinces, without any risk: nor does it appear possible for the
Prussians to penetrate into Moravia, either from Glatz or Neiss, with-
out previously taking this fortress; because a corps of troops posted
here, and sustained by a strong garrison, would cut off all commu-
nication with those two places, and soon force an army that would
advance towards Olmutz, to fall back or perish.
The second and third, would, indeed, effectually hinder the Prussians
from advancing into Moravia, ’till they had taken them: but the
siege of them would be more easy, because such a body of troops
might be sent from upper Silesia, and from Glatz, to seize the defiles
between them, and Moravia, as would make it impossible to relieve
them.
Most men think that a camp, or fortress, is well placed, if they
cannot be approached without great difficulty, which is true only,
in case they have in themselves all the resources necessary for their
defence; but as that seldom or ever happens, the perfection of the
one and the other would be, to find a situation that presents to the
enemy all the difficulties possible; and which, at the same time, may
be easily succoured, if necessary. The difficulty to find such a situation,
or the want of that sure, coup d’œil, has determined many engi-
neers, to choose the plains for their fortresses, which frees them from
censure of having ill chose their ground, and flatters their vanity, by
giving them an opportunity, to produce all the different works they
have seen in the schools, and make such a fine appearance on paper.
Another road goes from Olmutz, by Litau and Altstadt, into the
county of Glatz. The next principal road, is that, which goes from
the circle of Königsgratz, by Neustadt and Nachod, into the county
of Glatz, and from thence into the other provinces of Silesia: it is
not less difficult than the others above-mentioned, being like them,
44 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
2
Gideon Ernst, Freiherr von Loudon (1716–90). Field Marshal & Irish ‘Wild
Goose.’ He began the Seven Years’ War as a Major, but rose to full General due
primarily to the Russo-Austrian victory over Frederick the Great at Kunersdorf (12
August 1759). See Franz Pesendorfer, Feldmarschall Loudon: der Sieg und sein Preis (Wien:
ÖBV, 1989).
3
Henri-Auguste, Baron de la Motte Fouqué (1698–1774). Of Huguenot ances-
try and a close friend of Frederick the Great, he was wounded and captured at
the battle of Landeshut (23 June 1760).
a military description of the seat of war 45
that way into Silesia, and was at last overpowered, and intirely
defeated in it, by his own fault.
The Prussians have here the same advantages as on the side of
Glatz. The fortress of Schweidnitz, being another place of arms, sup-
plys them with every thing they want; and being so near, enables
them to begin their operations, much sooner than the Austrians. The
mountains are filled with villages, where an army may be put in
cantonments with safety, if care is taken to occupy the defiles, between
them and Bohemia, which they can do with ease, being within the
Prussian dominions: nothing therefore, can hinder them from invad-
ing that province on this side, even if the Austrians had an army
there; because that army cannot take any position nearer the avenues
that lead into it; than behind the Elbe, some where between Konigshoff
and Königsgraatz, which can, effectually, hinder the Prussians from
advancing any farther; but cannot prevent their entring it.
When one considers that the Prussians must, from the situation
of their country, make their chief efforts on this side, as well, because
they can penetrate with safety in various columns, can be supplied,
abundantly, from Glatz and Schweidnitz, with provisions, stores, &c.
and can retire without danger in case of misfortune, one is amazed,
to see her majesty leave this province, entirely, defenceless, and
exposed to the continual ravages of the enemy. As there is no kind
of fortress, nothing less than an army, can defend it against the
incursions, that may be made from the county of Glatz, and from
the mountains of Landshut.
If the enemy once passes the Elbe, above Konigsgratz, all the
provinces on the right of that river, must be abandoned; the troops
posted on the frontiers of Lusatia, must instantly, fall back to Prague,
for fear of being cut off. Even the army itself must fall back into
the circle of Chrudim, in order to cover Moravia, and keep open
the communication with Austria and the Danube. Whereas, if a
fortress capable of containing 10,000 foot and 4,000 horse, was placed
behind the Elbe, between Königshoff, and Konigsgratz, with caserns
and magazines vaulted, bomb-proof, the Prussians, could not take
it, without infinite trouble; and it would certainly hold out some
months, if we judge by their skill, on other occasions, and give time,
to come to its relief. This situation is so advantageous, that it not
only covers the country on that side, but likewise facilitates the means
of entring Silesia. As it may be made a general place of arms, to
supply the armies destined on that side, nor can the enemy leave it
46 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
behind him and penetrate into the country, because the garrison
alone, with some croats and hussars, would cut off his communication
with Silesia and Glatz, in such a manner, as would soon force him
to retire, or make him, and his army perish, though he should leave
a corps of 20,000 men, to observe the place, to secure his convoys.
Besides, a fortress of that kind, and a numerous garrison, must
force the enemy to keep a considerable corps, both in the country
of Glatz, and in the mountains of Landshut. The advantages of
such a fortress, are infinite, and in my opinion, renders it absolutely
necessary.
The next road goes from the circle of Buntzlau, by Bakhofen,
Swigan, Libenau, Riechenberg, where it divides into two; the one
goes to Friedland, and thence towards Grieffenberg, in Silesia,
Seidenberg, in Lusatia. This road passes likewise through many very
high mountains; and therefore not easily to be passed, if there are
troops to defend the defiles.
Though the king of Prussia, will never make his chief effort on
this side, having no place of arms, at a proper distance, yet as in
every war with the Austrians, he will think it necessary to occupy
Saxony, some division of his army will always enter Bohemia, on
the side of Lusatia, while it remains quite open as at present: where-
fore it would, no doubt, be very proper, to have as near the fron-
tiers as possible, some considerable fortress, which a division of twenty
thousand men, can neither suddenly take, nor safely leave behind
them, nor could any troops take their winter quarters, any where in
the mountains, from Friedland to Schandau, or even at Grieffenberg,
Marklissa, Lauban, and Gorlitz, if a considerable fortress is placed
in the neighbourhood of Friedland: neither can the communication
be kept up between Silesia and Saxony, unless an army be posted
to secure it. To these great and obvious reasons may be added, that
as Silesia, is quite an open country, without any fortress to cover it,
from Marklissa to Crossen, near Frankfort, it might be attacked, on
that side rather, than on that of Moravia, and Bohemia, which now
can’t be done, without leaving an army to cover these two provinces.
But if they are secured, by the fortresses proposed to be made in
Moravia, and near Konigsgratz; the Austrians might, we think, enter
Silesia, by the way of Lusatia, provided they have a place of arms,
near Friedland, which would enable them, as we think, to act with
safety and vigour on that side. The want of it, rendered ineffectual,
the victories gained by the Russians at Zullichau, and Cunnersdorff,
a military description of the seat of war 47
and every attempt, the Austrians made, on the Queiss, and Bober.
Should the different fortresses, above proposed, be executed, 30,000
men, besides their garrisons, will, it’s thought, be more than sufficient
to cover Bohemia, all the remainder of her majesty’s forces, may
then, act with success on the Queiss, and Bober, otherwise not.
The next road goes likewise from the circle of Buntzlau, by Leypa,
and Gabel, to Zittau, in Lusatia: this is the least difficult of any as
yet described. In the mountain, however, about Gabel, there are
some defiles, which may easily be guarded, with few troops.
The next road goes from the same province, by Rumburg, and
from thence towards Löbau, in Lusatia. This is extreamly difficult,
and, during the course of the war, I do not remember it was taken
by any considerable corps, excepting by that of the prince of Prussia,
after the battle of Kollin. Little use can be made of these two last
roads, by the Prussians, being so far from their depots, excepting for
some division of their army, when they propose invading Bohemia
on different sides at the same time, and therefore it seems useless,
to fortify them.
The next, and one of the most important roads, in all this coun-
try, is that which goes from Prague, by Budyn, Lowositz, Aussig,
Peterswald, and Ghishubel, where it enters Saxony. This road is one
continual defile, from Lowositz to the last mentioned place, runs
close to the Elbe, from Lowositz to Aussig, where the river Bila cuts
it, another deep ravin beyond Peterswald, and a third at Ghishubel.
In each of these three places, are such advantageous positions, that
twelve or fourteen battalions, would be able to defend them against
an army, though there be no kind of fortress, and if there was a
good one, it would be scarce possible to invade Bohemia, on the
side of Saxony, with success. Whenever an army proposes passing
from the one country into the other, it is absolutely necessary to be
masters of the Elbe, because it is by that river alone, such armies
must subsist, the mountains being so high, and the roads so bad,
that for many months in the year, no carriage can pass; a fortress
therefore here, would be an invincible obstacle for an army coming
from either country.
The next road goes likewise from the plains of Lowositz, over the
mountains by Töplitz, and from thence by Zinwalde, into Saxony.
This road is very bad, and so full of defiles, that it is scarce fit for
any but infantry: there are many positions to be taken on it, the
principal one is near Toplitz.
48 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
The next goes out of the circle of Saatz, by Laun, and Commotau,
and from thence over the Basberg into Saxony. This and the next
which goes likewise from the circle of Saatz, by Caaden, over the
Kupferberg, into Saxony, are extreamly difficult, and when the defiles
have been properly guarded the Prussians have always been repulsed.
During the war, excepting in 1757, when prince Maurice passed
there in two columns. Scarce any thing but light troops ever attempted
passing these defiles.
From the circle of Ellenbogen, there go two roads, the one over
the mountains to Plauen, and the other through Egra. Both these,
are in some measure impassable, for an army coming into Bohemia,
because it would not be safe to pass through such great defiles, so
near a fortress. These are the principal roads and passes, which
occur, in the counties where the war was carried on in that part of
Germany.
Bohemia and Moravia are watered by many rivers, the principal
of which are the Teiss, which rises in the mountains of Silesia, called
Schneeberg, and runs by Altstadt, Muglitz, Littau, Olmutz, Hradisch,
&c. and falls into the Danube, at Presburg; in the latter part of its
course, it is called the Morava: it is not navigable, nor can any posi-
tion be taken on its banks, to stop an enemy coming from Silesia.
The best, however, is on the heights about Littau with the right
extending towards Olmutz, and a corps further on towards Muglitz,
otherwise a column coming down the Teiss would render that posi-
tion very hazardous. This is, no doubt, the most proper position of
any to cover Olmutz, which cannot be attacked while an army is
here, nor can it well be forced, by any indirect manœuvre to quit
it, being supplied with provisions from Olmutz, nor can an enemy
advance towards Austria, leaving that fortress, and army behind him.
There are many more, small, rivers between Olmutz and Brinn,
which, passing through the mountains, furnish every where excellent
camps. Moravia, in general, is a very strong country, and may be
defended by a small army against a very numerous one, as appeared
in the war which happened after the death of Charles the VIth. For
then prince Charles,4 aided by the great Kevenhuller,5 at the head
of a very inconsiderable body of troops, compared with those of the
4
Prince Karl Alexander of Lorraine. Austrian Field Marshal and brother of
Emperor Francis I.
5
Field Marshal Ludwig Andreas Khevenhüller, Graf zu Frankenburg (1683–1744).
a military description of the seat of war 49
6
Jean-Baptiste-François Desmarets, marquis de Maillebois (1682–1762). Maréchal
de France.
7
Charles-Louis-Auguste Fouquet, comte de Belle-Isle (1684–1761), Maréchal de
France. See André Dussage, Le Ministère Belle-Isle (Paris: L. Fournier, 1914).
50 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
8
Charles-Marie-Raymond, Duc d’Arenberg (1721–78).
9
Field Marshal Maximilian Ulysses, Reichsgraf von Browne (1705–57). An Irish
‘Wild Goose,’ contemporaries considered him one of the most fiery and charismatic
of the Austrian generals. His protégé was fellow Irishman Franz Moritz Lacy. See
Christopher Duffy, The Wild Goose and the Eagle: A Life of Marshal von Browne, 1705–1757
(London: Chatto & Windus, 1964).
a military description of the seat of war 51
Gross Glogau, which may justly be esteemed the key and bulwark
of Lower Silesia. It is a strong fortress, when compared with those
of this country, though nothing at all compared with those of Flanders.
There are generally immense magazines, and a numerous garri-
son in this town. It covers the country so effectually, that no enter-
prise of consequence can be undertaken on that side of Silesia, until
you are master of it. The taking of it will be no easy matter, as the
king will always have an army in this neighbourhood, to observe an
enemy coming from Poland, and if it be too weak to keep the field,
it will find a secure retreat under the cannon of this fortress, from
whence it cannot be forced by any direct manœuvre. Should the
enemy attempt to leave you behind, and march to Breslau, you can
be there before him; or by sending a body of hussars into Poland,
cut off his subsistences so effectually, as to force him immediately to
abandon his designs and return to the frontiers of that country: and
as the king takes care to have all the corn of the country deposited
at Breslau and Glogau, the enemy finds nothing but the growing
crop, on which no army can subsist a day; particularly in that part
of the country bordering on the Oder, which is generally sandy, and
therefore by no means fruitful. From hence it appears, that an army
coming from Poland cannot, however numerous, undertake any thin
solid. No magazine can be formed nearer the frontiers of Silesia,
than at Posen, sixty miles from Glogau. Such a magazine, however
abundant, can scarcely supply the daily consumption of a numerous
army, while it remains in that neighbourhood, much less can it be
transported to Glogau, and supply the army there for at least two
months. How can the heavy artillery, an immense quantity of stores
necessary for such a siege, be brought there? How, therefore, under-
take it? Even supposing, what probably will never happen, that it
be left to the defence of a common garrison, and that there be no
army to cover it. This shews why the Russians could not, for want
of a sufficient magazine at Posen, approach the frontiers of Silesia
till the month of July: and then their operations were chiefly regu-
lated by the necessity of making the army subsist, rather than with
a view to any military enterprise. As they could not subsist in any
one place, long enough, to think of undertaking any thing of con-
sequence; they were, notwithstanding their repeated victories, obliged
in the month of October, to abandon a country, which their own
ravages, and the nature of the circumstances, had rendered incapable
56 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Map 1. A Map of Part of the Seat of War in Germany between the Prussians and the Austrians
begun in 1756.
a military description of the seat of war 59
60 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
1
For a detailed examination of Frederick’s decision to unleash a preemptive
strike see Herbert Butterfield, The Reconstruction of an Historical Episode: The History of
the Enquiry into the Origins of the Seven Years’ War (Glasgow: Glasgow University
Publications, 1951).
2
August Wilhelm, Duke of Brunswick-Bevern (1715–81). Prussian Lt. Gen. and
a noted man of learning. He educated his soldiers by hiring both professors to give
lectures on mathematics and geometry and his foreign soldiers to teach them their
language. Defeated and captured at the battle of Breslau (22 November 1757), he
was later named governor of Stettin and pursued Swedish flotillas on the Oder
throughout 1758–59.
campaign of 1756 65
3
Kurd Christoph, Graf von Schwerin (1684–1757).
4
Field Marshal James Francis Edward Keith (1696–1758). Son of 9th Earl
Marischal and brother of George Keith, 10th Earl Marischal. He spoke German
badly and was mistrusted by native Prussian officers. This was offset by Frederick’s
favor and esteem for the soft-spoken Keith, who was professional and knowledgable
66 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
about the world. He was killed at the battle of Hochkirch (14 October 1758). See
Sam Coull, Nothing but My Sword: The Life of Field Marshall James Francis Edward Keith
(Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2000).
5
Field Marshal Ottavio Eneo Giuseppe Piccolomini, Duca di Amalfi (1698–
1757). Commander-in-Chief of Austrian troops in Moravia (1753–57).
campaign of 1756 67
of Pirna. But, while he was here; advice was brought him, that
M. Brown, having at length got his artillery and pontoons, was
preparing to pass the Egra; which shewed plainly his intention of
relieving the Saxons.
The king thought he could not frustrate this design more effectually,
than by advancing further into Bohemia, and force M. Brown back,
by a battle, if necessary. His majesty, therefore, ordered his van-
guard, consisting of eleven squadrons, 400 hussars, and six battal-
ions, to march on the 29th of September from the camp of Johnsdorff,
and occupy that at Tirmitz, beyond the ravin and river at Aussig.
Being here further informed, that the enemy was to pass the Egra
that very day, and encamp at Lowositz, he thought it necessary to
pass the mountains at Bascopol and Kletchen, put the defiles behind
him, and occupy the avenues leading into the plain before M. Brown’s
camp; that he might, without difficulty, advance and attack him, if
he found it convenient; and therefore, as soon as the head of the
army, which had been ordered to follow to Tirmitz, appeared, he,
on the 30th in the morning, with the vanguard, set out for Welmina;
where the whole army arrived, without any other difficulty but the
badness of the roads, at eight o’clock at night.
The king fearing the enemy would march in the night, and occupy
the mountains of Radostitz and Lobosch, and, by taking such a posi-
tion, not only make it impossible to attack them, but force his majesty
to fall back to Aussig, which could not be done without the utmost
difficulty, he resumed his march, passed the ravin, and occupied the
mountains on the other side; the vanguard in C.C. and the rest of
the army in G.G. where they remained the whole night, in the order
they had marched; it being too late to camp, and the more so as
the ground had not been sufficiently reconnoitred.
The first of October, in the morning, the Prussian army, consist-
ing of sixty-five squadrons, twenty-six battalions, and 102 pieces of
cannon, was formed in I.I. the infantry in two lines, and the cavalry
in three, behind; as well for want of ground, as from its nature,
which rendered it improper for cavalry to act in.
The right wing of the infantry was posted in the village of Radostitz,
at he foot of a hill of the same name. Before this is another hill,
called the Homolkaberg, which, though much lower than the former,
is however so high that it commands all the plain underneath, as
far as the village of Sulowitz. The king afterwards advanced his right
wing to this hill, and placed a battery of heavy cannon upon it.
68 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Illustration 1
campaign of 1756 69
Illustration 2
70 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
The center occupied the valley formed by that mountain and the
Loboschberg, on which the left wing was posted: this last mountain
is prodigiously high and steep, and runs into the plain, almost to
Lowositz. The side of it is covered with vineyards, which are sepa-
rated by stone walls; in these M. Brown had posted some thousand
Croats, who were sustained by several battalions of Hungarian infantry;
K.K. parallel to these mountains, and at some few hundred yards
distant from the foot of them, runs a marshy rivulet, which in many
places spreads itself in the plain, and forms several large lakes; between
this rivulet and the hills, on which the Prussian army formed, runs
also a very deep ravin, from Sulowitz to Lowositz. The only passes
over this rivulet and ravin are at these two villages, and over a nar-
row stone bridge between them. The ground behind this rivulet rises
a little, particularly towards Sulowitz; on this the Austrian army con-
sisting of seventy-two squadrons, fifty-two battalions, and ninety-eight
pieces of cannon, was posted. It was formed in two lines, and a
corps de reserve: the infantry was in the center, and the cavalry on
the wings, as usual; that on the right, however, a little before the
action began, marched forwards, and occupied the plain N.N. on the
left of the village of Lowositz, L.L. M. Brown had ordered this vil-
lage to be fortified, and had placed some of his best infantry in it,
with a prodigious quantity of artillery. He had likewise raised a large
battery, and some redoubts, on the plain before it. By this means
he thought he had rendered his right inattackable; his center, and
left, covered by the marshy rivulet, and the ravin above-mentioned,
were in reality so; and therefore he resolved to wait the event in
that position.
As to the king’s disposition we have nothing to say; excepting that
from the beginning he ought to have placed his cavalry in the cen-
ter, from Loboschberg to Kinitz; this would have enabled him to
leave more infantry upon the Homolka mountain; and to have rein-
forced still more his left, where he proposed making his chief effort.
From this position he might have sustained those squadrons he sent
to attack the enemy’s horse, whereas they could be of no use behind
the infantry, as they could not, in that situation, protect it, in case
they were repulsed at Lowositz.
The king’s activity in marching from Johnsdorff to Welmina shews
he knew how important it was to put the defile behind him; a gen-
eral maxim, when you advance towards an enemy, which we pre-
campaign of 1756 71
the left; from whence he proposed making his attack. This left being
reinforced, and protected by the fire of a very numerous and well-
served artillery, advanced down the Loboschberg towards Lowositz,
and with great ease drove the Croats K.K. though supported by the
best of the Austrian infantry, out of the vineyards into the plain:
this will appear very natural from the description we have given of
this mountain, which overlooked the vineyards in such a manner,
that the troops placed in them could not raise their heads high
enough to direct their shot at the Prussians while they came down,
and consequently made but a feeble resistance.
M. Brown sent several battalions of his best infantry from his right
to sustain them in the mountains; and general Lacy, who commanded
them, made several vigorous, but fruitless, attacks at the foot of the
mountain, in one of which he was wounded. At last he was con-
vinced it was needless to renew the attempt, and therefore fell back
towards Lowositz.
The Prussians, being now quite masters of Loboschberg, were
ordered to halt at the foot of it, in order to reform the line, which
had been a little disordered, as well by the action itself, as by the
irregularity and difficulty of the ground, and to bring up the artillery:
a precaution so necessary, that the neglect of it has very often been
the cause of the loss of many battles which might have been won.
As soon as they were formed, they advanced in several lines towards
Lowositz, keeping their left close to the Elbe to avoid the fire of the
battery L.L. the right still continued on the Homolka mountain: by
this disposition the enemy’s left and center were prevented from
attempting any thing on that side, and the king was enabled to with-
draw his left without danger, if it was repulsed at Lowositz: which
indeed was not very probable; because, from the situation of the
ground, he could reinforce it with greater facility, and in much less
time, than the enemy could his right: consequently could bring a
greater number of men into action, at the same time, which gener-
ally must decide the fate of it.
Marshal Brown, believing that the victory depended on his being
able to keep Lowositz, threw almost his whole right wing into it,
and about it; the action therefore was here, long and obstinate; at
length however it was determined in favour of the Prussians, and
chiefly by the help of their artillery, which had set the village on
fire. This circumstance, and the want of ground to form upon, put
the Austrians in confusion; and, as they could not be sustained by
campaign of 1756 73
Map 2. Plan of the battle of Lowositz fought on the 1st of October between the Prussians
commanded by the King & the Austrians commanded by M. Brown & won by the former.
74 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
a proper line for want of room, the communications not having been
made broad enough to permit three or four battalions to march up
in front to support them, they were forced to abandon it, and fall
back with precipitation on their cavalry.*
Marshal Brown, seeing his right wing forced, ordered his left to
advance through the village of Sulowitz W.W. and attack the enemy’s
right: this they attempted to execute, but in vain; a small number
only of the infantry could pass the village; and those were unable
to form on the other side under the fire of a numerous heavy artillery,
which played on them from the battery on the Homolka mountain,
within a few hundred yards of the damm over which they were to
pass the marshy rivulet at Sulowitz: the few who had passed were
therefore obliged to fall back instantly into the village, which they
repassed in confusion, as many houses were already on fire.
This attempt of the marshal’s was too unreasonable to have been
undertaken with any other view, as we think, than merely to draw
the enemy’s attention that way, and gain time to put his right in
some order, and facilitate a retreat.
This he executed in a masterly manner, V.V. He ordered his cen-
ter and left to make a movement to the right, by which they occu-
pied the ground, in the instant the right quitted it, behind Lowositz.
This infantry, sustained by the right wing of the cavalry, covered
the retreat so effectually, that no attempt was made to trouble it.
The marshal took a new position a little further back: the left and
center continued at some distance behind the marshy rivulets, and
the right formed an angle with the line, having the front towards
the plain, behind Lowositz and the Elbe. So that the enemy could
not pass through Lowositz and form on the plain, with his rear
immediately on the Elbe, under the fire of a numerous artillery; and
the less so, as, to form such a line, his battalions and squadrons
must have presented their flank in marching to take up their ground.
These reasons induced, or rather forced, the king to remain satisfied
with the advantage he had gained, and keep his line behind Lowositz,
X.X. While marshal Brown continued in this position, the king had
by no means effected his design. The action was not any ways deci-
sive, and therefore had not made it impossible for M. Brown to
attempt the relief of the Saxons. He was now just as much in a con-
dition to undertake it as before the action, his loss having been infe-
rior to that of the Prussians; neither could the king attack him with
any probability of success, as he must, in passing the marshy rivulet,
expose his army to those difficulties which M. Brown had, by expe-
rience, found unsurmountable.
From this very embarrassing situation his majesty’s superior tal-
ents extricated him. He sent the duke of Bevern with a large body
of horse and foot to Tschiskovitz, as if he proposed turning the
enemy’s left flank, and hemm them in between the Elbe and the
Egra. This manœuvre had its desired effect. Marshal Brown, fear-
ing the event, hastened to repass this last river, and occupy his old
camp at Budyn, which he did without any loss.
Thus ended the battle of Lowositz, which begun at 7 o’clock, and
ended at three. Both parties claim the victory. It must however be
confessed that the Prussians have the best right to it, if we judge
from the consequences of the action, which is the only certain rule
to go by in similar cases.
The Austrians did certainly intend to disengage the Saxons, and
with that view advanced to Lowositz. The king could have no other
object in view than to prevent their executing this plan. This end
was obtained by the battle of Lowositz, and the subsequent manœu-
vres, which forced the Austrians back behind the Egra, and so hin-
dered them from undertaking any thing of consequence for he relief
of their friends the Saxons. Had the Prussians gained a more com-
pleat victory, they would have been enabled to take their winter
quarters in Bohemia.
The loss of the Austrians on this occasion amounted to 19 officers,
420 private men, killed: 105 officers, 1,729 men, wounded: 711 miss-
ing, or taken prisoners: and 475 horses killed and wounded: in all,
2,984. Among the dead was count Radicati,* lieutenant general of
horse, who commanded the right wing. Among the wounded and
missing was major general prince Lobowitz, and many field officers.
Among the many who distinguished themselves; Marshal Brown, in
his letter to the empress, takes particular notice of general Odonell,†
who, after the death of Radicati, commanded the right wing of the
cavalry, prince Lowenstein,6 Lacy, &c. &c. The loss of the Prussians,
in the cavalry, amounted to 11 officers, 281 private men, killed: 28
officers, 424 men, wounded: 8 officers, 238 private men, prisoners.
In the infantry, 5 officers, 423 men, killed: 53 officers, 1374 men,
wounded: 5 officers, 458 men, taken prisoners. In all, 3,308. Among
the dead were major generals Oertzen,* Lúderitz,† and Quadt.‡ And
among the wounded was lieutenant general Kleist,_ who died soon
after his wounds.
†
Count Odonell [Karl Claudius O’Donell (1715–71)] is born of a very good
family in Ireland: he was for some time lieutenant colonel in Ollone’s dragoons; in
1742 a colonel of Baleyra’s; in 1746 a major general, as a recompence for his brav-
ery and conduct at the battle of Parma. In the expedition against Provence he com-
manded a detached corps with reputation. In this battle he commanded the right
wing during the greatest part of the action, and distinguished himself very much,
for which he had a regiment given him, and was made a lieutenant general. We
shall have occasion to mention this gentleman often, in the course of this work,
with great applause.
6
Field Marshal Christian Philipp, Prinz von Lowenstein-Wertheim (1719–69).
* This gentleman was a major general of horse: he had in his youth studied at
Halle, in Saxony: he was a long time a standard bearer and subalter in the gens
d’armes; in 1725 a captain of horse; in 1739 a major; in 1741 a lieutenant colonel:
and having distinguished himself at the battle of Soor he had the ordre pour le
merite; in 1745 was a colonel; in 1750 a major general; in 1752 had a regiment
given him: at this battle he received three wounds in the head, of which he died
the next day.
†
Major general Lúderitz was born in 1699. In 1715 was an under officer in the
Potsdam guard; in 1719 a cornet; in 1725 a captain of horse; in 1740 a major; in
1743 a lieutenant colonel, and distinguished himself very much at the battles of
Hohenfriedberg and Kesselsdorff; in 1745 a colonel; in 1752 a major general. His
body was tore to pieces by a cannon ball.
‡
Baron Quadt was in 1728 a major; in 1736 a lieutenant colonel; in 1743 a
colonel; in 1747 a major general; and then obtained a regiment.
_
Lieutenant general [Friedrich Wilhelm] Kleist was born in 1688. In 1702 he
was a cadet; in 1708 wounded in the foot, which left the bone crooked for ever
after; soon after he went into the Palatin service, and served the war in Flanders
’till the peace in 1712; in 1716 he returned into the Prussian service; in 1724 was
made a major; in 1729 he went as volunteer to Corsica; in 1738 was lieutenant
colonel; in 1742 a colonel, and was in almost all the actions of that war in Silesia;
in 1745 a major general; in 1747 had a regiment; in 1756 a lieutenant general. In
the battle of Lowositz he was wounded; he continued however on horseback, with-
out binding his wounds, ’till 4 o’clock. Soon after the king gave him the order of
the black eagle. He died of his wounds in January following at Dresden.
campaign of 1756 77
* We think it a general rule that you ought to begin the campaign as soon as
possible; because, if you are on the offensive, you will have time to execute what-
ever you have proposed to do: if on the defensive, ’tis no less necessary to enter
into the field as soon as possible; because, if you are beforehand with the enemy,
you consume the forage, and destroy the country from whence he is to live. Add,
that you gain time, and make him lose the campaign in driving you out of his
country; and, when he has effected it, ’tis too late to undertake any thing against
your’s.
80 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
master of Saxony, you can enter Bohemia on the side of Silesia only.
This enables the empress to united, in some measure, her forces,
which are effectually covered by Olmutz and Prague, when forced
to fall back, from whence they cover Austria; and in this case the
king of Prussia must always leave an army on the Lower Elbe, to
cover his own dominions on that side, left the elector of Saxony, by
force or persuasion, should be induced to join the Austrians.
For these reasons we think the invasion of Saxony was a wise
measure; how far it may be consistent with justice, those, who are
better acquainted with the laws of nations than we are, must determine.
From what has been said, it seems that the king of Prussia com-
mitted a capital fault, in not having marched into Bohemia, the
moment he saw the Saxons determined to defend their camp at
Pirna, and reject the terms which he proposed; because he must cer-
tainly know that the Austrian army was not assembled in any con-
siderable numbers; and that it wanted artillery and stores; that it
was posted at such a distance as made it impossible for M. Brown
to oppose his entering into Bohemia, or stop his progress when he
should be there; and therefore would fall back on the Danube, if
pushed, as well to cover the capital, as to secure his communication
with the troops he expected from Flanders, Italy, and Hungary. His
majesty therefore would have found Bohemia abandoned; and, dur-
ing the winter, he might with ease have reduced Prague and Olmutz;
both which places being then quite unprovided, and incapable of
opposing any considerable resistance.
The conquest of these two places would have enabled his majesty
to begin the next campaign in Moravia, at least; and perhaps on
the Danube; with the siege or blockade of Vienna: from whence he
might, without any risk, have sent a considerable corps on the fron-
tiers of Hungary; and the army, destined to guard Saxony, into the
empire, between the sources of the Main and the Upper Danube.
The first would have hindered the empress from receiving any suc-
cours from those countries: and the last would effectually prevent
those princes, who were his enemies, from uniting against him;
encourage those who favoured him; overawe the French in Alsace,
and on the Main; and raise such contributions as would have recruited
and maintained his armies. Had his majesty taken these steps, he
would have cut off all communication with Flanders and Hungary;
and even with the Tyrol, if the army, which I suppose in the empire,
sent a strong corps to occupy Passau and its castle, at the confluent
campaign of 1756 81
of the Inn and the Danube; one of the most important posts on that
river; which cuts off all communication between Vienna and the
empire, overawes Upper Austria, as well as the Tyrol. The few
resources left her imperial majesty would have been soon exhausted.
Marshal Belleisle, on the death of Charles VI formed a plan for
dividing his dominions.7
The French and Bavarians were to march down the Danube,
through Upper Austria, to Vienna. The Prussians and Saxons were to
enter Bohemia, and, having reduced it, proceed to Vienna likewise.
In the first campaign the French and Bavarians entered Upper
Austria, which they laid under contribution to the gates of Vienna.
The Prussians and Saxons conquered Bohemia; and nothing could
have prevented the entire and compleat execution of M. Belleisle’s
plan, but the ignorance of some of the chiefs, the weakness of car-
dinal Fleury,8 and the divisions among allies.
The king of Prussia being master of all the places on the Elbe,
by leaving a small corps to watch the camp of Pirna, he made it
impossible for the Saxons to undertake any thing against him.
Supposing they quitted their camp, they could not subsist in Saxony,
having neither places nor magazines of any kind; being at the same
time continually harassed by the corps, which we suppose, left there
to observe them: much less could they advance into Bohemia, in
order to join the Austrians; because they would find themselves
inclosed between the king’s army, and the corps left in Saxony. In
the end, therefore, they must have dispersed of themselves.
His forces at this time were numerous, and he might with ease
have brought 110,000 men into the field; 20,000 of which were more
than sufficient to block up effectually the Saxons in their camp at
Pirna, as appeared from the fact itself; for there was no more under
prince Maurice9 when they were forced to capitulate. The remaining
7
During the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48).
8
André-Hercule, Cardinal de Fleury (1653–1743). Made Cardinal and chief min-
ister to Louis XV in 1726, Fleury concentrated on restoring economic stability to
France and therefore promoted peace in the international arena. The acquisition
of Lorraine from the Empire stands as his greatest diplomatic achievement. After
his death France entered the War of the Austrian Succession. See Arthur M. Wilson,
French Foreign Policy During the Administration of Cardinal Fleury, 1726–1743: A Study in
Diplomacy and Commercial Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press; London:
H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1936), and Peter R. Campbell, Power and Politics
in Old Regime France, 1720–1745 (London, New York: Routledge, 1996).
9
Prinz Moritz von Anhalt-Dessau. Prussian General.
82 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
their light troops, on the right of that river, as far as Schandau and
Hohenstein.
This would have forced the king to fall back to Dresden. The
next campaign the same difficulty would have occurred; and therefore,
at last, he must have renounced to the hopes of entering Bohemia
on that side, left an army to guard Saxony, and limit his operations
to the side of Silesia only. By thus securing the mountains with
20,000 Austrians, and the 14,000 Saxons, they could always enter
Saxony, and probably re-occupy it, considering that the army of the
empire could assemble on the Saala, and with ease penetrate into
that country by Voightland, on the Prussians right flank; who, not
being covered by any fortress on that side, must fall back towards
Wittemberg, and perhaps farther down. This furnished an opportu-
nity of retaking all the places on the Elbe; and of sending a corps,
through Lusace, into the marquisate of Brandeburg. The position of
Grossenhayn cuts off all communication between Silesia and Saxony,
and rendered that between Silesia and Brandeburg precarious; because
light troops, sustained by the army at Grossenhayn, could have made
incursions as far as the Oder. Piccolomini’s corps, if properly posted,
was strong enough to oppose Schwerin, and prevent his undertak-
ing any thing of consequence; which probably he had no intention
to do, while the king was hindered from entering Bohemia.
Having neglected to occupy the defiles leading to Pirna, it became
impossible to relieve the Saxons, at least on the left of the Elbe;
because twelve or fifteen battalions, which the king posted any where
between Lowositz and Pirna, could not be forced by an attack on
their front; and, if you attempted to turn their right wing, by sending
a corps over the mountains at Altenberg, it is so far off that the enemy
might, either from his troops in Bohemia, or from those in Saxony,
anticipate you. We cannot, therefore, conceive why marshal Brown
did not occupy some of these defiles, as, in our opinion, the success
of this campaign, and perhaps of the war, depended on this step.
Since these precautions were not taken, it was certainly in vain
to attempt any thing on that side of the Elbe. The only thing remain-
ing to be done, in our opinion, was to have left 20,000 men in camp
at Budyn; with a corps, composed chiefly of light troops, to push
into the mountains beyond Lowositz, and into those of Altenberg,
to draw the Prussians attention that way; and with the remainder
pass on the right, (leaving something to mask the bridge at Leutmeritz,
and observe the enemy in the mountains, between Lowositz and
84 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
army, with above 100 pieces of cannon, was posted, and in many
places within musket-shot of the ground where the Austrians must
have formed. I appeal therefore to all military gentlemen, whether
in these circumstances such a manœuvre was possible.
Add to this, that the king, though repulsed, could without any
danger have sent a strong corps on M. Brown’s left, which would
have rendered his communication with the Egra so precarious, that
he must have fallen back behind that river, as it really happened
the night after the action; for it was the sending the duke of Bevern
with a corps to Tschiskovitz, rather than any advantage gained in
the battle, which forced M. Brown to repass the Egra. From whence
it appears, that, though the Austrians repulsed the king, it contributed
nothing at all to the relief of the Saxons; because they could not
detach, from that or any other camp between the mountains and
the Egra, 20,000 men, and less would not do without exposing the
remainder to certain ruin.
Having neglected to occupy the mountains of Lobosch and Homolka,
which he might have done, many hours, before the enemy appeared,
the only thing remaining to be done, was to have passed the Elbe,
the night before the battle, with the whole army, leaving some light
troops to amuse the king; these, on being pushed, retired to Budyn.
In this case M. Brown might have detached such a corps to
Schandau, as would certainly have opened a communication with
the Saxons, and probably have destroyed all the Prussians on that
side of the Elbe: with the remainder he covered the whole country
effectually, excepting those few villages between the mountains and
the Egra, which the king would not have dared to pass, because,
having no magazines in the country, and subsisting only, at least
chiefly, from what came from Saxony, he could not advance, with
an army of about 25,000 men, into an enemy’s country, leaving one
superior master of the defiles, between him and his other army, sub-
sistance, stores, &c. without exposing himself to certain ruin.
The position, therefore, taken at Lowositz, was, in our opinion,
as bad as possible; nothing could be more inconsistent, with the gen-
eral theory of war, than to occupy a camp commanded by any
neighbouring hills, and where it was impossible to bring as many
men into action, at the same time, and in the same point, as the
enemy; who, on the contrary, had ground enough to form two thirds
of his army to attack Lowositz; whereas the Austrians could bring
a very few battalions, only, to sustain it.
86 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
The left and center were inattackable; the only point to be sus-
tained was Lowositz. This the marshal saw; but did not see that it
could not be defended, because it was commanded by the Loboschberg.
If the enemy was repulsed, you could not pursue him, either with
cavalry or infantry. If we consider this position, relative to the relief
of the Saxons, the only object then in view, none could be less
proper; because, by no one manœuvre possible, could M. Brown
relieve them, though he had repulsed the enemy, who might have
taken fifty camps between that place and the Saxons, from whence
they would have hindered all communication between them and the
Austrians.
We shall therefore conclude, that, in the choice of this camp,
M. Brown acted inconsistent with the general rules of war; and with
the particular ones, which the nature of the country, and the object
he had in view, prescribed.
We hope all readers will not accuse us of presumption, for hav-
ing, thus freely, given our opinion of the actions of those men, whose
reputation is so well established. What we have said is certainly
founded upon facts, and consistent with the nature of the country;
and, as we think, with the principles of war: we therefore submit
our reflections to those who are acquainted with the one or the
other. For this purpose, we have furnished them with an exact plan
and description of the ground where the battle was fought.
This, with their own knowledge of the military art, will enable
them to decide how far our history of this campaign, and our remarks
upon its various operations, are reasonable, or otherwise.
Great preparations were made, on both sides, for the ensuing cam-
paign: the empress ordered the troops that lay in Hungary, Italy,
and Flanders, to march into Bohemia: all the regiments of hussars
were augmented to 1,500 men; and those of the cavalry to 1,000:
two of the former, and one of Hungarian infantry, were new raised:
to these were joined, two regiments of infantry, sent by the elector
of Magence10 and the Bishop of Wurtzburg,11 several pulks* of Uhlans,†
10
Johann Friedrich Karl von Ostein (1743–63). Elector and Archbishop of Mainz.
11
Adam Friedrich von Seinsheim (1708–1779). Bishop of Wurzburg (1755–79)
and Bishop of Bamberg (1757–59).
* A pulk amounts to about 800 men.
†
Uhlans are inhabitants of the Uckraine, and chiefly Mahometans. In person,
dress, and manner of fighting, they resemble the tartars, Calmucks [Kalmyks], &c.
They are armed with pistols, sabres, a lance 15 foot long, and sometimes with a
bow and arrow, instead of a carabine.
campaign of 1756 87
and three regiments of Saxon light horse: all which, with what was
already in Bohemia, formed an immense army, which, according to
many gazettes, amounted to above 180,000 men, and was to be
commanded by prince Charles of Lorrain.
The Prussians, on their side, were no less diligent and active. The
king found it absolutely necessary to get some light troops, to oppose
those of his enemies, which were extremely numerous, and had given
him much trouble, both in this and the preceding war; and there-
fore orders were given to raise four battalions of light infantry, which
were augmented very much during the course of the war.
There happened in the winter some considerable actions between
the light troops; which, though conducted with much valour and
prudence on both sides, do not deserve any particular detail; because,
in general, they have little or no influence on the success of a war,
however necessary in an army: and, though they do not contribute
essentially to the good or bad issue of a campaign, there is no doing
without them. We shall therefore proceed to give an account of the
operations of the campaign of 1757.
CAMPAIGN OF 1757
The confederacy, formed against the king of Prussia, was now aug-
mented, by the accession of Sweden and the Germanic body; whose
united forces amounted to 700,000 men; whereas those of his majesty,
and his allies, did not exceed 260,000.
As many of his enemies could not begin their operations until the
season was far advanced, his majesty resolved to take the field as
soon as possible; that he might, with his united forces, attack the
nearest, and indeed the most considerable of them, the empress of
Germany. If he had the good fortune to strike some blow of con-
sequence in the beginning of the campaign, it was very probable
this would retard, at least, and perhaps put an intire stop to, the
operations of the other confederates.
These motives, which made it necessary for his Prussian majesty
to bring matters immediately to a conclusion, made it equally so for
the empress to embrace a contrary system.
She therefore determined to remain on the defensive, until her
allies took the field, which she knew would oblige the king to divide
his forces into so many parts, as would make it impossible for him
to oppose, any where, a considerable resistance. This favourable cir-
cumstance she proposed waiting for, in order to begin her opera-
tions. In the mean time, nothing more was intended, than to provide
for the defence of her dominions.
With this view M. Brown distributed the army into four different
corps: the first, commanded by the duke of Aremberg, was posted
at Egra; the second, under the marshal himself, at Budyn; the third,
under count Kónigseg,1 at Reichenberg; and the fourth, under count
Serbelloni,2 in Moravia.
By this disposition the marshal thought he could effectually cover
Bohemia; as each of these corps was very considerable, and might
1
Maximiliam Friedrich, Graf Königsegg-Rothenfels (1708–84). Archbishop and
Elector of Cologne (1761), Bishop of Münster (1762), bestowed upon Lloyd an hon-
orary commission of Major-General in 1765.
2
Giambattista Serbelloni. Austrian General and Milanese noble. Promoted Field
Marshal in 1759, he commanded the Austrian forces in Saxony until 1761 when
he took charge of the Reichsarmee.
campaign of 1757 89
meeting any considerable obstacle: the few Austrians who were posted
at Aussig, under general Draskovitz,3 having been forced to quit that
place on the approach of the king’s army.
As the camp of Budyn is very strong, being covered by the Egra,
his majesty did not think it adviseable to attempt any thing against
it in front; he therefore marched higher up the river, towards Koschtitz,
where bridges were thrown over it, and on the 26th in the morn-
ing the whole army passed.
Here the light troops, and vanguard, met those of the duke of
Aremberg, who was then coming from Egra, and proposed either
encamping there, or go and join M. Brown at Budyn; but, on meet-
ing the king here, he fell back towards Welwarn.
M. Brown, finding the king had passed the Egra, and was encamped
on his left flank, thought it necessary to quit his position at Budyn
and retire to Prague, which was executed without any loss.
Upon which the king ordered the bridge at Budyn to be repaired,
that he might with greater ease receive his convoys; and then directed
his steps likewise to Prague, where he arrived the 2d of May, and
took his camp on the Weissenberg, on the left of the Moldau, which
the Austrians, now commanded by prince Charles, had quitted, and
passed on the other side of the river.
While these things were passing on the side of Saxony, the prince
of Bevern put his corps in motion on the 20th of April, and marched
the same day from Zittau to Reichenberg, where he found count
Kónigseg, with a body of near 20,000 men, encamped in a valley
formed by two very high mountains; the breadth of it, in this place,
does not exceed three English miles; through the middle of it runs
the river Neiss; into which many rivulets, or rather torrents, com-
ing from the mountains, fall. These mountains are covered with thick
woods, which make it very difficult for any kind of troops to pass
them; for which reasons the Austrian general occupied the valley
from one side to the other, having each wing extended only to the
foot of the mountains: the right was on a rising ground, which was
fortified with some redoubts, and covered by a deep ravin on the
right of the Neiss: the center was on the left of the river, and also
covered by a deep ravin, and some redoubts: between the left of
3
Joseph Draskovich. He supervised the recruitment of Hungrian soldiers through
1757.
campaign of 1757 91
this ravin and the foot of the mountain, on that side, is a small
plain; here the cavalry was posted in three lines, there not being
room to extend them. On the left of this cavalry was a wood, in
which they placed some few battalions, and had begun to make an
abattis, which was not compleated. From this description it appears,
that the right and center were very strong, and scarce to be attacked
at all in front. The prince of Bevern, who, by taking that route,
had put himself under the necessity of fighting, in order to join
M. Schwerin, had now no choice left but as to the manner of doing
it: his corps was posted behind a marshy rivulet, which, towards his
left, ran so close to the enemy’s line, that he could not pretend to
pass it, and form under their fire; he therefore resolved to attack
the enemy’s left; and sent general Lestewitz over the Neiss, to attack,
or rather amuse, their right. Things being thus concerted, he ordered
his cavalry to advance and attack that of the enemy; this was exe-
cuted with great bravery, but without success; they were repulsed
every time; no wonder! because, in advancing towards the enemy,
their left flank was exposed to the fire of the artillery of the redoubts,
and that of the infantry behind them; and their right to that of the
infantry posted, as we have said, in the wood, to the left of the
enemy’s horse. The prince, perceiving, at last, it would be in vain
to renew the attack, while the enemy’s horse was thus protected by
the infantry and artillery on both flanks, ordered it back, and at the
same time sent several battalions from his right, as high as was pos-
sible into the mountain, in order to come on the flank and rear of
those which the enemy had posted in the wood, at the foot of it:
this was punctually executed; the enemy abandoned the wood, and
gave the prince’s cavalry an opportunity to renew their attack, which
must naturally succeed; that of the enemy, being unable to bear its
shock, and the fire of the Prussian infantry, which had now got pos-
session of the wood on their flank. On the retreat of the Austrian
cavalry, the prince ordered his whole right to advance, and occupy
the ground they had quitted; so that he was on and behind the
enemy’s left wing, and had, besides, the advantage of the rising
ground, from whence he could with ease rake them from the left to
the right. In this situation nothing remained for the Austrians to do,
but to retire as soon as possible, for fear the enemy should push on
towards Liebenau, and cut them off intirely; which he might do, as,
in pursuing the left wing, some of his troops were already behind
92 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
them. The retreat was made in good order: count Lacy, who com-
manded the right, covered it; at Liebenau they took a new position,
where they were reinforced by some troops, who, on the march of
prince Bevern, had quitted the frontiers, and fallen back to join the
main body under count Kónigseg.
Thus ended the combat of Reichenberg, in which the Austrians
lost one general, and about 1000 men killed, wounded, and taken;
besides some cannon left at Reichenberg. The loss of the Prussians
was not much inferior.
Reflections
As the only object the prince of Bevern could have in view, was to
join M. Schwerin, we cannot conceive why he should march to
Kratzau and Reichenberg, where the road is much more difficult
than by Gabel and Bóhmisch Aycha, which was equally proper to
effectuate his junction with Schwerin; and, moreover, was guarded
only by some light troops, at Gabel, which he might force, or leave
behind, as he pleased, without any difficulty or risk. In taking this
last road, he was certainly at liberty to avoid an action; and, if he
enemy remained at Reichenberg, he might find twenty positions
behind them, and hinder them from retiring to Prague. It is always
a great fault to fight, when nothing can be got by it; as in this case.
The prince wanted to join Schwerin; he might have done it with-
out fighting, and he could obtain no more by a successful action,
as appears from the fact itself. He forced the enemy to quit their
camp at Reichenberg; they took another at Liebenau, which he could
not have forced, in all probability: he must therefore have remained
in the mountains, without any possibility of joining Schwerin, if the
march of this general had not determined count Kónigseg to quit
Liebenau and retire. All which seems to prove, that the prince
engaged in an action without any kind of reason, and from which
he could not reap any advantage, whatever was the event. An immod-
erate desire of acquiring glory, makes men sometimes undertake
things without sufficiently weighing the consequences. In the action
he seems likewise to have been guilty of some faults: he formed par-
allel to the enemy, whose line could not be attacked, with any prob-
ability of success, excepting on the left; which, being once beat, the
rest could not keep their ground; yet the prince did not reinforce
campaign of 1757 93
his right, but left his troops nearly equally distributed throughout
the whole line: his left, towards Neiss, where it could be of no use
at all, was a s strong as where he formed his attack.
His attack with the cavalry was certainly ill-advised; for, though
it succeeded, he could not prosecute his advantages; for, while the
enemy had infantry in the wood, and their center kept its position,
his cavalry could not occupy the ground on which that of the enemy
stood. From the beginning he should have formed his right as high
up the mountains as possible; brought the greatest part of his infantry
there; and have done then what he was forced to do at last. The
taking such a position would have forced the enemy to retire with-
out fighting. His sending general Lestewitz to attack the enemy’s
right was needless. By occupying the wood, and part of the hill, on
his right, the action was won; and all the manœuvres the enemy
could make, on their right and center, would have been fruitless.
The Austrians camp seems, from our description of it, very strong;
yet, on examination, it will be found otherwise; because the whole
was not equally so; and therefore, properly speaking, no part of it.
The right and center were strong by nature and art; being, as was
said, fortified with redoubts, &c. but, as the left was weak, they could
reap no benefit from them; unless they supposed the enemy so igno-
rant as to attack them there. From the general position of the ground,
it was evident, that, if the left was forced to retire, the enemy, by
occupying it, would be in the rear of the center and right, and force
them to quit their advantageous position, and fall back instantly
towards Johannisthal, for fear of being cut off from Liebenau: on
this point, to their left, depended, no doubt, the success of the action.
They should, consequently, have sent some of their best infantry into
the wood on their left, and have placed some heavy artillery at the
skirts of it; which, with that they had already, in the redoubts before
their center, would have made it impossible for the enemy to pass
the village of Bartzdorff, and the marshy rivulet they had before
their front; much less form on this side of the rivulet. The Austrians
could bring, against that point of attack, their artillery, their infantry,
and their cavalry, to sustain them. In such circumstances prince
Bevern could not certainly have formed his attack at all.
When the Austrians saw the enemy prepare to attack their left,
Why not make a general motion on that side, and carry their line
up into the mountains? This manœuvre would have decided the
action in their favour; and, by neglecting it, they were beat.
94 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Illustration 3
campaign of 1757 95
Illustration 4
96 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Their cavalry was too far advanced; which deprived them, in some
measure, of the advantage of their artillery on the right, and of the
infantry on the left, in the wood.
They should not have posted their whole army in the valley; for,
though the mountains which formed it, seemed impassable, yet it
happened otherwise: for the Prussian infantry did march through
that on the left; gained the higher ground; and forced, consequently,
the Austrians to abandon the wood at the foot of it. No corps what-
ever must be placed in a valley, unless you are masters of the moun-
tains which form it; and, if you cannot occupy both sides, you must,
at least, one: for, though at first sight, mountains, rocks, and woods,
may appear impassable; yet, upon a diligent inquiry, the contrary
will be always found: for, in every country that is well peopled, there
are, and must be, communications between villages; at least, for
infantry: you must, therefore, occupy the mountains and woods with
you infantry; the valley underneath with your cavalry; which will
hinder any enemy from passing through it. From all which, it appears,
that it was a bad camp, and a bad position; because, having neglected
to occupy the mountains, it could not be defended; and the troops,
posted in the valley, were not only exposed to be defeated, but like-
wise to be cut off from Prague, and their magazine at Buntzlaw,
either by the prince of Bevern’s corps, or by that of marshal Schwerin.
The prince of Bevern marched, on the 23d, towards Liebenau;
where, as we have said, he found the enemy so advantageously
posted, that he did not think it prudent to attack them: and the less
so, as he knew the march of Schwerin’s corps would necessarily force
them to retire.
This last general assembled his army, on the 18th of April, at
Trautenau; from whence he marched, on the 19th, to Kónigshoff,
where he passed the Elbe. His intentions were to proceed towards
Turnau and Liebenau, in order to facilitate the march of prince
Bevern’s corps; and, being joined with it, go to Prague. This plan
was founded on the same principles as that of the king’s. Whatever
troops the Austrians might send on the frontiers of Lusace, they
could not remain there, even though they had beat the duke of
Bevern; because the march of Schwerin, behind them, must force
them to retire, for fear of being taken between two fires; as it really
happened: for, on the 24th, they quitted their camp at Liebenau,
and marched with precipitation towards Brandeiss; and from thence
to Prague, where they arrived the 3d of May. M. Schwerin, in the
campaign of 1757 97
Illustration 5
campaign of 1757 99
army was encamped, with the left, on the Ziskaberg; and the right,
on a hill, near Sterboholi. It was determined to attack the enemy’s
right; the Prussian army, therefore, marched, on the left, through the
village of Potschernitz. M. Brown, having observed this motion, ordered
his army to march on the right, that he might not be taken in flank.
The Prussians were obliged to pass through some hollow ways, and
over some marshy ground, on the other side of the village of Bischowitz,
which threw the infantry into some disorder; and, the attack having
been made in too much haste, they were repulsed. Marshal Schwerin,
the greatest general of his time, was killed, with the colours in his
hands, at the head of his own regiment. As soon as our infantry was
formed again, they renewed the attack against the enemy’s right wing.
Prince Henry,4 the king’s brother, alighted from his horse, and put
himself at the head of his brigade; with which he mounted, or rather
climbed up the mountains; and, having beat off the enemy, took sev-
eral batteries. The cavalry of our left wing, after three attacks, forced
that of the Austrians to retire. Our center, in the same manner, beat
the enemy’s infantry, and pursued them through their camp, which
was still standing. Our left wing, to which some cavalry was joined,
marched on Michele; and we separated the Austrian army; the right
wing of which fled to the Zassava. Upon which our right attacked the
enemy’s left, and took successively three batteries, placed on the hills.
Our right wing of horse had no opportunity to come to action. Prince
Ferdinand of Brunswic attacked the enemy’s left in flank; and, as the
king, with his left, and a body of horse, had already reached the
Moldau, all the Austrian infantry was forced to throw themselves into
Prague. They attempted to march out, on the side of Kónigsaal, but
were drove back by M. Keith’s corps. We have taken above 4,000
prisoners; among whom are 30 officers: besides 60 cannon, and 10
standards. On our side we have lost, 3,099 men, 54 officers, 242 horses,
killed: 8,208 men, 397 officers, and 246 horses, wounded: and 1,557
men, 6 officers, missing.
Among the dead were M. Schwerin,* and major general Amstel.
Among the wounded were lieutenant generals Fouquet, Hautcharmois,
4
Friedrich Heinrich Ludwig, ‘Prince Henry’ of Prussia (1726–1802). See Chester
Easum, Prince Henry of Prussia, Brother of Frederick the Great (Madison: The University
of Wisconsin Press, 1942); and Eva Ziebura, Prinz Heinrich von Preussen (Berlin: Stapp
Verlag, 1999).
* M. Schwerin was born the 26th of October, 1684. He studied at Leiden,
Rostock, and Greisswalde. In 1699 he served in a Dutch regiment belonging to his
uncle; in 1705 he had a company. His uncle having quitted the Dutch service, he
did the same; and in 1706 was made a lieutenant colonel in the duke of Mecklen-
burg’s service; in 1707 a colonel. The duke Charles Leopold sent him in 1712 to
the king of Sweden, Charles the 12th, at Bender, with whom he continued a year.
On his return he was made a brigadier; and in 1718 a major general; in 1719 he
commanded the Mecklenburg troops, at the battle of Walmsmoelen, against the
campaign of 1757 101
Commission’s army, and beat them: and, the duke having reformed the greatest
part of his troops, the marshal entered into the Prussian service as major general;
in 1723 he had a regiment given him; in 1724 was sent as minister to the court
of Poland; in 1730 was made governor of Peitz; in 1731 a lieutenant general; in
1732 a knight of the black eagle; in 1739 general of infantry; in 1740 a field mar-
shal. He distinguished himself much at the battle of Molwitz, the 16th of April,
1741; where he received two considerable wounds: in 1744 he marched with a
great army into Bohemia; where he joined the king, at Prague, and commanded
the siege of that place; where he distinguished himself very much; in 1756 he com-
manded, as we have said, the army in Silesia; and, during that campaign, gave
great proofs of his superior abilities in the art of war; and was killed with the
colours of his regiment in his hand. He was rather a little sized man; he had, how-
ever, a martial look; loved the soldiers; and was very careful of them; and was
therefore much loved by them: and, though he on some occasions was very hot,
in all his expeditions he knew how to combine the greatest bravery with the great-
est prudence. After the battle of Lowositz the king wrote to him to act cautiously
(d’aller bride en main). He was twice married, and has left children of both sexes.
102 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Oelnitz, and myself, to one of the highest hills on the other side of
Brosiz. From hence we could discover all the enemy’s camp very plain;
the first and second line from one end to the other. His majesty recon-
noitred it with his spying glass. When the enemy perceived seven or
eight persons on the hill, he sent us some four pounders, but without
effect. His majesty continued above an hour here, to examine their
position, and how they were to be attacked. The enemy was posted,
with the left wing towards Prague, on the Ziskaberg, behind the
Invalides: the right extended about 2,000 paces beyond the village of
Conradiz, near Sterboholi. Two hundred paces before their front, the
mountains were so steep and craggy, that no cavalry or artillery could
possibly ascend them. At the foot of these mountains is a deep valley,
which was intirely occupied by some hussars and Hungarian infantry.
The mountains on our side of the valley were no less steep and craggy
than the others: notwithstanding these difficulties, his majesty was
inclined to attack the enemy in front. The marshal, on the contrary,
represented to him the difficulty of the ground; the great march the
troops had made; and the strength of the enemy’s position; who had
covered the heights before their front with a prodigious quantity of
heavy artillery. His majesty, convinced by these reasons, permitted the
marshal to go and seek out some more convenient place to form the
attack. Upon which his excellency rode, full gallop, before the enemy’s
right, where the ground on both sides falls gradually, and where the
village of Miesiz, where the infantry could pass over the meadows,
and the cavalry and heavy artillery over the damms. As soon as the
marshal had reconnoitred the ground, and given an account of it to
the king, orders were immediately given to the three corps to move
on the left. This was executed with such celerity, that the army, which
had received the orders about nine o’clock, marched above four miles
through very bad roads, and at half an hour past ten was formed;
and at eleven the battle begun on the left wing. All our cavalry was
passing the damm, when that of the Austrians first turned out, and
formed itself in order of battle, without taking down one tent. They
did not probably perceive that our intention was to attack their right
flank, ’till they saw two regiments of our cavalry pass the damm, and
form directly on it. This manœuvre drew their attention that way: they
then ordered all their cavalry from the left; which, with great celer-
ity, came and formed itself, on a fine plain, on the right, in 104
squadrons, in three lines, with intervals equal to the front of a squadron.
This manœuvre was executed with such promptitude, that our lieu-
tenant general, the hereditary prince of Schónaich, who had only 65
squadrons, fearing to be outflanked, resolved instantly to attack the
enemy, without waiting for the right wing which the king had ordered
to come and reinforce him. Accordingly the attack was made in the
best order. The enemy stood still ’till we came within 50 paces of
them, then they fired their carabines; and at 30 they advanced with
a strong pace against us. We were outwinged by 8 squadrons, and
campaign of 1757 103
therefore ’tis no wonder our cavalry had such a hard task, and was
twice repulsed. In the third attack, Stechow’s regiment of dragoons,
commanded by colonel Winterfield, and general Ziethen,5 with 20
squadrons of Ziethen’s and Putkammer’s hussars, advanced with so
much bravery, that not only the enemy’s cavalry was intirely defeated,
but part of it was pushed on their own grenadiers, on the right wing,
which threw them back in the utmost confusion. During this attack of
the cavalry, the grenadiers of our left wing, and the regiments of
Fouquet, Kreutzen, and Schwerin’s infantry, having passed over some
meadows, were forced to advance through a very narrow road, in
order to join the rest of the line, which was already formed. As soon
as the grenadiers appeared on the other side of the defile, they were
received with twelve pounders, charged with cartridges, in such a man-
ner, that they were instantly forced to retire, and quit the defile in
the greatest confusion. In the mean time the enemy’s fire grew still
more violent, and at last obliged the grenadiers to retire back over
the damm. They were followed by Fouquet’s and Kreutzen’s regiments;
and, as the second battalion of Schwerin’s begun to do the same, the
marshal, who had been continually on the other side of the defile,
took the colours out of the officer’s hands, and rode before the regi-
ment; doing all that was possible to make them advance. He drew the
troops, as well as he could, out of the defile; and, having put them
again in order, advanced with a strong pace towards the enemy. Scarce
had he marched 12 steps, when he received several shot; one in the
ear, another in the heart, and three in the body: he fell instantly from
his horse, without the least signs of life. General Manteufel took the
colours out of his hand, and gave them to the ensign; who had scarce
received them, when a cannon shot came and killed him on the spot.
Immediately after this the whole line advanced. Our artillery did great
execution. The lines were at above 60 paces distant from each other;
when the enemy’s infantry, on the right, was observed to be in the
greatest confusion. Their center kept their ground much longer; being
protected by a great quantity of artillery. His majesty, observing that
the enemy’s right wing pursued our left with great vivacity, insomuch
that it was separated from the rest of the army, laid hold of this
favourable opportunity; and, with the greatest celerity, marched, with
his right, to occupy the space which the enemy, by advancing, had
left open: and, by this means, separated the two wings from each other.
Now the confusion was general in the enemy’s army. Our left wing,
5
Hans Joachim von Zieten (1699–1786). ‘The Hussar King.’ Born into poverty
in Brandenburg, the diminuitive Zieten entered the Prussian infantry in 1716 as a
free corporal. In 1727 he became lt. of dragoons, but was dismissed from the army
after fighting with his captain. Recalled in 1731, he was appointed commander of
the new Prussian hussar corps. He became a Major General in 1745 and fought
with distinction in the Seven Years’ War. See Georg Winter, Hans Joachim von Zieten:
Eine Biohraphie 2 vols. (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1886).
Map 3. Battle of Prague. Fought May 6th 1757, Between the Prussians Commanded by the King and
the Austrians, commanded by Pr. Charles of Lorrain, and won by the former.
106 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
being again formed, attacked the pursuing enemy, and drove them
back: and, when they endeavoured to retire to the army, they found
the ground occupied by the king. His majesty ordered an attack to be
made, with fixed bayonnets, on the enemy’s left wing, that was like-
wise flying. Here a great carnage ensued; particularly in taking the
redoubt; where the second battalion of prince Henry’s did wonders.
The enemy’s left fled into Prague; and the right, in confusion, towards
Maleschitz and Bischowitz.
Before we give an account of what followed this memorable battle,
it is necessary to examine the various operations which preceded it,
as well as the conduct of the action itself, that the reader may be
able to form a proper judgment of them, as they are in themselves,
and independent of the events. For these do not always proceed
from fine dispositions; nor are prudent and wise measures constantly
attended with happy successes. In general, however, it must be con-
fessed, that few or no enterprizes fail, but by some error, which
might have been foreseen, and consequently avoided.
The plan, formed by the Austrians, to remain on the defensive
’till their allies took the field, and thereby give them a favourable
opportunity to act with vigour, was certainly wise and prudent: but
they seem to have failed in the execution. Two thirds of the enemy’s
troops were cantoned in Saxony and Lusatia, and the remainder in
the neighbourhood of this last province; which indicated, very plainly,
that, in case he proposed to invade Bohemia, it would be on that
side; particularly as the king was there in person. Besides, by enter-
ing Bohemia from the side of Saxony, this last would be covered by
that very manœuvre: whereas, if it was done from Silesia, another
army must be left to guard Saxony. They ought to have known the
king better, than to suppose he would act with part of his forces
only, when he had it in his power to do it with the whole. Moreover,
if, contrary to all appearances, as well as to the nature of things, he
attempted to invade Moravia, he could not, in less than a month,
bring his armies on that side; and the Austrians did not require half
that time to bring all their forces there. If his majesty sent a corps
there only, the garrison of Olmutz, sustained by some Croats, a reg-
iment of dragoons, and another of hussars, would have been sufficient
to cover the country.
From all which, it appears, that the Austrians acted very impru-
dently, in posting a corps of above 20,000 men in Moravia, where
they were quite useless. What augments this first fault, was the leaving
campaign of 1757 107
enabled him to take the enemy’s whole line in flank, and rake it
from one end to the other. The marshal, by advancing with the
right only, broke the line, and thereby left an opening, which the
enemy occupied, cut the army in two, and defeated it.
There is in every camp a certain point, which may very properly
be called, the key of it, and on which depends the success of an
action; while you keep this, the enemy has nothing; and when you
lose it, all is lost. The talent of finding out this point, is perhaps the
most sublime, and the most rare, of any in the whole art of war.
On this talent depends the science of camps, and the methods of
attacking and defending them. In the present case, this point was,
no doubt, that space of ground between the point of the right wing
of infantry, and the pond near Sterboholi, where the cavalry should
have been posted, as it is marked in the plan, with the light troops
and some regular infantry in Sterboholi, and a battery on the height,
before the right wing of horse. While the Austrians occupied this
ground, they could not be defeated; but they had studied so little
the science of camps, that they did not perceive this point, and
formed their cavalry a great way behind it; and were beat.
From all the preceding remarks, it appears, that M. Brown either
did not know the country, or did not know how to occupy it prop-
erly, in the distribution of his army into winter quarters; and that
he committed numberless faults, as well before, as during the action;
which necessarily were followed with the loss of it. As we know that
he was a good soldier, and by no means a contemptible general, it
is far from being impossible, that some private motives might make
him less careful and clear-sighted than is consistent with a person
of his genius. He was, no doubt, little pleased to see prince Charles
at the head of the army; and, being under the command of another,
was, probably, less anxious about the event. Had he been alone,
perhaps he would have acted otherwise. This shews, how imprudent
it is to employ, together, men whose private views of ambition can
scarce ever coincide.
As to the king’s dispositions, they will, no doubt, appear very fine
to those who are not sufficiently acquainted with the nature of mil-
itary operations, or who have not attended to the description we
have given of the country wherein these transactions happened.
Events, like an impetuous torrent, hurry people away, without giving
them time to reflect on their causes, or examine the various cir-
cumstances, which contributed to produce them; and therefore their
112 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
* Marshal Keith, knight of the black eagle, of St. Andreas, and Alexander Newski’s
orders in Russia, was born of the illustrious family of Marshall, in Scotland. In
1730 he was a major general in Russia; in 1734 a lieutenant general, and went
with the Russian troops into Germany; in 1737 he served against the Turks, and
distinguished himself greatly at the taking of Oczakow, where he was wounded; in
1741 and 1742 he commanded against the Swedes, and got the battle of Williamstrand;
in 1747 he quitted the Russian service, and entered that of Prussia; in 1749 was
made knight of the black eagle, and governor of Berlin, with a pension of 12,000
dollars, besides his pay. He was killed in 1758, at the battle of Hochkirchen, at the
head of the Prussian infantry, who had repulsed the Austrians, and were pursuing
them. He was middle sized; had a very martial countenance; and was an humane
and benevolent man.
campaign of 1757 113
small detachments, they could not fail in their attempt; they must
have destroyed their army. It is no less surprizing, that so great a
general as the king of Prussia should think it possible to reduce an
army of 50,000 men, in such an extensive town as Prague, with one
of equal force. The supineness of the Austrians justified this attempt,
and saved his army from inevitable destruction.
When the king summoned prince Charles to surrender, marshal
Brown, then sick in bed, being consulted, answered, with no less
spirit than amazement, “Est ce que sa majesté croit que nous sommes
tous de C-ll-ns. Dîtes au prince que mon avis est, que son altesse
aille sur le champ attaquer le M. Keith.”
The celebrated marshal Belleisle, who knew Prague perfectly well,
had, in the preceding war, with 15,000 men, defended it for many
months against the Austrians; and, being at last reduced to the great-
est extremity, quitted it with 12,000 men, and retired to Egra, with
safety and glory. This general wrote a letter, while the king was
blockading that town; which I have seen; wherein he says, “Je con-
nois Prague, si j’y etois, avec la moitié des troupes, que le prince
Charles y a actuéllement je detruirois l’armée Prussienne.”
While the king was occupied before Prague, he sent out several
detachments, in order to raise contributions, and secure, or destroy,
the magazines which the enemy had formed in different parts of
Bohemia. General Oldenbourg6 and colonel Meyer7 were sent into
the empire with the same view, and to hinder, or at least retard,
the operations of the army of the empire. But all their operations
are of too insignificant a nature to deserve any particular detail;
none of them had, nor indeed could have, any considerable influence
on the general plan of operations. We shall therefore pass them in
silence.
Marshal Daun, who now commanded the army in Moravia, which
had been the preceding campaign under the orders of prince
Piccolomini, having received orders to join the main army at Prague,
quitted Moravia, and directed his march for that purpose. However,
on the 6th of May, he was only arrived at Bóhmisch Brodt, within
12 miles of that place, where he was informed of the battle. He con-
tinued here for some days, and then retired to Kollin, as well to
6
Maj. Gen. Jürgen Friedrich von Oldenburg.
7
Karl Friedrich von Meyer (1708–75).
116 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Illustration 6
campaign of 1757 117
8
Joachim Christian von Tresckow (1698–1762).
9
Gottfried Baron Wöllwarth (1686–1770).
10
Maj. Gen. Prince Joseph Maria Carl Lobkowitz (1725–1802).
* Leopold count Daun [Leopold Joseph Maria von Daun (1705–1766)] was born
in 1705. He was, in the beginning, a knight of Malta, and colonel of his father’s
regiment: in 1736 lord of the bed-chamber; in 1737 major general, and served
against the Turks; in 1739 a lieutenant general; in 1740 he obtained a regiment;
in 1745 he was made a general of infantry; in 1748 a privy councillor; in 1751
commandant of Vienna; in 1753 knight of the golden fleece; and in 1754 a field
marshal. He had, in the preceding war, shewn no less bravery than prudence; and
was wounded in the battles of Grotzka and Friedberg, in 1749. He formed the new
exercise, and composed the institutions for the new military academy. In 1745, hav-
ing quitted the order of Malta, he married the countess Fuchs (a favourite of the
empress) by whom he has many children. He is a middle sized man, and has the
most engaging countenance that can be seen: is uncommonly brave, and cool in
action: a degree more of that vigor animi, would make him one of the greatest
men of his age. [Franz-Lorenz von Thadden, Feldmarschall Daun: Maria Theresias
grösster Feldherr (Wien, München: Herold, 1967).]
11
Nicolaus Joseph, Prince Esterházy (1714–90).
122 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
very much: as did general Nadasti,* with the Saxon light horse, and
the other troops under his command. The regiments that formed the
reserve, and the grenadiers, suffered very much; having been contin-
ually in action. Among the infantry, the regiment of Botta, commanded
by prince Kinsky,12 distinguished itself; having fired all their cartridges,
they however continued in the line, with their bayonnets fixed, and
repulsed the enemy. Among the cavalry, the four regiments of Savoy,
Ligne Birkenfeld, and Wurtenberg, distinguished themselves in a partic-
ular manner. The artillery, commanded by colonel Feuerstein, was
remarkably well served. Among the volunteers, the duke of Wurten-
berg,13 and major general count Czernichew,† likewise distinguished
themselves.
The Prussians account of the battle is as follows:
Immediately after the battle of Prague, colonel [Georg] Putkammer,
with his hussars, was sent to pursue the enemy; who was followed, on
the 9th of May, by the prince of Bevern and general Zeithen,* with
20,000 men. The first remarkable skirmish happened at Suchdol, where
the Austrians great magazine of meal was taken. Lieutenant general
Ziethen, and major generals Krochow and Manstein, with four battalions,
and 1100 horse, were sent from the camp at Kollin on this expedi-
tion. They succeeded in taking this magazine, notwithstanding there
was a camp of hussars and Croats behind Suchdol, and the heights
by St. John’s chapel was occupied by the Austrians. General Nadasti
sent lieutenant colonel Ballasti, with some hundred hussars, to attack
lieutenant colonel Varnery, of Putkammer’s regiment, but they were
repulsed with loss. Colonel Werner, being sent to observe the Austrians,
was attacked, near Krattenau, by colonels Zobel and Lusinski, with
600 horse, which he repulsed, and took 43 prisoners. On the 5th June,
the prince of Bevern quitted his camp at Kollin, in order to attack
general Nadasti’s corps, who was encamped on the heights near St.
John’s chapel; but this general made no stand, either there, or on the
heights by Kank; which he quitted, as well as the town of Kuttenberg.
We took 73 prisoners: and the enemy lost, killed and wounded, above
150 men more. The prince of Bevern, on this occasion, took two mag-
azines of forage and provisions, at Kuttenberg and Neuhoff, and
encamped by Neschkarziz, a village between Neuhoff and Kuttenberg.
This position forced M. Daun to quit his strong camp at Czaslaw,
and fall back first to Goltzenkau, and afterwards to Haber. The great
number of defiles hindered us from attacking the enemy’s rear-guard,
so that this march was made without any skirmish, excepting that
which happened on the 7th of June, at the defile of Czûrckwitz, which
alarmed general Nadasti, who was encamped behind Czaslaw, with
his corps reinforced by the four regiments of Saxon horse. In the mean
while, the army under M. Daun, having been reinforced, amounted
to 60,000 men; and it appeared, his intentions were to march, with
the greatest part of his troops, against that part of the king’s camp,
before Prague, on the other side of the Moldau; and, to cover this
manœuvre, to attack the prince of Bevern with Nadasti’s corps. The
prince of Bevern had only 70 squadrons and 18 battalions, and con-
sequently was in need of a reinforcement. The king, therefore, having
drawn his posts before Prague nearer together, broke up the 13th of
June, and marched with 10 battalions and 20 squadrons, by Kosteletz,
towards Zasmuck. On the same day, count Daun ordered general
Nadasti to attack prince Bevern’s fore-posts, and at the same time
made a motion with his whole army on the Prussians flank, which
forced them to retire towards Kollin, and on the 14th to Kaurzim,
where the king’s corps joined them. The 15th and 16th were employed
in reconnoitring the roads towards the village of Wisocka, where the
Austrian army stood; which was not perfectly executed on account of
the great number of the enemy’s light troops. Four thousand pandours
and hussars attacked a transport coming from Nimburg, but the escort,
consisting of 200 men, under major Billerbeck, defended themselves
above three hours; and, having received a reinforcement, arrived safe
at the camp with the loss of seven men only. On the 17th, as we pro-
posed marching to Schwoysitz, we perceived the enemy’s army formed
on the heights, in a half square, with the right wing extending towards
124 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Kuttenberg and Kollin, and the left towards Zasmuck; the front was
covered by a chain of fishponds and morasses. We made a motion,
so that our right came to Kaurzim, and our left towards Nimburg and
Planian, before it. On the 18th we occupied some hills before this
place. The army marched on the left, in order to attack the enemy
as soon as the necessary dispositions could be made; and our light
troops had posted themselves opposite those of the enemy, who endeav-
oured to form on our left flank; we drove them back beyond Kollin,
as far as the heights, which we must necessarily occupy to be able to
attack the enemy’s right flank. Major general Hulsen,* with seven bat-
talions, was ordered to render himself master of them. The infantry
was to form a line to sustain this attack, without engaging its right,
which was ordered to remain somewhat further back. Our grenadiers
climbed up the heights, occupied a village the enemy had abandoned,
and took two batteries, each of 12 or 13 pieces behind it; and, of a
sudden, our infantry, without giving time to stop them, advanced and
attacked all the enemy’s first line, which hindered us from sustaining
the attack of the heights: four battalions would have sufficed, and the
victory was ours. The enemy, taking advantage of this fault, ordered
some infantry to file behind the line, and attack our seven battalions;
who, though they had suffered very much in three successive attacks,
and from the fire of 40 pieces of cannon, repulsed them. Norman’s
dragoons attacked the enemy’s infantry, dispersed several battalions,
took 5 pair of colours, and then advanced against the Saxon carabi-
neers, whom they beat back and pursued as far as Kollin. While our
infantry was engaged with the enemy, it suffered greatly from the heavy
artillery: the battalions were full of large openings. The regiment of
cavalry of the prince of Prussia took post opposite the interval between
the regiments of prince Bevern and prince Henry, in order to cover
the abovementioned openings, and attacked an Austrian regiment of
foot that stood over against them, and no doubt had penetrated, if it
had not been exposed, at the same time, to a battery charged with
cartouches, which threw them back on Bevern’s regiment. The Austrian
cavalry pursued them; whereby prince Bevern’s and prince Henry’s
regiments suffered so much, that they were obliged to be ordered out
of the line. This produced an opening that cut off our communica-
tion with the attack of the heights, and we were forced to retire. The
battalion of guards, on the right, repulsed four battalions, and two reg-
iments of horse, who attempted to surround them. Our left wing
remained on the ground, where the enemy was posted before the
action, ’till about 9 o’clock, and then retired. The army marched
* This general was major in 1740; in 1743 lieutenant colonel; in 1745 colonel;
in 1754 major general, and knight of the order pour le merite; in 1756 he had a
regiment; and in 1758 was made a lieutenant general. He commanded a consid-
erable corps in Saxony, against the army of the empire, with much reputation, par-
ticularly in the action by Strehlen.
campaign of 1757 125
infantry, from which, as well as from the artillery, they suffered very
much: they desired leave to attack them; which, having obtained, they
executed it with much bravery, cut the enemy’s infantry to pieces, and
took several cannon and colours. This is what happened on the right
wing, where the battle was hottest. About two hours after the first
attack on our right, that of the Prussian army advanced against the
left of the Austrians, in order to attack it; which, considering the
strength of its position, ought never to have been undertaken. It stood
upon a hill which was almost impossible to ascend, and which was
covered with artillery that did the Prussians great damage. The Prussians
right wing, being arrived at the bottom of the hill, stopped: upon which
the Austrians left, seeing the enemy did not advance, being desirous
to attack them, and partake of the glory of the day with the rest of
the army, quitted their position, and descended to the foot of the hill.
The Austrian infantry attacked that of the Prussians with much brav-
ery; and, after an hour’s combat, obliged them to give way. The
Austrian cavalry advanced likewise, in order to attack that of the enemy,
but these immediately retired towards their infantry. The Austrians
were prudent enough not to pursue their advantages on this side, for
fear of being separated from their right wing. In about an hour after,
the Prussians right wing attacked the Austrians left again; but, in less
than half an hour, they are beat back in confusion. They resumed
their former position, and fired from all their artillery upon the Austrians,
during the whole action. While the second attack was made, six bat-
talions, commanded by count Niclas Esterhasi, having shot all their
cartridges, advanced against the enemy with fixed bayonnets, and, with
great bravery, forced them to give way. This battle was general, and
all the corps were more than once engaged, &c.
As this remarkable action makes a considerable epoch in the history
of the war, being the first the king of Prussia ever lost, we shall here
give our reflections upon it, and upon the different manœuvres that
preceded it.
It has been already observed, that the siege of Prague, with about
50,000 men in it, was an imprudent and dangerous enterprize. Sieges
are attended with so great expence, and so much loss of time, and
men, that they ought never to be undertaken without the utmost
necessity. The king of Prussia was then in circumstances that required
some decisive stroke, and that as soon as possible; and therefore he
should not, by any means, amuse himself with sieges, which he knew
128 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
would give the Austrians time and means to provide for their defence,
whatever was the event of that of Prague. Sieges must never be
formed, unless, 1. when the fortresses are placed on the passes which
lead into the enemy’s country, and in such a manner that you can-
not penetrate ’till you are masters of them; 2. when they are on
your communications, and the country does not furnish the neces-
sary subsistence; 3. when they are necessary, in order to cover the
magazines you form in the country itself, to facilitate your opera-
tions; 4. when they contain considerable magazines of the enemy,
and such as are essentially necessary to him; 5. when the conquest
of them is necessarily followed by that of some considerable district,
which enables you to separate your armies into winter quarters in
the enemy’s country. In these cases, your first operations must, no
doubt, be the siege of some such place; which in all others must be
avoided. Not one of these circumstances concurred with regard to
Prague: it covers no essential part of the country, neither contained
any considerable magazine, nor was necessary for the king in order
to form one there, because the country itself furnished abundantly
all kind of subsistence; and, though it did not, his armies could be
supplied from Silesia, without any risk; for prince Charles could not,
if he remained at or about Prague, prevent it. If, instead of besieg-
ing this town, his majesty had sent 20,000 men, the next morning,
after the enemy’s right wing, which, as we have said, had fled to
Beneschau, and, with the remainder, marched to Bóhmisch Brodt
against M. Daun, it is more than probable he would have destroyed
both: they certainly could not have retired without losing their artillery,
baggage, &c. and must have fell back, with the utmost expedition,
on the Danube. Then the king was at liberty to besiege Olmutz;
which would have given him all Bohemia; because prince Charles
must likewise have marched on the Danube, in order to join the
remainder of the army, as he could not, in the situation in which
he then was, without any magazines or artillery, undertake any thing
himself: he could not even approach the king at all, without expos-
ing his army to destruction. His majesty might have taken twenty
positions that would have covered the siege of Olmutz, masked the
Danube and the capital, and forced prince Charles to march up to
Lintz, in order to pass it, and join the rest of the troops. This would
have given him all the time necessary to reduce Olmutz, and even
Prague itself, which would have been left to a common garrison.
His majesty, allured by the uncertain and vain, but flattering, hopes
campaign of 1757 129
of taking 50,000 men prisoners, lost sight of Daun and the right
wing, and with it an opportunity of giving some decisive blow. When
he was informed of the enemy’s approach, it was full time to repair
the fault he had committed. He might, and ought to have raised
the siege of Prague, and, with his whole forces, attack M. Daun; if
he succeeded, it was very probable that prince Charles, in so long
a march as he must make from Prague to the Danube, would give
an opportunity to attack him also; and he could scarce approach
the Danube at all, while the king was with an army near Kollin, as
is evident from the inspection of the map.
His majesty knew the prince Bevern narrowly escaped being
oppressed by the superior forces of the enemy; How could he think
that the addition of a few battalions and squadrons would insure the
victory? His whole army was scarce sufficient to contend with Daun,
and yet he persists in his project of taking Prague, and thereby
exposed himself to certain destruction, if the enemy had done part
only of what might have been easily executed, as well by the gar-
rison of Prague, as by M. Daun after the battle. It is one of the
most essential qualities of a general, not to be infatuated with a pas-
sion for some favourite and striking project, because it exposes him
to many, and sometimes fatal, consequences. It is difficult to renounce
to an enterprize once embraced, because it in some measure exposes
one to the censure of want of foresight, or constancy, both very mor-
tifying to self-love. However, there is more glory in mending a fault,
than to persevere in it. His majesty, confiding too much in his own
superior talents, too little in those of his enemies, or pressed, per-
haps, by the necessity of his affairs, has been observed, very often,
to undertake things much above the means he had to accomplish
them; and therefore no wonder that many of his projects, though
in appearance plausible, wanted solidity, and consequently have not
been always attended with success. Being arrived at Kaurzim, and
finding the enemy too strongly posted to be attacked with any prob-
ability of success, his majesty might have fell back, and taken some
other position, which perhaps would have induced them to advance,
and given him an opportunity to fight upon more equal terms: if it
be objected that prince Charles, informed of his absence, would
attack the army left before Prague, it only proves he was sensible
he had exposed that army to destruction, as it depended on the
enemy’s knowing a thing, which he might have done by a thousand
means. When he resolved to occupy the heights on the right flank
130 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
sustained by the line, were obliged to give way. If they had been
properly supported, and a body of troops sent on their flank, oppo-
site the enemy’s reserve, to keep it in awe, the battle was won: the
enemy’s reserve, to keep it in awe, the battle was won: the enemy’s
line was already broke, and had no convenient ground behind to
take a new position upon; so that the whole army would have been
taken in flank; nor could the reserve quit its position to attack this
vanguard in flank, without presenting their own, and losing the
advantage of their situation. But, as these dispositions were not made,
the enemy’s reserve, without any risk, quitted its post, and took the
king’s vanguard in flank, which, as has been said, being unsupported
by any other troops, was forced to give way, and the battle was lost.
The general faults therefore of the king’s disposition, before, and
during the action, were. 1. to have manœuvred by day, which gave
the enemy time to change their position, according to their cir-
cumstances; 2. to have formed an attack where he could not con-
veniently combine the different species of arms; whereas the enemy
had both infantry and cavalry, with a great quantity of artillery, to
sustain the point attacked; 3. to have let general Hulsen advance so
far, that he could not be supported by the line; and, 4. to have
attacked with too little infantry, considering the nature of the ground.
As to the conduct of M. Daun, it appears uniform, and founded
upon reasonable principles: after the battle of Prague, it was very
judicious; he retired before the duke of Bevern, though stronger than
him from the beginning, as well to give his men time to recollect
themselves, as to be able to receive the reinforcements he expected.
These being arrived, his conduct changes according to the circum-
stances; he is now as vigorous and active, as he seemed before slow
and dilatory. His march was calculated to cut off the prince of
Bevern, before he could join the army at Prague, or be reinforced
by it; and, though this project did not succeed, it was certainly well
laid. His conduct, during the action, appears no less prudent. The
enemy made no fault of which he did not take advantage: one only
he himself seems to have committed, which was to have kept his
line too far back: this gave Hulsen an opportunity of taking the vil-
lages, before the front, form between them and the front, and then
penetrate through the line, which would certainly have occasioned
the loss of the battle, had he been properly supported. Whenever
your line is placed behind villages, it must be at a proper distance
to sustain them, otherwise they, being taken, will be of great preju-
132 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
dice to you, and advantage to the enemy, whose motions are cov-
ered and sustained by them; whereas, if you sustain them properly,
he cannot possibly take them, nor advance, leaving them behind;
because not only they break his line and throw it into some degree
of confusion, which favourable opportunity, if improved, will neces-
sarily be attended with a defeat, and also expose it to be taken in
flank by the troops posted in them. The possession therefore of vil-
lages, provided they are at a proper distance to be sustained, is one
of the most advantageous circumstances that can occur in a field of
battle; but all these advantages are lost, and turn against you, if you
do not sustain them. They are so very advantageous that I would
never advise any general to attack them, and put them on fire with
haubitz, and choose some other point of attack, which, though in
appearance less proper, will, generally speaking, succeed better.* If
the marshal had marched the 19th with his whole army towards
Prague, it is probable that of the king, before that place, would have
been destroyed. In war a general must think he has done nothing,
while something remains unfinished; he ought to consider all his suc-
cesses as means only that lead to greater, but never make an epoch
of them, or pause to meditate, while in the full career of victory
and glory.
On the 19th his majesty quitted the army, which had fought at
Kollin, and went to Prague, in order to raise the siege: this was exe-
cuted the day following without any loss worth mentioning; that part
of the army which was on the right of the Moldau, marched down
that side as far as Leutmeritz, while that under M. Keith took the
road of Welwarn and Budyn, where he passed the Egra, and went
to encamp between Liboschowitz and Lowositz, opposite the king’s
division; so that the whole formed only one army, separated by the
Elbe, over which they had the necessary communications, and could
easily be on either side, according as circumstances might require.
With the remainder of his forces his majesty had formed another
* We have a fine example of this given by the famous Marlborough, at the bat-
tle of Hockstedt [Hochstadt, 1703]; he had attacked several times the village of
Oberklaw, but was each time repulsed with great loss; his lordship, very judiciously
having left a body of infantry to mask the village, advanced, and broke the enemy’s
line, which got the battle. The French had garnished all the villages before their
front, particularly Oberklaw and Plentheim, with a prodigious quantity of infantry,
expecting that the generals of the allies would attack them, and by no means pre-
sume to advance and leave them behind; but they were disappointed, beat, and
lost all their infantry posted in the villages.
campaign of 1757 133
14
Franz Maximilian, Baron Jahnus von Eberstädt (1711–72).
136 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
As soon as the army passed the Elbe, a large corps, under Nadasti,
was sent to observe the king; and another between that and the
prince of Prussia’s army. These two corps were so strong, that when
united they formed a small army, and could with safety keep close
to the enemy, and render the communication between their two
armies very precarious. A third was sent on the prince’s left flank;
and, within a march of these different corps, the main army advanced
under prince Charles. By this admirable disposition he could sustain
them, if necessary; and they had a sure retreat by falling back on
his army: he was covered by them; and, keeping on the left of the
Iser, could not be forced to fight against his will. His measures were
so well taken, and executed with so much vigour and prudence, that
in 20 days he forced the enemy to abandon Bohemia with great
loss, and cut off his communication with Silesia.
If, after the taking of Zittau, his royal highness had marched to
Stromberg, beyond Lôbau, the enemy could never have opened a
communication with Silesia. The position of Kleinschónau was too
far back, and left the road between Bautzen and Górlitz open; so
that the king could always enter Silesia without any opposition. The
method, pursued by prince Charles, of acting with strong corps,
rather than with the whole army, is attended with infinite advan-
tages, 1. it facilitates the means of subsisting, which, in every coun-
try, is difficult, when the army is very numerous; 2. it enables you
to engage every day some important combat, without bringing affairs
to a decision; 3. they revive the spirits of the soldiers, whom former
misfortunes have rendered timid; 4. by taking post on the enemy’s
flanks you force him to quit every camp, however strong, and con-
sequently to abandon the whole country. All which truths are deduced
clearly from the conduct of prince Charles on this occasion.
That of the king does not, on the whole, appear in the same
favourable light. His activity in raising the siege of Prague is much
to be commended; the least delay would have been fatal to him: his
dividing the army into several strong corps, after the battle of Kollin,
very much facilitated the retreat. These presented so many objects
to the enemy, that he could not immediately determine which was
most worthy his attention; nor could he undertake any thing against
them ’till he had ascertained their number, species, and position: in
the mean time they retired with tranquility and safety. From the
king’s conduct, on this occasion, may be deduced a general rule for
retreating after an action lost. That an army retreating must be
138 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
divided into as many strong corps as the nature of the country will
admit of; because, in this case, the enemy can do you no very essen-
tial damage: if he separates his army likewise into many corps, nei-
ther of them will be strong enough to undertake any thing of
consequence; even, if they keep too close, they may receive some
considerable check. Another advantage, arising from this method of
retiring, is, that the enemy cannot intercept any one of your corps;
because he can neither push between them, nor go so far about as
to come before them, without exposing his own troops to be hemmed
in between your different corps. If he follows you with his whole
army, one only division can be in danger, which may be easily
avoided by forming a strong rear-guard, who will get time for the
remainder to march off in safety; and the more so, as a small corps
marches much more lightly than an army. Care must be taken not
to engage the whole corps; because, if the enemy is near, and acts
with vigour, it will be lost intirely.
When prince Charles passed the Elbe, it was evident he proposed
to advance towards Lusatia, consequently the king should have left
M. Keith, with a few battalions and squadrons, in the mountains
between Lowositz and Pirna, to cover Saxony, against the enemy’s
light troops, and with the remainder have taken a position behind
the Poltz, about Leipa or Nimes, with a strong corps on his left,
towards Liebenau, and another smaller on his right, between him
and the Elbe, on the road to Rumburg. This would have made it
impossible for the enemy to advance one step ’till they had dislodged
him: they could not think of entering those great defiles, through
which the road leading to Rumburg passes, having a corps, as I sup-
pose, in front, and the whole army on their flank and rear; nor
could they enter those of Liebenau and Reichenberg on his left, for
the same reasons: they must consequently either force him to retire,
or stop short. It was still more improbable that they would separate
their army and send a considerable part of it to make an efficacious
diversion in Silesia. Such is the strength of this country, and so many
good camps to be found in it, that, if the prince of Prussia, even
with his army, had taken the road of Gabel and Zittau, instead of
that of Rumburg, it is probable he might have stopped prince Charles,
for some time at least. The enemy did not choose to venture between
his right flank and the king’s army, and they could not easily take
a position on his left, that could force him to quit Gabel and Zittau,
if he had taken his camp on the mountains between these two places,
campaign of 1757 139
which he ought to have done, rather than take the road of Rumburg,
by which he lost them both, and his communication with Silesia.
When the enemy arrived at Hunnerwasser, Why did not the king
march instantly from Gastorff, and come on their flank and rear,
while the prince his brother attacked them in front? Nothing in the
world could hinder them from acting in concert. This, however, and
many other favourable opportunities, which the enemy gave him,
were lost. His majesty continued, as we have said, all this while,
near Leutmeritz, in perfect tranquility.
The prince’s army was, no doubt, too weak to withstand the efforts
of the enemy, who were more than double his number; yet we think
he might have taken such camps as would have stopped them. When
a general has the misfortune to command an army that is much
inferior to that of the enemy, he must certainly retire before them,
if they send very strong corps on his flanks, as well because his sub-
sistence becomes precarious, as because they may, by a judicious use
of these corps, attack him with united forces in front and rear, and
intirely defeat him, particularly if the country has many defiles. A
general, in such circumstances, has but one way to extricate him-
self; which is, to attack, with his whole forces, whatever corps may
be sent on his flank: if he succeeds, once or twice, the enemy will
scarce attempt a third time. The prince, having neglected to do this,
was, as we have said, forced to retire from camp to camp, and at
length to abandon the whole country.
During these transactions in Bohemia, the army of the empire,
consisting of 32 squadrons, 32 battalions, 23 companies of grenadiers,
2 regiments of hussars, and 52 pieces of cannon, commanded by
the prince of Hildburgshausen,15 assembled in the circle of Franconia,
in the month of August. These were to be reinforced by 30,000
French, under the command of prince Soubise,16 who had been for
some time on the Main. Accordingly, they united at Erfurth on the
21st of August, and assumed the title of the combined army; the
object of which, was, to drive the Prussians out of Saxony. This, it
was thought, could be executed without any considerable difficulty.
The country was in some measure defenceless, there being nothing
15
Joseph Friedrich, Prince of Sachsen-Hildburghausen (1702–87). Field Marshal
and commander of the Reichsarmee.
16
Charles de Rohan, Prince de Soubise (1715–87). Maréchal de France and
Commander-in-Chief of the Franco-German army in Thuringia.
140 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
17
Louis-François-Armand Vignerot du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu (1696–88).
Maréchal de France and First Gentleman of the Bedchamber at the French Court.
See Hubert Cole, First Gentleman of the Bedchamber: The Life of Louis-François-Armand,
Maréchal duc de Richelieu (London: Heinemann, 1965).
campaign of 1757 141
18
Lt. Gen. Andreas, Graf von Hadik von Futak (1710–90). Noted for his raid
on Berlin with 3,400 light troops in October 1757, where he acquired 215,000
talers and a dozen pairs of gloves stamped with the municipal coat of arms in
contributions.
142 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
the Elbe and the Moldau, and with part of the troops returned to
Leipzig.
The generals of the combined army, now reinforced by a very
strong corps, commanded by the duke of Broglio,19 resolved to seize
this favourable opportunity which the king’s absence afforded them,
and once more penetrate into Saxony: accordingly, they put their
troops in motion, passed the Saala on the 25th, and on the 27th
had their head quarters at Weissenfels. From hence count de Mailly20
was sent to summon Leipzig, which M. Keith refused to surrender.
Things were in this situation, when the king arrived with about
10,000 men; and, being joined by the corps under M. Keith, and
prince Ferdinand, an army of 22,000 men was assembled, with which
he resolved to march against the enemy.
Though the combined army was much superior to that of the
king, it was thought prudent to decline coming to an action, with
the Saala behind them; and probably they meant to concert some
new plan with M. Richelieu, now intirely disengaged. Accordingly,
the whole army repassed that river on the 29th; 4 battalions, and
18 companies of grenadiers, were left to defend Weissenfels; and 14
battalions, with some cavalry, under the command of the duke of
Broglio, were sent to occupy Merseburg; which shews they then pro-
posed defending the banks of the Saala.
The king quitted Leipsig on the 30th, and arrived the day fol-
lowing at Weissenfels, which he ordered to be attacked instantly;
and, after some resistance, took it sword in hand. The enemy, hav-
ing for the most part passed the river, put fire to the bridge, which
intercepted some of them, who were made prisoners. Their army
was divided into two parts: the one, commanded by the prince of
Hildburgshausen, remained opposite to Weissenfels; and the other,
under prince Soubise, approached Merseburg, to sustain M. Broglio,
or cover his retreat, in case it should be thought convenient to aban-
don that place.
19
Victor-François, duc de Broglie (1718–1804), Maréchal de France and
Commander-in-Chief of the French army. For the French army’s performance over-
all performance see, Lee Kennett, The French Armies in the Seven Years’ War: A Study
in Military Organization and Administration (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1967).
20
Augustin-Joseph, comte de Mailly (1708–94). Maréchal de France. Guillotined
in the French Revolution.
campaign of 1757 143
His majesty knew, that, while the enemy had such considerable
forces on the frontiers of Magdeburg and Saxony, he could not think
of separating his army, to put the troops in winter quarters when
the season required it, even supposing he could keep the whole in
that country: it was therefore resolved to give the combined army
battle, and, if they declined it, drive them so far back that they could
not resume their operations, at least for this campaign. Accordingly,
bridges were thrown over the Saala, at Weissenfels, Merseburg, and
Halle, where the army passed in three columns, and assembled, the
2d of November, near the village of Rosbach, as in A.A. The enemy,
having abandoned the design of defending the banks of the Saala,
quitted Merseburg, and united their whole forces in B.B. The king
examined their position the 3d, and resolved to attack them the next
morning. Accordingly, he advanced at he head of his cavalry, in
order to occupy those posts which should be found most proper to
cover the infantry, and at the same time form his dispositions for
the attack. Being arrived in D.D. he perceived they had, in the pre-
ceding night, changed their position, and taken another in C.C. which
appeared too strong to be attacked: upon which the army was ordered
to march on the left, and encamp in E.E. with the left at Rosbach,
the center at Schartau, and the right towards Bedra, with the cav-
alry in the third line.
The commanders of the combined army attributed this retrograde
motion of the king to fear. This, and the great force of their army,
elated their courage in such a manner, that they resolved to attack
him next morning, and so finish the campaign; the fatigues of which
their troops seemed no longer able or willing to endure. The king’s
right and center were deemed too well posted to be attacked with
success, consequently they proposed attacking the left on the flank
and rear; and at the same time general St. Germain was ordered
to take post, with a considerable corps, in N.N. as well to amuse the
enemy, as to cover the march of the army: at 11 o’clock it was put
in motion, in three columns; the vanguard was composed of Austrian
and imperial cavalry, followed by the French and imperial infantry;
the whole was closed by the French horse. Being arrived on the hill,
opposite the enemy’s left flank, they halted, and ordered the French
horse to advance, and join the rest of the cavalry at the head.
About 1 o’clock the king was informed that they were in march
on his left flank; but, not being able as yet to discover their in-
tentions, he remained quiet for the present, and observed them. At
144
i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Map 5. Plan of the Battle of Rosbach between the Combined Army & the Prussians Commanded by the King in Person the 5th Nov. 1757.
campaign of 1757 145
* Trees cut down, and placed so as to form a parapet; behind which the troops,
particularly infantry, are placed.
148 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
of that of the enemy, and after several attacks broke and dispersed
them. Our infantry reached the village of Reichertswerben, where our
left was posted; and, as we perceived the French infantry form in
columns, in order to attack us, we anticipated them. The battle lasted
about an hour and a half: six battalions only of our left wing came
to action. We followed the enemy to Burgwerben: the night hindered
us from reaping still greater advantages from our victory. The day fol-
lowing our army marched towards Freidburg: the 7th a strong detach-
ment passed the Saala, and advanced to Eckartsberg, &c. &c.
The next was wrote by a French officer in the combined army.
It was resolved to attack the left flank of the Prussian army: accord-
ingly, at nine in the morning, our’s marched in two columns. General
St. Germain was ordered to take post before our camp, with 9 bat-
talions and 14 or 15 squadrons, in order to attack the enemy in front,
when he perceived that we did the same on his flank. The king, hav-
ing been informed of these motions, which he so much desired, left
his camp standing, with part of his army in it, to oppose St. Germain,
and to make us believe he was in perfect security. The left wing of
his army was hid behind a hill, and covered by some marshy ground,
and a village: part of his army was formed behind the above-men-
tioned hill, on which was a great quantity of artillery. Not far from
this hill is another, which joins it, and extends far into the plain.
Behind this bill the enemy had his infantry in columns, a great quan-
tity of artillery, and almost his whole cavalry. Our army, having marched
about two hours, was now opposite the enemy’s flank; we had a fine
plain before us, and, perceiving no enemy, we hastened our march.
It looked as if we feared the enemy should escape us, and only recon-
noitred his front, without taking any notice of his left wing; so were
we heartily chastised for it. About half an hour after three our cav-
alry struck in with that of the enemy, which stood at the bottom of
the second hill, and advanced in good order against ours, whom they
could easily break; because the cavalry of the empire was so close to
them, that they could not fire freely, nor could they form in good
order. When the enemy first appeared, the cavalry of the left wing
was ordered to advance, which they executed full gallop; but they
found that of the right wing in confusion. Notwithstanding this, the
Austrian cavalry, and the regiments of Bourbons, Lameth, and Fitzjames
in particular, fought with success. Scarce was the combat between the
cavalry engaged, when the enemy directed his artillery to play on the
front and flank of our cavalry and infantry. Our infantry was imme-
diately formed, but in some places they were too close, and in others
had large openings; they moved to the left, where some brigades were
soon repulsed by the fire of the Prussians: that of Mailly followed them;
that of Wittmer, of which was the regiment of Diesbach, kept its ground
the longest; and prince Soubise was obliged to go himself and order
it to retire.
campaign of 1757 149
Reflections
When at length they were undeceived, and found that the enemy
was forming on the heights of Reichertswerben, Why persist in
advancing? They should instantly have formed their line as far back-
wards as possible, and by no means attempt it under the enemy’s
fire, and so near him; because such manœuvres can never succeed,
if the enemy has either conduct or vigour.
The king appears in a very different light: though he sees the
enemy in motion all the morning, he is easy and quiet; no ways agi-
tated, as too often is the case; waits ’till he perceives their inten-
tions, and then instantly makes his dispositions. His marching behind
the hill was attended with many great advantages: that appearance
of a flight elated the spirits of the enemy so as to make them neglect
the necessary precautions; they hastened so much that their army
was thrown into some disorder while in march; and they were so
perfectly deceived, that they found themselves, all at once, with the
head of their columns, under the fire of the enemy’s line; and so
near, that they could not form their troops. The king saw this
favourable moment, and ordered his cavalry to attack directly; and,
though scarce any of the infantry was come up, he ordered those
few battalions to advance before the enemy could make any dispo-
sition. One inch of ground, or one instant of time lost, would have
given the enemy time and room to form their line; but the king’s
dispositions were so exact, and so well calculated, that neither hap-
pened; and he was most deservedly crowned with victory; which put
an end to the campaign in Saxony.
We have already said, that his majesty the king of Prussia, on
leaving Lusatia, had left there the duke of Bevern,* with a considerable
* Augustus William duke of Bevern was born in 1715; in 1733 he served against
the French; in 1735 he entered the Prussian service, as lieutenant colonel; in 1739
he was made a colonel, and wounded at the battle of Molwitz; in 1741 he had a
regiment given him; in 1743 was made a major general; in 1747 governor of Stettin;
in 1750 knight of the black eagle, and lieutenant general. He distinguished himself
in the battles of Hohenfriedberg, Lowositz, Prague, Chotzemitz, and Breslaw: after
which he was made a prisoner, while he went with a servant only to reconnoitre
the enemy. He was in 1758 released, without any ransom, for his affinity to the
empress. The king seeming offended at his conduct, he retired to his government
in Stettin; where he remained ’till 1762; when he was called to the army in Silesia,
and had a corps confided to him, while the king was besieging Schweidnitz. The
Austrians, intending to relieve that place, attacked him with an army under the
command of generals Lacy, Laudhon, and Odonell, whom he repulsed several times,
though they were three times stronger than he was, and gave the king time to come
to his aid. He may, no doubt, be numbered among the first generals of this age.
152 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
body of troops, to observe prince Charles; and, above all things, hin-
der him from making any solid enterprize against Silesia. Accordingly,
the duke, having received a convoy from Bautzen, quitted Bernstadtel,
and encamped on the mountain, called the Landscron, near Górlitz.
Prince Charles advanced with the main army as far as Bernstadtel,
and sent general Nadasti with a considerable corps to Seidenberg,
also between the Neiss and Queiss, as well to observe Winterfield,
as to secure a passage over the Neiss, and be ready to follow, or
anticipate the duke of Bevern, whenever he went towards Silesia.
His royal highness was desirous to force the enemy to quit their
present position, and carry the war into Silesia; because not only
the army would be maintained at their expence, but, being much
superior, could undertake something solid: whereas, if he continued
there, the campaign would soon be at an end, and the fruits of their
preceding good manœuvres lost. For these same reasons, it was
incumbent on the duke of Bevern to keep things in the present sit-
uation, and draw on the war, without permitting the enemy to gain
any considerable advantage. His position seemed to enable him to
obtain this end. The Austrians could not, he thought, enter Silesia,
and leave him behind, because he could return into Bohemia, and,
by cutting off their subsistence, make it impossible for them to do
any thing of consequence in Silesia; and, having a garrison in Bautzen,
he was at hand likewise to favour, or be favoured, by the king’s
operations in Saxony; and, no doubt, could he have kept his posi-
tion ’till the king had delivered that country from the combined
army, the enemy must have been forced back into Bohemia, with-
out even attempting any thing against Silesia.
Prince Charles, perfectly acquainted with all these reasons, resolved
to force the enemy to quit their position, and march to Silesia; but,
it having been judged too strong to be attacked, it was necessary to
obtain by dint of proper manœuvres what could not be done by
force. Wherefore, he sent a corps to drive the garrison out of Bautzen,
and so cut off the enemy’s communication with Saxony, and deter-
mined to attack general Winterfield, which would likewise cut them
off from Silesia. These resolutions being taken, Nadasti’s corps was
considerably reinforced, and on the 7th of September the attack was
made on that of Winterfield’s. This general had posted, on a hill
called Holtzberg, at a small distance from his camp, two battalions;
against which the Austrians directed their attack, and came upon
them before they could either be sustained or called back. They
campaign of 1757 153
rich and populous: originally, when it first came into the power of
the Prussians, during the preceding war, it was surrounded only by
an old wall, with round towers, in the Gothic manner; but his majesty,
considering the advantageous situation of it, as well to facilitate any
projects he might hereafter form against Bohemia, as to cover Silesia,
resolved to fortify it: accordingly, on the conclusion of that war, he
ordered several redoubts, called star redoubts, because they resem-
ble a star, to be built about it: these were joined by a curtain; and
in the intervals, between the redoubts, were placed some small lunettes,
or half moons: the whole covered by a ditch, with a covered way
pallisaded.
Of all the species of works used in fortification, the starry redoubt
is the worst; because, by the nature of its construction, it can have
no flank; and the re-entering angles take up so much of the ground
within, that they cannot contain the number of men and artillery
sufficient to defend them; and are, moreover, exposed to be enfiladed
from one end to the other; so that it is impossible they should make
any considerable defence, when properly attacked.
General Nadasti ordered two true attacks, and one false one, to
be made; and the trenches were opened in the night of the 27th of
October; and, a breach having been made in three of these redoubts,
the 11th at night, they were carried by assault; which forced the
governor to capitulate the next morning. The garrison, consisting of
4 generals, and about 6000 men, were made prisoners of war: a
vast quantity of provisions, artillery, and stores, were found in the
place, and 300,000 florins.
During all this time, prince Charles, and the duke of Bevern,
remained quiet in their camps by Breslaw; the first to cover the siege
of Schweidnitz, and the other to fortify his camp; because he did
not dare quit it, and march to relieve Schweidnitz, for fear of los-
ing Breslaw, and be hemmed in between the prince’s army, and that
before Schweidnitz.
Prince Charles, having succeeded to his wish, in his undertaking
against that place, was encouraged to attack the enemy, though now
very strongly fortified; and, therefore, general Nadasti was ordered
to come and join the main army with that under his command.
Accordingly, that general arrived on the 19th, and encamped on the
right, as marked in the plan. The two following days were taken up
in making the necessary preparations for the attack. Every thing
being ready, on the 22d in the morning, the battle begun; of which
campaign of 1757 157
* Round holes, generally about two feet in diameter at the top, one at the bot-
tom, and near two deep.
158 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
marched the 22d, before day, and was formed, in two lines, on the
banks of the Lohe; the first was composed of infantry, and the other
of cavalry. The baggage was sent back behind to Schweidnitz, and the
surgeons ordered to follow the army, and to stay at certain places,
where the wounded were to be brought.
The 22d, the day appointed for the attack, there was a great fog,
which prevented us from seeing the enemy’s dispositions. At nine in
the morning we raised four batteries, in which 40 pieces of cannon
were placed, which played on the villages of Pilsnitz, Schmiedfeld,
Hoflichen, Kleinmochber and Grabischen, and the redoubts, ’till 12
o’clock. In the mean while, the fog began to dissipate; upon which we
advanced to lay the bridges over the river; and, in less than three
quarters of an hour, seven were made in the enemy’s presence, and
under their fire.
His royal highness and M. Daun were at Grossmochber, and the
signal agreed upon being given by their orders, general Sprecher, who
had under his orders major general Richlin, advanced with 35 com-
panies of grenadiers, sustained by 12 companies of horse grenadiers,
commanded by prince Lowenstein, and passed the bridge by Gross-
mochber. These troops were supported by the right wing of the first
line of infantry, under the command of lieutenant general Andlau, and
major generals duke of Ursel, and baron Unrhue; and, moreover, by
the corps de reserve, commanded by lieutenant generals count Wied,
and Nicholas Esterhasi, and major generals Blonquet, Wolf, and
Otterwolf; and, lastly by the right wing of the second line, commanded
by lieutenant generals Minulph, count Stahremberg, and major gen-
erals Wulfen, and Buttler.21
At the same time and place, count Luchesi, general of horse, and
lieutenant generals Spada, and Wolwart, and major generals Deville,
Kolbel, and Aspremont, with the right wing of the first line of horse,
likewise passed. All these troops formed, in two lines, on the other
side the Lohe, under the fire of the enemy’s artillery, and attacked
their cavalry and infantry that were advancing. At 1 o’clock the fire
of the small arms began, and lasted very hot, and in good order, about
half an hour, without being able to force wither side to cede an inch.
At last, the enemy’s horse and foot were obliged to give way; upon
which our infantry took the village of Grabischen, and the great bat-
tery behind it. Our troops advanced still forwards to the retrenchment
by Kleinmochber; and, though the enemy had sent there both infantry
and artillery, they were, however, drove further back.
The next attack was commanded by lieutenant general count Arberg,
and under him major general Lacy, and was sustained by the infantry,
commanded by lieutenant general Macquire, and by the left wing of
21
Freiherr Louis Butler (ca. 1700–75). An Irishman and General Field Marshal
Lieutenant.
campaign of 1757 159
22
Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor (r. 1765–90). The most radical of the enlight-
ened despots, Joseph enacted a series of social reforms and created a secret police
to root out opponents to those reforms. His main objective was to rebuild the
Habsburg military and win back Silesia from Prussia. See Derek Beales, Joseph II:
In the Shadows of Maria Theresa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), and
T.C.W. Blanning, Joseph II and Enlightened Despotism (New York: Harper & Row, 1970).
23
Leopold II (Peter Leopold), Grand Duke of Tuscany (r. 1765–90) and Holy
Roman Emperor (r. 1790–92). Perhaps the most successful enlightened despot, his
reforms in Tuscany won him great acclaim: he restored the economy, rooted out
corruption in the judicial system, created a citizens’ militia, and introduced local
self-government. His major accomplishment as Emperor was to restore order after
his brother Joseph’s chaotic regime by simply reversing many of his ill-conceived
reforms. See A. Wandruszka, Leopold II, 2 vols. (Vienna: Herold, 1965).
24
Josef Anton von Brentano-Cimaroli (1719–64). See Friedrich von Brentano,
Feldmarschall-Lieutenant Josef Anton von Brentano: Eine militärische Lebensskizze (Hildesheim:
August Lax, 1886).
160 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
with his Croats, sustained by 1000 men of regular infantry, was ordered
to attack it. He had the good fortune to succeed, and pass it; but, as
we had not then got possession of Pilsnitz, he was forced to retire with
some loss. Soon after, however, he renewed the attack; and, as our
left wing was then advanced to Pilsnitz, he passed the abatis, and
threw the enemy into no small confusion.
Major general Beck, with a considerable corps, was sent over the
Oder; and, having drove the enemy out of several villages they occu-
pied, he cannonaded the enemy’s right wing, over the Oder, at Cosel,
in flank and rear.
What we have hitherto related was performed by the army which
had always remained in this neighbourhood during the siege of
Schweidnitz. Besides these several attacks, general Nadasti, with the
army he had commanded at the above siege, (excepting a few battal-
ions) and reinforced by four regiments of horse, was ordered to divide
his troops in three columns, at the head of which were grenadiers,
sustained by battalions and brigades, and having passed the Lohe, to
attack the enemy’s left wing, that was posted against him. Accordingly,
he occupied the village of Hartlieb the 21st, which the enemy held
with infantry and cavalry; and, on the 22d, at break of day, he passed
the Lohe, and formed his army with the right at Oltaschin, and the
left towards Kreitern, where the artillery of reserve was likewise posted.
The enemy, whose cavalry extended on the plains of Durjahn, endeav-
oured to take our corps in the flank, which the good dispositions of
general Nadasti prevented.
In the mean time, general Wolfersdorff, with 16 companies of
grenadiers, attacked the village of Kleinburg, drove the enemy out of
it, took one cannon, and advanced to Woischwitz. The Saxon light
horse, who were on the right, were preparing to advance; but, the
evening coming on, and the enemy’s horse being advantageously posted
on a hill, behind some redoubts, general Nadasti thought it would be
needless to attempt any thing farther.
During this time, the enemy attacked Kleinburg with seven battal-
ions, and some cavalry; and, having put it on fire, retired on the hills
behind the redoubts; where they continued ’till they found that the
rest of their army was retiring; then they followed them, and passed
the Oder, through Breslaw. We have taken 36 pieces of cannon, and
about 600 men prisoners, with above 3000 deserters.
The Prussians account of this battle is very little exact; particularly
where it says, that the Austrian’s right wing had not only been
repulsed, but that it quitted the field, and retired to Neumark, many
miles off; which is both false and ridiculous. It is as follows:
When the Austrians had taken Schweidnitz, and the corps employed
in that siege had joined the main army at Lissa, they resolved to attack
the prince of Bevern’s corps before the king could come to succour
campaign of 1757
161
Map 6. Battle of Breslaw fought the 22d of Novem. 1757, between the Austrians Commanded by P. Charles of Lorrain
and the Prussians, Commanded by the P. of Bevern, and Won by the Former.
162 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
It has been already observed, that there is, in every camp, some one
essential point, or hinge, which may be called the key of it, and on
which the strength of it most immediately depends: the same holds
good as to positions. In a whole country there may not, perhaps,
be one found which will enable a general to obtain his ends. The
choice of this point, with regard to positions, depends entirely on,
campaign of 1757 163
and must be regulated by, the object he has in view; by the situa-
tion of his magazines; and by the number and species of his troops;
that he may not only have a good position, but likewise a good field
of battle, in case he is attacked.
The duke of Bevern had two objects in view: the first and prin-
cipal one was to cover Silesia; and particularly Breslaw, Schweidnitz,
and Neiss; against which alone the enemy could direct their opera-
tions: the other object was only secondary, and of much less con-
sequence; and was to keep open a communication with the Elbe, as
well to act in concert with the king in Saxony, as because he drew
his subsistence chiefly from Dresden. The camp he had taken at
Bernstadtel, though a little too far back, answered, in some mea-
sure, these ends: he could be on the Elbe, or in Silesia, sooner than
the enemy, by marching on his right, by Lôbau and Bautzen; or on
his left, by Lauban and Lówenberg, and so on to Schweidnitz or
Breslaw. The only inconveniency of this position, was, that the enemy,
being much superior, could send strong corps towards Bautzen, and
thereby render his convoys, coming from the Elbe, precarious. This,
however, might have been remedied by occupying Bautzen with a
considerable detachment of cavalry, and some light infantry, and
posting another of the same species about Lôbau; which would have
formed a chain from his right quite to the Elbe; so that he might,
and, as we think, ought to have kept this position as long as possi-
ble; which would have stopped the progress of the enemy.
Instead of which, he abandoned it, and took another, still farther
back, on the Landscron, near Górlitz: the consequence of which was,
that he instantly lost his communication with the Elbe, and rendered
that with Silesia very difficult; nor could he remain in his present
situation for want of subsistence: he might, however, still have antic-
ipated the enemy’s march into Silesia, and towards Breslaw and
Schweidnitz, if, instead of marching by Langenau, Naumberg,
Buntzlaw, Hainau, and Lignitz, he had marched by Lauban,
Lówenberg, Goldberg, and Jauer; which the king did, the year fol-
lowing, after the battle of Hochkirchen, in much more difficult cir-
cumstances: for the whole Austrian army was encamped on the
Landscron, within sight; yet he passed the Neiss and Queiss, and,
in spite of the enemy, went into Upper Silesia, and raised the siege
of Neiss. If, therefore, the prince of Bevern had taken this route,
and even gone to Liebenthal, between Greiffenberg and Lówenberg,
with a strong corps on the right of the Queiss, between Marklissa
164 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
arrival of the enemy, the day following, prevented it, and occasioned
a general action, near Lissa: of which we shall, as usual, give the
different accounts, as published by authority.
That of the Austrians is as follows:
The king of Prussia, having quitted Saxony, and passed through Lusatia,
he arrived, with a considerable corps, at Parchwitz, on the Oder, where
he was joined by the army which had been under the command of
the prince of Bevern; which, with what he had conducted, amounted
to 40,000 men, provided with a fine train of artillery, fascines, gabions,
&c. and, having passed the Katzbach, it was easy to foresee that his
intentions were to take Neumark and Lignitz; and then, either attack
the imperial army before Breslaw, or march to Striegau and the fron-
tiers of Bohemia, in order to cut off our communication with that
country.
For which reasons, it was resolved by his royal highness prince
Charles, and his excellency M. Daun, with the unanimous consent of
all the generals, to advance, and pass the Schweidnitz without delay,
and so secure Lignitz; and, above all things, endeavour to frustrate
the designs of the enemy. Accordingly, the garrison of Lignitz was
reinforced, and a large corps of Bannalists, hussars and picquets of
horse, sustained by the Saxon light horse, were sent to Neumark.
The army, having been provided on the 3d of December, for four
days, with every thing necessary, and prepared for all events, broke
up the 4th in the morning, and passed the Lohe and the Schweidnitz,
in order to encamp there. While it was filing over the bridges, advice
was brought, that the king of Prussia had quitted Parchwitz the 4th
in the morning, and was advanced to Neumark, from whence he had
forced our troops to retire. Upon which the baggage was sent back
behind the Schweidnitz, and the columns ordered to hasten their march,
that the army might be formed; which was accordingly done, in two
lines. General Nadasti, with the corps under his command, made a
third, which was designed to cover the flank of the left wing; and the
corps de reserve that of the right. The army was posted with the right
at Nypern, the left at Leuthen, and the center at Frobelwitz: all these
villages were occupied with infantry, and provided with artillery. In
Frobelwitz were eight companies of granadiers, with many picquets:
in Leuthen seven companies of granadiers, with several picquets: and
several picquets also in Nypern. All the companies of granadiers, and
the picquets of the reserve, were posted on the right of the cavalry,
at the point of a wood that joined it.
General Lusinski, with two regiments of hussars, and some granit-
zers, sustained by the Saxon light horse, commanded by count Nostitz,
was posted so as to cover the left wing; and general Morocz, with two
regiments of hussars, and some granitzers, on the right, for the same
purpose. Whilst we were making these dispositions, the enemy advanced
campaign of 1757 169
on this side Neumark, with his right at Krintsch, and the left at
Bischdorff, with his foreposts at Borna. In this situation both armies
continued under arms the whole night. The 5th in the morning, before
day, general Nadasti, whose corps had made a third line, went, as had
been concerted, and posted himself near the cavalry of the left wing,
and extended his troops to a hill, that was on the side, upon which
some artillery was placed, and an abatis made before it. The Austrians
under his command were next the left of the army, and the
Wurtemburgers and Bavarians came to be on the flank, and behind
the abatis.
At the break of day, the enemy made several motions, sometimes
to the right, and sometimes to the left, which lasted ’till 12 o’clock;
and it appeared he intended to attack the right wing of the imperial
army; insomuch that general Luchesi, who commanded there, sent sev-
eral times to demand succours. The reserve was destined for that pur-
pose; yet the sending of it was postponed ’till the enemy’s intentions
were fully known: but, as the count repeated his instances, and the
enemy’s motions behind the hills not being discovered, the reserve was
sent him, and M. Daun went there himself, in order to be at hand
in case of need. Scarce had the reserve marched, when the enemy’s
cavalry appeared on our left; which shewed they proposed attacking
that wing, and the flank adjoining: upon which his royal highness and
his excellency M. Daun ordered prince Esterhasi, general of horse,
and generals Macquire and Angern, with the cavalry and infantry
under their command, and all the second line, to march and sustain
that flank. About 1 o’clock the enemy approached it, and the fire of
the small arms began against the Wurtembergers; which being very
hot, forced them back in confusion, leaving their artillery behind them;
which brought the Bavarians, who formed the flank, likewise into con-
fusion. These auxiliary troops immediately threw the other regiments
of the Imperials in disorder, and hindered those that were coming to
sustain them from doing any thing to the purpose. Every possible
means was used to bring the troops into order, but in vain. During
this time, the enemy attacked the village of Leuthen, and the left wing
of the army, and had brought there the greatest part of his forces; but
he was repulsed three several times with great loss; so that the victory
was dubious for a long while. At length, however, the Prussians pen-
etrated in the opening between the left wing and the flank, and so
were in the rear of our army. We were forced to abandon Leuthen,
and retire towards the Schweidnitz and the Lohe. This was executed
in good order, and under a continual fire. In this manner the battle,
which lasted from 1 o’clock ’till five, finished.
The Prussian’s account is as follows:
After the battle of Rosbach, his majesty turned his thoughts towards
Silesia, in order to oppose vigorously the progress of the Austrians.
170 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Illustration 7
172
i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
Map 7. Plan of the battle of Lissa or Leuthen, fought on the 5th Decem. 1757, between the Prussians Commanded by the King,
and the Austrians Commanded by P. Charles of Lorrain, and won by the Former.
campaign of 1757 173
artillery; and the left wing had, besides a great hill with artillery upon
it, an abatis likewise. The right had also a great many batteries before
it. The king resolved to attack the enemy’s left, as soon as our army
reached the heights before it. We marched on the right; so that our
right wing came up to the Schweidnitz river. We first attacked the
wood; and very soon drove the enemy’s infantry out of it. When they
perceived that we outwinged them, and took them in flank, they were
forced to change their position; and, as we were on their flank, they
had nothing more to do, than to take the first new position they could
find, to hinder us from enfilading their army from one wing to the
other. They therefore sent some brigades of infantry on the heights
abovementioned, behind the wood: our right wing attacked it; and,
after an obstinate combat, took it. The enemy formed a new line by
Leuthen, and defended themselves with much bravery; but, at last,
were forced to give way. Here our cavalry of the right wing attacked
that of the enemy, and defeated it. They were, however, afterwards
drove back by the enemy’s artillery charged with cartridges: but, being
again re-established, they attacked their infantry, and took many pris-
oners. During these several attacks, the enemy’s right advanced. The
cavalry of our left attacked that of the enemy, and entirely defeated
it: then our regiment of dragoons Bareuth attacked a body of infantry,
that was on a hill, behind, while our infantry did the same in front;
which soon forced them to fly. His majesty pursued the enemy to
Lissa. The battle began at 1 o’clock, and finished at four. If we had
had a few hours more day light, the enemy’s loss would have been
still much greater. Prince Maurice commanded the right wing under
the king, and major general Retzow the left. Our loss consists in 500
men killed, and 2300 wounded: among these is general Rochow, who
was also taken prisoner. The enemy’s army, which amounted to 80,000
men, never fought with more bravery than this time. Ours amounted
to 36,000 men only. The enemy stood in a plain, with some small
hills on it, which they covered with artillery. There were likewise many
bushes on the plain, of which they took advantage. On their left wing
was a considerable wood, where they made an abatis, and took all the
measures possible to hinder us from coming on their flank. General
Nadasti, with his corps, was likewise posted there, with intention to
come on our flank. For which reason, his majesty placed four battal-
ions behind the cavalry of our right; which wise disposition was after-
wards of great service to us: for, when Nadasti attacked our right wing
of horse, and had thrown some regiments in confusion, the fire of
these battalions threw the enemy back in great disorder, and by that
means cleared our flank, and enabled our right to act with vigour
against the enemy’s left, which in a short time was forced to retire.
The right wing of our infantry continued to advance in the finest
order, though it was exposed to a prodigious cannonading, and the
fire of small arms. Our artillery, of which we had no small quantity,
did great service, and sustained our advancing infantry; and, by degrees
174 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
silenced that of the enemy, which was at last abandoned. Though the
enemy had fought with great bravery during the whole action, yet they
seemed to redouble their forces and courage at Leuthen, which was
fortified with redoubts and retrenchments. The combat lasted here
above an hour; and our brave battalions made several attacks, one
after another, before they got masters of the village. This decided the
battle; for the enemy, on losing this village, retired with great precip-
itation, and never attempted again to make any considerable stand.
Our cavalry, and particularly the hussars, pursued the flying enemy;
killed many; and took some thousands prisoners. His majesty pursued
the enemy to Lissa, where he ordered the army to remain that night
under arms. Our infantry did wonders. We thought, in the beginning,
that our left would have no opportunity to come to action, as our
right advanced so much before it; however, at 4 o’clock, the battle
was general: even our small reserve was ordered to advance into the
line. Our cavalry had many difficulties, in the beginning, to encounter,
from the ditches and enclosures: at last, however, by the activity of
our brave general Ziethen, it had also an opportunity of acting. The
6th we followed the enemy, and the 7th invested Breslaw. General
Ziethen, with a great corps of infantry and cavalry, was sent after
them. He has taken several cannons, and above 3000 waggons. We
have taken, in and since the battle, to the 12th of December, 291
officers, and 21,500 men, prisoners, among whom are generals Nostitz,
and Odonell, 116 cannon, 51 pair of colours, and 4000 waggons.
The loss of the Austrians, not including the Wurtembergers and
Bavarians, amounted to 6574, killed and wounded. Among the first
were generals Luchesi, Otterwolf, and prince Stolberg:25 and among
the wounded were generals Haller, Macquire,26 Lacy, Lobkowitz, and
Preysac. That of the Prussians consisted of about 5000 men, not
including the cavalry.
Prince Charles left a very considerable garrison in Breslaw, under
the command of general Sprecher, and retired to Schweidnitz; and,
having provided for the defence of that place, he made his disposi-
tions to retire into Bohemia; which was accordingly executed: and,
before the end of the month, the Austrians entirely evacuated Silesia,
excepting only the town of Schweidnitz.
In the mean time, the king opened the trenches before Breslaw;
and, a bomb having fallen into a powder magazine, the 16th in the
evening, the attacked bastion, and near half the adjoining curtain,
25
Christian Karl, Prinz von Stolberg-Gedern (1725–64).
26
Field Marshal Johann Sigismund Maguire von Iniskillen (d. 1767).
campaign of 1757 175
was blown up, and above 800 men of the besieged. This misfortune
obliged the commandant to capitulate the 19th at night. The garrison,
consisting of above 17,000 men, including 13 generals, and the sick
and wounded at the two last battles, were made prisoners of war.
General Driesen had been sent the 16th, with a body of troops,
to besiege Lignitz; and, on the 26th, took that place by capitulation.
Colonel Bulow, the governor, obtained leave to retire into Bohemia,
with his garrison, consisting of near 3000 men.
Thus one victory, improved by a vigorous and active genius,
enabled his majesty to recover, in one month, all, excepting
Schweidnitz, that he had lost during the whole campaign.
When the king left Saxony, in order to go to Silesia, M. Keith,
with about 8000 men, had been sent into Bohemia, with a view to
draw general Marshal, then in Lusatia, there; and, by that means,
facilitate the march of the king. This end having been happily accom-
plished, M. Keith, after he had burnt several magazines, and the
bridge at Leutmeritz, returned to Saxony; where he put his troops
into winter quarters.
Prince Charles knew, even before the battle of Breslaw, that the
king, with about 10 or 12,000 men, at most, was coming into Silesia:
the only object his majesty could have in view, was to join Bevern’s
army, without which he could attempt nothing at all; nor even, with
so inconsiderable a force as that he brought with him, approach the
Austrian army, without exposing himself to certain destruction.
Wherefore, the only object prince Charles should have had in view,
was to prevent him from effectuating this junction. His royal high-
ness should therefore have marched to Parchwitz, and take a posi-
tion between that place and Lignitz, with a strong corps, on the
heights of Pfaffendorff, which would have hindered the king from
approaching the Oder; nor even could he have gone to Glogau,
without giving them an opportunity to attack him, and consequently
defeat him, considering the Austrian army was, perhaps, six times
stronger than he was.
The only measure taken by the Austrians, was to send a garrison
to Lignitz, which could answer no end whatever, and exposed so
many men to be lost. It was by no means probable that the king
176 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
would amuse himself with a siege of that miserable place, when all
Silesia was at stake.
When the Austrians had permitted the king to unite all his forces,
and provide them with the necessary artillery, &c. we cannot con-
ceive why all of a sudden they resolved to quit Breslaw, and go to
meet him. I know very well, that flattery, too prevalent in camps,
as well as courts, had raised their spirits and confidence much above
what prudence prescribes: but they could then have no motives to
desire an action; because, if victorious, they could not, in that advanced
season, pursue the enemy further than Glogau; and, if vanquished,
it might prove fatal to them.
Having passed the Schweidnitz the 4th, they were informed the
enemy was advancing towards them; Why not instantly repass that
river, and put it before them, rather than behind. Though this river
is but small, yet its banks, for the most part, are very marshy; inso-
much that an army cannot pass it without the greatest difficulty, and
scarce at all if they meet any opposition. If the Austrians had done
this, and have sent a strong corps higher up on their left flank, with
their light troops on the same side as the enemy, on the road that
leads to Striegau, we do not think his majesty would have attempted
to pass the river; and, if he did, the corps abovementioned would
have been on his flank during the passage and the action; and, as
they were much stronger than he was, having their army covered
by the Schweidnitz, they could have posted 20,000 men on their
flank; which would have made it impossible for the enemy to pass
the river. He would, therefore, in all probability, have marched to
Striegau, in order to bring the Austrians from their advantageous
situation, by endeavouring to cut off their communication with
Bohemia. In this case, the corps, posted, as we suppose, on their
left, would have been at Striegau before the enemy; and the whole
army must have marched behind Schweidnitz, with the right at
Hohen Giersdorff, and the left towards Friberg; which would have
secured the road by Landshut to Bohemia, and their communica-
tion with that country. This position is very strong, and we do not
think they could have been beat in it; nor, in that advanced season,
by any manœuvre on their left, be forced out of it; nor could the
king continue in the neighbourhood of Striegau, having no maga-
zines within a hundred miles of him. He must, therefore, have given
up the point, and retire to Glogau, in order to refresh his troops,
who were much in need of rest. These measures being neglected,
campaign of 1757 177
or never thought of, they should have advanced, and occupied all
the hills before them, particularly that of Lobetnitz, as well to take
this advantage from the enemy, as to have room enough behind
them to manœuvre upon; but, from the moment they heard of the
king’s approach, they seem stupified; they neither advance or retire.
It is impossible for a superior army to be outwinged, but by some
fault; yet this happened. The king made great demonstrations against
their right, by which they were deceived so long, that he, covered
by the hills they had neglected to occupy, had time to bring his
whole army on their left. The only remedy then, was to order their
right and center to march against his left; and, as they were much
superior, and this wing weakened, to reinforce the right. They would
have inveloped it, and in all probability destroyed it; nor could the
king pursue his advantages on the right, while his left was thus
attacked, for fear of being inclosed between the enemy’s right wing
and the river, where there was not ground enough to act in. They
should, at the same time, have formed a line or two behind the
flank attacked, with intervals to let the troops repulsed pass, and
then advance against the enemy, whom they would have found broke,
and in confusion, and, therefore, easily have defeated him.
Instead of which, they ordered the whole army to make a motion
on the left, to sustain that wing; so that the columns met their com-
panions retiring, and the enemy advancing in order of battle; which
hindered them from being able to form at all; and thus the whole
army was defeated, one battalion after another, as must necessarily
happen. Troops marching in small and long columns can never open,
and form themselves in a line, when near the enemy, and under his
fire; and, therefore, such a manœuvre must never be attempted.
They should have endeavoured to keep the enemy back ’till they
had formed a line, and then advance, or wait his coming. This not
being executed, the battle was lost, and nothing could prevent it.
It was likewise a capital fault to have put the auxiliary troops,
who had never seen and enemy, on the flank. If they had thrown
their light troops, and 8 or 10 battalions of Austrians, sustained by
Nadasti’s corps, and the whole left wing, into the wood, before the
village of Sagschutz, and ordered their right and center to advance,
and attack the enemy’s left, we think they would have gained the
victory.
The king’s conduct was founded on the most sublime principles
of war. Though his army was much inferior to that of the enemy,
178 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
27
Field Marshal Hans von Lehwaldt. Defended East Prussia from the Russians
in 1757 and commanded the Prussians at the battle of Gross-Jägersdorf (30 August
1757). In 1758 he commanded Prussian defenses against a possible Swedish invasion.
campaign of 1757 179
28
Villim Villimovich Fermor, Graf von Fermor (1702–71). Cavalry general of
Baltic Lutheren and Scots descent. Commanded detached corps of 16,000 in the
1757 campaign that invaded East Prussia, capturing Memel, and commanded first
division at the battle of Gross-Jägersdorf. In 1758 took command of the occupa-
tion of East Prussia that culminated in the battle of Zorndorf (25 August 1758).
Relieved of overall command in 1759, he organized the 1760 commando raidon
Berlin. Of special note is that was an early advocate of using infantry squares against
the Turks. See Christopher Duffy, Russia’s Military Way to the West: Origins and Nature
of Russian Military Power, 1700–1800 (London, Bostonn and Henley: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1981).
29
Field Marshal Stepan Fedorovich Apraksin (1702–58). President of the War
College and commander of the Russian field army, he led the 1757 invasion of
East Prussia that culminated in the battle of Gross-Jägersdorf. His decision to retreat
after that victory led to the relief of his command. He escaped formal punishment
by dying from an apoplectic seizure. See Duffy, Russia’s Military Way to the West.
Map 8. Plan of the Battle of Gros Jagersdorff in Prussia, fought on the 30th of August 1757, between the Russians, Commanded by M. Apraxin and the Prussians,
Commanded by M. Lewhald, and Won by the Former.
campaign of 1757 181
were somewhat more advanced than our left) with two separate corps
of cavalry, sustained by infantry; but were repulsed in both places.
Our artillery, particularly those called the Schwalows, did great exe-
cution; and contributed much to throw the enemy’s cavalry in confu-
sion. Though they met every where with the same bad success, they
made one effort more. On our left wing several openings were found
in the line, because the marshy ground made it impracticable to close
it. The enemy attempted to penetrate through these intervals, in order
to cut our line in two, and so take it in flank; but they were mistaken:
for we had posted there some troops out of the second line; so that,
scarce had they entered the wood, when they were received with fixed
bayonnets, and soon forced to fly with precipitation: which put an end
to the battle, &c.
The rest of general Apraxin’s letter contains nothing more than com-
pliments, no wise necessary to give an idea of the action.
The Russians took 29 cannons, and about 600 prisoners. Their
loss consisted in 800 killed, among which were generals Lapuchin,
Sybin, and Kapnist; and 4620 wounded, among whom were the
generals Lieven, Tolstoi, Bosquet, Villeboy, Manteuffel, Weimarn, and
Plemannikow. That of the Prussians in about 3000 killed, wounded,
and missing.
The Prussians retired to Wehlau, and the Russians continued in
their camp, by Norkitten, ’till the 7th of September; when they made
some dispositions, as if they intended passing the river Aller, at
Friedland, on the enemy’s right flank; but it was not executed. They
attempted likewise to disembark some troops in the Curish bay, but
were repulsed by the militia. On the 17th the whole Russian army
broke up, and retired in haste towards the frontiers; so that, by the
end of the month, they had entirely abandoned the kingdom of
Prussia, excepting Memel; where they left 10 or 12,000 men. This
put an end to the campaign in Prussia.
Reflections
When the Prussians knew that the enemy was in march, they should,
one would think, advance to the frontiers, and have made incur-
sions into Poland, to destroy the provisions, or carry it off; which
would have retarded very much the progress of the enemy, who had
absolutely no other means of subsisting, but what they found on the
campaign of 1757 183
spot, as they passed; which was rendered still more difficult, by the
terror the tartars inspired, by their uncommon ravages and cruelty.
Another advantage would have accrued; that the inhabitants of Prussia
would have had time to withdraw themselves, and their cattle, and
retire to Konigsberg, or some other places of surety: whereas, by
staying on the Pregel, the best part of the country was left at the
mercy of the enemy.
As to the conduct of the action itself, nothing can be objected to
M. Lewhald. He had, no doubt, orders to fight, though much infe-
rior. He formed his army in a line, facing the enemy, which may
be considered as a fault, being so much weaker than they; because
he could not make any considerable effort, in any one point; his
troops being equally distributed throughout the line; so that the
enemy had every where a greater number of men in action than he
could have. As the Russians were then little known, ’tis no wonder
the Prussian general should think his troops superior to theirs, and
therefore did not think it necessary to oppose any thing but infantry
to infantry, and cavalry against cavalry. But experience has proved,
that the Russian infantry is by far superior to any in Europe; inso-
much that I question whether it can be defeated by any other infantry
whatever; and, as their cavalry is not so good as that of other nations,
reason dictates, that a mixed order of battle alone can conquer them.
They cannot be defeated; they must be killed; and infantry, mixed
with great corps of cavalry, only can do this.
If the Russians intended to remain in Prussia, their first care ought
to have been to form magazines at Memel, in order to supply the
army; because they must know, that it was impossible for the coun-
try, even had they observed the most exact discipline, to furnish
enough for that purpose. The want of this precaution, both this and
all the following campaigns, rendered their victories useless. They
made war, and always will, in all probability, like the Tartars. They
will over-run a country, ravage and destroy it, and so leave it; because
they can never, according to the method they now follow, make a
solid and lasting conquest. They put themselves an insurmountable
barrier to it. Their own light troops, and the want of a solid plan
of operations, will one day ruin their army.
184 i. the late war in germany, vol. 1 (1766)
1
The Archbishop-Elector of Cologne, Maximilian Friedrich von Königsegg-
Rothenfels, conferred the honorary title of Major-General in 1765. Henry Lloyd to
Friedrich Wilhelm Ernst, Graf zu Schaumburg-Lippe, Munster, 18 September 1765,
A XXXV 18.108, Schaumburg-Lippe Family Papers, Niedersächsisches Staatsarchiv,
Bückeburg, Germany.
2
The Roman politician Marcus Porcius Cato the Younger (95–46 BC), foe of
Julius Caesar, champion of republican government and devotee to the principle of
liberty.
190 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
Publishing History
1
Lloyd never published the complete treatise entitled, ‘Essais philosophiques sur
les gouvernements.’ It survives in three manuscripts held at the Fitzwilliam Museum,
Cambridge. This essay and the subsequent An Essay on the Theory of Money (1771)
extrapolate certain themes.
CHAPTER ONE
OF MONARCHI-ARISTO-DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS
1
Charles I (r. 1625–49), King of England. This passage refers to the Puritan
House of Commons and the subsequent execution of Charles and the establishment
of the Commonwealth.
i. monarchi-aristo-democratic governments 193
in a common cause with the crown, they must support those mea-
sures, of which they are themselves the authors. However zealous
they may seem to appear for the good of their country, I fancy the
most just and able minister would find it impossible to carry any
point of consequence, however equitable and necessary, without great
opposition, and perhaps at last miscarry, if the members, of both
houses, were not animated by some other principles than those of
patriotism and glory, of which, luxury and corruption seem to have
extinguished every idea. Had the place-bill taken effect, it would
probably have been followed by fatal consequences, very different
from those it was intended to produce: and therefore, though I pro-
fess myself a lover of my country, I am really glad it did not pass.
Can it be imagined that the house of commons would have seen,
with indifference, all the employments of the kingdom in the hands
of the lords, and their dependants? but this must have been the case,
if the commons could not enjoy them. Dissention, instead of that
jealousy necessary to support the balance, on which the safety of the
constitution depends, must have ensued between the two houses,
which the king, having no longer any influence on the commons,
could not have suppressed, or hindered from being carried to such
a height, as would have overturned the whole machine of govern-
ment. Besides, the peers, by possessing all the great employments in
every department, and filling the army, navy, &c. with their depen-
dants, would in fact become an Aristocracy: for power always fol-
lows riches, and soon becomes too powerful to be checked by the
king and commons. The old method of dethroning the one, and
oppressing the other, would have been naturally renewed. For such,
in fact, was the antient system, which would have still continued, if
some of our kings had not wisely and justly raised the power and
dignity of the commons, as a check upon the lords. The event demon-
strated the wisdom of their measures. The commons, as well from
principle, as interest, must have opposed the lords upon every occa-
sion, and the king must, for his own safety, and that of the consti-
tution, have supported them. A just and moderate influence on the
commons, which would not have been preserved, had the place-bill
passed, is absolutely necessary to maintain the balance between the
powers which compose the government. If at present the crown’s
influence is supposed to be very extensive in both houses, the min-
istry cannot, without the greatest difficulty, carry on the common
194 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
business of the nation, if, upon every occasion, they find themselves
clogged and embarrassed, by the opposition. How could they proceed
when they had lost their influence in both houses? which must have
been the case if the lords had too much, and the commons too little
power.
As the commons are very numerous, there will be many whom
the ministry cannot, or will not employ, on the terms they wish.
These will always oppose his measures, right or wrong: The same
difficulties, though in a lesser degree, being fewer in number, and
naturally more attached to the crown, will also occur in the house
of lords. As things now are, the constitution has less to fear from
them, than from the commons, their number being much smaller;
and, as individuals, are not entitled to any more power than any
other members of the community, and have therefore no more
influence on the people than what naturally arises from talents and
riches: and the commons, at the same time, being numerous, and
in general rich, and supported by the people, when in opposition to
the crown and lords, the latter could never endanger the constitu-
tion, nor would they attempt it, unless the commons were totally
oppressed; because their power and dignity depend, on the present
form of government: whereas that of the commons would increase,
in proportion as that of the crown and lords declined. Nor do I
think any thing can destroy the influence of the commons; for they
are intimately connected with that of the people, and, in general,
rich, and well instructed in what regards their rights and privileges.
Even a military force would be found ineffectual; because many of
the officers are more attached to their country, than to the service,
being gentlemen of independent fortunes; contrary to what happens
in other countries, where the officers have no other resource than
their pay, and the prince’s bounty. These have no country but their
regiments, or any other source for subsistance, and are therefore
entirely dependant on the will of the sovereign. If the commons, as
formerly, were few and poor, the lords would soon be masters of
the state, and all balance between the different parts which form the
constitution destroyed. The king therefore has no other resource than
to augment the power of the commons, or that of the lords, as cir-
cumstances may require, in order to maintain a proper equilibre
between them, on which his own safety, as well as that of the state,
depends. The want of sufficient power in the crown to maintain the
i. monarchi-aristo-democratic governments 195
the exportation of corn. Every body however agreed that the evil
was great; that it required immediate relief; and therefore the nation
in general highly approved of what the king had done. Notwithstanding
which, those who were opposed to the ministry, complained of this
measure, as a most enormous abuse that sapped the foundation of
the constitution, whose laws, they said, had been wantonly violated,
and even without necessity. The ministers were obliged to procure
an act of indemnity, for having advised the king to provide for the
safety of his people. It is doubtless essential to a free government,
that there should be an opposition, to keep a watchful eye on the
conduct of the minister, and check him in the pursuit of arbitrary
measures, to which most men are too much inclined. Such an oppo-
sition however must be regulated by equity and justice, otherwise it
will degenerate into chicanery, malice, and faction. One must never
see more in an object than what it really contains. There is noth-
ing however indifferent, from which, by forced constructions, and
interpretations, you may not draw what consequences you please.
You cannot, consistently with justice, deprive a minister of the rights
of a subject; you must hear him, and prove his conduct criminal,
before you can punish him; when this is done, you cannot be too
severe, that his example may deter others from abusing the confidence
the king has reposed in them. But if those in the opposition do
nothing more than declaim, without distinction, against every mea-
sure pursued by the minister, they give room to believe, that envy
and malice, rather than the love of truth and patriotism, are the
real motives of their conduct. It is equally impossible that a minis-
ter should always be in the wrong, as it is, he should always be in
the right. Those therefore who always exclaim against him, justly
deserve the name of factious; while those who always defend him,
deserve the appellation of vile and infamous mercenaries, and ene-
mies to their country, who deserve the hatred and execration of all
honest men.
It is a common saying, the mouths of the royalists, That the king
can do no wrong. This is undoubtedly true, but not in the sense they
use it, as if he was infallible, and had a right to do whatever he
pleased. For, on the contrary, he is himself like any other man, sub-
ject to the laws in civil matters, and if in those, which are criminal,
supposing for example he had the misfortune to treat a subject ill,
in his person or property, he seems exempted, and is not usually
called to answer for the fault. It is not however because he is not
198 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
answerable for it, as the laws direct, but because it is more eligible
to suffer the man to go unpunished, than to call the king to justice;
according to that general principle: It is better to suffer a lesser, than a
greater evil. The sense therefore of that saying, is, that the king, being
only a part of the legislative power, cannot of himself, and as king,
do any wrong; a quality equally applicable to the other two branches;
because they are authorised conjointly to form any law, and sepa-
rately they have a negative, which they can lawfully put upon any
question. So that neither the king, or either house, either by assent-
ing to, or rejecting a law, can be properly said, to do wrong; because
they are authorised by the law to do it, and whatever they do, as
king, lords, and commons, will be lawfull, though at the same time
it may be unjust. But the king is also a man. The lords and commons,
as men, and subjects, and may have the misfortune to violate the
laws; will any one say, that, in strict justice, they are not subject to
the penalties imposed by them? If in any nation whatever, any one
man, or body of men, can violate the laws of the country without
being answerable for it; I say, such a man, or body of men, are
despotic, and the government a despotism: for, if they have a right
to violate the laws in one point, they may in all; unless the partic-
ular case permitted be specified; then, it is a despotism in that par-
ticular case only; but which would very soon extend to others.
But though, whatever is done by king, lords, and commons, as
such, be lawful, it may, as we have already observed, be unjust. For
example, a law that would deprive a man of his life or property,
without giving him the means of defending himself according to the
established customs of the land, would be unjust. A law to perpet-
uate the parliament, or prolong the duration of it, would be unjust.
On the contrary, a law that would diminish it, would be both law-
ful and just; because it does not abridge the rights of the electors,
but increases them, by giving them more frequent opportunities of
exerting them: Upon this principle, which we think evident, because
no elector in chusing a member can possibly intend that such a
member should be authorised to diminish his own rights. It is there-
fore certain that the parliament which prolonged the duration of the
commons from three to seven years, committed an usurpation on
the rights of the electors. The parliament might with equal reason
have changed the constitution, and perpetuated themselves. It would
have been lawful, but unjust, and in fact the constitution would have
been dissolved, and every man re-entered into his original right,
ii. the king’s prerogative 199
which force may oppress, but can never destroy, or invalidate. All
laws contrary to natural equity are unjust, and of course void. All
laws that would command an unequal distribution of justice, is void;
and the force applied to put it in execution, is tyranny.
A king of England is not only an essential part of the legislative
power, but likewise the chief magistrate, head of the church, and
commander in chief, of all the armies both by sea and land. As such
therefore, he has the disposal of all employments whatever; and by
that means enjoys an effectual method of keeping the balance between
the other two parts of the legislative power, which he could not do,
without it; or if he was obliged to confer employments on any one
class of men, to the prejudice of others. It is said that the power of
the crown increases, even in such a manner as to threaten the free-
dom of the constitution. Facts however prove the contrary. For the
ministry cannot carry the most indifferent point, however just, and
necessary, without securing a majority in both houses, by motives
intirely unconnected and incompatible with the object in question.
It is only by places, pensions and occasional gratifications, that the
ministry get the common business of the nation done. It is neces-
sary in every species of government that a proper power be lodged
some where, to confer employments and execute the laws. If such
powers were lodged in either of the two houses, the constitution
would not last a month. It cannot therefore be placed with greater
advantage, and less inconveniency, than in the king, as by this power
alone he can preserve the balance between the discordant parts which
form the constitution. Though the king is chief of all the forces, the
military are here less dependent on the crown, than in any other
country: because they are subject to the civil magistrate like other
men. Their pay, and number, also depend on the parliament. The
king has no arbitrary power, either in making or executing the laws,
or on the revenues: the quantity, and use to which they are des-
tined being dependent of parliament: In this chiefly consists the force
and goodness of the English constitution, which cannot therefore be
easily destroyed.
However corrupted we may suppose the members of both houses,
there will be among them, many men of Genius and integrity; there
will be many more, whose disappointed ambition, will induce them
to concur with the former, in opposing the arbitrary views of the
ministry: even those, who, according to the common phrase, are sup-
posed to be sold to the ministry, will concur in his views only to a
200 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
certain degree: because they will reserve the power of being sold
again, whenever their circumstances may require. It is upon this
principle, that Montesquieu1 observes, that the English are more eas-
ily corrupted than his countrymen; because those, by the continual
enjoyment of liberty, do not sufficiently know the value of it; whereas
these, on the contrary, who always groaning under the yoke of
oppression, if ever they obtain the least shadow of liberty, are raised
to a degree of enthusiasm, which force and violence can alone repress.
The minister therefore, can never procure any law to be made
which directly opposes the principles of the constitution; nor can he,
by military force, ever destroy it, supposing they would concur with
him: because the people are brave and warlike; in a few weeks they
would become soldiers; and form particularly an excellent cavalry.
How could thirty or forty thousand men oppose a million, animated
by the love of liberty. The city of London, with such easy commu-
nications over the river, could not, I am persuaded, be forced, by
twenty thousand men. Indeed it is little to be feared that ever such
an attempt will be made by his present majesty: I wish he may
always enjoy power sufficient to hold a steady balance, between the
other two parts of the legislature. Had he proposed to extend his
power at the expence of liberty, nothing could have contributed to
it so much as a war; yet we find that, on his ascending the throne,
he adopted pacific measures; and which he has with constancy pur-
sued. So that his conduct proves he can have no intention, and cer-
tainly he has no interest to destroy public liberty.
Neither of the three parts which form the constitution, has any
power or influence over the laws, otherwise national liberty would
soon vanish. James the second,2 unhappily for him, assumed the right
of dispensing with the laws; which, if admitted, would have rendered
them useless; the government would have been an absolute monar-
chy, and the parliament either a mere phantom, or an instrument
of oppression. This opinion so generally prevailed, that excepting a
1
Charles de Secondat, Baron de la Brède et de Montesquieu (1689–1755). His
influence on Lloyd’s political and sociological philosophy is evident. L’Esprit des Lois
(1748) provided a general understanding of peoples, cultures, governments, and laws,
and informed nearly all the enlightened thinkers.
2
James II (r. 1685–88), King of England. This passage refers to the Catholic
James’s refusal to abide by and uniformly enforce the Test Act (1673), which required
all office-holders to take communion in the Church of England. Facing Bishop-led
opposition he was compelled to adopt James I’s position that as king he could make
and unmake laws at will.
ii. the king’s prerogative 201
few courtiers, the whole nation rose to a man, and forced the king
to abandon a crown, he would have held upon unjust terms. The
king as supreme magistrate, may, as well as the lords, decide causes
by appeal; and the latter also original causes by impeachment; but
both the one and the other, must be guided by the laws, and where
they may be deficient, natural equity must supply the want of pos-
itive law. But as members of the constitution, they have no influence
over them, and as men, they are bound to obey them. Nor can they,
without violating the most obvious principles of a free government,
confound their moral character with that of men.
The kings prerogative may be reduced to three objects. 1. As a
member of the constitution he must, like the others, enjoy perfect
liberty and independence to act in parliament, that he may, with-
out restraint, give, or refuse, his consent to any law proposed to
him. If he was under any constraint, the government would be dis-
solved, whereas if a member of either house be hindered from assist-
ing in parliament, the privilege of the member would, indeed be
violated, but the constitution would still remain: because one mem-
ber does not, like the king, form an essential part of it. The liberty
therefore of the royal person is essential to its preservation. In the
same manner if either of the houses was forced to a compliance, it
would equally destroy the constitution.
Charles the First having, at the beginning of his reign, extended
the prerogative beyond the limits prescribed by the laws then in
being, violated the privileges of parliament by arresting some mem-
bers, and by raising money, without the consent of the legislature;
contrary to the established laws of the land. By this he had, in fact,
dissolved the constitution. His partisans say, that many of his pre-
decessors had exerted the same powers, and therefore, it was law-
ful in him to imitate them. To which I answer, that the exertion of
any power incompatible with the known laws of the land is an abuse,
which no prescription, however long, can render lawful. The cruel
Henry the eighth,3 and queen Elizabeth4 had often exerted the pre-
rogative beyond what the laws prescribe. No one however, I think,
3
Henry VIII (1509–47), King of England. This passage refers to Henry’s treat-
ment of his wives and any and all opponents of his polices, such as the execution
of Sir Thomas More for refusing to take the oath of supremacy declaring Henry
the protector and head of the Church of England.
4
Elizabeth I (1558–1603), Queen of England. This passage probably refers to
the compulsory Anglicanism promoted by Elizabeth as well as the incarceration and
murder of Mary, Queen of Scots.
202 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
will say they acted justly. And the opposition of the subject, in either
case, would have been justified as well by the laws of equity as those
of the land; to which the king is equally subject with any other man.
The crown lawyers will no doubt exclaim against this doctrine, and
say, it implies a contradiction; that the king, in whose name the laws
are made and executed, should be subject to them: It would be
ridiculous, that the king should in his own name, accuse himself,
which according to the stile of the laws, would be the case. To which
I answer, That the king as forming a third part of the legislative
power, cannot, any more than the other two, by giving, or refusing
his consent to a bill, incur any penalty, and consequently be sub-
ject to the sentence of the law. Nor, as supreme magistrate, any
more than those, who act by his authority, as such, be subject to
any law for having duly executed them: they are authorised to act
in this manner by the constitution. It is a breach of the laws only,
that renders a man subject to penalty. The words king and magistrate
signify only Moral characters and do not exclude that of men; who, as
such, being subject to human frailties, may have the misfortune to
commit actions contrary to the laws, and be therefore subject to the
penalties imposed by them. If any person by his own authority can
give himself a dispensation from observing the laws; or obtain author-
ity from any power whatever to do it, as Augustus did be a degree
of the Senate; it is evident that such a person is, to all intents and
purposes, an absolute monarch; subject to no other rule than that
of his own arbitrary will: and if, from a principle of humanity, he
permits his subjects to enjoy life and property, they ought to acknowl-
edge the favour with submission and gratitude; he being subject to
no penalty, because there is no power superior to his own. He may
commit whatever injustice he pleases, without being answerable to
any tribunal; which is the proper characteristic of an absolute monar-
chy. If, for example, an absolute monarch, in whose person alone
the sovereign power is concentrated, should order a village to be
plundered and burnt: can it be doubted but that as a man he vio-
lates the laws of the society, as well as those of natural equity; and
therefore justly incurs the penalty imposed by the one and the other?
The most despotic sovereign upon earth is always supposed to act
for the good of his subjects, for this alone every superior power was
originally granted; and by virtue of this he is entitled to their obe-
dience. If, I say, this right, which every man has to his personal
security as well as to his property, be openly, and wantonly, vio-
ii. the king’s prerogative 203
5
Oliver Cromwell (r. 1653–58), Lord Protector. For Lloyd, Cromwell serves as
a warning to overwhelming Parliamentary power. Religious toleration and political
liberty in no way were augmented under the Commonwealth. All opposition was
crushed. Cromwell pacified Scotland with the sword in 1650 and the hapless Irish
Catholics were massacred and their lands seized throughout the interregnum.
204 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
the present king came to the throne, they held their commissions
only at the king’s pleasure: and many examples prove, that the king’s
pleasure, had more power over them, than the sense of their duty,
in executing the laws. His majesty, moved by a principle of good-
ness, and justice, consented, or rather promoted a law, which con-
stitutes the magistrates for life; unless convinced of having violated
the laws of their country; and consequently rendered themselves inca-
pable of being entrusted with the execution of them. He will there-
fore deserve the praise and gratitude of the latest posterity. By having
the disposition of employments, he has, indirectly, that of the rev-
enues, excepting that part alone, which is destined to pay the inter-
est of the national debt. So that his influence is very extensive, and
encreases daily with the luxury and corruption of the members, who
compose the two houses. There is no method so effectual to enslave
a rich and free nation, as that of augmenting the luxury of indi-
viduals. Because the wants, which arise from them, render all mankind
equally poor. It is vain to attempt setting any bounds to them; the
desire of satisfying them, is stronger than all laws, and will leap over
every obstacle that may be opposed to it. Whoever therefore is pro-
vided with the means of supplying such necessities, will become
absolute master of every individual; and if he meets with any resis-
tance, it is because he either will not, or cannot comply with the
demands of those who wish him to supply their wants. The ques-
tion, with an indigent person, is only upon what terms he will sub-
mit to be the slave of a minister. In a free government therefore,
where many are to be corrupted, a ministry should never accumu-
late places and pensions on any individual, because otherwise, they
diminish the means of making friends, and encrease the number of
their enemies. The whole treasury of a powerful nation, is not sufficient
to satisfy the insatiable desires of men, who are actuated only, by a
principle of self-interest. A minister must know how to dispense
favours, so as always to have it in his power to confer others. If he
aims at despotism, he must govern mankind by their hopes and fears,
which alone can secure their implicit obedience to his will. If they
become independent, that chain which ties them to his carr, upon
every occasion, break, and rather embarrass than facilitate its motion.
He must not therefore, if he can possibly avoid it, give places for
life, much less for many lives, as of late has been too frequently
done. There is in human nature, a repugnancy to slavery and obe-
dience, we are necessarily carried on to action by our own passions,
ii. the king’s prerogative 205
and nothing but hopes and fears can force us to abandon our own
sentiments, and embrace those of others. If therefore a minister means
to extend his power at the expence of liberty, he must make it a
rule, never to employ men of high birth, fortune and abilities, because
such will not easily be induced to sacrifice their own natural impo-
tence, for an assumed and uncertain consequence dependant on the
will of another. Upon these principles it is observable, that in despotic
governments the persons employed have no personal importance,
their very existence almost depends on the will of the vizir,6 and in
proportion as a free government degenerates into despotism, though
dependants on the crown must be selected from such as are most
vicious, abandoned, and miserable, because actuated by such prin-
ciples and motives, they must necessarily concur with, and execute
every command of their superiors, on whose favour alone their very
being depends. With a just, and prudent minister it should be a con-
stant rule, equally just and prudent, never to confer two employ-
ments upon one person, unless in the military, on which class alone
the governments which have garrisons should be conferred. If a man
enjoys two employments, which require any degree of application,
it is impossible he can acquit himself of his duty. No pensions should
be granted to any man, unless he is rendered incapable of serving
his country any longer by infirmities; when it would be cruel to take
a man’s bread from him when he has served his country, and can
do it no longer. The ministry, by squandering the public money,
like the prodigal son, will soon have nothing more to give; and there-
fore infallibly lose their influence. The late lord Orford7 was singu-
larly lavish in this kind; it was he who first reduced corruption to a
system, which, of all his politics, is the only thing his successors have
followed, and greatly improved. No man ever trampled so much
upon decency and propriety, as this all-powerful minister. He united
in his own person places which, by their very nature, are incom-
patible: as those of first lord of the treasury, and chancellor of the
exchequer; the latter being designed as a check upon the former.
6
The Grand Vizier was the de facto leader of the Ottoman Empire. He ruled in
the Sultan’s name and led his armies on campaign.
7
Robert Walpole, 1st Earl of Orford (1676–1745). Considered the first British
‘Prime Minister,’ he held the reins of power from 1721–42. He made his vast for-
tune from the perquisites of power and was noted for his adept use of bribery and
patronage to maintain his political standing.
206 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
as if a king could have any affairs which are not essentially con-
nected with those of the nation; or any prerogative, but for the com-
mon advantage of the subject: he alone, say the ministry, has a right
to do this, or that. Even the privy council is too numerous for these
gentlemen; because among the many, there will always be found
some, who are guided by reason and justice, and therefore are unfit
to be consulted by those, who do not want advice, but approbation.
They must therefore have a cabinet council, or junto, composed of
five or six persons, their creatures, by whom the national business
is conducted. The favourite of the day is the sole and absolute mas-
ter of this junto; so that, in fact, he is grand visir, for favourite and
visir are synonimous terms. The king, besieged by his favourite, and
his friends, can never know the true state of things; much less, the
sentiments of the nation upon the measures they are pursuing in his
name: petitions are libels, and the authors a vile faction, who deserve
his majesty’s indignation. The favourite exercises the most despotic
power over those who presume to oppose his tyranny; deprives hon-
est and able men of their employments, seduces some, and intimi-
dates others; so that no one can oppose a sufficient resistance to his
injustice and violence. The laws, corrupted by the infamy of those
who ought to protect them, and see them duly executed, become,
in their venal hands, an instrument of oppression. The king there-
fore, if not extremely prudent, and an able judge of the characters
of men, is ignorant of the evil, until he has lost the affections of his
people; and, when it is often too late to apply an adequate remedy.
Of all the misfortunes which can happen to the king of a free
people, the greatest is that of having a favourite, and of being gov-
erned by him, which is always the consequence. Lewis the XIVth,8
having been disappointed in all his favourites, used to say, “I endeav-
oured to make myself friends, truly attached to my person, and glory;
but I found only selfish and intriguing courtiers.” It is hard to deter-
mine whether a favourite, in or out of the ministry, is most hurtful
to a nation. If the favourite is out of the ministry, he, and those he
places about his master, are for ever exclaiming against the admin-
istration, who loses all influence with the king, directed by his favourite.
Disunion and confusion ensue in every department. Many are more
attached to their own interest, than to the good of the nation. These,
8
Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715), King of France.
208 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
9
Maximilien de Béthune, duc de Sully (1560–1641). Finance Minister under
King Henry IV (r. 1589–1610), who did much to rehabilitate the French economy
after the wars of religion. He was noted for a plan to create a European common
market.
ii. the king’s prerogative 209
10
François Michel Le Tellier, Marquis de Louvois (1641–91). French War min-
ister under Louis XIV, who continued his father’s reforms that created Louis’s grand
army. Lloyd is referring to his support for Louis’s aggressive foreign policies, espe-
cially the devastation of the Palatinate (1689).
11
Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet, duc de Belle-Isle (1684–1781). French mar-
shal responsible for Louis XV’s entry into the War of the Austrian Succession
(1740–48) to secure Charles of Bavaria’s claims to the imperial throne.
12
George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham (1592–1628). King James I of England’s
(r. 1603–25) favorite, who controlled royal patronage and was rumored to be James’s
lover. He led a failed expedition to relieve the Huguenots in 1627 in a vain attempt
to save his political career against Parliamentary impeachment.
13
A Knight of the Round Table in the Arthurian legends and supposed first
king of France.
210 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
14
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527). Lloyd refers here to his Discourses (1531),
which espouse the necessity of political morality, an uncorrupted political culture,
and adherence to republican principles.
212 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
with the luxury and wants of its members; so that his power might
augment to a degree that would endanger the liberty of the consti-
tution. The king has likewise the power of dissolving the parliament
whenever he pleases; which being exerted at a critical moment by
Charles the second,15 saved his crown, and may therefore, be some-
times equally advantageous, to the king, and the people.
15
Charles II (r. 1660–85), King of England. Lloyd is referring to Charles’s dis-
solution of Parliament in 1681 to block passage of the Exclusion Act aimed at keep-
ing the childless king’s Catholic brother James from assuming the throne.
CHAPTER THREE
lays before the lords the motives for which he begs leave to arrest
the person accused, and which they cannot refuse, without violating
the laws, by stopping the course of justice: that is, without becom-
ing tyrants and public enemies. For such must be deemed any man,
or body of men, who hinder the magistrate from executing the laws;
and should they therefore refuse to deliver the person claimed, he
may seize him wherever he finds him. The abuse of privilege, has
been, of late, carried to such lengths that a member thinks himself
exempted from the quality of a subject, and the penalties of the
laws. You can have no dispute with them even the most trifling,
and unconnected with their characters as members, without being
called before the house, whose judgment is generally directed by the
sense of power and revenge, rather than by the rules of equity and
justice. According to reason, no member should, nor is, in fact, enti-
tled to any other than personal privilege and liberty, during the sit-
tings of parliament. For in all the cases, he is only a subject like
any other man. Notwithstanding which, we have many examples of
people being called before the house and severely punished for some
personal dispute with a member. Nothing can be more absurd or
injust, than to suffer a member to violate the laws in my person,
and not only escape the punishment he may deserve, but procure
my being called before the house, to whose arbitrary sentence I must
submit, or be imprisoned and ruined. If I offend a member, pro-
vided I do not hinder him from assisting in parliament, I offend
only a subject, and not a national agent. The law has provided a
remedy, and I am ready to submit to its decision. Nothing is more
just, and comformable to the idea of a free government, which nec-
essarily precludes all arbitrary proceedings. Yet he can prosecute me
at common law, and, at the same time, call me before the house:
so that I may be punished there, though I have a verdict in my
favour in a court of justice. Whatever injury I may receive by the
house, I can have no remedy at law, because they do not form a
body corporate; nor can I appeal from their decisions, because they
are not a court of justice. Consequently we must suppose they are
possessed of an arbitrary power; at least such is their pretention,
confirmed by their practice, contrary to all idea of civil liberty. For
if any body of men can do what they please without being respon-
sible to any other power, it is plain, they are despotic. It is the height
of absurdity, and injustice, that any body of men, should, without
form or process, punish a man, who has not violated any law; and
iii. the privileges of parliament 215
nothing could be ever concluded: but this supposes the laws have
provided no remedy. For if any body of men can interfere with the
laws, it is plain that such a body of men assume the whole legisla-
tive power, which alone has a right to change the laws; but cannot
interfere in the execution of them, without becoming tyrants: for
such, in reality, is the man who acts contrary to a law made by the
legislative power, which must remain in force, until it is repealed by
the same power. And when the legislative power is composed of
many parts, neither of these separately has any more power over
the laws than any other individual.
The commons likewise assume the power of expelling any mem-
ber at pleasure, in which they acknowledge neither positive laws, nor
even those, which form the freedom of the constitution. A majority
decides arbitrarily of the liberty and property of the subject, and
even of a whole province. Of all the privileges they arrogate to them-
selves, none is more absurd and unjust, or more fatal in its conse-
quences, than this. It is contrary to every notion of natural right,
and a free government, of which it saps the very foundation. It is
essential to the independency of parliament, that every member of
it should be perfectly free; and upon this very principle every priv-
ilege is founded. And yet the commons themselves dare violate it in
the most despotic manner. Where is the freedom of parliament, if
it is admitted that any power upon earth has a lawful right to deprive
a member of his seat, upon no other foundation, than because a
majority, or rather force, has been pleased to do it? Upon the same
principle, a majority may exclude the whole minority, until two mem-
bers only remain, to represent the whole nation. For where the deci-
sion of a majority is in itself a law, they have a right to dispense
with, and act contrary to the laws, in every case where a member
is any ways concerned, and which, by the same power, they may
extend as far as they please. So that a member, as such, loses all
the rights of a subject, though at the same time he lays under the
penalty of the laws, which have a right to punish, though they have
not the power to protect him. This doctrine arises naturally from
the privilege the commons assume of expelling a member; but is
contrary to natural right, to the positive laws of the kingdom, and
in particular to that which forms the liberty of the constitution. 1.
Because a member of a particular society, where the interest of the
individuals which compose it is alone concerned, cannot, without
violating the law of natural equity, be expelled, unless he refuses to
218 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
with the laws, without destroying the constitution. The lords never
pretended a right to expel a member, which however would be less
criminal, than in the commons, because the injury would extend
only to the person of the lord whose right would be violated; whereas
the commons injure the rights of every elector of the kingdom in
general, and those of the province whose member they expel, in
particular. They have of late carried their despotism still farther: they
have not only expelled a member, but admitted another in his room,
who was not elected at all; and have established a precedent which,
if admitted, must destroy every idea of a free constitution. They say,
that the member admitted was duly elected, having a majority of
votes; because the person who had the real majority, could not be
elected, and the votes for him were considered as nothing. Why so,
I ask? Is he disqualified by the laws? No such thing; he has the
qualifications required, and was legally elected. But we have declared
him incapable of being elected. In that case you suppose that a res-
olution of a majority of your house, can dispense with, and is supe-
rior to the most fundamental laws of the constitution. This indeed
is insulting common sense, as well as law. You have not even the
least power over any law whatever, but as part of the legislative
power; and then only to say, yes, or no. If you can act contrary to
law, in one case, pray why not in any other? If a resolution of the
house is superior to law in this particular case, you may, by fol-
lowing these principles, expel any member lawfully elected, and admit
in his room a candidate who should have one vote alone. To what
strange absurdities, contradictions, and ill consequences, are despo-
tism and tyranny reduced, when they pretend to authorise violence
and injustice by custom and precedents? The sheriff, according to
his oath, returned Mr. Wilkes. Was he not qualified? Was it not a
lawful election? Yes, no doubt; but we will not have him. We, by
our own authority, declare, that the majority of our house is supe-
rior to any law, and that, hereafter, we will admit as members whom
we please, without paying any regard to the laws of our country, or
to the rights of the electors. Even we will choose those, whom the
electors have rejected. We will attribute to ourselves the sole right
of election; and we will replace those we expel, with others we like
better. We may perhaps perpetuate ourselves in parliament, and so
spare the electors the trouble of choosing members, whom we are
resolved not to admit among us. All this would be equally lawful
iii. the privileges of parliament 221
with what they have done, or rather indeed equally contrary to rea-
son, justice, and the fundamental laws of the constitution. If the king
does me an injury, the laws have provided a remedy. And shall the
commons do me and my constituents the greatest injury possible,
and I am entitled to no redress? Absurd! If I was a member, and
the speaker ordered me, by force, to be turned out, I would not
obey: and, in my own name, and that of my constituents, I would
bring an action against him, and all those who acted by his orders:
and the law must do me justice. If you think your resolutions are
superior to all law, you had better make short work of it, and imi-
tate Cromwell’s parliament: vote the house of lords useless and dan-
gerous to the constitution, and so on. It is astonishing that the king
and lords can sit tamely, and permit the exertion of such despotism.
They are more immediately interested in it, than the subject. The
partizans of the commons say, that, by prescription, they alone have
a right over their own members. To which I answer, that, in what
regards the discipline of the house, it is true; but in every thing else,
false, and incompatible with the laws’ because these alone have the
sole right of punishing any man whatever, who violates them; and
no privilege on earth can exempt him from this penalty imposed by
them. The privilege of a member, and that of the whole body, can
extend no farther than to secure their liberty and independency,
while they are transacting the national business; and even then a
member may, by a breach of the peace, or some other crimes, for-
feit it, and be carried to prison. Besides, no prescription, however
long, can render lawful a power, which, in its nature, is contrary to
equity, and the fundamental laws of the kingdom. The commons
indeed have violated the privilege of parliament, and the rights of
the subject, by expelling a member legally chosen; so that in fact
that province is no longer represented as the law directs. If ever
those in the opposition have a majority, they may plead the prece-
dent given them, and expel every member they please; and estab-
lish an arbitrary power, as the present majority has done, and with
equal justice. It is to be hoped that the king and lords will concur
in inforcing the laws, which make their safety, as well as that of the
subject; and put an effectual stop to the unjust and arbitrary pro-
ceedings of the commons, who, if permitted to make one step far-
ther, will inevitably overturn the constitution, already tottering by
the repeated strokes of tyranny.
CHAPTER FOUR
mons, and are employed in the army and navy, it would be impos-
sible for any man whatever to execute an enterprize formed against
the liberty of his country. Luxury and corruption throw the balance
rather upon the side of the crown.
The power of the lords is balanced by that of the commons; and
therefore they cannot attempt any thing to their prejudice, or to that
of the crown. Moreover their power is limited to the whole body,
as part of the legislation: as individuals, they are little more distin-
guished than the rest of the subjects. Since the abolishment of feu-
dal anarchy, the personal power of the lords is greatly reduced: they
can no longer wage war against the king, nor hold the people in
servitude. They have, however, still power enough to hold the bal-
ance between the crown and the commons, as the latter have to
hold it between the lords and the crown, which keeps that between
the two houses. So that neither has force enough to oppress either
of the others. The violence of the commons, the ambition of the
lords, and the power of the crown, mutually restrain each other; and
neither can pass the limits, without meeting invincible obstacles from
the other, which cannot be overcome by force, but may perhaps by
corruption. It seems therefore impossible to form a constitution which
has less defects, and is naturally better calculated to secure public
liberty, against the violence of Democracy, the ambition of Aristocracy,
and the tyranny of Monarchy, which are equally excluded, and whose
different principles seem a sure barrier against the effects of their
union. The great number of employments the king has to dispose
of, gives him influence enough, in both houses, to carry on business
to a certain degree of order and tranquility, generally incompatible
with mixed governments, particularly if the assemblies are numer-
ous. The king moreover having the power of forming alliances, and
employing whom he pleases in the different departments, without
being responsible to any one, the government has, in a great mea-
sure the advantages of simple monarchy, which, in general, is incom-
patible with mixed governments. The executive power being also, as
we have said, in the king, a certain rapidity of force, enter into the
resolutions of the council, particularly when composed of able and
popular men. So that, upon the whole, the government seems rather
a monarchy than a mixed state. The energy and force of it, how-
ever, depends chiefly on the ability, integrity, and above all, on the
popularity of the ministry, otherwise no influence suffices to carry
on business; disunion, the necessary consequence of weakness and
224 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
want of abilities, will naturally divide and weaken the councils. The
king must therefore employ only such as are able, honest, and pop-
ular, otherwise he will infallibly lose his influence and importance;
and, instead of conducting the helm with a firm and steady hand,
will expose himself and the state to many difficulties, which finally
may expose the one and the other to great danger and perplexity.
When the king has not, or will not exert his lawful prerogative in
the choice of able and popular men, the government will degener-
ate into a real anarchy. A nation, in this unhappy situation, may
justly be compared to a ship which has lost the rudder, tossed about
in a stormy sea, till at last it breaks against the rocks, where the
ship and crew must inevitably perish. He must, above all things,
avoid employing men that are unpopular: for, in a free government,
the people look with jealousy and fear on the power of the crown,
and become furious, if they see a subject particularly distinguished
by the prince, and the more so, as talents, humanity, and modera-
tion, are seldom the shining qualities of a favourite.
Civil liberty, never fails to excite the subject of industry, being
secured in the employment of its fruits. By freely following his own
genius, he generally succeeds in his pursuits of riches: the concur-
rence of others, animated by the same motives, forces him to search
new methods, which may entitle him to the preference. Arts there-
fore, and manufactures, are brought to a degree of perfection, no
where else to be found. They are rather finished with solidity than
with taste: because the subject in general, being richer than in other
countries, can afford a higher price, which enables the artizan to
give his works completely finished. Whereas in France the people,
being poor and vain, their manufactures must continually change in
the modes: so that they are distinguished by their good taste, rather
than by their solidity. The marine, in England, is not only a source
of riches, but of safety; so navigation is carried to a greater degree
of perfection, than in any other country whatever.
In a free nation, the laws are extremely numerous, because you
cannot, as in simple monarchies, repose an arbitrary power in any
magistrate, which may enable him, by good regulations, to antici-
pate, and prevent the evil, you can only punish it. By securing the
life and property of the subject, the laws are increased to such a
degree, as in some measure to become useless and are rather a
source of oppression and chichanery, than of protection. It is a mis-
fortune, that one cannot provide for the safety of mankind, without
iv. the advantages of the english constitution 225
1
George Whitefield (1714–70). Evangelical Methodist preacher who played a
central role in the Great Awakening in North America. Lloyd is referring to White-
field’s doctrine of religious toleration.
iv. the advantages of the english constitution 227
eration. I mean only that the army might be upon a better footing,
if the commander in chief was at liberty, to consult merit alone in
the choice of those he employs. Parliamentary connections often, I
am sure, force him, to deviate from his own sentiments, in the dis-
posal of offices. The number of officers, has been augmented, beyond
every proportion, with that of the soldiers, in order to have many
places to give the members of both houses and their dependants, by
which means a weak minister secures their concurrence in his views.
I dare say, the number of officers in England surpasses that of the
Prussian army, six times more numerous. If, after the late war, the
public good had been alone consulted, all the reduced officers should
have been aggregated to the standing regiments, where they would
have done duty, till, by a vacancy, they had been advanced accord-
ing to their antiquity, without admitting any new officers, till these
had been all provided for: another plan has been followed, and the
nation is now loaded with the expence of maintaining a prodigious
number of officers, intirely useless to their country. The army is filled
with young men, who can have brought nothing more than good
will into the service, while the old officers forget what they may have
learnt. The number of regiments, is by far too great, and that of
the soldiers too few. The pay and expence of the guards state major,
half pay officers, both by sea and land, would I am persuaded, be
sufficient to raise and maintain twenty thousand Germans or Swiss.
The custom of selling employments in the army is contrary to jus-
tice and the good of the service: in England however, it contributes,
to civil liberty, because it diminishes the influence of the minister,
who cannot hinder a man from buying in his turn though he should
not have any parliamentary connections; whereas if the places were
all given it is plain the army would be filled only with the minis-
ter’s dependants. One cannot help being astonished at the conduct
of the ministry just before the peace, and even when it was almost
concluded. The army was incompleat, nor could recruits be raised,
so that there was scarcely a regiment which did not want a great
number of men. Reason and the good of the nation required that
these should have been compleated; and the number of men, could
they be found, increased in each company, which would have ren-
dered the army better, and saved much money; the oeconomical
ministry, however contrary to every principle of reason, ordered a
prodigious number of new corps to be raised, whose officers were
228 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
named, but the men were never raised: nor do I suppose it was ever
intended; and of all these corps none rendered the least service to
their country, now loaded with the subsistance of their officers: I
must in justice except Elliot’s light horse,2 equal if not superior to
any of the kind in Europe.
2
15th Regiment of Light Dragoons. Raised by Colonel George Augustus Eliot
(1717–90) in 1759, it was Britain’s first light horse regiment ( John Burgoyne raised
the 16th Light Dragoons the same year). Commanded by Lt. Col. Henry Erskine
at Emsdorf ( July 16, 1760) it demonstrated great skill in pursuit.
CHAPTER FIVE
enjoy great employments under the crown, and therefore from prin-
ciple or interest, are generally favourable to the ministry. So that if
the members who compose the legislative power are corrupted, he
governs as despotically, as any oriental vizir, and gets any law, how-
ever inconsistent with civil liberty, passed; witness the game and mar-
riage acts, than which nothing can be more repugnant to the spirit
of a free constitution. The influence of the ministry is also greatly
increased by the publick manner in which the votes are given, because
many out of fear concur against their own sentiments with the views
of the ministry, whose revenge they might obviate by giving their
votes by secret ballotting, as at Venice, and at Rome formerly. All
enmities and personal disputes are thereby avoided, and men see,
in the affairs proposed, nothing but the interest and good of the
nation, whereas now they consider chiefly, who speaks, and not what
he says, and so seldom weigh matters as their importance and the
public good require. The attention of those in the opposition is fixed
upon the ministry, and adherents, whom they watch with a jealous
eye, in hopes of finding some opportunity to embarrass them, and
hinder them from carrying on the affairs of the nation, and so force
the crown to change them, and often replace them with their oppo-
nents. The ministry and their friends, on the contrary, affect to treat
their enemies as factious and disaffected, and so mix their own pri-
vate affairs with those of the king, which often alienates his affections
and confidence from those men, who are most deserving of them.
In the mean time national affairs are intirely neglected. Each party
is too much occupied with their mutual animosities to think of any
thing else. In such a situation, a minister though an able and hon-
est man, can, neither form, nor execute any plan that tends to the
national good; these dissensions are the cause of that instability, and
inconsistency, which are remarkable in the English government, both
in foreign, and domestic affairs. No confidence can be reposed in a
court whose measures are continually fluctuating, nor have we scarce
ever made an alliance, from which the nation has drawn durable
advantages. If the king is firm in the support of his minister, his
credit with the nation is often thereby diminished, because that
firmness which reason and prudence often justifies, is attributed to
particular favour and affection for his minion. Even the opinion of
favoritism will diminish his influence with those attached to his per-
son and interest, who never see with indifference any man particu-
larly distinguished by their sovereign; if, on the contrary, he easily
v. the disadvantages of the english constitution 231
14. That the speaker, in the name of the commons, may prosecute,
at common law, and before the proper court, any man who
publishes a libel against them in general. But if it is against a
member in particular, he may, like any other subject, recur to
the laws of his country. Justice requires that, as they may receive
damages, so they must pay them, when a verdict is given against
them; but they must not presume to take cognizance of any
crime whatever, because they thereby usurp the rights of the
laws and courts of justice. So that the motives which shall here-
after authorise the house to expel a member, are reduced to
two cases: 1. For not complying with the known and established
rules of the house, for transacting the business of it. 2. For non-
appearance within four months after the sitting of parliament,
and notice given thereof in the Gazette; or in the capital town
of the county whereof he is member; or in the town of which
he is a burgess, without considering the motives of his non-
appearance, which are foreign to the question. The speaker must
only consider, whether the member is present in parliament, or
not, within the time specified by law.
15. That the parliament be triennial.
16. That the number of peers should be encreased, so that one hun-
dred and fifty at least should be present in parliament.
17. That they have not a right to vote by proxy.
18. That they should be obliged to attend in parliament, unless pre-
vented by sickness, certified by his own oath, and that of his
physician; or to forfeit one thousand pounds every sessions. I
don’t doubt but this project will be treated as the dreams of a
Platonian or an Utopian, by those who have an interest in the
anarchy which now reigns. However, I flatter myself, that impar-
tial men will find that the establishment of the methods I pro-
pose, can alone save the constitution.
CHAPTER SEVEN
OF COLONIES
1
Peace of Paris (1763).
vii. colonies 243
ment to their dams lasts only while they want them. They will, by
little and little, form separate interests; and when they find them-
selves strong enough, will infallibly form a new and independent gov-
ernment. If you press them, they will become enemies. If you do
not, perhaps they may be induced to become your allies, and as
such, you may keep them. I do not chuse to enter into any detail
on the present state of our colonies; but will venture to affirm, that
no force whatever, can subdue three millions of inhabitants dispersed
over an immense continent; we may perhaps force them to retire
from the coast, and ruin their industry; that is, your own; and oblige
them to apply to agriculture for their subsistence. But you cannot
follow and conquer them. And the less so, as their religious princi-
ples, concur equally with their political, in their love of liberty and
hatred of tyranny. The man who gives room to dispute about power,
prerogative, liberty and religion, must ever be considered as little acquainted
with human nature, and common prudence. A wise and virtuous
minister will never try experiments on such delicate subjects. They
are like glass, which by much handling breaks in your hands, but
at the same time cuts it. He will therefore avoid every occasion,
which may possibly give room to examine them, because they can
never be terminated by words and reasoning. Force alone can solve
the difficulties.
If the colonies will no longer contribute to the support of the
mother country by any direct tax, which indeed is imprudently, and
perhaps, unjustly imposed;2 withdraw your troops intirely from the
continent, excepting Quebec, and some capital points in the river
of Saint Laurence. The natives, excited by their own turbulent dis-
position, and by French emissaries, will soon carry the ax into the
back settlements, which are too extensive and open to be defended
by the colonists. They will soon be forced to recur to your aid and
protection. I own I ever considered the taxing of colonies, as the
most absurd, inadequate, and unjust measure ever adopted by any
minister. They consumed yearly, for four or five millions, and, by
that very consumption, paid every kind of tax levied in England,
and all expences of the first materials, manufacturing, carriage, nav-
igation, &c. which are all included in the price. If you force them
to pay an additional tax, then you make them pay more than any
2
Stamp Act (1765).
244 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
OF IRELAND
1
William Knox, The Present State of the Nation; Particularly with respect to its Trade,
Finances, &&, addressed to the King and both Houses of Parliament (London: Printed for
J. Almon, 1768).
2
Edmund Burke, Observations on the Late State of the Nation (London: J. Dodsley,
1769).
ix. parallel between the forces of england and france 247
persuaded he was well, because his neighbour had the gout in the
stomach. Though I confess myself much inferior to these gentlemen
in every respect, I shall presume to examine the actual state of the
two nations in question, and that in so clear and impartial a man-
ner, that the results will have the force and exactness of a geomet-
rical demonstration. I am the more encouraged to this undertaking,
as truth is always useful; whereas falsehood, cannot, I conceive, be
of any advantage, and in general is attended with fatal consequences,
particularly in the conduct of public affairs. If in fact the French are
miserable, it does not follow, that we are rich and powerful. There
is no national advantage that can accrue from it, on the contrary it
may diminish our industry and attention to public business. But if
this opinion is ill founded, the consequences may, and indeed must
be fatal. At the last peace it was said the French and Spaniards were
ruined for an age to come. It was their interest we should believe
it. In the mean time, it is known they have a hundred sail of the
line, and are now making immense preparations of every kind; our
ministry, infatuated by our former successes, affect a certain tran-
quility, which is encouraged by French emissaries, and in all prob-
ability will be found established on a very precarious basis. When
vice and effeminacy had extinguished every principle of patriotism
and virtue among the Athenians, Philip [of Macedon], the most art-
ful and ambitious prince that ever existed, was projecting their ruin
in particular; their being the only power in Greece that could pre-
vent him from destroying the liberties of that country. Demosthenes
endeavoured to rouse them from their lethargy, and excite them, in
time, to oppose the ambitious projects of Philip, but in vain. Corrup-
tion, and the love of pleasure, had intirely enervated that, once brave,
and powerful people, insomuch that no sense of glory or danger
could induce them to take any step for their preservation. In these
sentiments they were confirmed by Philip’s emissaries, who were ever
declaiming on the power of the Athenians, and the weakness and
moderation of Philip; who being thus permitted to follow his plan,
in a short time put it in execution, and became the master of Greece.
I do not mean this as any reflection, on the elegant author, being
persuaded he is equally an eloquent orator, and a faithful subject,
truly attached to the good of his country. I mean only to shew, it
is dangerous to exalt the power of our nation, and depress that of
our rivals, if his opinion is not founded on real matter of fact; and
if otherwise it is useless, and cannot produce any one advantage. I
248 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
* We have demonstrated in the work, indicated in the preface; 1. That the price
of provisions, labour, &c. is in proportion to the number of inhabitants and quan-
tity of circulation. So let C= to the circulation, and P= to the population, then
will C = P , the price of provisions.
P
The circulation of France in paper and money amounts to about one hundred
and fifty millions sterling and the population to twenty millions. So CP ==150 20
1=7 2
will
express the price of provisions, labour, &c.
In England the circulation in money and paper amounts to about one hundred
and sixty millions and the population to 8 millions so we shall have C = 160 = 20 .
Consequently the price of provisions, labour, &c. is in England to that of P = 8
France as twenty to seven and a half, which shews the reason why they can under-
sell us, in any market in Europe.
2. That the quantity of industry is in proportion to the quantity of circulation,
compared with the number of inhabitants. So that we shall have the same equa-
tion, viz. In France CP ==150 20
=7
1
2
. In England CP==160
8
= 20 . That is the industry of England
3
Philip V (r. 1700–46), King of Spain.
252 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
natural advantages, but never can destroy them. The last war was
unfortunate, but not surely for want of means. A weak and disunited
ministry greatly contributed to their misfortunes. Good discipline has
rendered European troops nearly equal. The difference of valour
vanishes among the numberless causes which concur to secure the
victory. Our success in the last war will be a lasting monument of
our valour, abilities, resources; and I will add, good fortune, as well
as of their incapacity. Peace however has, in my opinion, given them
more advantages than a successful war. The fishery of Newfoundland,
and the loss of Canada, are probably equally advantageous to the
French. Were they still masters of it, we should not see our colonies
on the point of throwing off their obedience to the mother country.
Though the situation of England is by no means advantageous
for trade as that of France, it is much more so for interior safety,
and defence. For though our enemies may have numerous armies,
they cannot, unless masters of the sea, and for a considerable time,
make use of them against us, but in small numbers; and even sup-
posing their fleets superior to ours, they cannot attack us with any
advantage, because they can bring neither heavy artillery, ammuni-
tion, provisions, and cavalry, but in small quantities: insomuch that
with thirty-two thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse, chiefly
dragoons and light horse, with the militia, we could easily baffle all
their attempts. I would have three thousand foot, and one thousand
horse in Scotland, eleven thousand foot and five thousand horse in
England, besides militia, encamped in some central position, between
Dover and Portsmouth, and the remaining twenty thousand in Ireland,
in the province of Munster, and on the banks of the Shannon. Three
ships and four frigates on the coast of Scotland; a few frigates and
ships in the Channel to observe Dunkirk; forty sail of the line in the
Bay of Biscay to observe Brest and Ferrol; a squadron off Ireland,
and another in the Mediterranean. If these do their duty, we have
nothing to fear at home or abroad. Some cruisers in the Gulph of
Mexico, North America, and the East Indies, will be sufficient to
protect our trade, and ruin theirs. But, if you let the French and
Spaniards get out of their harbours, and unite their forces, there is
no answering for the consequences. If, in time, you do not take
effectual measures to stop their projects, even before they are ripe
for execution, it may be then too late; for, if they once get out, our
trade may be ruined before you can apply any remedy.
254 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
envy hid her poisoned head. The courtiers feeling themselves unequal
to the weight of that distress and calamity they had brought on their
country, willingly threw it upon his shoulders, hoping, in case of
misfortunes, which seemed unavoidable, to make him responsible.
But no sooner had he taken the helm, than, by his extraordinary
abilities, courage, and impartiality in the choice of able and virtu-
ous men to execute his projects, he saved his country from the ruin
which threatened it, and raised it to a degree of glory and power,
beyond that of any nation whatever of equal population. The courtiers,
no less enemies to this gentleman, than to the interest of their king
and country, forced him from his stations, and, having occupied it,
instead of crushing an enemy, laid at their feet, concluded a peace,
or rather a truce, whose consequences must finally terminate in the
ruin of their country.
Having thus compared, with truth and impartiality, the absolute
and relative forces of England and France, it is evident, I think, that
the first is by no means so flourishing, nor the other so depressed
as many affect to believe. I might have indeed added, that an unsuc-
cessful war, particularly at sea, would sink public credit, and per-
haps produce a national bankruptcy. That none of our alliances
abroad, can be of the least service to us, in a maritime, American,
or domestic war; because the French, by sending an army into
Westphalia, can force the Hessians, Brunswickers, and Hanoverians,
to disarm, or see their country ruined; which, according to their
usual prudence, no doubt they will avoid. They will in the mean
time, take our money, but cannot, in the cases mentioned, comply
with their engagements, and help us. The Austrians, who alone could
give us effectual succours, will be neuter, or against us. The Russians
are too far off: the Dutch weak and trembling for themselves. The
Prussian monarch has no natural connections, or common interest
with us, and moreover, never knew any but his own. The king of
Denmark4 alone can be of use to us; because the French cannot, by
intrigue, or force, hinder him from giving us the succours he may
chuse to send us. I wish therefore, and most humbly recommend to
those in power, the forming of a most intimate connection with this
prince, and enabling him to keep a body of twenty thousand men,
4
Christian VII (r. 1766–1808).
256 ii. an essay on the english constitution (1770)
and ten ships of the line for our service, whenever we may want
them, and at the same time to abandon those ridiculous connections
with the little princes of Germany, who absorb immense sums, and,
when called upon, can be of no service. I must conclude with Delenda
est, Ubis maritima, Carthaginis.
Cato
Finis
III
Publishing History
1
Abraham Rees, ‘Review of An essay on the theory of money,’ The Monthly Review;
or, Literary Journal 46 ( January 1772): 75–6.
To the Right Honourable Lord North.1
My Lord,
I am,
My Lord,
Your Lordship’s
Most humble Servant,
The AUTHOR.
1
Frederick North (1732–92). Styled ‘Lord North.’ The eldest son of Francis
North, Earl of Guilford, he became First Minister to King George III in 1770 and
guided Britain through the American Revolution. Lloyd’s dedication is fitting since
North had served as Pay-Master General, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and finally
First Lord of the Treasury.
PREFACE
forests, &c. would hinder them from communicating with each other,
and consequently prevent their forming an extensive society. Each
small village would form a separate community, intirely unconnected
with others, though only a few leagues distant; and the more so, as
each finding within themselves wherewith to satisfy their necessities,
they could have no motive to seek at a distance any new connec-
tions; to which we may add, that man, as well as other animals, are
particularly attached to their native soil, sweet and alluring habitude
ties us to it, like a plant, which force alone can tear from its native
bed. In this case, the whole earth would be occupied by small soci-
eties established upon the rivers, and sea coast. The soft and fruit-
ful Asia would be more peopled than the rest of the globe; and the
number of its inhabitants would diminish in proportion to their prox-
imity to the poles, and to the line, because the fertility of the ground
(and consequently the facility of subsisting) depends upon heat and
humidity; the extremes of the one and the other are equally perni-
cious to fecundity, consequently near the line and the poles the
inhabitants are few and slothful. Whenever a society becomes numer-
ous, the members must separate, and occupy a greater extent of
country, and the difficulty, as well as inutility of carrying their pro-
ductions to their mother society, will force them to form a new, and
separate community. Chance and curiosity, no doubt, first introduced
the use of money, which by becoming an universal merchandise,
and by facilitating the communication between mankind gave birth
to all the arts, manufactures, sciences, and forms of government,
which we now see and admire in the different parts of the globe.
Some person having, by chance, found a precious stone, or piece
of shining metal, and having carried it to his village, excited the
curiosity of his neighbours, and their desires to obtain it, among
whom, one who enjoyed a superiority, gave a he, or some other
thing for it; animated by this recompense, the person who found it,
went in search of others, and so by degrees precious stones, or pieces
of metal, became an object of desire and search for all.
In proportion as their mass increased, the primitive equality among
mankind diminished; industry and chance gave more to some than
others; this disproportion produced naturally an inequality of power,
some were rich and potent, others poor and weak. This I think the
true origin of that inequality and subordination which we see estab-
lished among mankind; for without the introduction of an Universal
preface 267
1
Lloyd’s definition of money as the ‘universal merchandise’ mirrors that found
in Pietro Verri, Meditazioni sulla economia politica (1771). This similarity led to a cool-
ing of relations between the two friends. For years the controversy so vexed Verri
that in the end he credited the definition to Lloyd. Pietro Verri to Alessandro Verri,
Milan, 11 aprile 1781, CCXII (1179), vol. 11 of Carteggio di Pietro Verri e di Alessandro
Verri dal 1766 al 1797, ed. Giovanni Seregni (Milano: Dott. A. Giuffrè, Editore,
1940), 304.
268 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
OF PUBLIC BANKS
A Public bank, is a place of deposit for money, for which notes are
issued, or bills, or draughts given, which have the same effect in
commerce as money itself: so that the circulation is increased in pro-
portion to the one, and the other; the institution of banks, at least
the increase of their funds, as with us, was owing to the necessity
of the state, which necessity neither ordinary or extraordinary taxes
being capable of supplying, loans became necessary and the use of
paper was therefore introduced in proportion to such loans. By this
means national industry rather increased than diminished; if instead
of loans, the state had augmented the taxes in order to raise the
sum required, it is evident that industry in general, particularly manu-
factures and commerce must have greatly suffered as we shall shew
hereafter, but by borrowing such sums, the circulation necessary
to support national industry being thereby increased, it suffered no
detriment.
Banks may be considered under three distinct views. 1st, With
regard to the state, insomuch as thereby, it is enabled to raise great
sums without laying any other tax than what is necessary to pay the
interest of such sums. 2d, With regard to national industry: and 3d,
With regard to the form of government.
Supposing it was now necessary to raise ten millions extraordi-
nary within a year, I believe it will be admitted, that it would be
impossible; no branch of the revenues, excepting the land-tax, will
bear any considerable additional duty, at least in any proportion to
ten millions which we suppose required; consequently such a sum
could not be raised otherwise than by loans, the interest of which
might easily be pad out of the sinking fund, or by some additional
duty on the articles of luxury and folly.
We cannot better illustrate the truth of our principles, than by
supposing, that during the last war,1 England had no bank and
1
Seven Years’ War (1756–63). Established in 1694, the importance of the Bank
of England for Britain’s eighteenth-century wars is indisputable. By 1697 the British
270 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
consequently must have raised the supplies within the year; and on
the contrary, that France had raised the extraordinary sums required
by loans; the first raised during that period above sixty millions extra-
ordinary, of which at least twenty were sent abroad, and France
raised and spent abroad a much greater sum; it is generally agreed
upon, that the quantity of specie in England does not exceed thirty
million, it is therefore evident that we could not have raised sixty
million extraordinary and spent twenty abroad, without the entire
ruin of the nation. We must therefore have fallen victim to the power
of France, because she, by loans was enabled to raise the necessary
sums, to carry on the war without any considerable detriment to
national industry which we, for want of such loans, could not have
possibly done.
In the war of the succession,2 Lewis XIV raised by extraordinary
loans, near an hundred and twenty millions sterling, and yet, it
was with the utmost difficulty that the monarchy was saved from
destruction.
I therefore ask, what would have happened, had he not borrowed
that sum, the tenth part of which could not possibly have been
raised otherwise than by loans, and consequently by introducing
paper circulation?
In the present state of Europe, when banks are generally estab-
lished, it is evident, that such nations as have them not, cannot sup-
port a foreign war for any considerable time, nor cultivate their
manufactures, agriculture or commerce in any degree comparable
with such as have which is proved by the fact itself; Russia, Poland,
Turkey, Spain, and Portugal prove this truth of this assertion, I am
persuaded that the form of government, and many other circumstances
concur to render those nations slothful: but the want of circulation
arising from those circumstances, is the immediate cause of it.
Whether it were best, that the use of the paper circulation should
be totally abolished or not, is problematic, because it is a question
if it is more useful, that nations should have more or less industry,
and be content with the common necessaries of life which would
government had spent £36 million fighting the Nine Years’ War and accumulated
a public debt of £16.7 million. It spent nearly £83 million to fight the Seven Years’
War, with between 30–40% being borrowed. Between 1756–63 the public debt
nearly doubled from £74 million to £133 million. See John Brewer, The Sinews of
Power: War, Money and the English State (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989).
2
War of the Spanish Succession (1701–14).
i. of public banks 271
If, however, the general circulation is not already too great, the
loss occasioned by the new tax will be more than compensated by
the additional circulation of the capital sums borrowed: because the
national industry will increase in that proportion: whereas the price
of provisions will increase in proportion to the taxes levied to pay
the interest of it. But if the general circulation is great, which may
be known by the high price of provisions, labour, &c. it follows that
the least additional tax will be attended with fatal consequences, par-
ticularly if laid on the necessaries of life; it is for this reason that in
all great towns we see the number of poor increase so prodigiously;
we would therefore propose as a general maxim of finance that the
rate of taxes should be in the inverse ratio to the consumption of the
commodity, because the articles of luxury would raise a consider-
able revenue by their price, and the great consumption of necessary
productions would fully compensate the lowness of the taxes imposed
upon them; consequently there should be little or no tax upon the
common necessaries of life, and the less so, as the land hath already
paid it, and the rates should raise upon each article in proportion,
as it is least wanted: we shall in a future chapter explain more fully
the doctrine of taxes.
From what we have said it is evident, that no extraordinary sum
can be raised in any country without the aid of banks. 2dly, that
circulation and industry are greatly increased by the use of paper
currency, which is proved by the state of industry in those countries
where such banks are not established, as Spain, Portugal, Russia and
Turkey, where industry in general, arts and manufactures in partic-
ular are extremely limited.
It is objected, that banks increase the number of those who live
upon the interest of their money, and consequently that industry
decreases in that proportion: to which I answer, That were there no
banks, such people would either lend money to foreigners, or be
obliged to hoard it up, which would be a loss to the nation. 2d,
That their number is small compared to that, of those who are
benefited by the circulation of their capital, which is lent out at a
higher interest, than they receive for it. So that in fact nothing is
lost because it is the same thing to the state, whether the original
proprietor or another person employs the money in business; whereas
where there are no banks, great sums of money would lay dormant
and useless, or be lent abroad.
i. of public banks 273
3
David Hume, Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary (1753). See especially ‘Of
Commerce’ and ‘Of the Balance of Trade.’
274 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
OF GENERAL CIRCULATION
is not one considerable village. In all Siberia there is but one town
of any note; and in both the Laplands not one; and in all North-
America, excepting the European settlements there are not as many
inhabitants as in the single county of York; from what has been said,
it follows that extensive empires have, in proportion, less industry
than those who are less so; compare Holland, with Russia and Turkey
and you will find that the industry of the former though infinitely
less populous and extensive, is however much greater than the lat-
ter, the more mankind is contracted, the greater will be their wants,
and the greater will be their efforts to satisfy them, which will depend
intirely upon circulation and the facility of exchanging their mutual
productions; we shall therefore conclude that the industry of a nation
is in proportion to the quantity of circulation; however, we must
confess that this consequence admits of an exception, which is, that
the quantity of industry is limited, because a given number of men
can produce or consume but a given quantity of industry; whereas
circulation may increase ad infinitum. But we think it seldom happens
that in any country whatever, industry has been carried to the utmost
limits either in quantity or quality, and therefore we must adhere to
the principles we have established, viz. industry and circulation will
increase together.
Having shewn that mankind is industrious in proportion as they
are contracted, it follows, that in order to promote arts, manufactures,
&c. you must unite them, and facilitate the communication between
them. The invention of posts, paper-currency and navigation, have
been the real cause, at least the principal, one of European indus-
try, which alone proves, that the antients destitute of these succours,
were in this respect, as well as in population infinitely inferior to us.
Europe produces now twenty times more corn and cattle than it did
ten centuries ago, which, we necessarily suppose, are consumed. Al-
though metals are a principal spring of commerce, paper-currency
is much more so because it can with greater facility be transported
from one country to another, which in some measure contracts
mankind and increases their wants and industry: for this reason the
people who are situated upon the sea coasts, lakes and navigable
rivers, are more industrious and rich than those who inhabit the
mountains and interior provinces of the continent. If Carthage, Athens,
and Holland had been situated a hundred miles from the coast,
probably they never would have formed a people, much less arrived
to that degree of riches and power which justly excites our admiration.
282 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
The Swiss will never be rich; nor will they ever have arts or man-
ufactures but in a very limited degree, being separated by high and
inaccessible mountains, the communication between the different peo-
ple, is interrupted during a great part of the year, each village forms
a tribe, and must find within itself wherewith to subsist, or perish,
as they can draw no succours from their neighbours, though but a
few miles distant: it is for this reason, as we have already observed,
that great empires for want of an easy and speedy communication
between their different parts, have very little industry: and it will be
in vain to attempt to inspire them with a taste for labour, when
they can satisfy their wants by hunting, fishing, &c. sloth and poverty
will be in proportion to the extent of ground which a people occupy.
Look at Spain, Russia and Turkey and you will see an immense
country uncultivated; to what purpose has Russia above twenty mil-
lions of subjects, the greatest part of whom are dispersed upon an
immense space of sterile and uncultivated land without towns, vil-
lages, arts, or manufactures, and here and there only a few miser-
able cottages, whose possessors can, with difficulty, procure wherewith
to subsist, much less superfluities, from which alone government can
draw any advantage. While they continue thus dispersed in a mis-
erable country, covered with snow, and deprived of light a great
part of the year, it is impossible that the natural productions, or
those of art, can nourish a great number of people or animals, which
can neither subsist, nor increase, but in proportion to the facility of
providing themselves with the necessaries of life. In the northern cli-
mates, as well as near the line, the earth is in general sterile. The
extremes of heat and cold are equally hurtful to vegetation; it is in
vain therefore to expect industry and an increase of population from
people in this situation. That great and immortal Empress of Russia
[Catherine II, the Great] who makes it her glory to promote the
happiness and welfare of her subjects, will never succeed in her
attempt while they are thus dispersed, and separated from each other;
she must contract them into a narrow space, and fix them upon the
coasts of the Caspian and Black seas, and upon the navigable rivers,
which will facilitate the communication between them; from hence
their wants will increase, and their industry, in order to satisfy them:
all other means to enforce industry will be vain and fruitless; laws
and institutions may, and ought to direct the actions of mankind,
but cannot in any degree produce them. It is likewise in vain to
expect industry where liberty and property are precarious; it is upon
iv. the industry of a nation 283
this principle that the great Empress we have mentioned, and who
is justly the object of our respect and admiration, had ordered a
code of laws, as the only means to promote arts and industry; but
we humbly presume to assure her Majesty that without civil liberty
there can be no industry, Slavery and commerce are incompatible.
CHAPTER FIVE
We have said The absolute force, because the relative force of a people,
will depend upon their situation, quality of productions, and various
other circumstances compared with those of the neighbouring nations.
We have already shewn that circulation is in an inverse ratio of the
space occupied by a given number of people, it is evident, that the
force of a people will be in the same proportion because the more
they are united the greater will be the quantity of action; this propo-
sition is equally true in the moral and physical world; an army of
an hundred thousand men will conquer a nation consisting of mil-
lions; all the great conquests particularly those of the Tartars under
Genxis Kan1 and other leaders were made by a handful of men,
compared with the vanquished nations; it is upon this principle that
the Tyrians, the Athenians, the Carthaginians and the people of
Marseilles among the antients; the English and Dutch among the
moderns, have made such extraordinary efforts against the most pow-
erful princes in the world; whereas great and extensive empires have
upon every occasion made but a feeble and inconsiderable resistance;
the Persians were conquered by thirty thousand men,2 Russia had
like to have shared the same fate when attacked by Charles the
Twelfth.3 Two or three battles decide the fate of great empires
because the whole force of the state, is concentrated in the army; if
this is beat the ruin of the empire is inevitable, it is for this reason
that the wars undertaken against great kingdoms are generally of
short duration, whereas those among the Greeks and Europeans,
whose states are less extensive, last several years. The subjects of a
great empire are too poor and too much dispersed to be collected
for the support of the state when once thrown into confusion. It was
1
Genghis Khan (1162–1227).
2
Reference to Alexander the Great’s Macedonian army that conquered Persia
3
Charles XII (r. 1697–1718), King of Sweden. A bold, daring military genius,
Charles triggered the Great Northern War against Russia and nearly overthrew
Peter the Great at the Battle of Narva (1700). Victory proved chimerical as attri-
tion and indecision marked the conflict Sweden sued for peace in 1720.
v. of the absolute force of a nation 285
4
The Russo-Turkish War (1768–74) raged at the time of this publication. Catherine
appointed Lloyd Major-General in 1772. He partook in the final military campaign
in 1774 and commanded the Russian divisions that besieged Silistria.
286 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
Europe were more or less free: armies were very small and could
be maintained and kept together, but for a few days only; scarce
were they assembled when the want of money obliged the sovereign
to disband them; arts and manufactures were almost unknown and
consequently agriculture had made little progress. The feudal system
prevailed in all the monarchies of Europe, the rest of its inhabitants
were divided into small republics excepting Venice, Florence, Genoa,
and Pisa, whose situation enabled them to carry on, almost the whole
commerce of Europe and Asia: scarce did the gold and silver of
America appear, when the feudal government began to decline and
in a few years totally vanished, so that at present there remain no
traces of it, excepting in Russia, Poland and some provinces of
Germany whose situation made it impossible for the American gold
to penetrate in great quantities, consequently the sovereigns of those
countries till of late could not maintain sufficient armies, to oppress
their subjects; all the small republics are vanished, and without being
a prophet, we may venture to foretell, that in less than a century
there will not be above seven or eight sovereignties in all Europe
where formerly there were above a thousand; we will therefore con-
clude that liberty is in proportion to the equality of circulation; for
where all are equally rich or equally poor, they must me equally
powerful; on the contrary where one only is rich, the rest must be
slaves.
It follows, that those people who do not know the use of money
must be free, which truth is proved by the history of mankind, and
vice versa. Asia, fertile in all the productions of the earth, and par-
ticularly in precious metals, exhibits the most ancient, and most
extensive empires in the world; it is from thence that the arts, sci-
ences, and conquests proceeded. As their circulation and consequently
industry and population greatly increased, for the reason we have
assigned, the inhabitants were obliged to extend themselves in search
of new establishments; being confined on the south, and east by the
sea, they advanced to the north and west, and forced all those peo-
ple they found in their progress either to submit or quit their coun-
try, being too poor and dispersed to make any resistance; this we
think the true cause of those transmigrations which successively over-
ran and desolated Europe, part of Africa, and the western parts of
Asia. The history of that country during this period, would be very
interesting. The northern people originally poor and dispersed into
290 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
1
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527).
vi. liberty is in proportion to the equality 293
1
An early definition of conspicuous consumption.
vii. luxury 295
shew: hence the variation and changes which we observe in the fash-
ions, it is only by such external signs that a man can distinguish
himself. The great and sublime is prohibited, they will therefore
excell in trifles.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Arts are the necessary consequence of luxury and riches, and exactly
proportioned to them, as we have already proved; poor nations have
never known them but in a limited degree. The sciences require
time, application, an easy fortune, and encouragement. Where cir-
culation is great all these circumstances concur to promote them.
The rich out of real taste or vanity protect and sometimes support
men of letters, and so they become an object of luxury, but never
the cause of it, as the famous Rousseau will have it.1 The Spartans
and Romans, ’till they became rich with the spoils of Asia, had nei-
ther arts nor sciences; nor the Swiss, excepting in the rich cantons.
As sciences will depend upon circulation and liberty, it is evident,
that in absolute monarchies some branches will be more cultivated
than others. The abstract sciences, and works of taste, will arrive to
great perfection, their stile will in general be correct and elegant,
their compositions exact; but in free monarchies, where individuals
enjoy a greater degree of liberty, they will excel not only in the
abstract sciences, but in history and eloquence, their compositions
will be less correct, but more vigorous; they will be distinguished,
rather by the energy than by the harmony of their diction. The his-
tory of literature proves the truth of our principles. The French have
no production to be compared with Clarendon, Hume, Robertson,
and the debates of our national assemblies.
1
See Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Discours sur l’origine et les fondemens de l’inégalité parmi
les hommes (1755).
CHAPTER NINE
If, for example, fifty bushels of wheat only, are brought to market,
and there is an absolute call for a hundred, it is evident, the price
will increase in that proportion.
Let us suppose, that the whole mass of national productions,
whether natural or artificial, be divided into a given number of parts,
and likewise that the money and paper-currency be also divided into
a given number of equal parts, so that one or more of these corre-
spond to one of those. The number of the parts of money, or paper,
which are to be given in exchange for any commodity is what we
call the price of it; from this definition it follows, that by increasing,
or diminishing the quantity of paper currency (which I shall here-
after denominate by the general term circulation) or that of the com-
modities, the price or ratio between them will vary, in proportion to
that increase or diminution, consequently it is impossible to fix it,
without prejudicing the buyer or seller.
Though the price of any commodity is in fact in a compound ratio,
direct s the quantity of circulation, and inverse of that of merchan-
dize, yet it may be simplified, and reduced to the expression we
have adopted, because it is the same thing, whether you increase
the circulation, or diminish the quantity of merchandize, or that you
increase this, and diminish that;
For example,
Let circulation be expressed by C, and the quantity of merchan-
dize by M, and the price or proportion between them by p; we shall
have the following equation, MC = P .
Now if CM==101 , we shall have p = 10, that is, ten portions of cir-
culation will correspond to each portion of M.
If as we have supposed C = 10, is multiplied by ten, we shall
C = 10 ⋅ 10
have the following equation, viz. M = p ⋅ 10 = 100 , that is the price of M
will increase ten times what it was before.
298 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
Many learned authors have pretended that it is not true, that the
price of merchandize has increased in proportion to the increase of
circulation, because say they, This has increased above twenty times
since the discovery of America, whereas the price of merchandize
has not increased ten times since that period: to which I answer,
that it is very true, but proves nothing at all; they should have shewn,
that there is now twenty times more circulation than industry and
merchandize, which is by no means the case. If the quantity of cir-
culation has been much increased, that of industry has also; more-
over, a prodigious quantity of money has been exported out of
Europe, and converted into plate, lace, &c. so that what remains is
by no means equal to what has been drawn from America; for which
reasons, the price of merchandizes cannot be increased in propor-
tion to the quantity of metals imported into Europe, but in pro-
portion to what actually circulates, there, including paper currency.
The truth of our principles is demonstrated by experience. In all
capital towns the circulation is much greater than in the distant
provinces, and for this very reason, every thing is dearer in pro-
portion. The same thing happens, in comparing different nations
with each other. In France the quantity of circulation compared to
that of England is nearly one half, and we find that the price of
provisions, labour, &c. is also in that proportion. In Spain it is nearly
the same, and would probably be more so, if for many reasons, their
ix. the price of any merchandize 299
industry did not fall short of what otherwise it would be, which
increases the price of labour, provisions, &c.
Having shewn that the price of merchandizes increases in pro-
portion to circulation, it follows that in great towns the price may
grow to such a pitch, as to destroy industry, by diminishing our
domestic and foreign consumption, and particularly this last, because
foreigners, whose circulation is less than ours will be able to under-
sell us, which is the case between the French and us. The only
method to remedy this evil would be, to diminish the taxes upon
the articles of general consumption, and by every means prevent the
increase of the capital, and procure a more equal and general cir-
culation; scarce any manufactures should be carried on, in or near
the capital, but as near as may be to the places where the mate-
rials are found, and upon navigable rivers or near them. The col-
lectors of the land tax, and other duties, should not remit the money
to London but should pay it immediately to the regiments in the
counties where they are quartered, and also to the public works at
Portsmouth, Plymouth, &c. By this means, the money would remain
in the country, and the expence of offices, remitting backwards and
forwards, be saved. In France the cities make interest with the min-
istry to have troops quartered among them, in order to procure a
greater circulation. Perhaps some method might be found to regu-
late the quartering of our troops upon a footing that would make
it an advantage instead of a burthen upon the subject.
Among the numberless evils, which the increase of the capital pro-
duces, the most fatal, no doubt, is the decrease of agriculture; arts
and manufactures increase in proportion to the number of its inhab-
itants, which must be supplied from the country, hence the burials
surpass the births yearly by some thousands. The prodigious num-
ber of servants and horses in and about London, consume every
thing within eighty or a hundred miles, which increases the price,
as well for the carriage, as because almost every article passes through
a variety of hands, before it comes to market. It is said, that the
persons now in London are maintained by the distant counties, and
therefore consume here what they would consume there; this is true,
but for the reasons we have assigned, there is an immense difference
between consuming the provisions at London, or on the spot. This
evil might be diminished had we a good inland navigation. At pre-
sent the counties which lay very far from London, cannot possibly
300 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
send their productions there, and therefore they will cultivate only
what is necessary for their consumption, and so, a bad harvest will
reduce them to famine. The farmer finds it more his interest to feed
cattle than plow his ground, because he can easily transport them
wherever he pleases. The great increase of our arts, manufactures
and navigation had greatly diminished the population in the coun-
try, insomuch that I am persuaded a much less quantity of ground
is tilled now than formerly, which is the real reason why corn is
grown so dear; and if London goes on increasing as it has done,
within these twenty years past, corn will become so dear, that in the
end our manufactures will decline, and finally our foreign trade must
be ruined. In short I conclude, that we cannot diminish the price
but by increasing the quantity of provisions, and diminishing the
quantity of circulation, and this can be effected only by separating
the people, by far too numerous in London. I know it will be said,
that they can no longer subsist there; it is true, but it will be then
too late, and our foreign trade will be ruined before that happens.
The number of men-servants and of horses, must be diminished; a
high tax upon them, and upon wheel-carriages would produce this
effect, and furnish a great supply to government, at the expence of
vanity and folly.
CHAPTER TEN
OF COINAGE
could get that money without any detriment to the public, and con-
sidering the scarcity of silver both in Holland and England, he could
sell his bullion there at a much greater price than he can get at
home; I am therefore astonished our Jews do not buy silver in France,
when the profits are so great: possibly the mint pays the silver bul-
lion with gold coin, and that the proportion between these, is such,
as to indemnify the loss arising from the sale of silver: in this, and
indeed, in every other case, it is impossible to form any opinion,
unless we knew the proportion between the gold and silver in coin,
and in bullion; whatever the quantity of alloy may be, there will be
so much loss to the subject: I would therefore add so much alloy
only as is necessary to harden the coin, and the expences defrayed
by the government; we have already said, that the doctrine of coinage
depends intirely upon the real ratio between the metals in bullion; if
there was but one species current, and the prince added a very con-
siderable quantity of alloy, we think no man would carry his bul-
lion to the mint, and the nation would in short time be deprived of
all its metal; if on the contrary, there are several species of metals
current, then there will arise two cases, 1, Either a proportional
quantity of alloy is added to each, or, 2, it is not. In the first case,
supposing the alloy to be equal to five per cent. it is evident, that the
nominal ratio will be proportional to the real ratio, and both species
will be extracted, and sold to those nations, who will give more than
what the mint does, because five per cent. is a sufficient profit to
induce men to run the risk of coining secretly, or sending the met-
als abroad; it is therefore necessary that the quantity of alloy should
be so small, as to prevent it. If on the contrary the quantity of alloy
is not proportionally distributed, as, that in the silver coin it should
be five per cent. and in gold eight; it is clear that the nominal ratio,
is no longer the same as the real ratio, and that the gold coin is
over-rated in proportion as eight is to five, or three per cent. nearly;
and the silver under-rated in that proportion, consequently it will be
melted down and extracted by foreigners.
Supposing as in England we have three species of metals current,
you cannot over-rate one species without diminishing the value of
the other two, in the same proportion.
Let the real ratio between the current metals be the same as the
nominal, that is, a guinea be equal to one and twenty shillings, and
one shilling equal to twelve pence. If out of the quantity of the sil-
ver now divided into twenty shillings, one and twenty were to be
306 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
made, it is evident, gold and copper coin, would lose five per cent.
and that the prince would lose by these, what he gains by the sil-
ver. Moreover, he would only gain once in paying out the new sil-
ver coin, because he must receive it again at the same value, so that
upon the whole, this change in the coin produces great inconve-
niences, and no real advantage; for the quantity of silver in the mint
is never so considerable as to furnish any great sum by debasing it:
and if the prince buys silver bullion to new coin it, he must pay for
it in gold, by which he will lose, what he may gain by the other.
If instead of debasing the silver coin, the quantity now in a shilling
be increased one fourth, for example, it is evident, gold and copper
coin will gain in that proportion, supposing the nominal ratio con-
tinues the same. It would seem therefore, that no change should
ever be made in the current coin, and most authors, who have wrote
upon this subject are of that opinion. If we attend only as these gen-
tlemen have done to the ratio, which coins have to each other, with-
out comparing them with that which metals have in bullion, they
are in the right, because it is indifferent what ratio, a guinea has to
a certain number of shillings. If there was no bullion it would be
the same thing, in trade, whether it passes for twenty or thirty
shillings; but when coin is compared to bullion, it will appear, that
no change can be made in any one species without affecting all the
others. Indeed no idea can be formed of coin, otherwise than by
considering the proportion it has with bullion: According to the prin-
ciples we have established; the increase of silver, for example, will
diminish its value, and therefore changes the ratio between it and
gold in the same manner, as if it were debased by adding a greater
quantity of alloy. Let us suppose that the real ratio as well as nom-
inal ratio between gold and silver be as one to ten, it is evident, that
this ratio will be changed either by increasing or diminishing the
quantity of silver in bullion, or nominally, by ordering a given quan-
tity of gold to be worth more or less than ten times the quantity of
silver: in both cases the public would be equally affected, which the
authors who have wrote upon this matter do not seem to have under-
stood; they considered only the bad effects of changing the nominal
proportion between the respective coins, without reflecting that the
real proportion is equally changed by the increase or decrease of
one of the species in bullion, and that this change in the real pro-
portion will necessarily affect the public, in the same manner, as if
the nominal ratio had been changed by debasing one species of the
xi. of coinage 307
every alteration in the coin, as if it were the only cause of such evils.
Whenever therefore the difference between the nominal and the
real ratio is considerable a nation must suffer in that proportion; sup-
posing that by debasing the gold or silver coin, the disproportion
became very considerable, would a new coinage be necessary? All
authors say yes; Supposing that the same disproportion arose from
the increase of one species of bullion, it would be equally prejudi-
cial to the public, and yet they will not admit of a new coinage; I
ask, Why? Let them answer if they can. If, in the first case it is nec-
essary, it is equally so in the second; the evil is the same though it
proceeds from a different cause, the same remedy must be applied.
We must now examine upon what principle a new coinage must
be regulated. As the evil proceeds from a great disproportion between
the ratio in coins, and that in bullion, no matter whether it arises
from debasing the coin, or from the increase or decrease of one
species of bullion: it is plain, that the only method to prevent it, is
to make the nominal and real ratios equal, not only compared to
what they bear to each other in your own country, but likewise, to
what it is in the neighbouring nations, and as these may differ, a
medium must be found; so that it is not worth while for them to
melt it down, or extract our coin.
Having shewn the necessity of changing the nominal ratio between
our respective coins, and fixing it upon a par with the real ratio
between the metals in bullion; we must now indicate the methods
of doing it, with as little loss and inconveniencies possible to the
public.
Let us suppose that the real ratio between gold and silver in bul-
lion, compared to that between the gold in a guinea, and the silver
in coin, be as one guinea is to twenty shillings, it is evident, that
while it passes for one and twenty shillings, it is over-rated five per
cent. which is a sufficient profit to induce people to melt down the
silver, or extract it; to prevent which, we must fix a nominal ratio
upon a par with the real, and reduce the price of the guinea to
twenty shillings.
This may be done in three different manners: 1, By an act of
parliament, ordering the guinea to be worth only twenty shillings.
2, By a new coinage of silver, and dividing the quantity of silver,
now in twenty shillings, so as to make one and twenty, letting the
guinea pass as usual for one and twenty shillings. 3, By new coin-
ing the gold, and adding five per cent. to it. Either of these methods
xi. of coinage 309
will reduce our nominal ratio upon a par with the real ratio between
the respective metals in bullion, and so prevent the extraction of sil-
ver coin.
Which ever method is adopted, it is plain gold coin will lose five
per cent. which ought to be indemnified by the public; for which pur-
pose a time must be given to the possessors of gold coin to bring
it to the mint or bank, where it must be received at the present
value. Care must be taken to pay the value in bank notes and sil-
ver, otherwise the same coin will be brought in several times suc-
cessively. During this time the bank must pay as little gold as possible
to the public, and when the time is nearly expired, the bank must
be indemnified for what gold it has in possession. Six months would
be sufficient to call in all the gold coin; that which falls short in
weight, may be received by the weight, or by its nominal value: in
this last case the expence to the public will be greater.
The first method we have proposed, is I think the best, because
it saves expence and trouble, and is attended with no other incon-
veniency but what arises from a change in the denomination peo-
ple are accustomed to.
The second method is attended with expence, but has the advan-
tage of increasing the circulation of silver coin, which is much wanted
in England. If this method is adopted, the old silver coin must be
called in, and received at its present value, for a limited time, which
being expired, it must be received by weight only. This method has
been adopted by the Venetians and Dutch not many years ago, with-
out any sensible detriment to the public, as the quantity of silver is
much greater than that of gold, a new coinage of the former will
be expensive, which however will be amply compensated, by calling
in the coins, which have been clipped and want weight, and pre-
vent its being melted, or extracted, until such time as the increase
or decrease of that metal changes the real ratio between it and gold,
so considerably as to require a new coinage of the one or other,
which probably may not happen in a century.
If the third method is adopted, and five per cent. added to the gold
coin, care must be taken to distinguish the new coin by some pecu-
liar mark, otherwise the new guinea lately coined, cannot be distin-
guished from the new coin, and the public will be imposed upon.
The possessors of gold will bring it to the mint, for they can no
where else change it with the same advantage: in this case it is evi-
dent the quantity of gold coin will be diminished five per cent. and
310 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
COROLLARY 1.
That it is impossible to fix the quantity of interest without preju-
dicing either the borrower, or the lender, in the same manner as in
the buying and of any commodity in the market.
COROLLARY 2.
If the interest is low, it proves that the quantity of circulation is
great.
COROLLARY 3.
Industry in general, and agriculture in particular, will increase in
proportion as interest is low; because those who cannot, by com-
mon interest, procure a sufficient fund to live upon, will apply their
money to more advantage, in arts, commerce, agriculture, &c.
COROLLARY 4.
When interest is low, the price of lands will increase.
COROLLARY 5.
By diminishing the interest of the public funds, agriculture and
manufactures will be promoted.
COROLLARY 6.
When interest is low, it proves that all species of industry is in
great perfection; and that they do not want a fund to carry them
on, otherwise it would be worth while to borrow at a higher interest.
COROLLARY 7.
As the rate of interest is an inverse ratio of the general circulation,
and this, as we have shewn, is in proportion to civil liberty, it fol-
lows, that the rate of interest is in that proportion; consequently.
COROLLARY 8.
The rate of interest will always be lower in republics, than in
monarchies or despotick governments: and in fact we see it rise grad-
ually from Holland to Turkey, and you may judge of the nature of
a government, in a great measure, by the rate of interest.
COROLLARY 9.
From the preceeding consequences we may conclude, that it is
highly advantageous to government, to diminish s much as possible
the rate of interest of the public debts; because the creditors will be
obliged to apply themselves to some species of industry: this will aug-
ment its quantity and consequently diminish the price; if the credi-
tors will not draw out their money, it proves that the quantity of
industry is arrived nearly to its height. After the last war the Empress
of Germany reduced considerably the rate of interest; which imme-
diately raised the price of every kind of production, lands, &c. which
necessarily increased the national industry in that proportion.
CHAPTER XIII
OF BILLS OF EXCHANGE,
AND OF THE BALANCE OF TRADE
COROLLARY 1.
It follows, that if upon an average of ten or twelve years, the price
of exchange is low in any country with regard to another, the bal-
ance of trade must be in favour of the former, unless some partic-
ular reasons concur, as with regard to Holland and England; for it
being supposed that the former have considerable sums in our funds,
the interest of which may be so great that though the balance of
trade be in our favour, yet we must be obliged to remit more than
that balance comes to, in order to pay the interest, which will nec-
essarily increase the price of bills in that proportion.
COROLLARY 2.
It follows likewise, that if the balance is greatly against us, the
price of bills will be so high that we must be obliged to remit it in
specie or bullion, which would in a short time extract all our met-
als, unless replaced by a balance in our favour from Spain and
Portugal, and that these two nations having a general balance against
them, would have been ruined long ago, by remitting their metals
to pay it, unless it was replaced by their mines. In case of a war
with these powers, a fleet in the gulph of Mexico, and another upon
the coast of Brazil, would soon reduce them to the utmost distress.
COROLLARY 3.
Having proved that the price of bills of exchange is in an inverse
ratio of their number, and that this is in proportion to the balance
of trade between any two nations, it follows that when the price is
high the balance must be against the nation which draws such bills.
We are therefore surprized that so many learned men, who have
wrote upon this subject should affirm that the high price of bills is
not a proof that the balance is in favour of the nation on which the
bills are drawn, and that their low price does not prove that the
balance is in favour of the nation by whom they are drawn.
It must be observed, we mean only that the course of exchange
for a given number of years in time of peace, will determine in
whose favour the general balance is: for in time of war, extraordi-
nary sums must be remitted, which have nothing to do with the bal-
ance of trade, though they will greatly enhance the value of bills,
insomuch that you cannot get them, and must remit the money in
specie or bullion; which the Spaniards and Portugueze are always
forced to do in time of peace, because the balance of trade is against
them.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
OF TAXES
1st. We say, that money and public notes are an universal mer-
chandize, whose value is in an inverse ratio of its quantity.
2d, That the price of labour, merchandize, &c. is in a compound
ratio, direct as the quantity of general circulation, and inverse as the
quantity of such labour, merchandize, &c.
3d, That metals compared to each other are likewise in an inverse
ratio of their quantity, consequently their respective value is variable;
from whence it follows, that when the proportion between gold and
silver coin is considerably different from that which these metals have
in bullion, the one or the other of the coins will be melted, or
extracted. To prevent which, you must establish the ratio between
the coins, upon a par with that between the metals in bullion.
4th, That the interest of money is in an inverse ratio of the quan-
tity of circulation: that is, the more money there is to be lent, the
lower will be the interest, and vice versa.
5th, That the price of bills of exchange is in an inverse ratio of
their quantity, and that the balance of trade will be in proportion,
as the bills of exchange are cheap.
6th, That the industry of a nation is in proportion to the quan-
tity of circulation.
7th, That the absolute force of a nation is in a compound ratio
of the number of people, and of the quantity and quality of their
industry.
8th, That the liberty of a nation is in proportion to the equality,
and despotism to the inequality of circulation.
9th, That every nation originally poor, is more or less free.
10th, That if there was no money or some equivalent, all the
inhabitants of the earth would be free.
These principles enable us to compare the industry, force, price
of merchandize, taxes, and circulation of different nations, as will
appear by the following table. Though private circulation by notes
318 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
Many celebrated authors have wrote upon the subject, yet no one
useful consequence can be deduced from their labours, they have
lost much of their time in vain and idle inquiries about ancient coins
which is equally useless, as if they had wrote upon medals without
confronting them with history and chronology, so their inquiries
about coin, without examining its influence upon government, indus-
try, arts and sciences is a matter of pure speculation. It is for this
reason that the doctrine of money, the most important of any, is
now as little understood, as it was a thousand years ago.
The vague definition which they adopted greatly contributed to
embarrass the subject: sometimes they call it merchandize, and some-
times a sign.
It is always a merchandize no way different from others, but by
the universality of its course and influence; we therefore define it an
universal merchandize or general circulation; this definition being
admitted, the principles we have established, flow naturally and scarce
require a demonstration. No author that I know of has shewn that
it is money alone which produces extensive industry, forms and
changes continually the face of human affairs: that money can fix
despotism in the poorest countries, and that without it the inhabi-
tants of the rich and fruitful Asia would still be free, and that there
would be neither despotism, nor monarchy, nor even a numerous
nation upon the whole globe. All travellers affirm that those coun-
tries, who have no money, have few inhabitants, and these divided
into small tribes of hunters and shepherds, without arts, manufac-
tures, sciences, &c.
There are now in England more cattle of every kind than there
was twenty centuries ago in the half of Europe; there is now more
industry in France and England than there was then in all Europe,
consequently the population of these countries and of Europe in gen-
eral is greater than it was formerly. This reason alone weighs more
than all the learned arguments produced to prove the contrary.1
1
That England was suffering a population decline was a shared assumption in
the 1760s. In fact population had increased 6.5% during that decade. In 1771
England’s population numbered 6.4 million, 300,000 more than in 1761. Edward
A. Wrigley, R.S. Davies, James E. Oeppen, and Roger S. Schofield, English Population
History from Family Reconstruction, 1580–1837 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997): 614–15.
320 iii. an essay on the theory of money (1771)
For the explanation of the foregoing table we must observe, that the
population of the different nations, is supposed to be nearly as we
have marked it. That the circulation in money and public funds are
also, what we have set down. That national industry is in propor-
tion to the total circulation, and consequently, proportionable to pri-
vate and public circulation, but it being impossible to ascertain the
first, and persuaded that it is in proportion to the last, we have taken
this for a data to serve as a basis for our calculation. By dividing
the public circulation by the population we shall have the particu-
lar circulation and industry of each individual, which will mark the
proportion, between them; and this is what we call the price of each
part of particular industry, which must be in proportion to the par-
ticular circulation; It follows, that the industry of England in quan-
tity and quality is to that of the other nations, as 20 to 9 6/16, 3
1/3, 7 1/2: the price of merchandize, labour, &c. will be in the
same proportion, we must however observe, that in the capitals the
circulation is nearly equal, and therefore there will be no very great
difference in the price of merchandize, labour, &c. but comparing
the prices in the different provinces, experience proves that our cal-
culation is just, and that the price of every thing is, in general, in
England double to what it is in France, and so in the proportion
we have marked in other countries. The taxes of every denomina-
tion are likewise nearly what we have put them. We have said that
the absolute force of a nation is in proportion to the number of
inhabitants, and the quantity of taxes. England, therefore, is strong
compared to other nations in the proportion we have put it in the
table; though an Englishman pays more absolutely, than the subjects
of the other nations, yet relatively, not half so much, for he pays only
1/16, whereas the others pay one eighth of what they possess. We
xv. conclusion 321
Publishing History
1
See William Dalrymple to George Germain, London, 7 December 1780, 139:5;
and Leonard Morse to Benjamin Thompson, Whitehall, 1 January 1781, 139:6,
Henry S. Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
editor’s introduction 329
Sir,
Sir,
Your most grateful,
Humble Servant,
G. Ll.
1
Robert Clerk (d. 1798). An enigmatic figure, Lt. Col. Clerk, or Clarke, partici-
pated in the disastrous Rochefort expedition of 1757. He received a Colonel’s com-
mission in the Portuguese army in 1762 to defend against a Spanish invasion. He
rose to the rank of Field Marshal in 1763. In 1772 he rejoined the British army
with the rank of Major-General. He became full General in 1793. He and Lloyd
tried in vain to persuade Lord North to create a northern alliance with Prussia,
Russia, and Denmark, that would have sent 20,000–30,000 Russian and Prussian
soldiers to attack St. Domingo. See Robert Clerk to Lord North, London, 10 August
1779, Add. MSS. 47563, f. 44, The British Library, London.
A Rhapsody on French Politics, &c.
1
Armand-Jean du Plessis, duc de Richelieu (1585–1642). French Cardinal and
Statesman during the reign of Louis XIII (r. 1610–43). A practitioner of secular
diplomacy Richelieu orchestrated France’s anti-Habsburg policy during the Thirty
Years’ War, thereby supporting and legitimating the Protestant cause in Germany.
His policies toward the Huguenots reflected political concerns more than religious
bigotry.
2
Thirty Years’ War (1618–48).
3
Jules Mazarin (1602–61). Italian-born French Cardinal and regent to the infant
Louis XIV. He brought the Thirty Years’ War to an end with the Treaties of
Munster and Westphalia, and ended the Spanish war with the Treaty of the Pyrenees
(1659). Lloyd refers here to the Fronde rebellion that plagued the monarchy in the
1650s.
i. [ untitled] 335
4
Giulio Alberoni (1664–1752). Italian-born Spanish Cardinal and statesman under
King Philip V (r. 1700–46). Alberoni became Philip’s de facto prime minister and
pushed for the expulsion of Austrian influence from Italy. His machinations pro-
voked the creation of the Quadruple Alliance (1718) of Britain, the Netherlands,
France, and Austria, which compelled Spain to yield. Philip dismissed and banished
Alberoni in 1719.
5
War of the Polish Succession (1733–35). A dynastic war between the Franco-
Spanish candidate for the Polish throne, Stanislaus I, and the Austro-Russian backed
Frederick Augustus II, Elector of Saxony. The Treaty of Vienna (1735) gave Frederick
Augustus the Polish throne, legitimized French occupation of Lorraine, and ceded
Naples and Sicily to Spain.
6
War of the Austrian Succession (1740–48).
336 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
7
Charles Emmanuel III (r. 1730–73), King of Sardinia-Piedmont.
8
Don Philip. Younger brother of King Charles III of Spain (r. 1759–88). He
received the duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla in Italy via the Treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle (1748).
9
The Jacobite rising of 1745 led by Charles Edward Stuart, the Young Pretender
(1720–88). Lloyd is circumspect about this adventure no doubt due to his own
involvement.
10
Seven Years’ War (1756–63).
i. [ untitled] 337
11
The Treaty of Teschen (1779) ended the War of the Bavarian Succession
(1778–79) between Prussia and Austria. Emperor Joseph II (r. 1765–90) attempted
to augment Habsburg power by occupying lower Bavaria after the death of the last
elector. France refused to support its Austrian ally, which prompted Frederick the
Great of Prussia to invade northern Bohemia. French and Russian mediation at
Teschen dashed Joseph’s hopes of acquiring Bavaria.
338 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
12
Étienne François, duc de Choiseul (1719–85). Foreign Minister under Louis
XV, who worked doggedly for revenge against Great Britain by embarking upon
a vast naval build-up. He was preparing for war in 1770 when he was dismissed.
13
Jean-Baptiste Colbert, marquis de Seignelay (1619–83). Louis XIV’s finance
and naval minister who created France’s mercantilist economic system.
14
Pompone de Bellièvre. Minister of King Henry IV of France (r. 1589–1610).
15
The Third Family Compact (1761) facilitated Franco-Spanish military coopera-
tion against Great Britain during the Seven Years’ War and was the basis for the
projected invasion of 1779.
16
Captured by a British amphibious assault in 1762.
i. [ untitled] 339
Land forces are nothing. Marines are the only species of troops
proper for this nation; they alone can defend and protect it effectually.
During the peace they garrison all your ports in each quarter of the
globe; in time of war your fleet is instantly manned; and by employ-
ing many of them, fewer seamen are wanted in proportion. Besides,
a fleet having on board twelve or fifteen thousand marines, is equal
to almost any enterprize against the enemy’s settlements, and keeps
them in continual anxiety in every part of the world. By this means
the expence and delays attending the embarkation of a considerable
body of land forces, destined to attack the enemy, would be spared,
and the success become more certain. Every other method to pre-
vent the final ruin of this country will be hurtful or ineffectual. A
powerful fleet and thirty thousand marines, I repeat it, will save us from
destruction, and nothing else.
CHAPTER TWO
No author that I know of has given any data which can enable us
to calculate the force of nations; it is therefore with diffidence that
I propose my ideas on the subject. I think that the power and strength
of a nation depend on the number of its inhabitants and the quan-
tity of their industry. This can be found and estimated only by the
yearly revenues raised on the subject, which bear a given propor-
tion to the yearly production of the whole nation. It is the revenue
which enables a Sovereign to maintain fleets and armies. It is the
number of inhabitants which furnishes men for the one and the
other; and in these I place the absolute force of a nation; for its rel-
ative force will depend on position, quality of industry, strength of
contiguous powers, military system, nature of the government, &c.
which vary often in the course of a few years. It is therefore nec-
essary we should attend only to the absolute force of nations, when
we compare them with each other, in order to form a general scale,
by which we measure their strength.
France contains above twenty millions of inhabitants: the yearly
revenues of that Kingdom amount to above sixteen millions sterling,
five of which being appropriated to pay the interest of the national
debt, eleven only will remain free, and according to our system, the
absolute force of the French nation will be thirty-one.
Spain contains more than seven millions and a half of inhabitants
in Europe, and above two in America, with a yearly revenue of
above five millions; so that her absolute force will amount to about
fifteen. Consequently the absolute force of the House of Bourbon
will be found equal to forty-six.
To this sum may be added that of our Revolted Colonies, which
increases still the force united against us.
I wish that others, better informed than I am, would calculate the
force of my own country upon this principle, and compare it with
that of the House of Bourbon: though the contrast might appear
very unfavourable to England, I don’t doubt but her relative force
compared also with that of her enemies, would make amends for
the enormous disproportion in point of inhabitants and revenues.
CHAPTER THREE
defensive war, allay their courage. They soon perceive they do not
fight for themselves, and feel only the miseries of the war, which
they suppose is carried on to gratify the ambition and caprice of the
sovereign, or of some favourite. Hence it is, that monarchies in gen-
eral are more adapted to an offensive than a defensive war.
Pursuing the metaphor adopted above, I will say that a republi-
can government is like a great river, formed by a multiplicity of
springs and rivulets, different in that from a despotic, or a monar-
chy, which arises from one alone. If the comparison be just, it fol-
lows, that in this kind of government there should be a sufficient
force to collect and unite the different springs, and give the whole
that precise direction which is most advantageous. A republican gov-
ernment however labours under this very great disadvantage: It is
almost impossible to determine what degree of power ought to be
vested in the executive part of the state, so that it should be sufficient
to answer every purpose of government, and how to form such checks
as may effectually prevent any abuse of that power to the danger
of the state. Is it too much, liberty is gone; is it too little, anarchy
ensues. The very long duration of the republic of Venice would
induce one to conclude, that those wise republicans had resolved
this very difficult problem.
The extreme difficulty of collecting, uniting, and directing the national
forces in a republican government, shews that it is by no means cal-
culated for war, and much less for an offensive one. Its principles
being founded in equality, it is evident that war of every kind ought
to be avoided, because it necessarily throws too much power into
the hands of one or few men, which finally destroy the government.
It is also from the want of unity and sufficient force to exert the
powers of the state, that all confederacies, however formidable, have
failed in their schemes, if the war has been of any duration. The
famous league of Cambray,1 the leagues formed against France at
different times, and against Austria; that against Prussia in the last
war, and a hundred more, were dissolved without producing any
effect proportioned to their forces.
Republics, unless formed upon military principles, as was that of
the Romans, are totally unfit for action. Nothing could unite the
1
The League of Cambrai (1508–10) was an alliance between the Holy Roman
Empire, France, Rome, and Aragon that successfully checked the territorial expan-
sion of the republic of Venice.
344 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
Greek republics against Persia, till the time of Alexander the Great,
when they had nearly lost their liberty; but when attacked, what
prodigious efforts did they not make for the common cause. It is
certainly true, that republics, unless forced by the immediate sense
of danger, never have that unanimity and vigour necessary to carry
on a war with any probability of success, and therefore are proper
only for a defensive war. There, indeed, their efforts increase in pro-
portion to the danger with which they are threatened; and if the
motives arise from civil or religious principles, they generally become
invincible. When such motives disappear, and the sense of danger
vanishes, each party pursues its own interest, and the confederacy is
dissolved.
I am so convinced of the truth of this reasoning, that I have not
the least doubt, if we could hold New-York, Long Island, Rhode
Island, and Philadelphia, and cease to make those fruitless and
unmeaning excursions in the American woods, that the Congress
and the rebel people, no longer united by the sense of fear, would
soon dissolve their confederacy, and a more favourable opportunity
would offer of restoring peace and union between them and the
mother country. The troops employed on the American Continent
might enable us to strike some capital stroke in the West Indies,
which would constrain our enemies to bring a great part of their
forces to that country; for in the West Indies is their weak part, and
there they may be attacked with advantage.
CHAPTER FOUR
While the terrors of an invasion and its consequences hang over our
heads, it is the duty of every man to contribute with his person and
advice to the support of the state, and point out the means which
appear proper to defeat the designs of our enemies. With this view
I have wrote the following discourse on the supposed invasion, and
hope it may serve, in some measure, to render it fruitless, and inspire
government, as well as the nation in general, with that confidence
which the situation of our affairs require. Without confidence, his
Majesty cannot avail himself, with any prospect of success, of the
national forces.
The enemies, superior at sea, and moreover, having a land force
sufficient for any purpose, may have three objects in view. The first
and most capital would be to land a powerful army in England. If
success should follow their operations, it is evident we must conclude
a peace on any terms, and the war is soon brought to an end. This
enterprize is decisive, and therefore preferable to any other.
Their next object might be to take possession of the Western
provinces, and to maintain themselves there for a few months only,
without making any further progress into the country; then our com-
merce would be totally intercepted, and our whole attention confined
to the immediate defence of the state; so that our foreign settlements
would, in a short time, fall of course into their hands. Such an expe-
dition is very bold, but it is equally dangerous, and it might prove
fatal to their army. It is possible, therefore, that their shew and
parade should be intended only to keep us at home, and ruin our
trade, while, with the rest of their forces, they attack our colonies,
Gibraltar, Minorca, &c.
Finally, to increase our distress, the combined enemies may land
fifteen or twenty thousand men in the Bay of Galway, and cover
themselves with the Shannon. The inhabitants of Connaught, equally
poor and ignorant, might be induced to join them, and it would not
be an easy matter to drive their army out of that country, if their
fleet could support their army with provisions. Such a scheme offers
346 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
all the advantages of the former, without being subject to the same
difficulties as the second; the season being now far advanced, it is
probable they may not think it eligible to attempt an invasion in
England for the present, and next year we shall be much better pre-
pared to receive them. Perhaps they may then find it too danger-
ous an undertaking, and without adopting any of the two first plans
we have supposed, they will attempt to land in Ireland, or only shew
themselves in the Channel. However, as an invasion of England,
with a powerful army, may be attended with fatal consequences, I
shall confine my observations to that alone, and endeavour to shew
how it may be frustrated.
The appearance and force of the combined fleet prove the inten-
tion of bringing affairs to a speedy conclusion, and had they met
with us, and fought with success, I have not the least doubt they
would have invaded this kingdom with a formidable number of
troops. Every thing was then, and is now, prepared for that pur-
pose: when I consider their immense superiority, and foresee the
probable event of a battle, I cannot help applauding those councils
which tended to avoid it, as well as the prudence with which they
were followed. Time and delays, at this moment, and at this season
of the year, are a victory. Had we beat the combined fleet, little
more would have been attained, whereas the loss of a battle might
have been fatal.
While our fleet is entire, though we may, for a time, be forced
out of the sea, yet I am persuaded that no invasion can take place.
It is always a dangerous enterprize, and not to be attempted while
there remains a possibility of our appearing at sea; which may hap-
pen from a thousand circumstances arising from wind and weather,
in the winter especially, when the combined fleet must separate, and
all communication with the army they may have landed must be
cut off. Our fleet, in the mean time, may intercept their convoys,
and block up the harbour when they have established their dépôts;
so that in a short time their troops must perish. It is not enough
that they debark an army, it must be continually supplied and pro-
tected from France, otherwise, however numerous, it cannot make
any progress or penetrate into the country.
If contrary to our hopes and expectations, the British Fleet is beat
and drove into some harbour, and the enemy does land a power-
ful army, we must not despond, nor by groundless fears facilitate
the success of the invaders; a just and entire confidence in govern-
iv. of the invasion expected 347
1
Lloyd’s first use of the term.
348 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
quarters, and at last his men and money being exhausted, he per-
ishes totally, or abandons the enterprizes with loss, and ignominy.
From hence it appears that an offensive war must be prosecuted
with the utmost vigour and activity; for nothing less than compleat
victories can render it successful. Consequently a defensive war must
be carried on with caution and prudence, and, above all things, a
general action is to be avoided. You oppose the enemy in front by
occupying strong posts, and with the remainder of your forces you
act on his flanks and rear; which in a short time will reduce him,
though much stronger, to fall back and approach his dépôts. If King
Harold had followed this doctrine it is probable we should have
known William the Conqueror by his defeat only.
Let us now apply the principles established above to the present
case.
It is evident that Brest is the point from whence the French must
depart; because all their operations, even when they have landed,
are connected with and depend upon their fleet. But, as all opera-
tions which depend on navigation are, from its nature, precarious,
and liable to a thousand difficulties, they must have likewise a place
of arms in this country, a spacious harbour, as near their own coast
as possible, &c. and besides these advantages, absolutely required,
the place must be so situated that by marching a few miles inland,
they can occupy such a post as will render them masters of a tract
of country behind their army sufficient to supply it with subsistence
on their stops; without which no progress can be made, nor can
they remain for any considerable time in any part of the country.
The plan which offers these advantages is the most eligible of any
they can fix upon.
Plymouth answers perfectly this description. It is a safe and con-
venient harbour, near the coast of France; and by marching only to
Chudleigh, the invaders will be masters of Cornwall, Devonshire,
and part of Somersetshire, where they can find provisions in abun-
dance; which will enable them to prosecute their operations and pen-
etrate further into the country, or, if they chuse to remain there, it
would be a difficult matter to drive them back, as they would have
a fleet at Plymouth; and our trade being once destroyed, we must
conclude a peace on the terms they chuse to impose upon us. I am
happy to find that such measures have been taken by Government
for the defence of that very important place, as leave us no room
to fear for it.
350 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
Map 9. Plate I: A Military Sketch of the Line to Defend from Plymouth to Dover.
iv. of the invasion expected 355
356 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
purpose, because these being separated by the sea and the Tamar,
could not, in case of an attack, support each other; and if one only
of them is defeated, the others must fall successively, and in a very
short time. The greatest part of the invaders army will naturally be
posted between the Tamar and the sea, by the bridge above men-
tioned, which puts the Dock, Storehouse, and Plymouth behind them;
this distance is near five miles, and requires twenty thousand men
to defend it, which they cannot easily do, for the ground rises grad-
ually from the shore to Dartmoor, so that you have every possible
advantage in attacking their posts. The most sure method, however,
would be to attack the corps placed at Mount Edgecombe, which,
being beat, the others must of course be destroyed. Mount Edgecombe
is the key of Plymouth, and must be kept with care.
Though the enemies are in possession of all the different posts
above mentioned, and have thereby a place of arms and a fine har-
bour for their fleet, with which, for a time, they may put an entire
stop to all our trade and navigation, yet it can only be for a time.
The combined fleet cannot always remain there, and the army, con-
sisting of fifty or sixty thousand men, cooped up in such narrow lim-
its, cannot subsist by the supplies brought from France. They must
therefore advance into the country or abandon it. The only decisive
operation they could execute would be, to leave ten thousand men
at Plymouth, and with the remainder proceed directly to Hall Down,
between Chudleigh and Exeter, which is about thirty-six miles from
Plymouth. This position is very strong, whether it is taken with the
front towards Exeter, or towards Plymouth. There is no passing
between the enemy’s right and the sea; and, by an easy movement
on the left, he is in the mountains, through which all the western
roads must pass towards Cornwall. By taking this position, the enemy
would be master of Devonshire, Cornwall and part of Somersetshire,
which would furnish subsistence in abundance, and having Teignmouth
and Dartmouth very near, he would also receive from France what-
ever he wanted. Possessed of these advantages, and having a very
strong country easily to defend, it would become difficult to drive
him back; and while his fleet, destroying our trade, rode triumphant
at sea, we should be reduced to accept of any peace he chused to
dictate. It is therefore incumbent upon us to post ourselves so, that
we may be near enough to prevent an invading army from pene-
trating into the country, if we cannot hinder it from taking Plymouth.
The means and method of doing this, depending chiefly on the
iv. of the invasion expected 357
the Teign and the Dart, which come from Dartmoor and fall into
the sea: Though these are not very deep, yet being near the moun-
tains, they are very rapid, and when the rain falls become very dan-
gerous torrents; their beds are full of large stones, and the banks
high, so that you can get over them only at the bridges, where the
high road passes. The whole country between this road and the sea
coast, from Exmouth to Plymouth, is exactly the same, so that an
army can march but in one column. If to avoid the difficulties which
arise from such a disposition, the enemy should separate his forces,
and advance in two columns, along the two roads above mentioned;
there being no communication be means of cross roads, you may
attack either or both columns separately, for they cannot support
each other until they come to Hall Down: Nor in all that tract of
country is there a single spot where you may not attack the enemy
front, flank and rear, since the road is continually winding round
the foot hills.
Between the Teign and the Dart the ground is rather more hilly,
and more easily defended. There is but one narrow road, which
goes from Dartmouth to Newton Bushel, near which the tide flows.
A few miles from Dartmouth a branch of it turns off to Totness,
and several paths from the towns on the coast, as Torbay, Paynton, &c.
come into the main road. However, a body of men landing between
Dartmouth and Teignmouth, must finally pass through Newton Bushel
in their way to Exeter, or through Totness going to Plymouth. There
goes likewise from Dartmouth to Plymouth a road over the moun-
tains by Modbury. All these roads are equally difficult, insomuch
that no wheel carriages are used by the farmers, who carry in their
harvest on horses. The only proper place between Plymouth and
Exmouth where ships can approach, are Dartmouth and Teignmouth;
but as the entrance is very narrow, and entirely commanded by the
mountains, a few battalions would easily prevent a landing.
From Teignmouth, towards Exeter, there runs a very high moun-
tain called Hall Down, or Haldon Hill, already mentioned. The top
is a fine plain, where a numerous army might camp and act. All
the roads, as I have said, to and from the West, pass over it; but
an army can come upon it only by the two roads, leading from
Newton Bushel and Exmouth, both very difficult. On the South side
towards the Teign and Newton Bushel, the hill is rapid. On the
West side it falls gradually, and forms many small hills, like an
amphitheatre; at the bottom is a wide valley, very much inclosed,
360 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
on the other side of which are high mountains, which rise continu-
ally, as you advance westward. On the East side of Hall Down
towards the sea are numberless hills, whose basis form very deep
ravins; these hills project quite into the sea, which does not admit
of any convenient place for landing troops, and is moreover so shal-
low, that no ships of burthen can approach the shore. Upon the
whole, the country from Exter to Plymouth is so extremely close
and difficult, that a few men properly disposed will stop and ruin a
numerous army.
From Exeter, where most of the western roads join, there are but
two roads towards Salisbury, which may be practicable for an army;
to Axminster there is only one. At this place begin the two, one to
the left through Yeovil, Sherborne, Shaftsbury, and over the Downs;
the other to the right by Bridport, Dorchester and Blandford, to
Salisbury. The first road as far as Shaftsbury is intersected by num-
berless hills and vallies, extremely close and cultivated, so that an
army can march only in one column. There is scarce a spot where
you cannot occupy some post across the road to prevent an enemy
from advancing, while the hedges on both sides, lined with your
infantry, would so embarrass him, that he could neither advance or
retire, or indeed make any defence on the ground for want of room
to form a line. From Shaftsbury to Salisbury the road passes over
a narrow down having on one side a high ridge of mountains, which
runs toward Blandford, and Cranbourn chace, and on the other a
deep and wide valley very close. This down is also cut by a great
number of ravins, so that very often, there is not room to form a
single battalion. If the ridge of mountains, and the valley are occu-
pied, no army can proceed on the high road; nor can it be sepa-
rated into several columns, without exposing them to be beat in
detail, as from the nature of the ground they cannot support each
other. The road which goes by Bridport is extremely difficult till you
are about two miles beyond the place; then the country opening as
far as Salisbury, becomes less inclosed, and offers every where ground
sufficient to form a numerous army upon, and very proper for a
general action, if you are superior in cavalry.
From Salisbury two roads go towards London; the first by Andver,
Basinstoke, Bagshot, Egham, &c. Near the seven mile stone a branch
goes by Stockbridge over some very high hills, and joins it at
Basingstoke: this branch passes through an open country, which how-
ever being very high, offers many excellent camps. The first is also
iv. of the invasion expected 361
carried for some miles through an open country; but about Andover,
and from thence to Basingstoke, and Hartfordbridge it is very close.
The other road goes by Rumsey, Farnham, &c. through a country
which is still more close than the former, and in proportion affords
greater advantages in attacking the enemy.
It is needless to prosecute this description any further, because I
am persuaded, that no army, however numerous, will ever be able
to penetrate forty miles into the country, if proper methods are taken
to oppose it, and if we know how to avail ourselves, of the num-
berless resources, which may be drawn from the face of the coun-
try. And I have no doubt from the known experience, firmness, and
abilities of the commander in chief, but that the event, should an
invasion take place, will justify the high trust that his Majesty has
placed in him, and fully answer the expectations of the public.
The description I have given is exceedingly imperfect, as no map,
plan, or drawing, can convey a true military, and adequate idea of
any country. The eye alone, and a good one, accustomed to view
ground on a grand scale, very different from that of a parade, can
do it effectually. I think however, that what I have said, if read with
attention, accompanied with the Map annexed (Plate I ), will shew
the lines on which the enemy can act, as well as the advantages or
disadvantages of the country, through which such lines must neces-
sarily pass. The commander in chief,3 and his officers, upon exam-
ining the ground, will easily fix the particular points where to act,
while these points, and the motions of the enemy, will shew how to
act, as circumstances may require.
3
General Jeffery Amherst, Baron Amherst (1717–97).
CHAPTER FIVE
length, half their army will not be sufficient to escort their convoys,
which you may, and must intercept. This will not only retard their
progress, but very soon stop them entirely, and force their army to
go back. They have but this alternative, to gain a great and deci-
sive victory, or abandon the enterprise. They cannot remain on the
spot, in a close country, surrounded by mountains on every side,
and those occupied by our troops: and we have nothing to do but
to profit of these advantages, and avoid a general action.
7thly, They cannot send detachments, or deviate from the great
road, without being exposed to certain destruction: Whereas we,
availing ourselves of every cross road, and path, can without risk
attack their whole line of march, and soon throw it into confusion.
They can act on that line only; whereas we can act where, and
when we please.
To these natural advantages we may, I think, procure others from
a different manner of ranging the troops, and of carrying on the
war.
The present mode of ranging the infantry three men deep, armed
with muskets only, is subject to many and very great defects.
First, The line becomes too extensive, and is therefore weak; it
cannot advance in any ground, particularly in a close one, without
the greatest difficulties and delays, contrary to the very principle of
military operations, which should be as quick as lightning.
Secondly, It is inadequate to almost every purpose of war, as well
against infantry as cavalry, and proper only for fighting at a dis-
tance. If you approach the enemy, the line is too weak, the arms
too short for a shock, and veteran troops will have a decisive supe-
riority. Placed behind entrenchments, hedges, ditches, &c. which nat-
urally offer great advantages, you can make no resistance from the
moment the enemy attacks them, so that unless you keep him off
by your fire, he penetrates somewhere, and you must abandon the
whole, or be taken in flank, and cut to pieces.
To remedy these defects, I humbly propose, that the infantry be
ranged four deep, and that the fourth rank be armed with a Pike
eleven or twelve feet long, two feet of which must be made of steel,
without any hatchet, or cross bar, that it may easily pass through
the hedges. This fourth rank must be composed of the tallest and
strongest men.
This formation will render the line less extensive, stronger, and
much more active, is proper for every operation, and particularly
364 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
adapted to our country, every where inclosed with hedges and ditches.
In a plain, no infantry formed in the usual manner can resist its
shock, an instant, or even approach your line, much less if this is
placed behind an entrenchment, or hedge. Moreover, if you form a
battalion or two into squares, protected by some howitzers on the
flank, no cavalry, however brave, can overturn them. The three first
ranks protected by a row of Pikes, which project before them at
least five feet, will feel the advantage, and soon find their superior-
ity in whatever ground they are attacked, as well as in attacking the
enemy (Plate III ): Let an experiment be made, the event will shew
the superiority of the method I propose over that now in practice.
It is a novelty. Very true; and this novelty will not a little discon-
cert the enemy.
Illustration 9. Plate III.
CHAPTER SIX
let every third or fourth battalion in the line be formed into squares,
as those in the flanks, and be assured nothing can resist their efforts,
much less overturn and break the line.
In the manner our line is now formed, not a third of the army
is engaged, and that successively; so that numbers are of no use,
and only serve to retard its motions, and increase the expence. To
remedy these defects I would humbly propose, that all the infantry
be formed in such a manner, that between each battalion, or regi-
ment an interval of one hundred and fifty yards be left; behind these
intervals I would have the cavalry placed in two lines at a proper
distance, each squadron separately, with intervals to manœuvre upon
(Plate III ).
The first advantage resulting from this disposition is, that you may
extend your line to any length, without danger. The second, that
you bring the whole into action at once, and though the enemy be
double the number, you may out-flank him, and are in reality stronger
than him, for you attack his whole front with superior forces. The
third, that the motions of the whole line are more rapid, as each
regiment or battalion moves and acts by itself; and though some
may be more advanced than others, no inconvenience can arise from
it, because if the enemy is imprudent enough to break his line to
attack such advanced battalion, upon the right and left, he will find
those formed into squares to take him on both flanks; and if he
advances a certain length out of his line, you order your battalion
to stop, or even retire à la débandade, and in that instant you order
some of your squadrons to move forwards thro’ the intervals, full
gallop, and charge pell-mell, as one horseman acting in this man-
ner has more real activity than seventy who advance and attack in
a line as usual. I saw once three hundred horse attack a column of
seven or eight thousand foot in this way, which they defeated and
dispersed in three or four minutes. The fourth advantage is, that if
your line is broke in some places, the enemy cannot avail himself
of the disorder, because your cavalry advances, and gives the infantry
time to recover. The fifth, that if your infantry breaks that of the
enemy in any point, then advance your first line of cavalry to attack
and disperse it, the whole moving forwards rapidly at the same time,
which will infallibly produce a general slaughter, and your victory
is complete and decisive. The last advantage of this order of battle,
which I shall mention, is, that it is general, and equally adapted to
every species of country, when an army can act in the least. In an
368 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
open country you combine the action of cavalry, with that of the
infantry, and heavy artillery. In a close country, where an extensive
line cannot be formed, the original formation of the troops enables
you to act separately, as the ground may require, by corps, detach-
ments, brigades, or regiments, and that always with superior vigour
and activity. It is peculiarly adapted to our country; I hope, there-
fore, it will be received and applied on the present occasion.
CHAPTER SEVEN
* I must observe here that a body of men will raise a sufficient number of
Redoubts to cover themselves in eight hours; and that they will compleat the work
in six, if they are provided with fascines or faggots.
1
Battle of Maxen (20 November 1759). Lloyd fought at Maxen in which Marshal
Daun won an overwhelming victory against a large Prussian corps by a three-
pronged envelopment by infantry columns.
vii. of the general method of making war 371
is opposed to the enemy’s flank; then indeed you may place one or
both corps nearly behind him, if the ground is advantageous. They
must however, wherever posted, have some certain and secure retreat,
otherwise you expose them to great risk, and perhaps to utter ruin
and destruction.
The advantages arising from this distribution of the troops are
many. First, In whatever ground you act it is equally applicable.
Secondly, The motions of the whole army are more simple and
quicker. Thirdly, The enemy can make no manœuvres without your
knowledge. Fourthly, Whether he advances to the right or left, (for
he cannot without exposing his army to the most imminent danger,
advance against your centre), your corps, which he is attacking, may
fall back, or be supported by the centre, while the other attacks the
flank opposite to it. If the enemy keeps his ground and waits your
attack, then you act against both his flanks at the same time; or by
lengthening your line to the right or left, enclose his flank while you
attack his front. In short, while you can force him to act within a
portion of a circle, the victory is yours. This method, I repeat it, is
general, equally proper for all cases; but more particularly advanta-
geous, and even necessary for a defensive war.
Every army acts upon two lines, that on which it stands, and that
which is drawn from the post it occupies, to the province it means
to cover, or the places from whence it draws its subsistences. An
army acting offensively, departs from a given point where its dépôts
are lodged, and goes to a given point in the enemy’s country. It is
often and indeed generally adviseable for those on the defensive to
avoid battle; because the consequences are, or may be fatal. But it
does not follow that you are to remain inactive: what is then to be
done? The answer is obvious. The centre must occupy some advan-
tageous post, strongly fortified, while the two corps or wings must
act day and night on the enemy’s line of operations. If this executed
with vigour, he will soon be reduced to the necessity of attacking
your centre, which you may avoid by taking a new position, and
gain time or wait for it, while the two wings attack his flanks dur-
ing the action; or else he must fall back to be nearer his dépôts, or
finally send strong corps against yours; and as these retire not on
your army, he loses his time and labour. By this disposition of your
troops you cover your country effectually, and prevent the enemy
from advancing towards your centre. The further he advances the
more danger he runs; for his line of operations will be longer and
the less easy to be guarded. If, on the contrary, you act offensively,
372 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
Illustration 10
vii. of the general method of making war 373
Illustration 11
374 iv. on the present system of french politics (1779)
the enemy may find a thousand strong camps, from whence you
cannot force him by any attack on his front; but if you act by corps,
as I propose, and direct your march on either flank, which enables
you to act on his line of operation, you will in a few days force him
to abandon his camp, and fight you on your own terms, or aban-
don the country. If he permits you to approach him, you may not
only force him to abandon the country, but oblige him to retire in
a given direction. I do not therefore understand a General where
he says, the enemy was posted in such a manner that he could not
be forced. I admit it could not perhaps be done by attacking his
front; but unless his subsistence grows under his feet, he may be
forced to abandon any camp, if you act on his flanks and line of
operation, which he cannot prevent but by taking another positions.
The march of an army is justly considered as one of the most
capital operations in the art of war; I shall therefore beg leave to
point out the principles on which it is to be formed.
First, That it be executed in the least time possible.
Secondly, That the columns may be formed into a line with the
greatest facility.
It follows from hence, that if the whole line, or lines, could march
in front from one camp to another, this would be the most perfect
way of marching, because no time would be lost in forming the
columns for the march, or in replacing them in a line. Every officer
will conceive that I mean a common march, when you advance in
front towards the enemy: for if you move on his flanks, you have
nothing to do but to make the army, as it stands in two or three
lines, march on its right or left; then you are in order of battle, by
a simple movement to the right or left, on the ground where you
stand. But as no country is sufficiently open for an army to advance
in a line, for any considerable distance, you must of course break
that line, and march in several columns. The more numerous these
columns are, the better for the reasons above mentioned. The worst
of all consequently, is that when you can march in one column only,
because it supposes the whole army is in a defile, and exposed to
be cut in pieces by very few men, who occupy the ground through
which such a column is passing. This must be the case with the
French, if they attempt to penetrate into this country, as appears
from the description we have given of it.
Finis
V
Publishing History
Continuation of the History of the Late War in Germany. Part II. Illustrated
with a Number of Maps and Plans. By Major-General Lloyd, who
served several Campaigns in the Austrian Service. London: Printed
for the Author, and Sold by S. Hooper, 1781.
Abhandlung ueber die allgemeinen Grundsaetze der Kriegkunst. Tr. Hermann
Flensberg. Frankfurt und Leipzig: Ph. H. Perrenon, 1783.
editor’s introduction 381
The Author has been advised to publish this Part of his Work as
mentioned in his Proposals, for the Continuation of the History of
the late War in Germany, &c. In the mean while the Remainder
of that Work is going on with all Expedition; the Author being now
revisiting the several Countries (the Subject of the History) in order
to locate the Scenes of Action with more Precision.
The Preface to the former Volume being so immediately con-
nected with the Subject of the present Publication, that the Author
flatters himself will apologize to the Purchasers of that Work for its
being prefixed to this.1
In order to elucidate in one View the particular Reflections and
Descriptions contained in this Work, as well as in Military History
in general, a Map on a large Scale is now engraving, that will com-
prehend the countries between the Meridian of Paris and that of
Petersburg, and from the Latitude of the last mentioned Place, to
that of Constantinople; on which will be traced the natural Lines of
Operation, leading from the Frontiers of the respective Countries;
as also the Lines on which the respective Armies did really act in
the several Campaigns during the War we describe, which will enable
the Reader to see and judge of the Propriety of their Operations.2
This Map will be given to Purchasers of the Work; it is therefore
requested, that Gentlemen will give their Names and Address to each
respective Bookseller of whom they buy it, which will entitle them
to the Map on producing this Note.
1
Referring to the ‘Reflections of the General Principles of War’ affixed to the
first volume of the history published in 1766.
2
I have been unable to locate a copy of this map.
PART THE FIRST
1
Frederick II, the Great of Prussia.
part the first. an analysis 387
2
Sipahis were the provincial feudal cavalry of the Ottoman Empire.
part the first. an analysis 389
3
Jacques-François Maximo de Chastenet, marquis de Puységur (1656–1743). His
posthumous, Art de la guerre par principes et par règles, 2 vols. (Paris: Claude-Antoine
Jombert, 1748), was a popular mid-century treatise that expounded a general the-
ory of warfare.
4
The Battle of Marathon (490 BC) for example, where the dismounted Persian
army fought the phalanx in open terrain and suffered a devastating defeat.
390 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
5
Jean-Charles, chevalier de Folard (1669–1752). His six-volume magnum opus,
Histoire de Polybe; avec un commentaire au un corps de science militaire enrichi de notes critiques
et historiques (Paris: P. Gondouin, 1727–30), expounded the revival of deep infantry
columns to remedy tactical indecisiveness. See Jean Chagniot, Le Chevalier de Folard:
la Stratégie de l’incertitude (Manaco: Éd. de Rocher, 1997).
part the first. an analysis 391
6
Raimondo Montecuccoli (1608–80). Imperial officer who fought in the Thirty
Years’ War (1618–48) and rose to the rank of generalissimo of all Austrian forces
after defeating the Turks at the Raab River, or St. Gotthard (1 August 1664). He
wrote widely on military matters and became the ‘Clausewitz’ for the eighteenth-
century theorists. See Raimondo Luraghi, ed., Le opere di Raimondo Montecuccoli, 2 vols.
(Rome:Stato maggiore dell’Esercito, Ufficio storico, 1988).
392 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
7
Polybius (c. 200–118 BC). Greek historian whose Histories chronicle Rome’s rise
to mastery over the Mediterranean world.
part the first. an analysis 393
The phalanx was properly armed, and possessed the first property,
strength, in an eminent degree. The legion was likewise well armed,
and was both strong and active; but as we observed before, it was
defective in the arrangement of the whole: the cavalry placed on the
wings could not support, nor be supported by the infantry.
We can by no means determine whether or not our troops are
properly ranged, till we have carefully examined the nature and
effects of fire-arms, which are now the only weapons made use of
by the infantry. The sword is a useless burthen to the soldier; and
therefore it ought to be rejected.
Our fire arms are certainly superior to the missile weapons of the
antients; and if we consider only their force, and the facility with
which they are managed, it will appear surprizing that whole armies
are not totally destroyed in a few hours: it is certain, however, that
the musket is by no means so dangerous and fatal as the sword and
pike. When the infantry was armed with these they came necessar-
ily to close fight; the greater part of the vanquished, and many of
the victors were of course slain or wounded, and the victory was
more decisive; for a regular retreat was impossible. But the use of
missile weapons and fire-arms has introduced a new mode of wag-
ing war, less bloody and decisive. A considerable distance generally
intervenes between the two armies during a great part of the action,
and sometimes during the whole; for the two lines very rarely join,
and engage with swords and bayonets. This reciprocal situation
enables the whole, or any part of an army frequently to change its
position, or quit the field entirely, as circumstances may require,
without difficulty or danger, and with little loss.
A musket, and every species of fire-arms, are the most delicate
instruments of war, and most uncertain in their effects. Independent
of the quantity and quality of the powder, the manner of loading
the piece, the state of the atmosphere, the agitation of the soldier,
&c. cause such variations in the direction of the piece, as renders
its effect very uncertain; insomuch, that by calculation it appears,
that not above one shot in four hundred takes place. The distance
between two armies, and the uncertainty of the effects of fire-arms,
are the causes why our battles are never decisive; few are slain, and
the remainder have time to retire. Wars are not now as formerly
terminated by battles, and complete victories. An army, though much
inferior in number to the enemy, and even in point of goodness,
when commanded by an able leader, will occupy some advantageous
part the first. an analysis 395
post, stop the progress of the mighty and victorious for years, till
victor and vanquished are almost equally exhausted and ruined, and
peace is become necessary to both parties, for want of means to
prosecute the war. The monarch, ignorant of their miseries, sits down
in peace, enjoys his pleasures, regardless of the ultimate event, because
it seldom affects his throne. He makes war or peace to gratify his
own caprice, or that of a favorite.
If the natural defects of fire-arms are such, and so many, that a
good marksman, left entirely to himself, cannot once in ten times
hit an object placed at any considerable distance, what can be ex-
pected from an ordinary soldier in the ranks, pressed before, behind,
and on every side, his motions continually interrupted by those of
his comrades; agitated by the cries of the dying, and by the terror
of death floating before his eyes, himself and the object he aims at,
if any, in perpetual motion? Very little can be expected from this
man, as we have already shewn. When to all this you add the motions
of the horse, it will appear evident that fire-arms, excepting a pair
of pistols, when the enemy is near, are totally incompatible with cav-
alry, as well as with all massive bodies; because neither can use them
with advantage. It is difficult, and perhaps impossible to find out a
method to range the infantry, so as to make use of fire-arms with
any degree of success. If it is formed of several ranks, three or more
deep, and likewise with the ranks and files close, as is now the mode,
they cannot make use of their arms; and if formed in few ranks,
with ranks and files open, they cannot fire at all; and being thus
disunited, they can neither move nor act for want of strength. On
the whole, therefore, it seems impossible to range a body of men
armed with muskets so that they may have the properties required,
viz. strength, activity, and universality. These difficulties have obliged
the moderns to try several methods to diminish them, by introduc-
ing different manners of firing. Some have thought it was best to
fire by ranks, others by files, as platoons, divisions, &c. Count St.
Germain,8 in a valuable treatise published since his death, rejects
both methods, and proposes it should be done by single files, begin-
ning at the right or left. The firing by ranks, if you begin with the
last, then the second, and first successively, is undoubtedly the most
8
Claude Louis, comte de Saint-Germain (1707–78). French war minister after
the Seven Years’ War, St. Germain was noted for advocating adoption of the
Prussian drill, dress, and discipline. See his Memoirs (Amsterdam, 1779).
396 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
simple mode of any, and the least subject to difficulties and confu-
sion. The last rank having fired falls back three steps, the second
one, and the first remaining in their place. Then they close the ranks,
and begin with their third rank as before, advancing gradually ten
or twenty paces, and then halt to fire as before. The platoon firing,
especially if done in small divisions, does not continue two minutes,
it is all confusion, to which the noise of the officers in giving com-
mand does not a little contribute. The method proposed by St.
Germain is subject to the same and greater difficulties. Whence it
appears that a musket, and indeed every other species of missile
weapon, can be used with advantage only by men placed singly.
The firing by ranks in the manner proposed approaches the near-
est to it, and therefore ought to be preferred to all others. It might
be continued for several hours regularly, and without any interrup-
tion or confusion, which cannot be done in any other method. I do
not propose this method is perfect; I believe it is impossible to find
any that is not subject to numberless difficulties. This seems to me
to have fewer than others.
In whatever manner the troops are ranged, and in whatever man-
ner they fire, it is certain the effect is confined within a very nar-
row compass. When the ground between you and the enemy is very
close, so that they cannot approach you without much difficulty, or
not at all, then indeed, the use of fire-arms is indispensible, and very
advantageous; the enemy must overcome the obstacles which they
throw in his way, and which hinder him from making any great use
of his arms, while yours are more or less covered, are fired with
ease, and generally with success. But when the enemy can and will
approach you, which he ought to do if he attacks, it is evident that
the use of the musket ceases, and the combat must be finished by
some other weapon, unless your troops are frightened, and run away
before the enemy approaches.
From these premises I draw two conclusions: 1st. That the mus-
ket is not adequate to all the purposes of war: 2nd. That the use
of fire-arms is particularly adapted to a defensive war. In a plain
and open country, where the enemy’s cavalry or infantry can approach
you, fire-arms soon become useless; and in a close country you can
find a thousand strong camps, which neither cavalry nor infantry
can approach without much difficulty: then fire-arms are of infinite
use, and the only arms which can be of any service.
part the first. an analysis 397
Chapter VI. Of the Advantages and Defects of Missile and Hand Weapons
12
Battle of Prague (6 May 1757). See Lloyd’s narrative in The History of the Late
War in Germany, vol. 1.
part the first. an analysis 401
Though I have not served in the cavalry, yet, as I have several times
commanded considerable detachments of horse, I hope it will not
be thought impertinent, if I presume to give my opinion upon this
subject.
Cavalry are generally, like the infantry, ranged three deep, and
armed with muskets, pistols, and swords. The difficulty with which
the infantry manage the musket, proves that the cavalry cannot use
it at all, particularly the two last ranks.
The Hussars, and such troops as generally act singly, may be per-
mitted to continue the use of muskets; but those who are formed
and ranged to act in a mass, and sword in hand, ought not to carry
them, because they are expensive, troublesome, and totally useless.
It will be objected, that if the cavalry do not carry a musket, a
402 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
few Hussars, or other troops who do, will be able to harrass, and
perhaps beat double the number of the best cavalry, who can nei-
ther remain quiet on the spot, nor pursue in a line; the only method
they have in acting against a scattered and light enemy. The mus-
ket, therefore, is necessary in the cavalry.
This argument appears plausible; but in fact has, in my humble
opinion, little weight: for whether they carry muskets, or not, they
will lose their labour if ever they pretend to skirmish with the light
horse; their men and horses will be harassed; and they will be finally
beat back to their line, from which they ought never to depart.
Cavalry neither can, nor ought to fight but with sword in hand;
when the ground, or the troops they contend with, do not permit
this to be done, they must be kept back, or else mixed with strong
detachments of infantry, formed in such a manner as to be able to
resist the charge of the enemy’s cavalry; of course the musket must
be laid aside.
The ranging of the cavalry three deep is intended, no doubt, to
enable them to resist the shock of an enemy; but as we have said
before, they ought not at any time to wait for the shock, because
even a light and weak cavalry, on full gallop, will break through any
line of horse, however massive, if it waits the shock.
The ranks being closed, the first overthrown, necessarily falls on
the second, this on the third, and so on; and the whole runs away:
but if the ranks were kept at some distance from one another, when
the first was broken, the second might advance and attack the enemy,
already checked and in disorder, and easily put them to flight. But
being formed, ranks and files closed, there is no remedy at all for
a disaster, except from the second line or reserve, as in the infantry:
and even this resource will fail of success, if the enemy pursues his
advantages with vigour. For the first line will probably throw the
second also into confusion, because there are not sufficient openings
in the second for the first to pass through, which there ought to be:
then indeed the second line, on seeing the first in confusion, ought
to advance sword in hand, and might thus probably gain an easy
victory. The broken line in the mean time recollects itself, and forms
again behind the second, which is now become the first.
The sword is too short, and particularly, as the soldier is taught
to sit with long stirrups; he kills the horse by a dead weight, always
bearing without intermission on the same parts: this may be graceful
for aught I know, but it is very oppressive to the horse, and hinders
part the first. an analysis 403
the man from reaching the enemy. Pistols are necessary in case the
man loses his sword, that he may not remain totally defenceless.
People talk very much of the shock of the cavalry. If they mean
that two horses push each other, and strike with their breasts, which
the French, who abound in unmeaning words, call coup de poitrail, it
is an absurdity; for the head and neck being projected in a right
line before the horse’s breast, it is impossible to strike with it; some-
thing, however, considerable is, and may be done, when a squadron
either waits for, or encounters another.
The horses being pushed on vigorously, and finding themselves
checked by the head of those in front, endeavour to pass between
them; and in such case, it is certain that the cavalry, which moves
with the greatest velocity, whatever may be the opposite mass, will
undoubtedly penetrate and overthrow it. Hence it is that velocity is
every thing in the cavalry: if you are deficient in this, your cavalry
is not worth keeping. I saw once an example of this kind during the
last war near Gourlitz in Lusitatia.
Ziethen’s regiment of hussars13 fell in with the Austrian carabi-
neers, and was repulsed; but on seeing the king’s army arrive they
rallied, attacked the carabineers (who imprudently waited quietly on
the spot) broke them, drove some hundreds into a morass, where
they were killed or made prisoners in sight of the Austrian vanguard,
consisting of eight or ten thousand men, who could not relieve them;
for the action lasted only a few minutes.
13
Prussia’s 2d Hussar Regiment, or ‘Red Hussars,’ distinguished itself in the
Seven Years’ War at the battles of Prague (1757), Zorndorf (1759), Hochkirch (1759),
and Torgau (1760).
404 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
line, by supporting it, and replacing the whole or any part of it,
which may be broken and thrown into disorder, by the second.
The cavalry and infantry form separate bodies: the former are
generally placed on the flanks of the latter.
The perfection of an order of battle consists, as we apprehend,
first, in placing each body of men; where they can act with most
advantage. Secondly, in bodies of different species, being so placed
as to be able to support each other that the victory may be com-
plete; otherwise it often happens, that while your cavalry are victo-
rious, the infantry are beat, and the battle lost, or vice versa. Thirdly,
in your armies being so ranged as to be universally adapted to
different species of ground, so as to require no material alteration
in marching up to the enemy, or during the action.
First, It is evident, that if the cavalry are placed on the flanks of
the infantry, they can neither support, nor be supported by it, which
disposition I therefore conceive is a most capital defect.
Second, Both in marching, camping, and fighting, it may and gen-
erally does happen, that the infantry and cavalry are placed on
improper ground, where, however, they must so remain; because it
is in general impossible to change the original disposition; therefore,
upon the whole, it seems deficient in all the points, which constitute
a solid and active order of battle.
Moreover, as both lines are formed in a close order, if the first
is broke and vigorously pursued, it overthrows the second for want
of sufficient openings. This cannot advance with celerity, and in a
firm order to stop the enemy; so that both generally go off together,
and the battle is lost. Whereas, if at least the second line had inter-
vals to let the first pass through them, and at the same time advanced
in good order, while the enemy is in some degree of confusion, they
would not only check them, but probably would gain an easy victory.
The reason given for placing the cavalry on the wings is, to pro-
tect the flanks of the infantry, which I think is the most absurd rea-
son that can be alledged, because this may in a moment fortify its
flanks against infantry or cavalry, by forming a square or a column,
which the cavalry cannot do; its flanks are naturally so weak, that
they offer no kind of defence.
M. St. Germain, in a work published since his death, for this very
reason advises, that the cavalry should camp behind the infantry,
because, says he, if it is attacked in the night, it is totally defeated
before it can be put in a state of defence.
part the first. an analysis 405
Of a Battle
14
Battle of Liegnitz (15 August 1760).
15
Gideon Ernst, Freiherr von Loudon (1716–90).
16
Joseph, Graf von Si“kovíc. Lloyd’s decision to leave the Austrian army in 1761
was due in large part to his conflict with Lacy’s replacement.
408 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
beat, and the king ready to receive us; but as our original plan was
frustrated, we could not form another, though we had sufficient time,
and though with Laudhon’s army we were above twenty thousand
men stronger than the enemy, whom we permitted to continue his
march to the Oder unmolested: the reader will pardon this digression.
The different brigades of artillery generally precede the columns,
to favour their development; that is, to prevent the enemy from
opposing the forming of the line, and because the general and the
soldier think nothing can be done without it, though in truth it
produces more noise than any real advantage. This prodigious train
of cannon, and its concomitants, continually stop and retard the
march of the troops by some accident or other, so that seldom or
ever they arrive together, and in time, on the ground where the line
is to be formed.
This is a very critical moment, if the enemy knew how to avail
himself of it: for if he is perfectly acquainted with the ground between
his camp, and that which you have left, he will know all the roads
by which you march, and consequently by advancing to meet you,
in order of battle, he can attack the heads of your columns, and
defeat them all singly, without giving them an opportunity of ever
forming the line, in the same manner as one attacks a rear-guard:
but happily for you, he confides in the strength of his post, and
suffers you to do what you please.
His army is like a set of china-ware on a chimney-piece, it must
not be touched or moved, for fear of breaking it: after three or four
hours cannonading and skirmishing your army is formed, and advances
towards the enemy preceded by the artillery, which retards the march
very much, and occasions the loss of many men, which could be
avoided by marching rapidly to the enemy.
Supposing the army consists of sixty thousand men, the first line
will occupy fix or six miles; in this extent of ground a thousand
obstacles both by art and nature occur, which necessarily retard your
progress, because the whole line must advance together; for if some
parts precede at any, though small distances, the others, a vigilant
enemy, by marching rapidly through the intervals, cuts your army
asunder, takes you in the flank and gains the battle; which so hap-
pened exactly at the battle of Prague.
To avoid such an inconvenience, by keeping your army together,
and advancing in a line parallel to that of the enemy, you are some-
times several hours in getting over a mile of ground, which ought
part the first. an analysis 409
17
Battle of Leuthen (5 December 1757).
18
Henri de la Tour d’Auvergne, vicomte de Turenne (1611–75). French field
marshal who fought in the Thirty Years’ War and under King Louis XIV. He
gained lasting fame for his campaigns against Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé
(1621–86) during the Fronde rebellion (1648–53) and Raimondo Montecuccoli dur-
ing the War of Devolution (1666–68).
part the first. an analysis 411
The first part naturally to be covered is the head. For this purpose,
I would have a hat made of strong leather prepared in the same
manner as that of which jack-boots are made, such as the couriers
abroad use: it must be quilted within to make it sit easy. The brim
must be three inches broad to cover the face and carry off the rain:
to this brim I would have fixed five or six small chains, made of
strong wire, to hook to the breast-plate or cuirass, which he must
also have. Such a hat will effectually protect the upper part of his
body against the sabre, in whatever manner it is used, either by
striking as the Europeans, or pushing horizontally, as the Turks and
Asiatics do.
I would recommend that a plate of brass be put on the hat, sig-
nifying the number or name of the regiment, battalion, and com-
pany, all which must be numbered. It is incredible how much this
trifling circumstance would contribute to enforce discipline and valor.
The impossibility of escaping a deserved censure would prevent
men from becoming obnoxious to it. There must be no distinction
in the dress and hat between the private man and the officer.
The next piece of armour is the cuirass, which must be made
likewise of leather, and of that leather of which the soles of our
strong shoes, called double channel, are made. It must be long enough
to cover the body from the neck to the waist; so that with this and
the hat, all the mortal parts are effectually covered and protected
against the efforts of all species of hand-weapons, and diminish con-
siderably the effects of many musket shots.
So much for the dress and defensive arms of the soldier: let us
now proceed to his offensive arms; and first of the infantry.
We have already shewn that the musket or bayonet is cumbersome,
top-heavy, and too short as a hand-weapon; and that the sword is
totally useless, and should therefore be laid aside. I would have the
barrel of the musket shortened ten or twelve inches, made much
stronger towards the breech, which would throw the center of grav-
ity between the two hands when presented, and consequently ren-
der it infinitely more manageable and less top-heavy than at present.
General Clerk19 had invented one which I much approve of, and
recommend it as a good model. Instead of a bayonet, I would have
19
Lt-Gen. Robert Clerk (d. 1798).
414 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
a short lance, four feet long, made of light and tough wood: six
inches of which should be of good steel, about two inches broad,
tapering into a point, the rest of the wood must be covered with
two thin plates of iron, to prevent its being cut. This lance is flung
under the left arm, with the point downward. It must be made to
fix on the barrel of the musket, with two little sockets instead of
one, which will make it firmer than the bayonet.
When the soldier had lost his musket, or if it is damaged in the
action, or when he mixes with the enemy, and firing of course ceases,
this lance will be of infinite use to him alone, as well as when fixed
to the musket, to attack or to defend himself against cavalry or
infantry. It may be objected, that if the barrel is shortened, the fire
of the last ranks may injure the first; but this objection is invalid. If
you fire by ranks, which can be done with more temper and safety
than by files, and particularly if the lance is not fixed to the mus-
ket, which I think ought not to be done, until you come within a
hundred yards of the enemy, then, according to our institution, you
march up to the enemy.
Three fourths of the infantry must be armed with this musket and
lance. The other fourth part must be armed with a pike, twelve feet
long, a good sabre and a pair of pistols, which they are to carry at
their belt.
The cavalry should be dressed in every respect like the infantry,
excepting that they should wear good boots instead of half boots.
Their arms must be a lance of seven feet long, which they are to
carry, slung to the saddle, on the right side, so that the horseman
can instantly seize and use it. Their other arms must be a sabre,
four feet in length, and a pair of pistols.
The light cavalry and Hussars must be armed in the usual way;
because as they are often sent a reconnoitering, where infantry can-
not follow them, they must have muskets, that they may be on equal
terms with the enemy. The light infantry must be armed, like the
rest, with a musket and lance, without any sword or pistol.
Having thus cloathed and armed our soldiers, we must now pro-
ceed to range them, and in such a manner, that they may make
use of their arms to advantage. I would have the infantry formed
in four ranks, and the three foremost armed as I have directed with
a musket and short lance only; the fourth and last rank with the
long pike, sword, and a pair of pistols.
part the first. an analysis 415
and twenty-eight men, rank and file, not including officers and under
officers; the company of light infantry being much oftener called
upon duty, should be much stronger, they might even amount to
two hundred, for they would decrease probably much faster than
the others.
Each company of heavy infantry will form a front thirty-two men,
the battalion consisting of four companies, one hundred and twenty-
eight files, to whom I allow one hundred yards or something more
of ground; because I would not have the files close and pressed, as
that situation hinders them from using their arms.
Four companies of heavy infantry will make: 512
One of light infantry we will suppose: 200
712
A Regiment of two battalions will make eight companies of heavy
infantry, and two of light, which in the whole amount to about one
thousand four hundred. It will be asked, why so many light infantry?
My answer is this:
Let the regiment be formed as in the annexed plate [I ], with an
interval of one hundred yards between each battalion, who must
have on their flanks, one three or four pounder, and one seven or
eight inch howitzer.
The two companies of light infantry will be placed opposite the
opening between the two battalions, and on the flanks. As these may
extend themselves at leisure fifty yards to the right and left or more,
and even the interval between the two battalions may be made to
extend one hundred and fifty yards without inconvenience or dan-
ger, it is evident that the whole ground occupied by our regiment,
though formed in four ranks, greatly out-flanks the same number of
men in three only.
The fire of our two light companies will alone produce a greater
effect than that of the enemy, for this obvious reason, that our light
infantry acts where and how they please, aims at their leisure, crosses
their fire along the enemy’s whole front, goes upon their flanks, &c.
in short, it acts with all the advantage of real and expert chasseurs.
If to this you add the solid fire of the heavy infantry, it will appear
undoubtedly true, that upon the whole, we shall in this be superior
to the enemy, as we shall be in the extent, strength, and activity of
the line. [See Plate I, figs. 4 & 5 ]
I ask, what will the enemy do? Will he advance within that por-
tion of the circle, and come to the shock? What chance has he with
his short musket and bayonet against my musket and lance, and a
part the first. an analysis 417
row of pikes, which project six feet beyond the firs rank, and pre-
vents him from approaching it, and much more from breaking it?
If he waits your approaching him, he is overthrown in a moment:
when you can come up to him you must conquer.
Supposing the country is much inclosed, it is evident that here
likewise you have the advantage; for he cannot possibly drive you
from behind a hedge, ditch, or an entrenchment; and if you attack
him, having come so near, to be within reach of your pikes, he must
fly: and finally, if you cannot approach him with your line, the two
companies of light troops may get on his flanks, and force him to
abandon his post, however strong: therefore, in whatever species of
ground you act, you must necessarily prevail over the enemy.
So much for infantry opposed to infantry. Let us now examine,
whether formed and armed on our principles, it may not likewise
be opposed with equal success to cavalry, in a plain and open coun-
try. If this can be done, then we may declare, that our institution
is perfect.
Let each company be divided into four parts, and form a column
of eight men in front, and sixteen deep; and let the companies, thus
thrown into columns, be ranged as in the plate, with the light infantry
and cannon. [See Plate I ]
I suppose this battalion is attacked in a plain by ten squadrons.
My light infantry and cannon keep off the cavalry, probably effectually;
particularly, if the first and second ranks advance one after the other,
and fire like the light infantry, which they may do without any risk,
at the distance of twenty or thirty yards; because if they are pressed
they resume their post, and the light infantry fills up the intervals
between the companies.
I will let the cavalry advance full gallop, undismayed by the fire
of the columns; and I oppose to them eight ranks, the three first
armed with the musket and lance; the fourth and fifth with long
pikes, while the sixth, seventh, and eighth can fire at the enemy,
who is so much higher, without any inconvenience to themselves, or
danger to the preceding ranks, as is evident.
Now I would ask Seidlitz,20 were he alive; I ask Wagnitz21 in the
20
Friedrich Wilhelm von Seydlitz (1721–83). Frederick’s valued cavalry general
who gained lasting fame for his leadership at the battle of Rossbach (5 November
1757).
21
Dietrich-Wilhelm von Wackenitz. Prussian cavalry officer who fought in the Seven
Years’ War. He joined the Hessian service thereafter rising Finance Minister in 1773.
part the first. an analysis 419
The more I consider the cavalry, the less I am able to say or write
any thing which can satisfy myself, much less those who are better
informed than I am in this branch of military knowledge.
Whether it is ranged in three or in thirty ranks, it is always cer-
tain that the first rank alone can act, be they armed with fire-arms,
or with swords, or with both. And if the first rank is broken, and
thrown in confusion, the whole must give way.
Secondly, That if a body of horse remains on the spot, any troop,
cavalry or infantry, armed with a musket, will beat it, and force it
to retire, or to advance sword in hand, which avails nothing against
infantry covered, or against light cavalry which skirmishes, because
it cannot approach the former, nor reach the latter, without break-
ing the line: then it is inferior to them; because their superior veloc-
ity enables them to baffle every pursuit of heavy cavalry. If these
charge, the foremost rank alone can use their weapons; the others
are of no use, but to supply the place of the slain or wounded in
the first; so that a third part only of your cavalry can act at the
22
William Erskine (1728–95). Scottish Major General and Quarter-Master-General
under Henry Clinton in the American Revolution, whose planning won the battle
of Long Island (Brooklyn Heights) in 1776.
23
15th Regiment of Light Dragoons raised by Col. George Augustus Eliot
(1717–90) in 1759.
420 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
same time, and two-thirds remain idle spectators. Activity is the most
essential property of the horse: in the present mode of forming it
there is none.
It is an axiom, that you ought to bring as many men into action
at once as possible; but though the ground is quite favourable, you
can bring only a third part. How is this to be remedied? I don’t
know. In whatever mode the cavalry is ranged, it is impossible to
diminish the defects above-mentioned; and if to these you add those
which arise from the difficulty of ground which the enemy may
chuse, so as to render your cavalry useless for a whole campaign,
one would be tempted to abandon it almost entirely, excepting such
a number as is required to patrole, keep guard before the camp,
&c. because the expences of it are immense, and its utility insignificant.
If the infantry, such as we propose, is superior to the cavalry even
in open ground, it seems evident that a much smaller number of
cavalry, than what is commonly used in our armies, would be
sufficient, and we shall establish the proportion between the one and
the other accordingly. But whether the cavalry be few or many, how
are they to be ranged and distributed?
We have shewn that the present mode is bad. Must they then,
like the Turkish and Asiatic cavalry, scatter and disperse themselves
over the whole country, skirmish with the enemy’s line at a distance,
surround it, draw it into improper ground, wait till it is in motion
and broken, and then attack it sword in hand?
I cannot resolve this question; but certain it is, that in such a case,
ten squadrons acting in this manner produce more real action than
fifty formed and acting like ours.
Nor do I see how a line of horse can extricate itself from troops
who act like the Spahis, whether it remains on the spot, or advances:
this light cavalry will not resist the shock of our line: granted. It will
not wait for the shock, but disperse itself, harrass you, and wait for
a more favourable opportunity.
But it will be objected, when the light cavalry retires, ours may
attack the enemy’s infantry, and defeat it: No; if it is formed as we
propose: but if the enemy’s infantry is broken, a few of our squadrons
will drive them off the field. Very well; but light cavalry will do that
much more effectually; so that which-ever way I consider this sub-
ject, I am at a loss what to determine.
I lay down, however, as a maxim, that the cavalry should be
ranged, and distributed so, that it may act more or less in every
part the first. an analysis 421
I would have a squadron consist of 160 men rank and file, not
including officers and under-officers; because, if it is less numerous,
it will soon be reduced to nothing, either the horse or man, or both,
being ill, you have no force to take the field.
A Regiment shall consist of four such squadrons, and of one of
light cavalry, which may amount to 200 men, as these are obliged
to greater duties than the others; so that the whole regiment will
amount to something more than 800 men. Each squadron, armed
as we have already proposed, shall be formed into four ranks, which
make forty files; and these shall be divided by eight: so that each
squadron is divided into five parts, whose front is eight, and depth
four men.
I have preferred this division to any other, because the front will
be nearly equal to the depth; so that when they march in columns,
they can with ease form the front any way, when it is double to the
depth: besides, such a front can march almost in what direction they
chuse; and though the ground may force the squadrons to separate
in advancing, yet the being from this square figure very active, and
at the same time stronger than in the usual form, a division may
manœuvre, and chuse its ground till the others come.
I would have some intervals left between these divisions and
squadrons, as well in advancing as attacking, which will give them
a superiority in activity. These intervals, besides the advantage in
velocity, offer another no less important, which is, that the division
can always out-flank the enemy, though superior in number: they
being, as usual, formed in a close line, when they approach to charge,
cannot avail themselves of the intervals; and where the action really
passes, they are inferior in strength and velocity.
The intervals between each division must be of few yards only to
distinguish them, because they must be conducted, in marching and
422 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
hold good for the great number of light cavalry; and it is therefore
unnecessary to repeat it.
My army shall consist of sixty battalions and forty squadrons. The
former will amount in all to about 42,000, and the latter to above
6,500; consequently, the whole army will be 48,500, which number
we think equal to every operation of a campaign. What it may want
in numbers, is amply compensated by strength and activity; in which
properties we place the greatest advantages an army can possess.
As we shall employ light cavalry, and the infantry of the same
species only to patrole and reconnoitre the enemy, and always together,
very few men will be sufficient for that duty. A hundred foot and
forty horse will do it more effectually than ten times the number;
because a few may approach the enemy unnoticed, which cannot
be done by a corps consisting of thousands.
A few may know always where you are, mask your great corps,
and perform any manœuvre they please without your knowledge;
whereas, if a thousand men are placed properly before your front
in the most hidden and covered places, they must inevitably be
observed. They must carefully avoid being seen on the high roads,
but must place themselves so as to be able to observe whatever
passes there.
Great corps, like an army, are more anxious to prevent the enemy
from observing them, than to observe him; they are afraid of being
attacked, which their whole attention is directed to prevent: but the
small detachments which I propose cannot be attacked; for when
they see a superior force approach, they disperse and retire to the
right or left, or to any quarter. The enemy cannot pursue them.
I establish it as a maxim, that light troops are not to fight when
placed before the front of the army, but to see what the enemy does,
and give notice in time. If this doctrine is followed, very few of them
will be necessary, and even these must be made useful in a day of
action.
The author of this work, at the head of two hundred chasseurs and
a hundred dragoons, did, during the whole campaign of 1760, keep
so near the king of Prussia’s army, that he never lost sight of it for
an hour, though the Austrian army, and the corps he belonged to
were generally two or three marches off: and though he was always
in sight of the enemy, and scarce a day passed without some skirmish;
yet, in the course of the campaign, he did not lose twenty men; and
one only was taken prisoner, who got drunk, and staid behind.
424 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
The author does not give this military anecdote to shew his par-
ticular merit, far from it: he considers it as a matter of course, which
any man of common sense, with activity and vigilance, can equally
perform: in fact, there is nothing more simple. Detach thirty or forty
chasseurs, who place themselves in small parties along the road to
the right and left, covered with hedges, woods, walls, &c. then send
twenty horseman, who advance by two or three, so that the fore-
most goes far enough to view the enemy by day, and hear his com-
ing by night. These turn a little out of the road, and listen; if they
hear any thing approach, they retire without noise to the infantry,
and wait behind: a shot or two from these will soon stop the patrole:
and, if it is not strong, let them pass, and make them prisoners.
Moreover, you can always know the different roads by which the
enemy can march from his camp; and likewise guess, with certainty,
what will be the direction of his march. You must have some in-
telligent person placed, so as to observe instantly when he com-
mences his march, and whither it tends: all which may be easily
done, if you have few men only, and if they are employed as we
propose.
But if you are at the head of thousands, you move and act with
the same difficulty as the enemy; you cannot change the positions
of a corps, as you do those of a company of chasseurs, and a hun-
dred light horse, nor place yourself covered, and in the proper sit-
uation for reconnoitring: you must have a camp, and that camp is
instantly discovered, which makes it difficult to watch the enemy
with success.
This camp is the center from which all detachments must be sent,
and to which they must return; the enemy, apprized of all this, stops
them short, occupies some commanding hill, makes a shew of attack-
ing you, amuses you a whole day; in the mean while his army has
performed its march unknown to you.
I have seen a thousand examples of this. In the morning a report
comes from a corps of 10 or 12,000: the enemy is gone, detach-
ments are sent after him; in eight or ten hours, perhaps, you have
some intelligence, and perhaps not; but always too late: whereas, if
small parties were employed in the manner we propose, the enemy
could not move unperceived; and I can with truth aver, that I have
seen such small parties accompany the enemy during the whole cam-
paign, and often within twenty yards of his columns, and never out
of his sight.
part the first. an analysis 425
I beg the reader’s pardon for having dwelt so long on this arti-
cle; but it serves to prove, that fifteen hundred men will perform
this kind of service much better, than so many thousands which are
now employed. I am so convinced of this, that I would undertake
to do it, though the enemy’s army amounted to a hundred thou-
sand men.
Folard, and many other judicious writers, observe, that in pro-
portion as the infantry is bad, and the military art declines, the num-
ber of horse increases in our modern armies; because, say they, an
able general at the head of a good infantry can do any thing, and
wants but a small cavalry. It is certain that when the infantry is
good, much may be done with it; and if it is bad, you must increase
your cavalry, to keep the enemy at a distance, as you must have a
great quantity of heavy artillery for the same purpose.
In a numerous, and particularly in a heavy cavalry, I find three
capital inconveniences, viz. The prodigious expence; the difficulty to
provide subsistence; and, lastly, that it is not of general use. For in
a close country, such as is a great part of Europe, ten campaigns
may pass without an opportunity for your cavalry to come to a gen-
eral action, if the enemy is able, and chuses to decline it: whereas
it is our opinion, that no species of troops or arms should be employed,
but in proportion to the general advantages which they procure.
For these reasons, I do not by any means approve of the mod-
ern fashion of employing so many horse. Generally a fourth or fifth
at least of the army must be composed of cavalry; I think an eighth
will be sufficient, provided the infantry is good, and formed on the
principles we have proposed, and that the cavalry be ranged, and
placed where it can act; and where it is always supported by artillery
and the infantry, which we have endeavoured to combine in our
order of battle.
In our case this will not avail, because should they send such a
detachment, our two companies to the right and left of our battalions
will form a column, which will take such detachments on both flanks,
while the company of light infantry attacks them in front, and when
they are thrown into confusion, which must soon happen, a squadron
or two placed opposite the interval, as marked in the plan, will
advance sword in hand and attack them pell-mell, that is, ride through
them, which must in a few seconds exterminate them.
I saw at Silistria,24 in Turkey, two squadrons attack a column or
mass of above six thousand Turks, in this manner, whom they
defeated and dispersed in less than three minutes; and had they not
covered themselves under the banks of the Danube, whither the cav-
alry could not pursue them, they would have been all cut to pieces.
Colonel Carleton25 was present at this event.
It may be objected, that it is not easy for the two companies to
form the columns proposed; to which I answer, that such an oper-
ation does not require twenty seconds: and moreover, supposing it
was not done at all, my company of light infantry, supported by a
squadron of horse, armed with the musket and lance, will be more
than a match for the enemy’s detachment, which, in fact, admits
not of the least difficulty till a flank is formed; for the operation is
made under the fire of the two remaining companies and one of
light infantry.
I conclude, therefore, that a modern line is in every respect infe-
rior to that which we propose. I may be prejudiced in favor of my
principles; I therefore earnestly intreat experienced gentlemen of my
profession, to examine this subject with attention, and if they differ
in opinion, I shall be extremely obliged to them if they will com-
municate their sentiments. Truth is my object.
So much for infantry opposed to infantry. Let us now examine
that part of the line which is opposed to the enemy’s cavalry. Many
people will suppose that our four ranks, though armed with lances
and pikes, are not sufficiently strong to resist the shock of a line of
horse in three ranks; I am of a different opinion, and fully convinced
24
Siege of Silistria ( June–July 1774). Lloyd commanded the Russian division that
blockaded the fortress so General Rumiantsev could operate freely against the
Ottoman army at Shumla. This decisive campaign led to the Treaty of Kutchuk-
Kainardji (16 July) that ended the Russo-Turkish War (1768–74).
25
Col. Thomas Carleton, 20th Regiment of Foot.
part the first. an analysis 429
that they are; because one horse alone can come to the shock at
once; and if killed, wounded, or stopped, the other two behind can-
not advance, so that the united force of our four men is in fact
opposed to that of one horse only, and if these forces are mechan-
ically computed, it will be found that the latter is by much inferior
to the former; and if to this you add the effects produced by the
fire first, and then by the lances and pikes, no doubt can remain;
for the horse has nothing but his weight and velocity. However, be
this as it may, I will admit that my infantry is in fact too weak; I
will, therefore, form a column of each company, whose front is eight
men, and flank sixteen. I hope no one will think this too weak, to
resist a line of horse, or rather, as we have shewn, one rank, which
alone can act.
According to our proposed plan, seven battalions, and as many
squadrons, are opposed to twenty squadrons; these battalions have
seven howitzers, and as many field pieces. The light infantry is placed
before the intervals, and my seven squadrons behind them. The first
and the artillery keep up a constant fire against the cavalry. Now I
ask, will it support this fire, and for how long? I believe not long,
it must either advance or retire when you approach it; I suppose
the former, which can be done only between my intervals. My light
infantry and my cavalry post themselves as marked in the plan. Only
part of the enemy’s cavalry can pass at once, and these will receive
the fire of two columns in their flanks, and when they have passed
will be fired at by the light infantry in their backs; in that instant
my seven squadrons will attack them in flank and rear, and I think
totally disperse them.
Indeed, I am so persuaded of the superiority of my infantry ranged
and armed in the manner proposed, that I do not think any cav-
alry, however resolute, can approach, much less break me; insomuch,
that I would venture to attack it in an open country. If the enemy’s
cavalry retires, you must send yours after them, who pursue them,
not in line, but like our hussars.
The second plate shews our order of battle advancing to the
enemy, and whoever considers it with attention, will perceive, that
though there are intervals between our battalions, the enemy can-
not avail himself of them, for he dares not penetrate between them
without ruin, as he will be opposed by our light infantry and cav-
alry. Moreover, he must break his own line, and leave an interval,
which cannot be guarded but by the second line, which is generally
430 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
too far off. In the mean time the disposition of our line enables it
to advance without any interruption, as no inconvenience can arise
from one part’s being more advanced than another, for that part is
protected by the cavalry and light infantry. Even, if many of our
companies or battalions were broken, the enemy cannot pursue them
without breaking his line, and exposing such detachments as he may
order to advance, to be attacked in front and flank. And lastly, the
march of the whole is infinitely more rapid than if the line was close
as usual. I therefore conclude that our order of battle is much supe-
rior to any other, and probably is that, which has the fewest defects
of any which can be invented and in which are combined the many
advantages of missile and hand-weapons.
The next plate [III] shews our order of battle, when our troops
approach within thirty or forty yards of the enemy, which they can
get over in as many seconds.
The meaning of this disposition is obvious. The two columns on
each flank of the battalions, when they have broken the enemy’s
line, fire on the flanks, while the other two companies continue to
fire before them on those who run away, and pursue them without
intermission, while the cavalry advances very little before the inter-
vals, and leaves the pursuit to the cavalry.
If our line advances in this manner with rapidity, the enemy’s first
line will be cut to pieces, and the second share the same fate, if it
does not retire in time. The same superiority of force and activity
will always prevail, and the victory must from the mode of attack-
ing be complete and decisive.
By my order of battle, all the infantry is placed in one line, and
all the cavalry in the second: different in this as in many other things
from the modern, as appears from the inspection of the plan in Plate
No. II. My reasons for this arrangement are;
First, That I think it sufficiently strong to overturn a modern line
formed and armed on weaker principles.
Secondly, Because all my infantry acts at once, and my cavalry
is brought into action only when the enemy’s line, infantry, or cav-
alry is thrown into disorder, when mine can act with advantage.
Thirdly, That every species of troops, infantry, cavalry, light infantry,
and artillery, support and assist each other: so that the total quan-
tity of action produced by my line is greatly superior to that of the
enemy, and consequently must conquer. As according to the con-
stitution of our army, it consists of sixty battalions, and forty squadrons,
part the first. an analysis 431
if the first are formed in one line, it will be extremely long and
difficult to manage; we therefore propose, that forty battalions only
should be united in one corps; these will occupy a space something
more than forty battalions and forty squadrons of the enemy.
The remaining twenty battalions I would have formed into sepa-
rate corps, as marked in the plan, Plate III, fig. 1 to attack the enemy
in flank, while the forty attack him in front. The advantages of such
a disposition are too obvious to require an explanation.
If notwithstanding what we have said, our order of battle is thought
too weak, being in one line only; then we propose that the twenty
battalions should be divided; viz. Seven should be placed behind the
right wing, seven behind the left, and six behind the center, as it is
marked in the plan, Plate III, fig. 2 with the cavalry in the second
line. This disposition will satisfy those who are accustomed to two
lines and a reserve: but I prefer the other disposition for many rea-
sons, which will occur to every person who will examine the two
plans with attention. I shall only observe, that the first disposition is
most proper for attacking, and the second for defending. The first
has however two great advantages. First, That all your infantry act
at the same time, and not successively as in the second. Secondly,
That you necessarily attack the enemy on both flanks, as appears
by the plans themselves.
It seems needless to observe, that if the enemy opposes cavalry,
as probably he may, to the corps, A.B. This must be thrown into
columns, as we directed, and as is marked on the first plan, Plate I
but if opposed to infantry, no alteration to this reference is required.
We have already shewn, that the modern mode of ranging an
army, and the use of missive weapons, renders it totally inactive,
and proper only for a defensive war, and to fight at a distance, to
receive an enemy rather than attack him. To increase this inactiv-
ity, the general, as well as the soldier, seem to place all their confidence
in the artillery, rather than in the valour of the soldier; accordingly
the cannon is become the soul of our military establishments.
At the battle of Prague there were above five hundred pieces of
heavy cannon, which at a moderate computation, with the train,
cost more than forty thousand foot would have done; and yet they
did not produce any effect proportionate to such an immense expence.
I have three capital objections to this abuse of artillery—the expence
of it, the number of horses required to attend it, and the great delays
it always occasions in the motion of the army.
432 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
In sieges there cannot be too much, nor in the field too little
artillery. In this last case, the use of heavy cannon is very much
contracted, it can be carried but in few roads, cannot advance with
the line, and must be employed only to protect the heads of the
columns while they come out from a defile, and form the line, to form
a battery against some point of attack, or to defend an intrenchment.
If the enemy is at all acquainted with his business, he may order
his men to lie flat on the ground till your troops advance, and then
attack them, or wait till they come up, in which cases the artillery
has little or no effect; and by a quick motion he comes up to your
intrenchment, and attacks it sword in hand, which will render your
cannon useless. When a battery is directed against a defile, you may
always avoid it, by turning to the right or left.
A good van-guard with the field pieces will protect the heads of
your columns better than all the batteries you can raise; besides, if
the defiles you pass through are within reach of the enemy, he may
either oppose artillery to artillery, or, which is much better, advance
rapidly and attack them. The instant he approaches, the cannon
ceases to be of any use.
Upon the whole, therefore, I conclude, that when you propose
waiting for the enemy in some fortified post, as in a fortress, you
must have abundance of heavy artillery: but as we place the great-
est perfection of an army in its velocity, and our system is, we think,
particularly calculated for that, and the use of hand-weapons, which
renders missive weapons of every kind less useful, we reject of course
that prodigious quantity of artillery, and we think thirty or forty
twelve pounders more than sufficient for an army of fifty thousand
men.
In ten campaigns, you may not find an occasion where these are
necessary, and where common field pieces would not do the busi-
ness equally well. As we have said already our troops have much
confidence in a numerous artillery; merely to indulge them in this
opinion, though erroneous, I conceive that each battalion should
have a field piece, and a seven inch howitzer, until they are accus-
tomed to the use of hand-weapons, and to face the enemy, then
they will perceive, that artillery in general is so far from being use-
ful, that it retards their marches, and exposes them, during these
delays, to much greater losses and danger, than if they left their
artillery behind them, and thus disincumbered advance rapidly to
the enemy.
434 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
General Reflections
26
Russo-Turkish War (1768–74).
27
Field Marshal Count Petr Aleksandrovich Rumiantsev (1725–96). Russian com-
mander whose 1773 campaign proved disastrous. He salvaged his reputation in
1774 and won a decisive victory for Catherine the Great.
28
Prince Vasilii Mikhailovich Dolgorukov-Krymskii. As General-in-Chief, he won
Catherine’s coveted Order of St. George for his conquest of the Crimea in 1771.
part the first. an analysis 435
one remains at the depot, and performs exactly the same duties as
the battalions; so I need not dwell any longer on the subject.
Of Contractors
1
Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 BC). Roman orator, politician and foe of Julius
Caesar.
440 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
malice of the great, who think they have a right to every thing, with-
out being at the trouble to acquire the knowledge and science nec-
essary to fulfil the duties of the employments they aspire to. Hence
it is that obscure merit, particularly in monarchies, seldom or ever
raises a man to any very eminent post, unless the extreme distresses
of the state call him to the helm, which he is permitted to guide
only while the storm and danger last; when these subside, tranquil-
ity and vigour restored to the state, he must give way to some intrigu-
ing courtier, retire and sink into oblivion, of which we have too
many examples, antient and modern.
When a general has acquired personal authority, is esteemed and
beloved by his army; when they have confidence in his wisdom and
abilities, experienced his valour, and seen his conduct crowned with
success, there is no enterprize, however difficult, above his reach;
whereas, destitute of these advantages, though otherwise a man of
merit, he can undertake nothing of consequence without trembling
for the event.
But how is this personal authority, this ascendancy over the sol-
diers to be acquired? I answer, first, by being free from vice: sec-
ondly, by shewing, by his words and actions, he is as much superior
in merit as in rank, and in every respect worthy their confidence
and affection; brave without ostentation, as a thing of course; unmoved
by the presence of the most imminent danger; calm, serene, a chear-
ful and open countenance at all times, chiefly in a day of battle—
This inspires soldiers with courage and confidence, and insures a
victory.
In any very great danger, the soldier looks up to his officer, and
if he perceives the least sign of timidity, anxiety, or doubt, he con-
cludes all is lost, and generally consults his safety by flight. The gen-
eral must share the toils and dangers of war with his men as
circumstances may require, and they ought to share the advantages
of the victory with him: but, alas! they have nothing to expect; above
all things, he must be just in the distribution of those favours which
pass through his hands; if merit alone is attended to, he conciliates
the affections of all good men, and even the bad will endeavour to
deserve his protection; a general emulation will ensue: whereas, if
he suffers himself to be influenced by any authority whatever, or
seduced by the intrigue of courtiers, his followers and sycophants, a
general discontent will follow; he is deserted, abandoned, and hated
444 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
by every one; the ordinary duties of the army are performed with
reluctancy; murmurs and mutiny are not seldom the consequences
of the injustice of a general.
Favoritism is always, sooner or later, fatal to every man who gives
himself up to any individual, because, independent of the weak or
wicked counsels, a favorite may give his superior, it makes him odi-
ous, and deprives him of the support of good men. If he consults
the opinion of his army, he will seldom be deceived in the choice
of his friends and advisors; they never love or esteem any man that
is not in some degree deserving of it: but a general, like a sover-
eign, is surrounded by a class of men, whose interest and influence
depend on keeping him in the dark, and preventing the least ray of
light from penetrating into his recesses; he employs this or that man,
not from any personal knowledge he has of his abilities, but from
the recommendation of some artful and ignorant favorite. If, in spite
of fate, and the malevolence of these people, an officer’s endeavours
are crowned with success, all is in an uproar; his victories are depre-
ciated, his conduct criticized and calumniated, until he falls a vic-
tim to their jealousy.2
Many things must be connived at and dissembled, others are reme-
died by private reprimand, if few are concerned, and publickly if
many. None but great and capital crimes must be punished rigor-
ously; and in that case I would have it done publickly in the Roman
manner, in the presence of the whole army, or at least, in that of
the corps to which the delinquents belong, and not by an obscure
court-martial, where a brave man is often sacrificed to the envy and
jealousy of some great person, and many a villain escapes. Rewards
should go rather beyond, and punishments below the mark. No man
is infallible, and errors must be forgiven.
Every man under your command must partake of your kindness
and generosity, when he is in want and needs it, particularly the
poor soldier, and poorer subalterns, who often have nothing but their
pay to subsist upon, to whom the loss of a horse is a capital mis-
fortune; the general should have a particular list of these, and should
omit no opportunity to relieve them; he must pay the most scrupu-
lous attention to the management of hospitals, where some general
officer of humanity should preside; must not shut himself up like a
2
No doubt venting his sometimes frustrating experience in the Austrian army.
part the second. the philosophy of war 445
sultan, and appear only in state and pomp to display his greatness:
on the contrary, he must not fail to appear before the line every
day, if possible, with one or two adjutants only; stop at each regi-
ment, enquire into, and see the state of it (I do not mean that they
are well curled); but whether they have their allowance of bread,
provisions, &c. and that these are of the best kind which can be
procured; and if he finds there is the least prevarication on this head,
punish the authors, contractors, and colonels with the utmost rigour,
and force them to refund their criminal gain, hang or dismiss them
for ever. It is a certain truth, benevolence creates affection. The poor
soldier is beyond all men grateful, and repays a thousand fold the
kindness shewn him by his superiors. It is duty and interest of the
general to be just, humane, and kind to those he commands, and
particularly to those of the lower class.
I hope the reader will excuse the length of this discourse, which
gives some, though very inadequate idea of the qualities which a
general should possess; these applied properly will enable him to per-
form great things, and on many occasions, supply the want of mil-
itary skill, and repair errors to which all men are subject: whereas
the most extensive knowledge of the art of war will miscarry in its
projects, if the army does not heartily concur in the execution.
In the preceding chapter we have endeavoured to point out some
of the moral qualities which a chief should possess: we proceed now
to shew what men are, and from what sources he must draw such
arguments and motives, as may induce them to exert their faculties
to the utmost of their power; it is not enough they know how to
perform this or that operation; they must be willing and desirous to
do it; success will be the consequence.
Of the Passions
3
Claude Adrian Helvetius (1715–71). One of the first utilitarian moralists, his
popular De l’Esprit (Paris: Durand, 1758) argued for the centrality of pleasure and
pain in human motivation and decision-making.
part the second. the philosophy of war 447
the ardour with which he pursues a given object; but all men, when
free from danger, and their animal wants gratified, are perpetually
in search of something, from whence they expect to derive pleasure;
no class of men is exempt from the general influence of ambition,
consequently all by some motive or other, analogous to their situa-
tion, may be excited to perform great actions, if the class to whom
a man belongs is susceptible of it, and in proportion as it is elevated
above others.
and indolence; hence that lethargy and inaction which prevail in this
kind of government, where a man cannot, by any exertions, obtain
the public esteem; where it is dangerous to attempt it, fear will be
the only ruling principle which tends to inaction; honour and sense
of shame are utterly unknown.
In monarchies the subjects are divided into several classes, more
or less distinguished; all may, however, partake of the public esteem
in some degree. A man is excited to exert himself by the emolu-
ments peculiar to his class and situations, and by those which he
may reap from society in general, and consequently many and pow-
erful motives concur to promote honour, virtue, and activity, when
the sovereign is a man of genius; but if weak and indolent, the activ-
ity of the subject will be directed to parade, and extravagancy, art,
and intrigue will supplant virtue; the talent of pleasing will be deemed
the most important; that which is agreeable prevails over what is
useful.
Great exertions are seldom found in monarchies, because they are
not always the most sure means to obtain the esteem of the prince;
that of the public, which is the most powerful incentive to great
actions, is unknown: the prince is every thing, the rest are nothing;
the esteem of the former is the only object of attention, and may
often be obtained by very inconsiderable exertions, and by means
inconsistent with honour and virtue.
The class of soldiers being considered as the most honourable,
those of the higher rank in it are restrained from committing any
unworthy actions by the sense of shame; but as the great emolu-
ments and rewards are peculiar to the nobility, they expect them
from their connections, the favour of the prince and his ministers
or favourites, rather than from any exertions of their own; hence it
is, that the certainty of obtaining them in the nobility, and the equal
certainty of not obtaining them in the other classes, diminishes, or
rather extinguishes the principles of heroism in all.
In republics, where all are equal, pre-eminence can be acquired
only by personal and superior merit; public esteem is the reward of
great and useful actions: hence it is that republics, antient and mod-
ern, have produced more great men than all the monarchies put
together.
In these, favour procures every thing; in those, nothing. In republics
the utility of the whole is considered as worthy of rewards. In monar-
chies the pleasure of the prince and of his favourites is the path
part the second. the philosophy of war 451
army is become rich, loaded with spoils, baggage, &c. it is soon cor-
rupted and ungovernable. I approve of the example of Alexander;
Burn them all, dismiss the old soldier, and send him home rich. The
toils and dangers of a soldier are great, his rewards and enjoyments
must also be great and infinite, but of short duration; his hopes must
for ever be kept alive, and his wants sometimes gratified, even to
excess.
The Greek and Roman soldier, was animated to encounter dan-
gers, by the hopes of plunder, and the prospect of obtaining all the
honours of the state, to which military virtue most certainly led him;
the Mahometans [Muslims] by plunder and enthusiasm; the Tartars
and free-booters, in the American seas, by plunder alone; all have
performed such actions of valour and heroism, as appear incredible
to us.
When we compare the motives which inspired the different nations,
with those applied by us, we cannot be surprized at the prodigious
difference we find in the effects: the cane may make a tolerable
slave, but can never form a hero; besides these motives of exertion,
drawn from fear of bodily pain, from the advantages of society, as
honours and pecuniary rewards, there are others less general, but
more powerful in their effects, viz. Liberty and Religion.
Chapter V. Of Liberty
4
Lucius Tarquinius Superbus (r. 534–510 BC). By legend the last king of Rome
who was deposed by Lucius Iunius Brutus after his son’s rape of Lucretia.
454 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
regaining their lost power would have offered, and perhaps the
Roman and Dutch republics would never have existed. It was the
sense of danger, with which they were threatened, which rendered
them invincible, and finally crowned their endeavours with success.
From all we have said, it follows, that the sovereign in conduct-
ing such a war should, by a moderate conduct, diminish the idea
of danger, and leave room to a solid and hearty reconciliation; and
that the leaders of a revolt, on the contrary, should shew, that no
confidence or reliance can be had in the promises of an irritated
master, which are only snares to divide, and then punish and enslave
those whom he cannot conquer. Men truly animated with the enthu-
siastic fire of liberty, if properly conducted, are always superior to
those who fight for the power and emoluments of a master; the
difficulties are all in the beginning of the contest. When on one side
is an army disciplined, and abundantly provided with every thing
which may render its operation successful and victorious; on the
other, nothing but courage and despair, which arise from a sense of
injuries.
The origin and foundation of that attachment, which the two sexes
fell for each other, is without doubt in our animal wants, and if
confined to this alone, would upon gratification, as in other animals,
be immediately dissolved; but our social wants cement that union
by habit, and in proportion as they can, will aid and support each
other. It is observable, that this reciprocal attachment and friend-
ship are much stronger in the lower and middling classes of society,
than in the more elevated. The first by their situation are, in a great
456 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
women might enjoy in the state; could they be made the recom-
pense of honourable actions, we should see great exertions to deserve
their esteem and favour.
The power of music, over the heart, is very great and might there-
fore be made use of to raise or calm the passions. It were to be
wished some able musician and philosopher would make experiments,
by executing different pieces, to a promiscuous audience of men and
women of different ages, soldiers in particular; the result would shew
what species of harmony was most adapted to raise courage in the
troops. I would recommend this to Mr. Harris5 of Salisbury, whose
abilities and penetration are known and esteemed by all: a treatise,
the philosophy of music, would be a new and important work wor-
thy of his pen.
5
Possibly referring to James Harris (1709–80), politician, esteemed classical scholar
and music enthusiast. By the time of publication, however, he had died.
PART THE THIRD
1
Nawabs were provincial governors.
2
Soldiers raised from the non-hereditary, feudatory grants called timars.
part the third. the policy of war 461
feels himself the master, both of the enslaved people, and of his sov-
ereign, grows slothful, insolent, and formidable to both. An attempt
to inforce order and discipline is followed by a mutiny; the com-
mander’s head must be taken off to appease it. That once formi-
dable and victorious army is now degenerated into a tumultuous
rabble. The sultan is indeed perfectly secure against the subjects, but
exposed to much greater danger, which continually threatens him
from his own troops.
The governors of the distant provinces, cannot by force, be kept
in due subordination, and from fear of punishment, which they know
they deserve, are often tempted to revolt. In this case, the sultan is
obliged to dissemble, and recur to assassination, or oppose a suc-
cessor; he dares not march in person at the head of his guards to
quell a revolt, being equally afraid of an armed force, wherever
assembled, and by whomsoever it is commanded.
To preserve the tranquillity of the state, and keep danger far from
the seraglio, is in this government a maxim of state; for this pur-
pose, the troops are dispersed in small bodies over the empire; so
that there is no where any considerable force, excepting in the cap-
ital, who, feeling themselves the masters, are dangerous to the prince
and his ministers, and intirely corrupted by sloth and indolence.
An army cannot acquire strength, discipline, and subordination,
unless the troops are kept together in time of peace, continually exer-
cised in the garrisons and in the field, and often engaged in actual
war; all which is incompatible with the principles of a despotic gov-
ernment. All armies degenerate by a long peace, and chiefly those
of a despot. Dispersed, as they are, over an immense country, it is
with great difficulty they are collected together and brought into the
field, which is always very late, and never until the corn is grown,
to feed their numerous cavalry. For the same reason they cannot
continue long in any given spot, and the campaign lasts only a few
months; they must retire for want of provisions.
The greatest part of the Turkish army, like our ancient militia,
serve only for a certain time, when this is elapsed, they go home,
and abandon the posts confided to them, whether they are relieved
by other troops or not, which happened at Georgowa and Ibrailow,
on the Danube, a few days after they had repulsed the Russians
with very considerable loss. Unaccustomed to the discipline and sub-
ordination of a regular army, they do not act on a constant and
regular plan; they march, camp, and fight in a loose and disorderly
462 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
doning one post after another, and finally the whole province; so
that you have nothing to do but march to the capital, which you
will certainly find deserted.
The Sultan, corrupted by ignorance, flattery, and a false opinion
of his greatness and power, is terrified at your approach, intimidated
by the clamours of the rabble and a mutinous army, has no other
resource for his personal safety, but in a precipitate flight. The instant
the despot disappears, resistance is at an end; as the whole force of
the state is placed in the army. This being defeated, if pursued with
vigour, the conquest of the empire is rapid and complete, which
nothing can retard but want of provisions; these being secured, pro-
ceed with confidence and be assured of success.
In general, despotic empires are very extensive, from whence arise
two bad consequences: first, their frontiers must be weak, in pro-
portion to its extent. Secondly, That their armies come late into the
field, and being loaded with equipages, and moreover accompanied
by a crowd of followers under different denominations, subject to
no order or discipline. The country is soon exhausted, so that they
cannot keep the field above three months; if you can check their
operations in the beginning, they retire and leave you at liberty to
prosecute your plan without any opposition.
From ignorance, or rather from design, they have no strong places;
so that nothing can retard your operations but their army, or want
of subsistence, and that being defeated, and this subsistence pro-
vided, you meet with no other obstacles but such as arise from the
nature of the country. As these armies are very numerous, particu-
larly their cavalry, it is dangerous to act against them by detach-
ments, unless they are intimidated by a previous defeat, then indeed
it may be done with less danger, but never with success, and you
are prevented from acting vigorously in any part if you pretend to
act in many at the same time.
Romanzow [Rumiantsev] followed another plan, and lost many
detachments, and if the Turks had known any thing of war, his
whole army would have been destroyed separately. By this prepos-
terous mode of making war, it was protracted till the Russian empire
was intirely exhausted, insomuch, that the whole force, which could
be collected against the Turks in 1774, did not exceed 50,000 men,
though above 300,000 recruits had been raised during the course of
the war. When the peace was concluded, there was subsistence only
for six weeks. Poland was totally ruined.
464 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
3
General Mikhail Kamenskii defeated the Ottomans under Reis Effende at
Kozludzhi (20 June 1774).
4
The Pugachev Revolt (1773–74) was the largest peasant uprising in Russia prior
to the Bolshevik Revolution. Led by Emel’ian Ivanovich Pugachev (1742–75), an
illiterate peasant soldier who claimed to be Peter III, the movement ravaged Russia
from the Volga to the Urals. It ended with his arrest and dismemberment in
Moscow.
part the third. the policy of war 465
The Roman law was introduced into all courts of justice, and it
may be truly said, that the popes were the universal legislators of
the christian world. Having acquired fiefs, the heads of the clergy
of course had seats in the national assemblies, like the temporal lords,
and exercised the same jurisdictions within their domains.
As all the landed property was in the lords and their followers, it
is evident that the government was an aristocracy, like that of Poland,
where the king is nothing, and the people in general are slaves; so
far from encroaching on the rights of others, the king could not pre-
serve his own, but by opposing parties to parties, and fomenting the
quarrels then very frequent among the great, because the executive
power was too weak to controul them.5
It is easy to perceive, that the military art was then at a very low
ebb: in this anarchy Europe remained for some centuries; at length
industry produced a new order of men; the people became free,
acquired riches, privileges, and power; towns were incorporated, and
shared in the legislative power; a system of rights was established;
the influence of the crown increased with that of the people, while
that of the lords was diminished and reduced within proper bounds;
violence and disorder vanished, a certain degree of vigour in the
administration of affairs prevailed, which of course produced peace
and tranquility in the state.
Such a distribution of the sovereign power in king, lords, and
commons, seems the most perfect of any which human wisdom can
invent, provided they are kept separate and independent of each
other; whereas nothing could be more absurd and inconsistent with
the happiness of mankind, than the fœdal [feudal] system, which
supposes the slavery of the greatest part, and where the violence and
oppression of the few could not be checked, punished, or controlled.
The happy system of government above-mentioned continued for
some centuries throughout all Europe; a just distribution of power
secured political and civil liberty to all in some degree. At length,
however, the king, in whom the executive power was lodged, by
time and perseverance, destroyed in most states the fœdal and hered-
itary jurisdictions; by keeping standing armies, introducing pomp,
5
The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eighteenth century had en elec-
tive monarchy. The Sejm, or parliament, controlled the government but its pro-
ceedings could be nullified by any single representative: the so-called liberum veto.
part the third. the policy of war 467
From what we have said of the military state, it appears that repub-
lican governments are not in general analogous to it, particular cir-
cumstances may however give them the activity required to operate
with vigour abroad and at home; if pressed they seldom want it.
In democracy there can be no standing army, nor mercenaries,
such power lodged in the hands of one man, which we think essen-
tial for the command of troops, is incompatible with the safety of
the state; the military force must be formed out of a militia of cit-
izens, who from their situations cannot act far from their country,
nor for any considerable time. An offensive war is, therefore, con-
trary to the principle of existence of a democracy; even a defensive
war, unless the dominions are extensive, would soon exhaust the
state, because the taking great numbers from their daily labours
would soon reduce them for want of subsistence.
The wars of such a people are generally of short duration, and
confined to an excursion of a month or two, which may be repeated
for many years, as in the Peloponnesian war, a great battle, which
seldom occurs, puts an end to the contest, if the dominions are much
part the third. the policy of war 471
contracted, which was the case in Greece and in Italy; during the
first five hundred years of Rome, we read often of a war being
finished in a very few days.
From what we have said, it appears, that a republican govern-
ment is by no means calculated for long and distant wars; the main
spring is too complicated to produce that vigour, unity, and perse-
verance required to conduct military operations; accordingly we find
that such enterprizes have been generally fatal. But as every citizen
considers himself as closely united to the state, they concur heartily
in its defence, and always exert themselves in proportion as they are
pressed, and dispute the last inch of ground with more vigour than
the preceding. The idea and advantage of liberty recur in their full
force, and very often excite an ardour and enthusiasm not to be
overcome, which is verified by a thousand examples; a democracy,
therefore, is of all others best calculated for a defensive and the least
for an offensive war. Particular circumstances, and for the most part
local, determine and stamp a character on each republic, according
to its mode of existence.
Carthage, situated on a barren shore, confined on the land side
by various and powerful nations, was necessarily forced, like the
Dutch in our own times, to turn their thoughts to industry, com-
merce, and navigation, which led them by degrees to explore, and
then to conquer, or acquire settlements in Spain, Portugal, Sardinia,
Minorca, &c. which often involved that republic in wars, which could
not be carried on at such a distance without standing armies, the
people almost wholly employed in arts and trade could not compose
those armies, which in time became a checkered multitude of mer-
cenaries and allies, of various nations, which wanted unity, on which
chiefly the force of armies depends: they were, however, sufficient
against the different people they contended with, particularly when
their operations were confined to the islands and the coast, because
their fleets could co-operate with success, and had they carried their
views no farther, they might probably have existed many ages longer;
but long and distant wars, supported only by money and merce-
naries, brought on necessarily their distress and final destruction.
The power of a republican government being very complicated,
loses its force in proportion as it is extended, like the spring of a
watch, and acquires vigour as it is compressed; moreover, distant
and military commands require and assume greater powers than are
compatible with the safety of the state: hence those eternal jealousies
472 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
6
The Cantons created the Confederation by constant warfare with their titular
Imperial overlords in the 14th century. Peasant soldiers wielding halberds and pikes,
proved more than a match for the armor-clad knighthhood of Austria at the bat-
tles of Morgarten (1315), Laupen (1339) and Sempach (1386).
7
See Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Du contract social, ou, Principes du droit politique (Amster-
dam, 1762).
part the third. the policy of war 473
head to direct it, which, sooner or later, must be found. Marius and
Cæsar, or any leader with superior talents and ambition, must, aided
by such forces, easily overcome the senate, whose power was founded
in opinion, art, and cunning only.
A people thus constituted, trained in the practice of war during
the space of six hundred years, must acquire a degree of art and
address infinitely superior to that of other nations, who made war
only occasionally. The necessity of a vigorous discipline and subor-
dination must appear evident; from being always in the presence of
the enemy, it became a habit, and continual exercise made every
operation of war familiar and easy. To their superior knowledge
were added superior motives to exert their talents. Victory was a
means which led to pecuniary advantages, to a pre-eminence and
advancement in the state.
The virtue and prowess of the soldier exalted the condition of the
citizen, no human reward was refused to great military merit. With
that knowledge the fruit of ages, and with every motive which can
excite a man to a vigorous exertion of his forces; such a people must
necessarily become finally superior to every other people placed in
different circumstances.
This difference alone rendered Rome a military republic superior
to Carthage, a commercial one. The first species of republics must
probably fall by the hands of a citizen, the last by those of a foreigner.
Chapter V. Of an Aristocracy
culated only for show and parade, are totally incapable of action.
However, if the people have been governed with moderation and
wisdom, they may be induced to exert themselves strenuously in the
cause of their masters, and more than once have shewn uncommon
vigour, when the republic has been threatened with great and immi-
nent danger.
Wars in general, and particularly those carried on at a distance,
conquests, &c. are incompatible with an aristocratical republic. In
this sort of government the people must be caressed, protected, and
treated with humanity and an equal distribution of justice, the nobles
awed by fear, and the neighbouring powers kept friendly by policy:
to these maxims the ancient and most illustrious republic of Venice
owes its glory and duration.
Mixed and limited monarchies are in fact republics, must be gov-
erned on the same principles; as the executive power is here much
more uniform, simple, and strong, so the state has more vigour
abroad and less convulsions at home. Sooner or later the equilib-
rium is lost, and the balance intirely on the side of the executive
power, which, contrary to the opinion of Montesquieu, ought for
ever to be separated from, and dependent on the legislative power,
and in no case whatever be made part of it; that is to say, the same
person or persons entrusted with the executive power must not be
likewise a part of the legislative, otherwise it will finally become an
absolute monarchy.
All general assemblies centre finally in few, and perhaps in one
person. The army is commonly mercenary, and totally dependent
on the chief magistrate; yet the complicated principles of the gov-
ernment puts the executive power often in opposition to the leg-
islative; so that the measures of the former, however wise and just,
are thwarted, and the operations clogged with so many restrictions,
that it wants the necessary vigour to prosecute a war with success,
particularly in the beginning. A common and pressing danger, how-
ever, gives them unity and consistency, so that, contrary to what
happens in despotic and military governments, more vigour appears
in the prosecution of a war than in its beginning. When by great
successes it draws towards a conclusion, new intrigues, factions, and
disputes arise, the principle of action subsides, every body grows
tired, and peace at any rate, even a bad one, must be had.
476 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
people in general have not from personal motives revolted, but have
been excited by the ambition and authority of a few considerable
men, means may be found to sow dissension among them; a par-
don may then incline them to disperse.
From whatever motives the revolt proceeds, the authority of the
sovereign must be supported sword in hand. There can be no nego-
ciation between the sovereign and the subject; the first must never
speak in vain, nor the last resist with impunity, otherwise govern-
ment is at an end. With that caution then should the sovereign avoid
every measure which may possibly bring his authority in question,
when the contest must finish in the ruin of his subjects or himself.
It is a ground sown with difficulties and precipices, destruction is
unavoidable; all other wars leave some opening to a reconciliation
and peace; this none, it is inexpiable.
PART THE FOURTH
To judge of a Camp, you must draw a line from one wing to another,
extending it a mile beyond them which will mark the front of it,
and shew you all its advantages and imperfections at one view, and
the points which command: any one of those being carried, forces
the enemy to retire, and insures the victory.
Secondly, You must draw three more lines, perpendicular to the
camp line above, toward both wings and the center, which gives you
the profile of the ground before the camp. The consideration of
these four lines will shew you what points you ought to attack, and
how, and with what species of troops.
Sometimes and army is not encamped on a right line, but forms
an irregular one, as in Plate IV, fig. 5. It is evident that the parts of
it which project must be attacked, because you can invelope them,
whereas if you leave them behind you, and advance against the
inward parts, the enemy invelopes you, and attacks one or both your
flanks. This rule is equally true, whether the line be natural or
artificial, as those of a fortress. The bastion must be attacked before
the curtain: the first being taken, the other parts cannot resist. The
same thing will happen in every species of irregular lines.
If on examining the four lines, which give the front and profile
of the enemy’s camp, you find it too strong, and you cannot force
him by any direct attack to abandon it, you must leave him there,
and place yourself on the one or the other of his flanks, as in Plate
IV, fig. 6 and extend your line, so that it may act on his line of
communication, which will soon force him to change his position,
and fall back. The least delay or neglect on his part will enable you
to attack him with advantage, and, if you act with vigour, to defeat
him intirely, particularly if his other flank is posted on a river, a
morass, a precipice, &c. which is generally the case, to secure, if an
enemy post himself on the other wing, you cannot avoid a total
overthrow, if he attack you with vigour; wherefore, contrary to the
480 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
Chapter II. Of the March of an Army, and of the Front of the March
When, like the Tartars, you enter an enemy’s country, with an inten-
tion only to ravage and plunder it, you must, like them, be mounted
1
Jacque Antoine Hippolyte, come de Guibert (1743–90). His Essai général tactique
(London, 1773) created the ordre mixte that called for infantry to maneuver in columns
on the battlefield but deploy in line to engage the enemy.
part the fourth. the principles of war demonstrated 485
on light cavalry, enter at one part, sweep all before you, and retire
with your booty by another as fast as you can.
If this cruel and inhuman method of making war was adopted,
hundred thousand horsemen, so equipped, would in short time lay
all Europe waste, and cover it with desolation, in spite of your fine
armies, artillery, heavy squadrons, &c. because activity is every thin
in war, in which our armies are totally deficient, being chained to
some fortress where their depots are lodged, they cannot advance a
hundred miles, and are continually turning about in a narrow cir-
cle, of which the magazines are the center.
The Tartars neither have, nor want depots; by the rapidity of
their motions they must and do find every thing on the spot. But
when we penetrate, with our great and very heavy armies, into an
enemy’s country, it is with a view to conquer some provinces, for-
tresses, &c. and finding nothing upon the road to subsist upon, we
have fixed and determined points to lodge our stores and provisions,
from whence they are transported to the army, which must proceed
from those given points to other fixed and determined points in the
enemy’s country, if you carry on an offensive war; or from a given
point in your own, towards another on the frontiers, if you are on
the defensive.
The line which unites these points, on which every army must
act, is called The Line of Operation; and, of all those we have men-
tioned, is the most important. For on the good or bad choice of this
line the final event of the war chiefly depends. If it is ill chosen all
your successes, however brilliant, will, in the end, be found useless.
Let us illustrate this doctrine by an example; we will suppose an
army of forty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, besides those
required for the train of artillery, bread waggons, officers horses, &c.
which will amount to as many more. This army is at Exeter, and
proposes to advance to London, and has its magazines all at Exeter.
I have only thirty thousand men: I encamp as near Exeter as I can,
and by occupying advantageous posts, I will force him to employ a
fortnight in marching to Dorchester or Blandford; till then I oppose
the enemy in front with small parties only on his flanks, but when
he is arrived thirty or forty miles from Exeter, from which place
alone he draws his subsistence, instead of opposing him in front with
all my forces, I place ten thousand on his line of march, ten on his
left flank, and the remaining ten along his line of operation, which
goes from his camp to his depots at Exeter. The last will be distributed
486 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
in four or five corps along that line, and form a chain from one
end to the other, so that a single waggon cannot pass unobserved,
and consequently will be taken or attacked by some one or other
of these parties. A hundred men will destroy as many waggons by
dispersing the drivers, taking away or killing the horses, breaking the
carriages, &c. The enemy must, therefore, send a strong body of
troops, ten thousand men for example, to escort a great convoy. I
then make a motion to the right with my whole army; so that my
left comes across his left, my center and right go many miles beyond
it. In whatever manner the escort is distributed, as part in the front,
part in the center, and part in the rear of the convoy; I say, that
neither ten nor twenty thousand can preserve it; because these are
chained to their convoy, and cannot quit it, nor the station they
occupy; whereas my troops can engage and attack, how, when, and
where they please: they can attack and amuse the escorts in a pass
or a wood, which of course obliges the whole to stop, while two or
three thousand men, dispersed in small parties, attack the chain of
waggons from one end to the other. If they succeed in some places
only, the whole will be soon dispersed.
It would be adviseable to attack that part, which proceeds at the
head of the convoy, with the greatest part of your forces, if it goes
ten or twelve miles from the camp; because you may then cut it off
intirely, and the whole convoy and the remaining part of the escort,
unless the enemy falls back immediately to assist them, which is no
easy matter, as you have the center and left of your army on his
flank and rear in his retreat; and most certainly he will arrive too
late to prevent the ruin of his convoy, which is our object.
If instead of being only thirty or forty miles from Exeter, as we
suppose, he is a hundred, at Salisbury, for example; I always sup-
pose that all his provisions, without exception, come from thence,
or from any where else, a hundred miles off. I say, that such an
enemy as we suppose, cannot remain a fortnight in that camp, though
the convoys meet with no other difficulty, but such as arise from
the length of the road, bad weather, accident, &c.&c.
It is impossible to collect and maintain a sufficient number of
horses, carriages, &c. to supply an army of fifty or sixty thousand
men, including those who follow the camp, with provisions, stores,
forage, &c. and to supply the convoy, drivers, &c. in their journey
to and from the camp: two hundred miles, we suppose, which can-
part the fourth. the principles of war demonstrated 487
equal to that army which acts on the shortest lines, must from that
circumstance alone prevail; even though much inferior, provided it
is conducted with prudence and activity.
From these conclusions we deduce the principles of an offensive
war.
him so far beyond the fortress, that he cannot trouble you in the
siege.
This supposes you are much superior to the enemy, and that you
can keep him at a distance with one part of your forces, while with
the remainder you prosecute the siege, escort the convoy, &c.
If you are superior to him only by a third part, and he is an able
man, ten to one you will miscarry, and be obliged to raise the siege
with shame and loss.
If the place is situated close on the frontier, then by marching
eight or ten miles into the country, you put it behind you, and carry
on your siege, without any great obstacle on his part, because your
line of operation is short and easily guarded. He cannot force you
to abandon your enterprize, but by a victory.
But if the place is situated thirty or forty miles within the coun-
try, by avoiding a general action, and acting with the greatest part
of his forces on your line, he will probably take your convoys, and
cut off your communication with your depots, and by that means
oblige you to abandon the enterprize; and your retreat will be
attended with great difficulties, because your army will or may be
attacked in front, flank, and rear.
From this I draw one conclusion; if your situation is such, that in
general you mean to attack your enemy on a given frontier, your
fortresses can never be too near them, because your line of opera-
tion will be the shorter.
But if such places are intended to cover the country, they must
be placed thirty or forty miles from the frontier, unless some par-
ticular circumstances intervene, as a great river, a pass, &c.
If you attack a place forty miles within the enemy’s country, I
would advise forming a camp in the Roman manner, about half
way, with some redoubts before your entrenchments, to prevent the
enemy from approaching them, and throwing shells and combustibles
into your camp, and burn your stores, while you are employed in
keeping the enemy at a distance and foraging the country. All your
stores, provisions, artillery, &c. are placed in this camp, and from
thence brought to that you occupy about the place without danger
or difficulty, which could not be done if they were brought forty
miles off, because a line of that length cannot be guarded.
In order to force your enemy to a battle, or to abandon the coun-
try, you must naturally employ all your forces united. Detachments,
490 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
This will force him to quit his camp, and retire on his right flank:
by repeating this operation, you will drive him where you please.
The success, however, depends on superior velocity, which you can-
not have, if the line you act upon is longer than his, and he is in
any degree an able man; so that unless you are much superior to
the enemy in numbers, goodness, and your army so constituted, as
to be also superior in velocity, he will undoubtedly baffle all your
attempts, and oblige you to return home.
If the country has no fortress, but is separated from the other
provinces by a great river or mountains, as we have supposed, is
not very extensive and open, and you are superior in cavalry, you
may, by skillful manœuvres, force him to pass the river or moun-
tains, and by placing your troops properly, keep possession of it,
otherwise not; of course, if the country has neither fortress nor rivers,
&c. you may, like Barbarians, ravage and plunder the country, and
like them abandon it in haste, but you can never make war on a
solid foundation.
These are, in my opinion, the principles of an offensive war,
deduced from reason and experience. Whenever generals have been
regulated by them, for the most part they have been crowned with
success; and on the contrary, have generally been unfortunate, when
they have deviated from them, which is confirmed by history. It
remains with the general to know how to supply them as circum-
stances require.
may be fatal, and by conquering you only force him to retire, which
you may do without any risk, if you adhere to what I shall say on
the subject. The enemy has chose his line of operation, which of
course determines yours; you advance as far as you can to meet
him: if you can anticipate his motions, pass your frontier, destroy
his small depots, carry off the horses and cattle, and the corn if
threshed; when he advances, you retire gradually from one strong
camp to another, skirmish often, but never fight a battle. If there is
a river in your country, or in his beyond the frontier, place your-
self behind it, and encamp with three-fifths of your army in the cen-
ter, and two-fifths to your right and left, so that the whole of it
consists of 40,000 men, will occupy at least fifteen miles, within which
distance he must pass: for if you place yourself across his line of
operation, he cannot deviate from it twenty miles to look for a pas-
sage. This disposition being made, and patroles sent from the extrem-
ity of your wings, he cannot throw a bridge, and pass unobserved.
If the ground is at all favourable to you, the eight thousand men
we suppose on your right or left, will be strong enough to prevent
his passing, by attacking vigorously such as have passed, and is
entrenched on your side, then encamp on some neighbouring hill,
in three corps as usual, in a circular form. Fortify your right and
left, and place your heavy artillery on them. I say, he dare not leave
his entrenchments and attack you, and must therefore repass the
river, as it happened to Prince Eugene on the Adige, which we have
already mentioned.
The only method the enemy has to pass a river thus guarded,
will be to send a strong detachment thirty miles off to throw a bridge
and fortify it. This is a very long operation, and will give you time
to oppose it. When finally the enemy has passed, which I think
impossible, if you act as we prescribe, you retire of course to another
strong camp.
If the country has many passes in it, you may oppose his progress
with success on almost every spot, and force him to send a corps
on your flanks and rear, which by acting on your line of operation,
will force you to abandon a thousand camps successively, unless you
attack and beat this corps, which you may easily do, if the country
is mountainous, for you may probably cut off his communication
with the main army, and destroy it totally, which I have seen done.
In short, one way or other, you must get rid of this corps, because
no man, or body of men, can long withstand an attack in front, and
part the fourth. the principles of war demonstrated 493
we ever attacked his rear guard with success, though great bodies
of light troops, and very often the main army, were near enough to
do it with advantage.
When the enemy advanced towards us, after skirmishing a little,
these light troops dispersed and retired where they pleased; and if
a battle ensued, they disappeared, and were lost for several days.
Many of these corps observed so ill, that very often they were sur-
prized, made prisoners, or totally dispersed. From whence I con-
clude, that a regiment of Hussars, and a few hundred Croats, will
observe an enemy much better than so many thousands, for this
plain reason, they are or ought to be invisible, and so posted near
the high roads, before the enemy’s front, and on his flanks, that he
cannot move without their knowledge. It is therefore absurd to employ
ten thousand to do that which a thousand can do much better.
The number and use of light troops depend on the nature of the
war chiefly. In an offensive war, whose principles is to seek and fight
the enemy, you must concenter your forces, and by no means dis-
perse them, and lose time in fruitless and laborious excursions: your
enemy is before you, advance in front: your army must have strength
and consistency, of course it must have a heavy cavalry, infantry,
and artillery, so that your real and physical force is superior to that
of the enemy.
In such circumstances, you can want no more light troops than
are necessary to explore the front and flank of your march: but if
you are on the defensive, you must avoid a battle, because you are
too weak, and must act on his flanks in the manner we have pre-
scribed, which can be done only with light troops, as is evident from
the nature of this service; you cannot therefore have too many of
them. An army of forty thousand men, half of which being light
troops, if ably conducted, in a close country, when the enemy’s line
is of any considerable length, will most certainly force him to aban-
don his projects and retire.
quality of the roads which lead to it, and by the position and dis-
tance of the respective capitals, and other strong places within a
hundred miles of it, beyond which no army can act with advantage;
that is, no army constituted as ours are, can act, if its depots are
distant above a hundred miles, unless there is water-carriage.
If there are no such places of arms at all, or on the one side of
the frontier line only, it is evident, that no solid operation can be
executed, and that they can tend only to ravage the country and
retire, or to facilitate the operations of some other army, acting on
another line, which was the case with the Russians, during this whole
war we are describing. They could not, and the Austrians would not
avail themselves of the victories the former had gained at Palrig and
Franckfurt on the Oder; so that the Russians, unable to fix them-
selves on or near that river, were always obliged to retire after a
short campaign, because their line of operations was too long.
We suppose the frontier before us to be three hundred miles in
length; yet the enemy can act against it from three points only,
where his depots are lodged, as in F.G.H. [Plate V ] and even from
these he can attack the two points C.E. on our frontier alone; when
he has taken either of them, he must proceed next to B. or D. and
from thence to the capital A. and not before. I have already shewn,
in treating of a defensive war, how you must counteract and check
his progress, so shall conclude the subject.
We can no way better explain our principles, than by applying
them to the different frontiers of Europe and America, accordingly,
in the following part, we shall give a military analysis of them, viz.
of that of France, Austria, the Prussian dominions, Turkey, Russia,
Poland, England, and North America.
PART THE FIFTH
1
At the Battle of Denain (1712) the French marshal Claude Louis Hector, duc
de Villars (1653–1734) attacked and killed 8,000 allied soldiers with a vigorous bay-
onet attack. Eugene arrived late on the field and was forced to retreat across the
River Scheldt.
Map 10. Map of France.
504 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
I know most people suppose, that this was owing to the defection
of the English: had this never taken place, perhaps the Allies might
in time have advanced to the Marne, and sent parties to the Seyne:
but will any officer suppose, that any army marching that line from
Mons, Tournay, &c. could separate and take winter quarters on the
above-mentioned rivers, while the French were in possession of
Picardy, Normandy, and Champagn? No, it is impossible: the great
fault of the French generals, when on the defensive, was to oppose
the enemy in front, whereas they should have operated against their
flanks.
The final event of this long and bloody war shews the strength
of this frontier, and the prodigious resources of the house of Bourbon.
From the description we have of the French frontier, towards Ger-
many and Flanders, though very incomplete, it appears, that an
enemy, though his dominions were on the Upper Rhine, opposite
to Alsace, would find it extremely difficult, or rather impossible, to
conquer that province, from whence alone he could penetrate into
Lorrain, &c.
That the second part of the French frontier, from Landau to the
Meuse, cannot be attacked by any German power marching up the
Moselle, between the Rhine and the Meuse, the event of the different
wars, waged in Flanders, prove the superiority of the French, I mean
the superior advantages they possess in acting on that frontier, which
are indeed so very great, that no forces can be collected and sup-
ported in Flanders by the house of Austria, the English, Dutch, and
the German princes, which can preserve that country against the
efforts of the French; most certainly the Austrians alone cannot do it.
So much for the absolute force of the French frontier: let us now
examine its relative force. This, we have said, depends on the length
of the enemy’s line of operation, direction of it, goodness and num-
ber of the roads, situation of his depots, &c.
Of all the powers in Germany, the house of Austria alone is in
any degree able to contend with France; we shall therefore confine
our observations to a war, which the first might undertake against
the latter. Vienna is the point, from whence the Austrians must part,
the distance between that place and the nearest part of the French
frontier, viz. Alsace on the Rhine, is above 300 miles, which alone
gives the French a decisive superiority. In acting on the Rhine they
have their depots on the spot; in a whole campaign their army need
part the fifth. the application of those principles 505
than the former. The Austrians can approach the Rhine only by the
one or the other; if they advance by the first, the French may pass
the Rhine, and by occupying some posts in the dutchy of Wirtemberg,
stop their progress and force them back into Bavaria; and if they
go on the other road, by occupying the heights on the left of the
Rhine, between Mentz and Offenburg, prevent their passing that
river, and force them down towards Coblentz and Cologne, or by
passing the Rhine, and marching to Wurtzburg, prevent their approach-
ing the Rhine at all; or finally, let them advance towards Coblentz
and the Lower Rhine, and then pass to the Main, and cut off all
communication between the Low Countries and the Austrian domin-
ions in Germany and Italy, which would prevent them from mak-
ing any considerable efforts in Flanders.
We have already shewn, that France has great advantages in attack-
ing Flanders, from the proximity of its depots, which are greatly
increased, by the Austrian’s line of operation, from Vienna to Brussels,
which makes it impossible for them to preserve that country. It was,
no doubt, owing to this circumstance chiefly, if not intirely, that the
house of Austria could not preserve Alsace, Franche Comté, and
Lorrain, which finally will bring on the loss of Flanders.
The French would find nearly the same difficulties in passing from
the Rhine to the frontiers of Austria and Bohemia, and in all prob-
ability would lose their army, as they have always done, whenever
they went as far as the Danube. The French have however some
very considerable advantages over the Austrians: they can invade
and over-run Flanders, before it is possible for the Austrians to col-
lect any forces there, capable of opposing their progress; and, more-
over, can form such alliances in Germany, as would greatly embarrass
the Austrians; whereas these can form none that could in any degree
affect the safety of the French monarchy.
It would therefore seem adviseable, and perhaps necessary, that
the house of Austria should exchange all its possessions from Luxem-
burg to Flanders for Bavaria, the present possessor of which might
find it very eligible, as he might draw a line from Manheim to Deux
Ponts, Luxemburg, and Namur, and establish an easy communication
between the whole: the Austrians no longer engaged in such distant
provinces, might turn their thoughts elsewhere with more advantage.
The French frontiers towards Switzerland, Savoy, and Spain, are
too strong to be invaded by those powers: the idea of passing the
Var, and conquering Provence, is too ridiculous to deserve a seri-
part the fifth. the application of those principles 507
the Austrians have any force at all, and particularly light troops on
the above-mentioned line, no enemy can, however numerous, attack
it with success; nor could he march down the left side of the Danube,
leaving Egra and that part of Bohemia behind him, and on his flank:
moreover the direction of this frontier line being concave towards
the enemy, is extremely favourable to he Austrians, for independent
of the prodigious strength of the country, which alone enables them
to oppose him in front with success, he cannot advance against any
given point of this circle without exposing one or both his flanks,
he would soon lose his communication with his depots, must retire
and change his line of operation.
From what we have said, it appears that Egra is the only point
of this line which can be attacked; this place neither is nor can be
made strong. It were adviseable to build a capital fortress on that
frontier so placed, that an army posted near it might advance and
take a central position between the source of the Maine and Ratisbon
on the Danube, so as to be on either river immediately, as cir-
cumstances might require. Whatever enemy approaches this frontier,
can have no other line of operation than one drawn from Nuremberg,
Ratisbon, or some other place on the Danube to Egra.
An army covered by such a fortress, as we propose, would undoubt-
edly render every attempt on that side fruitless, particularly if a body
of fifteen or twenty thousand men of light troops and Hussars would
enter Bavaria from the Inn.
At the death of Charles the Sixth, the French and Bavarians en-
tered Bohemia by Egra, which confirms our observation on this fron-
tier; had there been such a fortress as we propose, it is probable they
could not have taken it, nor could they have left it behind them.
The relative force of this line consists in this: the Austrians can
in very little time collect such forces as are able to defend it; whereas
the Bavarians and French (for the first alone cannot contend with
the Austrians) cannot be on that frontier in a year; these last can
draw nothing from France at such a great distance; the Bavarians
cannot supply them with subsistence and stores for any considerable
time, they must separate and will be beat in detail: the French will
lose their army, and Bavaria will be ravaged and ruined.
The history of the war of the succession, and of that begun in
1741, carried on in this country, shews, that any future attempts
against the house of Austria on this side will be equally unsuccessful.
part the fifth. the application of those principles 509
From Egra to the Elbe there is but one line of operation, viz. that
which goes from Dresden to Prague, from the Elbe to the Queiss,
which separates Bohemia from Lusatia, no line can be drawn from
the one to the other. From Friedland to the road, which goes from
Olmuts in Moravia towards Neiss, there are two lines of operations,
one from Schweidnitz to Prague, the other from Neiss to Olmuts:
Glatz is a post rather than a fortress, from whence a line of oper-
ation might be drawn into Bohemia. However, if a considerable body
of troops were placed in the county of Glatz, they would greatly
facilitate the operations from Schweidnitz to Prague, and those from
Neiss to Olmuts; and on the contrary, very much retard and check
those which the Austrians might carry on those lines into Silesia.
This advantage arises from the situation of this province, which pro-
jects into Bohemia, and is the vertex of a triangle formed by lines
drawn from Glatz to Neiss and Schweidnitz, and another between
these two last places.
In the preceding part of this volume, which was printed in 1766,
I gave a military description of this frontier, pointed out the three
lines of operation above-mentioned, and indicated the camps which
the Austrians might occupy to frustrate the attempts of the Prussians:
I there said, by occupying the passes on the road, between Lowositz
and Dresden, no army coming from thence could enter Bohemia.
Secondly, that by camping behind the Elbe, between Königsgratz
and Königshoff, the Prussians coming from Schweidnitz would be
stopped there: and thirdly, that an enemy coming from Lusatia by
Rumburg and Gabel into Bohemia, would also be stopped by an
army posted behind the Iser.
The king of Prussia, in alliance with Saxony, resolved to enter
Bohemia, from Schweidnitz with one army, and from Dresden with
another. The first, very numerous, he commanded in person; the
second, composed of Prussians and Saxons, was no less so.
The Austrian forces were likewise divided into two armies, some-
thing inferior to the Prussians; the emperor commanded that opposed
to the king, and marshal Laudon that destined to act against prince
Henry. The result of all these dispositions was, that the king entered
Bohemia, and advanced to the Elbe, where he found the emperor
encamped behind that river, exactly as we proposed, in such a man-
ner, that the king could neither bring him to an action, nor by any
manœuvre force him to quit his position. Prince Henry advanced
Map 11. Map of Germany.
512 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
We have already described that part of this line towards the Austrian
dominions, it remains we now examine, that which confines on
Poland and Russia. If the Poles, like their ancestors, the tartars, made
war with 100,000 horsemen, far from being a prey to their ambi-
tious neighbours, they would make them tremble: all Poland, and
the countries adjacent, from the Oder to the Dwina and Niester, on
the frontier of Russia, and even beyond the latter to the Wolga, are
intirely open and defenceless, and abundantly provided with corn,
horses, cattle, &c. 100,000 horse, divided into smaller bodies, would
over-run this immense space in a few months, and leave not a living
creature behind them to cultivate the ground, which would become
a desart, and these mighty monarchs shut up with a few subjects in
and about their fortresses. What would you do with your immense
armies of infantry, heavy squadrons, and your thousand cannons
against such an enemy? Nothing: their superior velocity gives them
every thing, and leaves you nothing but the ground on which you
encamp, which you must soon abandon, if you can, or perish.
Remember Peter the Great on the Pruth! By following this method,
the Tartars under Gensis Chan and his successors made greater con-
quests than any people in the world; but all this is a vision, the
Poles are nothing: a bad government destroys the resources of the
most powerful kingdoms; we shall therefore consider the Turkish
frontier so far as it relates to a war with Russia.
This frontier runs from Chotzim to the Niester to the Black Sea,
and from thence to Oczakow on the Nieper, along the Crimea
towards the Don. It is true, that the tartars, who inhabit the coun-
try from the Niester to the Don, along the Black sea, are not sub-
ject to the Grand Seignior, but they are so far dependent on him,
that they have always acted with him, and always will. On this fron-
tier the Turks possess Chotzim, Bender, Oczakow, and Precop on
the Isthmus, which separates the Crim from Little Tartary; in all
which he can form his magazines with ease from Asia and Europe.
The Russian frontier runs, on this side, from Kiow on the right
of the Nieper as far as Kinsburn, opposite Oczakow, on the mouth
of that river. On this frontier the Russians have only one fortress,
Pultawa, where Charles the Twelfth found the term of his victories
and glory. This line is above five hundred miles in length.
part the fifth. the application of those principles 519
opposite the Swedes. Secondly, that from the mouth of the Dwina
to Smolensko. And thirdly, that from the last place to the Black Sea.
Russian Finland is quite a savage country, having nothing in it
but forests, marshes, lakes, rocks, and mountains, is extremely poor,
and does not furnish wherewith to feed the inhabitants, though few
in number, and do not exceed a hundred thousand persons. This
country is so very strong, that three or four regiments, which gen-
erally are quartered here, are sufficient to defend it against four times
that number; and the more so, as the Russians can from Cronstadt
send any number they think proper over the gulph, and land them
behind the Swedish army, that would advance towards the Kymen:
in whatever position the Swedes place themselves, the Russians may
act against them in front and on either flank, and force them into
the sea, as in the last war in this country, or to abandon it and
retire up the gulph of Bothnia towards Torneo, where they must
perish for want of subsistence.
The Russian’s line of operations goes from Petersburg through
Wyburg; the capital of Finland to David’s Stadt, a new fortress, and
thence to Fredericksham near the Kymen; all which places are well
fortified: the Swedish line goes from the same Kymen to Abo, and
from thence over the gulph of Bothnia to Stockholm on the Baltic:
the first line is about 150 miles in length, and the second near 400.
The first is a good road by which the army may be supplied, as
also by water from Cronstadt, Nerva, Revel, &c. whereas the Swedes
must bring every thing from Stockholm and other places beyond the
gulph of Bothnia.
Whoever considers these circumstances, the great difference there
is in the length of the respective lines of operations, and finally, the
superiority of the Russian forces, will conclude that the Swedes, so
far from being able to attack the former with advantage, cannot pre-
serve their possessions on this frontier a month, if they are attacked:
it would therefore seem prudent to give them up rather than keep
them on such precarious conditions; such a measure would greatly
increase the power of the Swedes, who would have the Danes only
to contend with, to whom in every respect they are much superior.
It was to the circumstances above-mentioned only, we can attribute
the loss of the Swedish provinces, on that side of the Baltic, by
Charles the Twelfth: how could that prince suppose it was possible,
with any forces Sweden could raise and maintain, to preserve them
at such a distance, over a very difficult sea, frozen for six months
part the fifth. the application of those principles 523
in the year, against the superior forces of the Russians, who were
limitrophes, and able to act continually, almost during the whole
year? The event of that, and I believe of most wars, carried on on
such an extensive line, confirms the doctrine we have established;
that is, they miscarry and ruin those who undertake them.
From Petersburg to Riga, on the Dwina, there are Narva and
Revel, which are stations for the Russian squadrons; the coast is
high, and by no means safe for great ships, which dare not shut
themselves in the upper part of the Gulph of Finland, where a west-
erly wind would keep them longer than they would wish; so that
the Russians have nothing to fear on that side, and the less so as
they have from Finland along the coast to Riga, at least fifty thou-
sand men always in quarters.
The country on the Russian side of the Dwina, from Riga, is
something better than Finland, though like it, for the most part cov-
ered with lakes, forests, marshes, &c. and of course is very thinly
inhabited. On all this frontier an enemy can only advance towards
Riga, and from thence to Petersburg, or towards Pleskow, which is
the key into Novogorod and Moscow; the loss of Pleskow, on the
lake Peipus, brought on that of the Swedish provinces. Had Charles
the Twelfth been able to keep it, he might have prevented the
Russians from supporting themselves on the Nieva in Ingria, and by
acting on their line from Moscow to Novogorod, have forced them
to Tweer behind the Wolga. This Pleskow is a very important post,
if they had a powerful enemy to contend with on that frontier, but
they have none: for the Prussians, however formidable, were they
totally disengaged on the side of Germany, can never advance to
the Dwina: their main forces are behind the Oder, and must be
supported from thence, and by land, because the Prussian monarch
has no fleet.
The Russians can, first, send a fleet to ravage the coast from
Memel to Stetin. Secondly, can advance in front into Prussia, and
occupy it before the Prussians can send a sufficient army to prevent
it. Thirdly, they can send a considerable body of troops, particularly
light troops, to act on the Prussian’s line, from Konigsberg to the
Vistula, and even pass this river and advance towards the Warta—
such troops want no magazines.
Smolenskow is fortified, but not so as to be able to make any
considerable resistance; this is the most important point on all the
Russian frontiers, it is only two hundred miles from Moscow, through
Map 14. The Russian Empire in Europe.
526 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
2
Battle of Poltava (8 July 1709). The decisive battle of the Great Northern War
(1700–21) in that it checked the ambitions of King Charles XII of Sweden and
put Russia on the strategic offensive. Charles frontal attacks on prepared positions
cost him 7,000 killed out of an army of 22,000, while Peter the Great lost roughly
3,000 of his 40,000 soldiers.
part the fifth. the application of those principles 527
come off.3 Their last exploits at St. Cas, was, we know, very unfor-
tunate. Whose fault was it? No doubt it was the fault of those who
planned these fine expeditions. Could we have burnt the enemy’s
docks, stores, &c. at Brest and Rochfort, it would have been of great
importance and worth trying; but every other object was by no
means equal to the risk or the expence, and never ought to be
undertaken. No forces the English can bring on the coast will be
sufficient to take Brest, or any other capital place: but for a moment
I will suppose the French are asleep; that the English fleet and fifty
thousand men are at Brest. What then? Why, then they must in a
short time return home, if they can; for surely they cannot remain
at Brest, which in a short time will be surrounded by a French army,
who will besiege you in it, you must therefore abandon it, or advance
into the country: advance, in the name of God! You are at Rennes,
the capital of Britany; What then, I ask once more? Why, you will
be surrounded, your communication with Brest and your fleet cut
off, and your army perishes by the sword or by famine.
What I say of Brest, which indeed is the only place on the coast
where a fleet can for any considerable time ride with safety, is equally
applicable to every other point on this coast, or any other coast
whatever. If your army meets with any, though very inconsiderable
resistance; for while your enemy can keep the field, and act on your
flanks, you cannot remain on any given spot; and if you advance,
you only precipitate your ruin.
On the coast of England there are three harbours, where a great
fleet may ride with safety. The enemy must take one of them. Suppose
it done, and that the English have not a ship left. Suppose further,
that there is a French army of sixty thousand men encamped on
Black-Heath, and off London bridge.
I say, there are two hundred thousand men in England who have
bore arms; I will put half on horseback, and the other half remains
on foot; mix them as circumstances may require, then I place fifty
thousand men in Surry and Sussex, and as many in Essex, who act
on the enemy’s line, which on that supposition must go towards the
Downs, there being no other place where his fleet can anchor; such
a disposition being made, and only half the number of men we pro-
pose employed, I ask any officer, any man of sense, what will become
3
The expeditions to Rochefort (1757), St. Malo (1758), Cherbourg (1758), and
St. Cast Bay (1758) proved ill-conceived and ruined many army careers.
part the fifth. the application of those principles 531
Chapter V. Of America
I take it for granted, that every body has or may have a map of
the seat of war in this country, and therefore have not given it here.
Politics have not in the least contributed to bring this important war
to a happy conclusion, probably have retarded it. In general I have
observed, that when they interfere with military operations, they have
rather retarded than accelerated them: when an army is once in the
field, and the plan of the campaign settled, let the general go his
own way, he is on the spot, and with the assistance of his officers
alone, can determine what is to be done, and how it is to be done.
As I am totally unacquainted with the face of the country, it is
impossible for me, even supposing I was a competent judge, to form
532 v. the late war in germany, part ii (1781)
any opinion of the different actions which have happened there, dur-
ing this long war; most, if not all of them, have been successful; it
is therefore just to conclude, they were conducted with wisdom and
valour: why, the result of them did not answer the expectations of
the public, will appear from what we shall say on the subject.
We must beg the reader will recollect what we have said in Chap.
III, on the line of operation, Chap. IV, on the nature and princi-
ples of an offensive war, and compare the doctrine therein estab-
lished with the manner in which the American war was conducted:
it will, we think, appear, that the want of success did not arise from
want of honour, valour, or of wisdom, in planning or executing the
various actions which happened; but from those difficulties which
arose from the nature of the country, and perhaps likewise from the
defects in the general plan of war, that was adopted and pursued
with so little success.
The country is open, that is, it has no fortress excepting Boston,
New-York, and Charles-Town; it is very extensive, and very thinly
inhabited in proportion to its extent; so that there is no one province,
I believe, which could maintain a fleet and an army for a month,
which of course must be supported from England, that is, on a line
of above three thousand miles. Whoever considers this circumstance
only, and calculates the infinite difficulties in transporting and main-
taining an army of forty thousand men, at such an immense dis-
tance, will find many reasons, which have concurred to retard and
frustrate the progress or our arms. Posterity will admire the activity
and vigour of our counsels, and be astonished at the resources of
our country. The ministry could do no more than place and main-
tain a prodigious army on the spot where it was destined to act: no
fault can justly be imputed to them; they are acquitted by every wise
and moderate man, who considers their conduct as to this point with
impartiality. Though the country has no fortress, it is however very
strong by nature, and has very few good roads; it is still in its infancy.
Let us now examine, what seems to me, the real causes of our
little success in this long and unhappy war.
New-York is the point from whence our army must advance into
the country; from this point, with a radius of a hundred miles, for
example; describe a semi-circle, whose diameter is the sea coast; as
there is not, within that circumference, any one fortress whose pos-
session will render you master of a certain tract of country between
it and the coast, it follows you cannot establish a certain line of
part the fifth. the application of those principles 533
After Henry Lloyd died suddenly in June 1783, British agents descended
on his residence at Huy and absconded with his papers and effects.
Colin Lindsay of the 46th Regiment of Foot, edited and published
in 1790 the newly-discovered second volume of the history of the
Seven Years’ War. It covers the campaigns of 1758 and 1759, espe-
cially the cataclysmic Prusso-Russian battles of Zorndorf and Kuners-
dorf. Less polished than its predecessors, it nonetheless continues the
development of Lloyd’s principles of war-making and earlier themes.
Lloyd’s first-hand experience, especially at the battles of Hochkirch
and Maxen, informs the cogent analysis.
Lloyd’s scrutinized and amplified his criticism of Frederick’s meth-
ods and tactics; deeming them predictable and therefore ineffective
by 1758. The tactics of Leuthen could not be repeated, he con-
cluded, because the enemy expected him to attempt them at every
turn. Thus, posthumously he swum against the prevailing tide, espe-
cially in Prussia, that Frederick’s methods were near-flawless and
approached the ideal. But one implicit question permeates the nar-
rative: why did the Russians and Austrians fail to win the war after
inflicting several devastating defeats upon Frederick the Great’s army?
For their part the Russians did not act upon proper ‘lines of oper-
ation’ and therefore had great difficulty translating battlefield suc-
cess into operational or strategic advantage. The Austrians under
Daun suffered from inaction and a lack of strategic vision. As Lloyd
observed, they had no fixed plans and no sense of what they wanted
to achieve with their victories.
This volume was a postscript on a colorful career. The history
itself is unfinished; personifying Lloyd’s own incomplete career. By
1790, the age of the Enlightenment had ended and a new age of
revolution took its place. Lloyd and his times were soon overshad-
owed and in part forgotten by the tumult of the French Revolution
and the wars of Napoleon Bonaparte. But his concepts and ideas
would inform and influence the thought of future thinkers up to the
present day.
Colin Lindsay added several notes as an appendix in the original
volume, mostly to add other accounts that countered Lloyd’s narration
540 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Publishing History
History of the Late War in Germany, Between the King of Prussia, and the
Empress of Germany and her Allies: Containing the Campaigns of 1758,
and 1759. Volume 2. With a correct Military Map of the Seat of
War; and Plans of the Siege of Olmütz, and the Battles of Zornsdorf,
Hochkirchen, Paltzig, Cunnersdorf, or Frankfurt, and Maxen.
Published from the General’s Manuscripts, under the Inspection
of an English Officer, and Illustrated with Notes Critical, Historical,
and Explanatory. London: Printed for T. and J. Egerton, 1790.
Histoire de la Guerre d’Allemagne, pendant les Annees 1756 et suivantes, entre
le Roi de Prusse et l’Imperatrice d’Allemagne et ses Allies. 3 vols. Traduite
en partie de l’anglais de Lloyd, et en partie redigee sur la corres-
pondance originale de plusieurs officers francais et principalement
sur celle de M. de Montazet, par le C. Roux Fazillac. Paris:
Magimel, an XI [1803].
History of the Late War in Germany, Between the King of Prussia, and the
Empress of Germany and her Allies: Containing the Campaigns of 1758,
and 1759. Volume 2. (Cambridge: Ken Trotman, 2003). This is
a facsimile reprint of the 1790 edition.
To His Royal Highness Frederic, duke of York and Albany,1 &c.
&c. &c.
Sir,
The last Sheets our Author lived to publish, were dedicated to Your
Royal Brother the Prince of Wales; to whose Patronage then could
the Remainder of the Work be with so much Propriety addressed
as to that of Your Royal Highness? But You have a still better Title,
Sir, to this Homage; it is to Your Royal Highness that the British
Army looks up as the future Restorer of that uniform System of
Miliatry Discipline, which distinguished it under Your Great Uncle
of glorious Memory; without which, in spite of its native Valour, it
will always fall far short of Perfection, and which, Experience has
proved, can in this Country never be long maintained but under
the Auspices of a Prince of the Royal Family. Deign then, Sir, to
read, and to protect this posthumous Work of the almost only orig-
inal Military Writer of our Country; his Precepts were written for
Princes, and are worthy of them.
That Your Royal Highness may one Day have an Opportunity
of applying them to the solid Advantage of the Nation, the increased
Lustre of its Arms, and Your own immortal Glory and Renown, is
the sincere and ardent Wish of him, who has the Honor to sub-
scribe himself, with the warmest Attachment, and the most profound
Respect,
1
Prince Frederick, Duke of York and Earl of Ulster (1763–1827). Second son
of King George III, he sought a military career and initiated many military reforms
as Commander-in-Chief (1798–1808).
2
Brig. Gen. Colin Lindsay (1755–95) also published, Extracts from Colonel
Tempelhoffe’s History of the Seven Years’ War: His Remarks on General Lloyd, On the
Subsistance of Armies, and On the March of Convoys, 2 vols. (London: Printed for T. Cadell,
1793).
THE EDITOR’S PREFACE
six hundred men) opened the trenches before that place in the night
between the first and second of April. In a few days nine batteries
were erected, four of four cannon, and four howitzers, three of five
mortars, each placed behind the former, one of five mortars, and
one of eight twenty-four pounders. The thirteenth and fourteenth a
new bomb battery opposite the Wassar fort, and on the fifteenth at
night took the Galgen fort by assault, which reduced the governor
lieutenant general Count Thierhaimb [Franz Ludwig Thürheim] to
surrender the sixteenth. The garrison consisting of two generals, one
hundred and seventy-three officers, three thousand four hundred and
thirty-six soldiers, one thousand three hundred invalids, were made
prisoners of war. Besides the cannon which the Austrians had found
in the place, when they took it the preceding year, there was found
belonging to the Austrians twenty twelve pounders, three twenty-four
pounders, three of ten, eight mortars, ten pounders, one of thirty,
ten of sixty, all brass, and six iron of sixty, in all fifty-one pieces,
cannon and mortars. The loss of the Prussians was two officers, three
under officers, one bombardier, ninety-one soldiers, and five com-
mon men killed; fourteen officers, ten under officers, two bombardiers,
two hundred and thirty-one soldiers, and four men belonging to the
army wounded.
This place is by no means strong; it was taken the preceding year
by the Austrians in nearly the same space of time. In one thousand
seven hundred and sixty-one Laudohn took it in a few hours sword
in hand, without opening the trenches; and it was finally retaken in
one thousand seven hundred and sixty-two, after a defence of ten
weeks. Whence proceeded this very great difference? From the
difference of characters, and abilities of the different persons, who
conducted the siege and defence, in the different periods. The last
siege was remarkable for the noble defence the place made owing
chiefly to the superior abilities of M. Gribauval,1 now a lieutenant
general, and I believe at the head of the department of artillery in
France. We shall therefore in the sequel give an exact plan of the
place, and its environs, with the positions of the respective armies
during the siege, and a journal of it, with some remarks of our own,
1
Jean-Baptiste Gribeauval (1715–89). French engineer and artillery colonel,
Gribeauval served as a volunteer in the Austrian army and later instituted impor-
tant reforms that modernized the French artillery.
546 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
* The king says, he was sent to Landshut, and rejoined his army before Olmutz,
about the 10th of June.
campaign of 1758 547
2
In 1762, Frederick sent Werner’s hussars to raid Hungary along with a group
of Crimean Tartars.
548 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Illustration 17
campaign of 1758 549
Illustration 18
550 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Predlitz. This last retired towards Wischau: there was a smart action
at the village of Drissitz, in which, after some loss on both sides,
the Prussians were repulsed by Count St. Ignon,3 who commanded
the Austrians. The day following the king retired to his former camp
near Prosnitz.* Soon after the Prussians began to contract their
different posts, in order to besiege Olmutz; Markgrave Charles4 occu-
pied Neustadt; prince Maurice, Littau; general Wedel,5 Namiest; the
king, the heights between Prosnitz and the Morave. The trenches
were opened before Olmutz the twenty-seventh of this month, on
the side of Tobitschau, beyond the river; a regiment of dragoons,
five hundred hussars, and two batallions were sent to invest the place
on that side.
General Laudohn, who conducted the avantgarde of Marshal
Daun’s army with about five thousand men, chiefly light troops, quit-
ted his post at Lewin the second of May, and marched to Reichenau.
The main army on the third likewise left the camp of Skalitz, and
went to Wodierad. A considerable body of troops commanded by
general Harsch,6 was posted at Nachod, to cover Bohemia on that
side; while Marshal Daun advanced to Chotzen on the fourth, and
the day following encamped at Leitomischel. In the mean time gen-
eral Laudohn advanced to Landscron, and being informed that
General de Ville had retired towards Prosnitz, advanced to Hohenstadt,
where he arrived on the sixth, and immediately occupied the posts
of Aussee and Muglitz, from whence strong parties were continually
detached to observe and restrain those of the enemy. In the mean
time general Jahnus, with a considerable body of light troops, took
post at Schildberg the sixth, and sent detachments to Schomberg
and Grunberg, from whence he would observe the motions of the
Prussians, and interrupt their communication with Troppau and
Upper Silesia. On the nineteenth this general took post at Aller
Heiligen, near Muglitz, and from thence sent detachments on the
enemy’s communciations towards Bährn and Hoff, which alarmed
their posts, attacked several with success, and destroyed and took
several of the transports sent into the country to collect forage, &c.
3
Maj. Gen. Count Joseph Saint-Ignon.
* See Note A.
4
Markgrave Karl von Brandenburg-Schwedt.
5
Maj. Gen. Johann von Wedell.
6
Maj. Gen. Ferdinand Philipp Harsch, commander of Austrian engineers.
campaign of 1758 551
* See Note B.
552 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
who attacked the enemy’s left, took a pair of silver kettle drums,
killed near two hundred men, and made one hundred and five pris-
oners; those on the other wing had equal success. This affair being
happily concluded, Count St. Ignon was returning with his detach-
ment to his former post, and was about a league from Hollitz, when
a dragoon came from Olmutz to inform him, that the garrison made
a sally, and that they had shut up the enemy at the village of Wister-
nitz, whom they desired the Count to attack. On which, though the
troops under his command were extremely fatigued, the Count, with-
out hesitating a moment, wheeled about, on approaching Wisternitz
he perceived seven squadrons of the enemy which seemed disposed
to attack him in his rear; he ordered his detachment to wheel right
about, and instantly charged them, and though supported by a batal-
lion of infantry, and two pieces of cannon, they were totally destroyed,
having lost near eight hundred men killed and wounded; among the
latter was general Meyer, who commanded them.
The regiment of light horse had been raised during the winter,
and greatly distinguished itself on this occasion, like our Elliot’s,
though it was the first action of consequence in which it had been
engaged.
It is observable that new raised infantry do not in general behave
so well as new raised cavalry; the reason I believe is, that the for-
mer being placed in a line, and moving slowly has too much time
to reflect on the danger of its situation; when cavalry being instantly
brought to action, moreover incited by emulation, goes on with more
vigour than the old regiments. If there is not in the troops a sense
of honour, fear then prompts them to act with the utmost vigour,
which is regarded as the only means to finish the danger.
This action does much honour to the zeal, valour and wisdom of
Count St. Ignon and his officers. It is an example worthy to be imi-
tated, and we therefore recommend it to our brethren.
The new position taken by Marshal Daun so near the Prussians,
obliged his Majesty to contract his posts that he might be in sufficient
force, either to attack him or defend himself in case he was attacked;
he therefore recalled the corps posted at Neustadt and Littau, and
7
Léopold Charles, comte de Stainville (1724–81). Brother of French Foreign
Minister Etienne-François, duc de Choiseul (1719–82), and later Bishop of Evreux
and Archbishop of Albi and Cambrai.
554 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
8
Maj. Gen. Ferdinand Friedrich Bülow.
9
Maj. Gen. Josef, Graf von Siskovíc. Lacy’s successor as Quartermeistergeneral and
Lloyd’s arch-rival who played a considerable role in his decision to resign his com-
mission in 1761.
campaign of 1758 555
After general Fouquet’s corps had joined the camp at Krenau, Field
Marshal Keith took upon himself the command of it and the con-
* The Journal alluded to, as well as the accounts of the destruction of the con-
voy, as published by the respective parties, not having been found among the
Author’s papers, the Editor has supplied that deficiency by an Extract from Colonel
Templehoff ’s very accurate work.
556 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
duct of the siege; he had under his orders lieutenant general Fouquet,
and Major generals Schenkendorf,10 prince Francis of Brunswick11
and [ Johann Karl] Rebentisch. The king came to the camp from
Prosnitz, and after he had reviewed the army of the siege, and the
train of artillery, he rode out accompanied by the general officers
and engineers, to reconnoitre the fortress and its environs, and gave
out the necessary orders respecting the siege. The corps appointed
to carry it on, was ordered immediately to invest the town on the
side of Drosnitz, and to form a chain of posts in such a manner, as
that whole extensive space might be occupied. The right wing was
on the Morava and had Neustadt before its front, and Nimlau in
the rear; the left extended itself beyond Krenau, and had this vil-
lage in its rear; the Field Marshal’s head quarters was in Schnabellin,
and was occupied by the batallion of Lattorf, and the two compa-
nies of miners. Near this village was placed the artillery, and the
depot of all the other necessary stores for carrying on the siege in
Horcke, a village on the left. Near a forest, was placed the bakery,
to which were attached two hundred and fifty waggons of the Proviant-
train, and here also was a depot of meal and forage, and the field
hospital belonging to this corps; two companies of the batallion of
Naumeister were posted to protect these, and the two others on the
bridge of Chometau. On the right wing, near the regiment of Pan-
nerwitz, was a bridge thrown over the Morava, to facilitate the com-
munication with the country on the other side of that river; this was
occupied by a corps under the command of general Meier of the
dragoons, which was posted as follows: the batallion of Naimchefsky
in Lodenitz, two hundred jagers in Drussowitz, ten squadrons of
Bareuth dragoons, and two squadrons of Seydlitz’s hussars in the
neighbourhood of Starnau, and Bauniowitz; this little corps was so
distributed, in order to maintain the communication with Silesia,
with which view also the free batallions, Le Noble and Salenmon
occupied Sternberg, in order to cover the siege; his Majesty posted
himself at Prosnitz, with a corps consisting of the following regiments.
10
Maj. Gen. Friedrich August von Schenckendorff
11
Prince Friedrich Franz, Prince von Brunswick-Lüneburg. General and brother-
in-law of Frederick the Great, who was decapitated by a cannonball at the battle
of Hochkirch (1759).
campaign of 1758 557
Infantry Cavalry
1 gren. bat. Haake 5 Sq. Gardes du corps
1 gren. bat. Kremzow 5 Sq. Gens d’Armes
2 M.B. Charles 5 Sq. Carabiniers
2 M.B. Kannaker 5 Sq. Krokow
2 M.B. Itzenplitz 5 Sq. Schmettau
2 M.B. Wedel 5 Sq. Ziethen’s Hussars
2 M.B. Lattorf 5 Sq. Putkammer
2 batallions, Old Brunswick 5 Sq. Seidlitz
2 batallions of guards 5 Sq. Norman Dragoons
1 batallion Retzow 5 Sq. Czettritz
1 gren. bat. Carlowitz 5 Sq. Young Krokow
1 gren. bat. Wedel 5 Sq. Young Plathen
1 gren. bat Diringshofen 10 Sq. Werner’s Hussars
1 gren. bat. Benkendorf 10 Sq. Möhring
21 batallions 88 squadrons
The generals with these were, lieutenant generals the prince of Hesse
Cassel12 and [Wolf Friedrich von] Retzow, and major generals Kan-
naker, Bornstädt, and [Georg Conrad von der] Goltz. This corps
drew its subsistence from Littau.
The Austrians on their side were also separated into several corps;
Marshal Daun, with the grand army, encamped near Leutomischel,
and general Harsch having quitted his post at Nachod on the seven-
teenth, was advanced as far as Nikel; general Laudohn, with his light
troops, was stationed near Konitz, and extended his posts to Willinow,
Namiest, Laskow, Ptin, and so on, to keep up his communication
with De Ville, who with a strong corps of cavalry, was posted on
the road to Brinn; general Janus occupied the heights of Allerheligen,
near Muglitz, with his light troops, who possessed themselves also of
Seren, Lostitz, the castle of Busow, and Aussee. Colonel Lanius, with
about a thousand light troops, was at Friedland and Lobnick, to
observe and molest the road of communication with Silesia.
The numbers of their light troops (the greater part of whom are
composed of men who are to be depended on, and who are accus-
tomed to a very hardy course of life), gave the Austrian generals a
considerable advantage; and they are obliged to them for the suc-
cess of many of their enterprizes, which otherwise they perhaps never
12
Hereditary Prince Friedrich von Hessen-Kassel.
campaign of 1758 559
and the second of old Brunswick; they took their march by Czech,
and from thence over the mountains strait to Namiest. At the same
time prince Maurice had received orders to detach prince Charles
of Bevern with the grenadier batallion, Schenkendorf, the second
batallion of Manteufel, and the second of Asseburg, with fifty hussars,
strait to Willinow and Namiest, to come on the left flank and the
rear of the enemy; all these columns marched off in such a manner
as to arrive at the same moment at day-break at their several posts;
the success meanwhile did not answer these excellent dispositions.
General Laudohn had received timely intelligence of the king’s
approach, as well from his advanced posts as from his spies, among
whom you might reckon almost every peasant in the country round
about; besides this, the detachment under the prince of Bevern,
arrived earlier than the other columns, and put the enemy in motion.
The small advanced detachments did not lose a moment in falling
back on their main body, leaving the greater part of their baggage
behind them; and the mountainous and woody nature of the coun-
try (of which the light troops knew every foot path) gave general
Laudohn the means of gaining the heights behind Konitz; without
any considerable loss. Indeed Ziethen’s hussars found an opportu-
nity to take prisoners one captain and one lieutenant of Croats, and
one captain and one lieutenant of hussars, with forty-eight Croats,
and to cut several more in pieces. There was on both sides a good
deal of cannonading, but without effect; the enemy keeping con-
stantly at a distance, where there was no getting at them. The king
followed them as far as Konitz, but when he saw that no essential
advantage was to be obtained from pursuing them any further, he
sent back his troops to their posts again.
As soon as Marshal Daun received advice that the army of the
siege, with the necessary ammunition, and other stores, was come
before Olmutz, he thought it was then time to approach the king,
and to devise some means of relieving the fortress. With this design
he broke up his camp at Leitomischel, on the twenty-third marched
to Zwittau, and on the twenty-fourth to Gewiez; at the same time
general Harsch advanced from Nikel, and the same day encamped
near Müglitz, on the heights of Allerheiligen: General Jahnus on the
other hand posted himself near Lostitz, and compelled the out-posts
of prince Maurice’s corps, which occupied Remnitz and Neuschloss
to retire nearer to the camp. General de Ville advanced once more
with his corps as far as Wischau, and general Esterhazi was sent
campaign of 1758 561
this side; but against which part of the works it might be directed
with the greatest advantage, this remained still to be determined on.
About fifteen hundred paces from the fortress goes the road to
Prosnitz, called the Imperial road, over a small height which is named
the Tafelberg, and loses itself in the plain by degrees as it approaches
the town; over this height ran a hollow way, some hundred paces
in length, parallel with the works of the town, and afterwards turned
and wound about in such a manner as to form natural approaches
to the town. Colonel Balby,13 of the engineers, to whom the conduct
of the siege was entrusted, promised himself great advantages from
the situation of this hill, a man being able distinctly to overlook from
it every part of the enemy’s works; besides, he thought the artillery
could not easily find a more commodious spot to place the ricochet
batteries in the first parallel; and as he was looked upon as a man
of more than ordinary skill in his profession, and having been pre-
sent at various sieges, as Bergen op Zoom for instance, had joined
practice to his theory; his opinion was listened to, and it was deter-
mined to employ this post to the best advantage. After this point
was settled, there still remained the question, whether it were bet-
ter to go with the first parallel to the right of the hill down to the
Povalka, a small branch of the Morava, over against Neustift, or to
the left, till it met the river not far from Hatschin; if the latter were
chosen, nothing was to be feared from the works enfilading the
trenches; but on the other hand, it was apprehended that they might
be flooded by the time the sap was brought to the foot of the Glacis:
of this there was truly no danger in the former case; but then one
exposed the trenches and parallels during the continuation of the
work, to the danger of being taken in flank and enfiladed along their
whole extent by the works which the enemy had constructed in the
islands near the place called Salzergut, and which from hence were
known to the besiegers by the name of the Water-Fort.
These works could during the continuance of the siege be still fur-
ther augmented, and they were by so much the more dangerous, as
they lay very low; made a feu rasant, the most dangerous of all, and
were scarcely exposed to be injured, or their fire silenced, by the
artillery of the besiegers.
13
Giovanni Balbi. Favorite of Frederick the Great who was the scapegoat for
the failed siege of Olmütz.
campaign of 1758 563
14
Friedrich Christian von Wrede.
564 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
which laid themselves on the ground, and sent out their out posts
about eighty paces further, who also lay down. Behind each flank
of the parallel were placed eighty dragoons, to be at hand to repel
any attempt of the enemy’s cavalry; the engineers traced the paral-
lel and approaches, the artillery their batteries; and the work advanced
so briskly, that in the course of this night, the greater part was so
far compleated, that the troops who at day break, drew back to wait
for the relief, remained in them under cover. Notwithstanding the
enemy’s cavalry encamped in front of the Theresian gate, and strong
picquets of infantry were posted all round the town, and the field
posts also of the cavalry were advanced quite to the foot of the
Tafelberg; yet the commandant was not informed of the opening of
the trenches, sooner than four o’clock in the morning, he fired then
some few cannon shot; but which hurt nobody.
In order to draw off the enemy’s attention to another side, gen-
eral Rebentisch received orders to attack the village of Repschin, at
two o’clock in the morning; which the commandant had occupied
with two hundred croats, as also Hatschin, Kowalkowitz and the
convent of Hradisch, with other troops. To this end the batallion of
Nimschefsky had detached two companies to Horka, while the batal-
lion of Naumeister, which was posted there, made this attack; after
that some cannon shot had been fired at the village, the volunteers
advanced and marched strait up to it; the enemy quitted it without
making the slightest resistance, left their field equipage, knapsacks,
and a great quantity of arms, and retired into the town; the villages
was set on fire, and then it was perceived that the cavalry in front
of the Theresian gate, continued perfectly quiet in their camp, on
which prince Francis ordered a howitzer, and two six pounders to
be brought into the parallel, whose fire soon drove them from that
post, and compelled them to retire into the town. The commandant
who perceived very plainly, that from the distance at which the par-
allel was traced, he could do little damage to it with his fire, thought
it not prudent to waste his powder, which he intended to employ
hereafter to more advantage, and therefore on that day made very
little firing. The besiegers in consequence of this lost no more than
one single man, from the opening the trenches to the hour of relief
on the twenty-eighth in the afternoon.
On the thirtieth the first parallel was entirely completed, and the
artillery ready with six batteries. In the crochet on the right flank
stood three twelve-pounders, then followed a mortar battery of twelve
Map 17. Plan of the Siege of Ollmutz by the Prussian Army, Commanded by F.M. Keith, from 20th May to 1st July, 1758.
566 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
is too great for them long to resist. It would have been better not
to have fired at all; experience, the best instructress, now taught us
to our cost, that the approaches were commenced at too great a
distance from the works.
Field Marshal Keith insisted therefore with colonel Balby, that he
should no longer lose time in finishing the first parallel, but go on
forwards with his approaches, that the batteries might be brought
nearer to the town, and might be employed with more effect. The
first parallel was upon this lengthened about seven hundred paces
to the right hand out from the crochet, and another battery con-
structed of eight pieces of cannon, to damp the fire from the water
fort, which took this parallel in flank; but as this battery must nec-
essarily expose its own flank to the other works, it was constructed
en cremailliere. On the fourth of June we were ready with our second
parallel; notwithstanding that, it being almost entirely enfiladed by
the water fort, we were obliged to fill it with traverses. The artillery
did not lose a moment in forwarding the construction of new bat-
teries, under whose protection the approaches might be carried on
with more safety and expedition, for we had now got within eight
hundred paces of the works.
Colonel Balby however was not of this opinion; he conceived the
batteries on the Tafelberg to be much better calculated to protect
the advancement of the work, than all those which, were proposed
to be constructed in the second parallel, and this for no other reason
than that from the former one might discover near two thirds of the
height of the works; whereas on the contrary, in the second paral-
lel the fall of the ground scarce permitted you to see the embra-
sures; and as to the small progress we had hitherto made in destroying
the defences and artillery of the besieged, this he imputed merely to
an ill-judged parsimony in confining the charge of our twenty-four
pounders to ten, and of our twelve pounders to five pounds of pow-
der, whereas he maintained they ought to have been considerably
augmented, and that we should carry the first to fifteen, and the
second to seven pounds, if we wished to produce the effect intended.
He would not have maintained these opinions if he had been bet-
ter acquainted with the effects of artillery, nor have fallen into the
error, that the range of a shot increases always in proportion to the
charge of powder. This principle was held as long as artillery was
treated rather as handy-craft than as science, but men soon learnt
from experience that three-eighths of the weight of the shot was at
568 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
all times the properest charge, and generally speaking, far from being
too weak. Besides, the range of a cannon shot does not depend upon
the charge alone, but on the angle of elevation, the length of the
piece, the resistance of the air, and various other small circumstances,
which a man must take into his calculation, if he would avoid falling
into considerable errors on the subject of gunnery.
As the progress of the works advanced, we were more and more
convinced that what had been considered as a mere trifle, would be
attended with the most serious consequences. The fire from the water
fort became every hour more destructive, and as it enfiladed a part
of the second parallel, we were obliged there also to construct tra-
verses for the protection of the men, and a battery on the right flank
to check the vivacity of its fire. Many difficulties attended the exe-
cution of this latter work. The water fort lay so far detached from
the other works of the town, that being able to flank the whole front
of attack, it was consequently impossible to attack it without expos-
ing one’s flank to the town; this rendered the progress of the work
very tedious, and cost us very many men. I myself have been often
present whilst superintending the working men, when a shot from
the water-fort has gone through them, and has crossed another from
the town, which has taken off a whole rank of workers. Nothing is
more capable of destroying all courage and good-will in the troops,
either for working or fighting, than a flanking enfilading fire, though
the imagination perhaps represents the danger as being greater than
it really is. It is therefore with reason established as one of the first
principles of our profession to avoid this fire, and it will ever be
considered as a capital fault in the conduct of this siege, that we
should have exposed ourselves to it, when we might have avoided
it by giving another direction to our parallel.
At length on the eighth of June the batteries on the left, and on
the twelfth the great battery on the right, were so far advanced as
to admit of several pieces being brought into them. Till this was
done the fire had been very much interrupted, as it was determined
for the abovementioned reasons to fire no more from the batteries
on the Tafelberg, which had been found to be an unnecessary waste
of ammunition; by this means the engineers were hindered in the
advancement of their works, which the very heavy and destructive
fire from the town absolutely stopped, and so found themselves
obliged to employ several days in remedying the original errors com-
mitted in the choice of our attack. On the ninth the king himself
campaign of 1758 569
may judge how considerably the works would have been advanced,
if on the first night we had approached to within eight hundred
paces of the town; we should then have been ready on the twelfth,
or at latest on the sixteenth of June, to begin working on the third
parallel, and this would have had a very considerable influence on
the success of the undertaking. I have already said that the advan-
tages expected to have been derived from the situation of the Tafelberg,
determined colonel Balby to depart from principles which he sufficiently
understood, and had himself employed at the siege of Schweidnitz.
But this alone was not all his reasons, the enemy had several pic-
quets of infantry before the town, and parties of his cavalry were
posted at the foot of the Tafelberg; now it was apprehended that
we might have been discovered by them, and so prevented from
finishing our parallel on the first night by the fire that discovery
would have drawn upon us; but even had we been so discovered,
that consequence does not necessarily follow; it scarce ever happens
that a parallel is drawn about a fortress without discovery, and yet
it is always pretty considerably advanced; at three sieges of Schweidnitz
this was the case, and particularly at he last; nevertheless the work
was so far advanced during the first night, and that too without any
considerable loss, that on the following day the men were completely
under cover from the enemy’s cannon shot; indeed this parallel was
traced at a thousand paces distance, and consequently further off
than was necessary; and it is plain from hence, that in the present
instance we might have advanced without danger, at least within
this distance of the town. Then I may add how watchful soever gen-
eral Marshall might be, however prudently he may have taken his
measures, it would all find a parallel in the conduct of General
Guasco’s15 defence of Schweidnitz.
But the great error was in carrying the approaches to the right
towards the Povalka; for every one knew that we must have the fire
of the works raised in the islands there, otherwise called the Water-
Fort in our flank. This openly broke through all the rules of art:
but admitting that the attack could not be carried on, on the side
of Hatschin and Repschin, on account of the inundation to which
the third parallel might be exposed, still it did not necessarily follow
that it must therefore be undertaken on the opposite side; besides,
15
Lt Gen. Franz Guasco. A Piedmontese who had preceded Lacy as General-
quartermeister.
campaign of 1758 571
and other necessities and provisions, under the escorte of three thou-
sand Convalescents, Kleist’s grenadier batallion, and the free batal-
lion of Rapin, which was raised for the most part from the French
prisoners, at Magdebourg, and deserters, without the loss of one sin-
gle waggon. Kleist’s batallion returned back immediately to Troppau,
but that of Rapin was quartered in Holitz, on this side of Olmütz.
The two free batallions, Le Noble and Salenmon, suffered somewhat
in this.
In order to cover this convoy, General Meyer was ordered to
occupy a place called Sauberg, near Döllein, with the grenadier
batallion of Nimschefsky; and to draw a chain of posts from Chometau
to Gibau, with a detachment of Bayreuth’s dragoons; the grenadier
batallions of Unruh belonging to the Markgrave Charles’s corps,
occupied Sternberg; and the free batallions posted there were advanced
as far as Bährn. Here Colonel Le Noble received intelligence, that
the convoy was already passed through Gibau; and without more
enquiry whether this really had any foundation, he immediately
recommenced his march back to Sternberg. In the mean time Colonel
Lanius, who was posted in the mountains, had possessed himself of
the woods and heights by Deutch Lodnitz, and attacked the free
batallions in the defilé, near Siebenhufen; and as they had been com-
pleated by a considerable number of Austrian deserters and prison-
ers, so the greatest part of them went over immediately to the enemy,
who obtained such an advantage from the superiority of numbers
they derived from these traitors, that it was no difficult matter for
them to take from us three pieces of cannon, and three hundred
prisoners, the rest cut their way through.
All these trifling advantages however could have very little real
influence on the destiny of Olmutz; this would have been easily
decided if Marshal Daun had determined to attack the king with all
his forces; but this the Marshal’s wary character did not permit; he
would not be induced to hazard a chance which it was at any time
in his power to recur to, till he had tried every other means that
appeared conducive to the accomplishment of his object; of these,
one was to open his communication with the fortress without expos-
ing himself to the danger of being forced into a battle by the king
while on his march; the other was to compel his adversary to relin-
quish his enterprize by cutting off the convoys of whatever was nec-
essary for carrying on the siege, which he was still obliged to draw
out of Silesia.
574 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
on the steep sandy hills which lie on the right of Predlitz; this and
all the villages lying before the front were occupied by infantry and
the corps of general de Ville, here joined the grand army.
This general had a few days before detached general St. Ignon
with the Saxon regiment of dragoons, called Prince Charles’s, the
two Austrian regiments, imperial Würtemberg and Löwenstein,
Deschosisches Hussars, a Pulk of Houlans, and some hundred Croats
towards Prerau, to observe the Prussian disposition on that side.
There St. Ignon heard that the Bayreuth dragoons were quartered
at Bistrowan, and two squadrons of Seidlitz’s Hussars at Wisternitz,
which could only be sustained by the grenadier batallion Nimschefsky,
which was in Drozdin, and Rapin’s free batallion posted at Hollitz,
he resolved therefore to fall on them; with this view he broke up
from Prerau on the sixteenth, and approached the dragoons just at
the entrance of the night. Field Marshal Keith had in the mean
while received intelligence of this march, and had apprized general
Meyer of it, who commanded on that side; this general therefore
kept his people under arms the whole night through, and drew to
his support the batallion of Nimschefsky, which was ordered to occupy
Wisternitz. At day break, nor till half past five in the morning could
any enemy be discovered; the patrolles which had been sent out dur-
ing the night, were not yet returned: all this time not a shot had
been heard, but a perfect silence reigned all around. This general
Meyer, contrary to all the rules of prudence took for a good sign;
he thought that the patrolles having met with no enemy, advanced
too far to be back so soon, and it never once occurred to him that
the enemy might have surprized and carried them off in silence. He
held the intelligence therefore as unfounded, and although several
officers thought they had discovered cavalry in the woods which lay
before their front, still he was so positive in his opinion, that he
thought it unnecessary to send out one single man to ascertain
whether this observation were well founded or not; he rather gave
orders to the grenadiers to return back to their quarters, and to the
dragoons to unsaddle and prepare for foraging, and thus fell into
the snare with his eyes open. The grenadiers were scarcely returned
into their quarters, before the enemy fell on the dragoons with his
whole force, penetrated into the whole camp, cut to pieces many
men, wounded and made prisoners many more, and compelled the
remainder to retire to Drozdin to the protection of their infantry.
The two squadrons of Seidlitz’s hussars had not been so precipitate;
576 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
they remained still saddled, and though they were forced indeed to
give way before superior numbers, yet they lost not a man, but on
the contrary made some prisoners. In the mean while, the batallion
of grenadiers got once more under arms, marched with all possible
expedition against the enemy, stopped him by some cannon shot
from pursuing any further his advantage, and chased him again from
the camp of the dragoons quite back to Gross Teinitz. At the same
time the free batallion of Rapin quartered in Hollitz, and two other
squadrons of the Bayreuth dragoons, who were posted near that vil-
lage, were attacked. But these withdrew themselves in time over the
Dam which leads to the Morava, and the enemy made only one
officer and thirty men prisoners, who were posted in the church
yard. General Meyer on this received orders from Marshal Keith to
draw back to Holitz, with his batallion of grenadiers. These formed
themselves into a square, took their baggage in the center, and
although they were attacked by the enemy, as well on the side of
the Heiligen Berg, as by some hussars who sallied from Olmutz,
they made good their way to Holitz without the loss of one single
man; general Meyer on the contrary, who had gone forward with
the remaining part of the regiment, was once more attacked by the
enemy, and compelled to pass the Dam near this village on the full
gallop. On this the dragoons fell into confusion and came in pell
mell with the enemy, who pursued them very hotly indeed; the loss
would here have been very considerable, if the free batallion which
had posted itself behind the Dams, had not by a heavy well directed
fire, stopped the enemy’s pursuit. The regiment lost in this unfor-
tunate affair into which they had been drawn by the imprudent secu-
rity of the commander, about fifty killed; general Meyer himself, four
other officers, and one hundred non-commissioned and privates
wounded, and about three hundred prisoners. Field marshal Keith
on the very first alarm passed the Morava without delay, with two
batallions and five squadrons of Würtemberg’s; he came however
too late to ward off this blow, for general St. Ignon on his approach
retired back to Prerau. Holitz was once more occupied by Nimschefsky’s
grenadiers, and the free batallion of Rapin, and those of the Bayreuth
dragoons, who were still mounted together with Seidlitz’s Hussars,
encamped near the village. As for the Field Marshal, he returned
with his troops back to the camp before Olmütz.
The march of then enemy’s army was immediately reported to
Prince Maurice and the Markgrave Charles, by their out posts of
campaign of 1758 577
Hussars; they both kept their troops all the night through dressed
and accoutred, to be ready to turn out in a moment, in case of an
alarm; but every thing remained quiet. Next morning the Prince
detached general Saldern and Schenkendorf ’s grenadiers, and Möhr-
ing’s Hussars, to reconnoitre the enemy. He found the camp on the
heights of Müglitz abandoned, and all the accounts he could pro-
cure, agreed in this, that the enemy’s grand army had turned to the
right towards Wischau. The Markgrave Charles also had now no
longer any enemy before him at Neustadt; and as much could be
reported to the king, and to the Bayreuth dragoons, at the same
time, he gave orders to that corps to break up its camp immedi-
ately, and go and post itself on the other side of Olmütz, to cut off
the communication between Prerau and that town. This was the
more necessary, as the handful of troops who were posted there
could not prevent the enemy from being from time to time supplied
with provisions, several waggons with powder being secretly con-
veyed into the town; nor the commandant from keeping up con-
stant correspondence with Marshal Daun’s army. General St. Ignon
also posted near Prerau, with no other intention than to sustain the
reinforcement which was intended to be thrown into the town. On
the seventeenth the Markgrave’s corps also left its camp near Neustadt,
and went to Bauniowitz. But on the eighteenth, after that the Mark-
grave and the Prince of Hesse Cassel had marched with the king
to Prosnitz, it moved into the neighbourhood of Bistrowan, and
was posted in the following manner by general Retzow, who at this
time commanded it. The regiment of Kalkstein, and one squadron
of Seidlitz Hussars were placed at Lodenitz, and were ordered to
break up and ruin all the roads which lead to Chometau. The sec-
ond batallion of Geist, and two more squadrons of Hussars were
sent under the command of general Goltz, to Wisternitz. The first
batallion of Geist, together with the second batallions of grenadiers,
Unruh and Manteufel, eight squadrons of Bayreuth’s dragoons, and
two squadrons of general Seidlitz’s hussars went to Bistrowan. Sternberg
at the same time was abandoned, and the two free batallions, Le
Noble and Salenmon, who had been posted there, went to Holitz;
which town was already occupied by Nimschefsky’s grenadiers, the
free batallion of Rapin, and two squadrons of Bayreuth. Prince
Maurice likewise changed his disposition, drew himself more to the
left, and took a new camp on the heights by Choelein, in such a
manner, that his right wing came on the hill where his left had
578 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
stood, and the left streched out over this village, in which he placed
his head quarters, Littau remained in the rear. But when the king
had reconnoitred the enemy, and found that he had a force greatly
superior to himself before him; he on the twenty-first called in Prince
Maurice with ten batallions, fifteen squadrons, and the two hundred
hussars who were attacked to this corps, and made these troops
encamp in the second line of his left wing. The grenadier batallions
Bohr, Wangenheim and Heyden, under the command of general
Kreutz, occupied the posts near Klein Sehnitz, where Möhring’s reg-
iment of hussars was already posted. This little corps was destined
in conjunction with that under general Wedel at Namiest, to keep
up our communication with the army of the siege, and to hinder
general Laudohn, who was still near Konitz, with four regiments of
regular infantry, a regiment of dragoons, and several thousand Croats
and Hussars from disturbing the progress of the siege by his expe-
ditions. The first batallion of Münchow, with two hundred men
detached from the regiment of Manteufel, remained at Littau, under
the command of Major [Moritz Franz von] Wobersnow for the pro-
tection of the hospital, in which about a thousand soldiers danger-
ously ill or wounded were left behind. The military chest, the field
commissariat, the proviant-train, and the less seriously affected sick
and hurt, went to Krenau. The Bakeries however were removed to
Horka, and were covered by the free batallion of Rapin, which came
from Holitz and encamped in front of that village. On the twenty-
third, Littau was summoned by a detachment of Austrian light troops
under colonel Zobel; who having received the usual answer, and
learning the approach of general Kreutz, drew off again.
In the mean while Marshal Daun, who had received positive orders
from his court to succour the place, fought to approach more an
more to his object; but as he well knew the vigilance and activity
of the king, he would not venture to make a single step by which
he might run the hazard of coming to action with him. The usual
measure of strengthning the garrison with a reinforcement of fresh
troops, appeared to him to be by so much safer, as the Prussian
quarters on the left bank of the Morava, were very much dispersed,
and moreover very slightly occupied. He entrusted therefore General
Bülow with the conduct of this expedition, and detached him on the
nineteenth with one thousand two hundred infantry, and about thirty
men of the artillery; this officer arrived without difficulty at Prerau,
the next morning General St. Ignon sent out strong patroles towards
campaign of 1758 579
as far as the heights of Prerau; General St. Ignon had occupied this
town with some hundred croats, his cavalry was posted behind it in
a camp, whose front was covered by the Beczwa, a river with marshy
banks, and by several ditches. Notwithstanding the strength of this
post, he sent away his baggage to Kropin, drew back with his corps
to the heights of Bicknow, and left only a hundred croats in the
town; it would not have been difficult for General Ziethen to drive
out the croats, and open the road to pursue the enemy, they would
probably not have held out a moment, and the affair would have
ended with a very trifling loss of men; but in the mean time came
intelligence, that the enemy had occupied the castle of Tobitschau
with some hundred croats under the command of colonel Vehla.
These General Ziethen must have left behind him had he advanced
any further, and as still more troops of the enemy from Kropin and
Kremsir, might fall upon the flanks, he might have met with some
difficulty in effecting his retreat, he therefore marched back to Lomutz,
and General St. Ignon returned to his old position. This was not
the only destination of General Ziethen’s detachment, a great con-
voy was expected out of Silesia, which had set out on the twenty-
first from Neisse and Kosel, under the escorte of two batallions of
Treskow, two of young Kreutz, two of Mitschefahl, one grenadier
batallion Bahr, one old Billerbeck, between two and three thousand
recruits and convalescents of the infantry divided into four batal-
lions, and one thousand one hundred men of the cavalry. The con-
voy consisted of between three and four thousand waggons, of which
only eight hundred and eighteen were laden with ammunition, and
other necessaries for carrying on the siege, the rest contained meal,
various other provisions, and the small mountings for the troops; in
proportion as the safe arrival of this convoy was of importance to
us, in like manner it was of the utmost consequence to the enemy
to intercept it. Therefore although the escorte was sufficiently strong
to protect it against any enemy, not excessively superior in force,
and the best measures might be reasonably looked for from colonel
Mosel, who had the command of it (a man of tried resolution and
experience) still circumstances might happen which would make some
succour absolutely necessary. Genral Ziethen therefore received orders
to meet the convoy with his corps, and to reinforce himself if he
thought proper with some batallions from that under General Retzow;
in the mean time he disposed his troops in and about the villages,
on the side of the Heilige Berge in such a manner, as that the town
campaign of 1758 581
the king, but also threatened his majesty’s left flank; at the same
time general Buccow was detached with a corps of some thousand
men to Ptin against his right, and the posts near Tobitschau were
considerably reinforced. All these movements were made with the
following view, partly to conceal the march of general Ziskowitz,
who in the mean while had passed the Morava, and was gone away
to his destination, and partly also by the apprehension of an attack
to prevent the king from detaching any more troops to meet his
convoy.
As soon as this was assembled near Troppau, colonel Mosel, who
commanded it, put himself in motion on the twenty-sixth, and arrived
with the head of the column on the Heights near Bautsch. The line
of march of this great train was very tedious and full of impedi-
ments; from the constant arrival of convoys to the army the roads
were extremely broken up, and now from the rains which had lately
fallen were so completely spoiled, that the carriages were every
moment stuck fast, and the line thereby stopped and interrupted; so
that on this day the convoy could make but a very small progress
indeed on its route. It was prevented also the following morning
from proceeding at all, for colonel Mosel perceived it was absolutely
necessary to halt where he was on the twenty-seventh, to draw
together the remainder of the convoy, and even then it would not
be possible for him to carry in more than about two thirds of the
whole safe into camp. The rear which was by good fortune com-
posed only of suttlers waggons and such like, which in case of neces-
sity the army might do without, remained behind in confusion,
dispersed on the road to Troppau. This circumstance had a great
influence on the fate of the convoy.
In the mean time general Laudohn had reached Sternberg on the
same day, and occupied various posts so as to hinder the king from
receiving the smallest intelligence of the fate of this great convoy.
From hence it arose that colonel Werner, who had been detached
by general Ziethen on the same day to meet colonel Mosel, with a
batallion of grenadiers, two hundred dragoons, and three hundred
hussars, was able to proceed no further than Gibau; from this cir-
cumstance the Austrian general was convinced that succours must
be approaching, and that he had no time to lose, unless he would
abandon the enterprize entirely. He therefore, without delay, moved
forwards, and on the twenty-eighth, in the morning, entered the
environs of Guntersdorf; he immediately occupied all the Heights,
campaign of 1758 583
one of his cannon taken; but the Saxon dragoons rushing from the
thickets where they had been concealed, charged the grenadiers in
flank and rear, cut in pieces a great part, took many more and drove
the rest quite to the waggon bourg, where they fled for refuge; on
this General Ziskowitz turned the whole of his force on the center
of the convoy, recovered again the artillery he had lost, and kept
up a constant unceasing fire upon the waggon bourg, and the wag-
gons that had already past the defilé. In a very short time General
Laudohn also appeared, coming back again from Bahrn and attacked
the convoy on the other side; the combat was very obstinate, and
lasted above two hours with various success: but the troops com-
posing the escorte being broken and subdivided by the waggons, and
the enemy on the other hand keeping their lines always united, they
at length broke in, in several places, overpowered the escorte, and
dispersed the whole convoy. Each batallion drew off to the defilé of
Domstädtl, but General Ziethen with his party was cut off from it
and obliged to retreat, continually fighting his way back to Troppau;
General Krokow who commanded the avantgarde, and who from
the smoke of the powder waggons, set on fire by the enemy, the
silence which followed the explosion, and the retreat of the scattered
fugitives, readily concluded that the enemy must have effected their
design, came to the resolution of collecting all he could get through
the defilé, and setting forward on his march strait to Olmutz.
Before he could accomplish this, he had the mortification to see
the enemy renew his attack on the waggon bourg, formed on the
other side the defilé, cut in pieces a great part, and make prisoners
of the remainder of the escorte before his face, without having it in
his power to afford them any assistance. He marched off therefore
with what remained of the batallions of Manteufel, Unruh, Schen-
kendorf, Billerbeck, Rath, Carlowitz, the regiment of your Kreutz,
five squadrons of Ryau, one Schmettau, and about five hundred hus-
sars; together with near two hundred and fifty waggons, and with-
out making any more halts, arrived in the evening between Bistrowan
and the bridge of boats. Near Heiligen Berg he was again attacked
by the hussars and croats, who plundered one waggon; by good luck
General Ziethen had placed all the money waggons at the head of
the convoy, which from this circumstance were saved. The recruits
of Prince Ferdinand’s regiment who had never before once seen an
enemy, distinguished themselves on both these actions by the most
remarkable firmness; never did Spartan and Roman veterans, fight
586 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
for their country with more undaunted valour, than these raw lads
from seventeen to twenty years of age. They determined to defend
themselves to the last gasp, but the greater part of them together
with their commander captain [ Johann Ernst] Pirch,16 carried their
laurels with them to the grave; out of nine hundred there were scarce
sixty-five men taken, some who were but slightly wounded got back
to Troppau, the remainder all lay dead in their ranks. They might
have answered with a certain Spaniard, after the battle of Rocroi
to one who asked how strong they had been; as many as you find killed
or wounded. Upon the whole no fault can be imputed either to the
Prussian troops or their commanders; they did every thing that a
man can expect in such circumstances, from brave men and skilful
officers. But the enemy was so vastly superior to them, he had all
the advantage of the ground so intirely on his side, and fortune
favoured his whole enterprize in such a manner, that the escorte
might wholly perish, but could not possibly come off victorious.
Nothing moreover is easier than to dispose a convoy, and even to
destroy it, either in whole or in part, if the assailants only know how
to profit in any degree by their advantages, even though they should
not be commanded by a Laudohn or a Ziskowitz; a train of three
thousand four wheeled waggons, even if no stop or accident hap-
pens but all keep close together, takes up at least the space of four
German miles, if as commonly happens in a mountainous country,
they cannot proceed but in a single file. But suppose we allow ten
thousand men for the escorte, and admit that the commanding officer
is able to make the waggons drive four a breast, which reduces the
line of march to one mile, his troops also will be disposed of along
this space; I will take it for granted they are divided into three parts,
three thousand for the advanced guard, three thousand in the cen-
ter, and three thousand to cover the rear, the remaining one thou-
sand shall be dispersed in platoons all along the convoy, by this
disposition the three divisions will still be half a mile distant from
each other. Suppose now the enemy has only six thousand men, he
will still be considerably superior to each division, and if he only
attacks one of them with vigour, he must in all probability cut it in
pieces before the others can come to its assistance, (which would
16
Tactician who joined the French army and helped introduce the Frederician
methods.
campaign of 1758 587
take up a full hour) or else his troops must be good for nothing.
Without letting myself go here into an enumeration of all the advan-
tages he may draw from the nature of the ground, from making
various false attacks, from ambuscades, &c. in short to describe the
case in one word, he always is the assailant, and his oponent must
confine himself to a mere defensive, and that without daring to haz-
ard himself in the least from his convoy, which he must always be
at hand to succour. While this successful enterprize was carrying on,
Marshal Daun was not without apprehensions left the whole project
should miscarry. For as his reputation and the confidence he had
hitherto acquired with his sovereign. Depended upon his relieving
Olmutz, he came to the resolution of drawing as near as possible
to this town with his army. The better to conceal his views, he
shewed himself about nine o’clock in the morning of the twenty-
ninth, with a strong corps on the other side Prosnitz, and made as
if he would attack that town; during this time General Buccow gave
an alarm to Ziethen’s hussars near Kosteletz; the king immediately
took Lattorf ’s regiment and marched that way, leaving orders with
several batallions t the left wing, to hold themselves in readiness to
follow him in case the enemy should penetrate further. Werner’s
hussars, who were supported by the dragoons, Young Platen and
Czettritz as soon as they came in sight of the enemy, rushed upon
him, broke into his ranks sword in hand, and made about sixty pris-
oners. But the Field Marshal intending merely to reconnoitre, would
not suffer himself to be drawn into any thing serious, and withdrew
into his camp. On hearing that a very strong body of the enemy
was posted near Tebitschau, the king detached lieutenant general
Seidlitz with some hundred dragoons and hussars, to acquaint him-
self of the truth of this intelligence. He found, however, nothing but
hussars, of whom he brought back a few prisoners. Towards evening
came the flugel adjutant Beville, detached by colonel Mosel to head-
quarters, who informed the king that this convoy, after that the
escorte had repulsed the enemy, had reached the half way between
Bautsch and Domstädtl, and that general Ziethen was on his march,
with intention to join colonel Mosel. This intelligence was the more
agreeable to the king, as he might now with greater probability hope
that the convoy would arrive without any further molestation; for
the march of general Ziskowitz was totally unknown to him, so per-
fectly did mere accident by a most singular caprice of fortune, favour
the project of the Austrian general, and give to all his false demon-
588 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
the miserable remnant of the convoy. As soon as all had passed, the
bridge was broken down.
Marshal Daun not having been able to force the king to change
his strong camp, nor effectually to interrupt the progress of the siege,
and desirous to avoid a battle, determined to pass the Morava and
approach Olmutz, so near as to open a communication between it
and the army, which of course would force the enemy to raise the
siege without running the risk of a general action; accordingly on
the thirtieth of June at night, the army began its march which lasted
all that night, and almost the whole day following, being forty miles,
very near the enemy, and through a difficult country, a river, and
several bridges to pass, and late on the first of July, took its camp
near a village called Gros-Teinitz. The Prussians were informed of
this march so late, that they could not prevent, nor even interrupt
it. This very extraordinary march, the position of the Austrians and
the scarcity of stores and provisions, occasioned by the loss of the
great convoy, forced the king to raise the siege immediately, to pre-
vent further misfortunes, which very probably might ensue if his
Majesty persisted in his enterprize now rendered impossible, as the
Marshal, if he lost time, would concert such measures as would make
his retreat very difficult. Accordingly the same night the siege was
raised without loss, excepting a cannon or two, whose carriages were
broke, the whole army marched off before day break in two divi-
sions; the main army under the king directed its course by Gewitsch
to Marisch Tribau, the corps which besieged Olmutz under Marshal
Keith went by Littau, and Muglitz to Tribau. People ignorant of
the circumstances in which the king was, wondered he had chosen
this route rather than that which leads to Troppau, only forty miles
off;* he was forced to choose the former preferable to the latter,
because the Austrians under generals Laudohn, Ziskowitz, Jahnus
and St. Ignon, were masters of this, with about sixteen thousand
men, who in a country extremely favourable for the operations of
corps, and light troops in particular, could effectually interrupt his
march, and give Marshal Daun an opportunity to attack him in his
retreat, with every possible advantage.
Secondly, the forage on that road, as well as in upper Silesia, was
intirely exhausted, and little or nothing in the camp, whereas by
Illustration 19
campaign of 1758 593
on the right and left, under generals Laudohn, Jahnus, &c. followed,
and the Van of the main army under general Lacy, but could not
make no impression on the enemy. The corps under general Ziskowitz
and St. Ignon, joined the main army, which marched out the thir-
tieth, and took its camp behind the Elbe, with the right at Rodow
and the left at Ertina opposite Jaromitz, and the head quarters at
Hertzmanitz, the Van at Smirschitz, with some grenadiers beyond
the Elbe; on the thirty-first the king made a motion as if he intended
going by Trautenau into Silesia, which made Marshal Daun take
such a position as would interrupt him, and perhaps prevent it.
General Laudohn who was on and behind the enemy’s left, was
ordered to quit that station, pass the Elbe, repass it above Jaromitz,
and post himself at Welsdorf near the road which leads from Konigshoff
to Trautenau; the same day the army made a motion on its left, so
that the right came to Ertina, and the left on the hills by Kaschow
to the wood near Kukus, the head quarters continued at Hertzmanitz.
On the third of August the Prussians left Neustadt, and camped
at Klein Skalitz; General Laudohn passed the road to Trautenau,
and took post at Horzitzka, from whence he advanced to attack a
Prussian post on a hill which covered their right, and after much
blood spilt on both sides, retired; it being so near the enemy, it
could not be forced entirely, nor indeed could Laudohn have occu-
pied it long if he had succeeded.
On the fourth the Prussians marched to Nachod, and the fifth in
two columns, the one to Starckstadt, and the other to Politz, on the
road to Braunau.
On the seventh, the first went by Friedland into Silesia, and the
other camped at Wiese, and the corps under general Fouquet took
post at Wünschelburg. These different motions were performed (though
in a very close and mountainous country), without any loss; notwith-
standing several thousand light troops attempted to interrupt them.
General Laudohn, whose corps consisted of above ten thousand men,
was ordered to Arnau, and from thence to precede the army, and
make the van of it, and on the eighth, advanced to Hohen Elbe.
Thus ended this memorable transaction, which deserves to be exam-
ined minutely, because it will furnish an example for such as may
be employed on similar occasions.
campaign of 1758 595
Reflections on the Siege of Olmutz, and the Different Operations which were
executed on that Occasion
Illustration 20
campaign of 1758 597
with a strong body of horse between the first place and Brinn, from
whence detachments were continually sent beyond the Morava, which
often defeated his majesty’s posts, and always interrupted the progress
of the siege, while Laudohn and his light troops acted day and night
on his line of operation, and attacked his convoys. Thus the two
capital points (I mean his subsistence and the safety of those who
conducted the siege) being totally neglected, he was forced to raise
it, which would have happened even had Marshal Daun had no
army in the field, for I am convinced that Marshal Laudohn alone
at the head of twenty thousand light troops, acting upon the king’s
line near forty miles long, in a country peculiarly adapted to the
operations of such troops, would have forced his majesty to aban-
don it, and indeed this General and Ziskowitz, with two detach-
ments of about twelve thousand men, did perform this work; for
Marshal Daun did not act himself, but only placed himself so, that
he might protect and support those who did. Moreover the king had
by no means a sufficient quantity of artillery, seventy pieces is noth-
ing against a good place and a good garrison, he should have had
three times as much; despatch is every thing on such occasions. The
post the king occupied at Prosnitz, was of all others the most improper,
as it left his rear and his line with Troppau, quite naked and defence-
less, and exposed to be continually insulted; whereas if he had camped
with his main army at Mahrisch Tribau, with two corps, one at
Landscron and the other at Zittau, Marshal Daun could not have
sent his light troops on the roads towards Troppau, and must have
changed his position, and by a round-about march, to avoid fighting,
endeavoured to place himself between Olmutz and Brinn; then the
post of Prosnitz would have been good, whereas it was no use, while
Marshal Daun was at Leitomischel; on the contrary it enabled that
General to employ his light troops with every advantage possible,
and at last brought on the loss of the convoy, which was a decisive
event, and alone would have forced his majesty to raise the siege.
Posted as the Prussians were, they were surrounded by the enemy’s
parties, who penetrated wherever they pleased, and of course inter-
rupted the operations of the siege; no army however numerous posted
in detachments round a place, can invest it effectually; it must occupy
nine or ten miles of ground, and if it formed a chain, which can-
not be done, the enemy by making some false attacks, will get through
it in twenty different places, and even by day force any part in spite
of you; the circular form of such a chain, makes it every where
598 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
or stores, provisions, &c. sufficient; his army was not strong enough
to carry on the siege, and to occupy a hundred different posts, which
was done ineffectually, and harassed his men so much that they
became extremely sickly, and he lost many men. He neglected every
precaution, as if the enemy had no army in the field, and that the
garrison consisted only of a few hundred men, and the place a
bicoque; for which reason he deservedly failed in his enterprize,
which cost him many men, and much time and treasure.
When we compare his conduct with that of Marshal Daun, we
shall find such rules for the conduct of generals, in similar occasions,
as may serve hereafter for guides, certain and infallible.
The result of the king’s conduct shews what is to be done by a
general who undertakes a siege, for by neglecting it he miscarried.
That of Marshal Daun will furnish no less certain rules for a gen-
eral who dares not risk a battle, and indeed ought not, but where
every other means to stop the progress of the enemy fail, and is
however commanded to do it.
Marshal Daun’s army was almost composed of recruits; the few
veterans dismayed by the unfortunate conclusion of last campaign.
It was dangerous to approach the enemy, moreover, he expected
considerable reinforcements from Flanders, Italy, &c. For which rea-
son he wished to be forgot and neglected by the enemy; he was so,
and therefore he continued a long time at Leitomischel. This posi-
tion was strong, and so far off, that the king could not leave the
neighbourhood of Olmutz, and go after Daun. The position of the
Austrian forces while the king was at Olmutz, was as follows: The
main army under Daun at Leitomischel, fifty English miles from
Olmutz; General de Ville, with a strong corps, had been left in
Moravia; upon the approach of the Prussians he retired into that
place, and retired with his cavalry, step by step, towards Brinn, from
whence he sent detachments over the Morava, which under Count
St. Ignon did much and important services, as we have seen. On
the left of the main army, and advanced before it, on the side of
Glatz, was placed general Harsch, with a strong corps, and beyond
this all the light troops which advanced occasionally to the road
which leads from Troppau to Olmutz, and consequently covered the
country on that side against the enemy’s parties, and moreover
alarmed his posts continually, and often intercepted and always inter-
rupted his convoys; to which was finally raised by their taking and
destroying the great convoy, which must have happened though
campaign of 1758 601
Marshal Daun had not interfered. This illustrious general who left
nothing to chance, nor did a wrong thing when permitted to follow
his own judgment, resolved to come nearer the enemy, when his
own army was in a condition to meet him, and when his adver-
sary’s forces were greatly diminished, and scattered about the coun-
try to defend posts which he could not defend; accordingly he quitted
his post at Zwittau, and in four days march through a most difficult
country, arrived the seventeenth of June at Evannowitz, within ten
miles of the enemy, without his having the least knowledge of it.
This fine and vigorous operation, performed with wonderful wisdom
and activity, was in itself decisive; for though the enemy had been
provided with stores, provisions, &c. he could not possibly have car-
ried on the siege with an army in front, a strong place in the rear,
and his communication with Silesia cut off, insomuch that a cart
could not come from thence, unless escorted by a strong body of
troops; and even this precaution was not sufficient, the place was
not invested, or rather was absolutely open on the left of the Morava,
so that nothing hindered the Marshal from throwing what succours
he pleased into it. The proximity of the Marshal drew the king’s
attention that way, which enabled the Austrians to destroy the con-
voy, as we have seen. The Marshal not content with this decisive
success, resolved to put a end to the business, and in two more
marches performed in the presence, and within reach of the king,
passed the Morava, and encamped within cannon shot of the town;
and if in that very night the king had not raised the siege and
decamped, it is probable the Marshal would have taken such measures
as to render the king’s retreat difficult, and perhaps impracticable,
which I suppose determined him to go off as soon as possible.
The column under Marshal Keith, where the artillery and equipage
were, was conducted with uncommon wisdom, and defended, when
attacked, with great vigour. On his coming to Zwittau he was forced
to take the same road the king had done. It seems strange and con-
trary to all rules that Marshal Keith’s column should march last.
The king the second day should have taken some very strong camp,
and ordered Marshal Keith’s division to make the van of the whole,
while his majesty, with the greatest part of his army, should have
made the rear; and as on all such occasions, distributed his troops
in echellons, so that they might support each other when attacked,
and march thus separated, with the more celerity, which is the point
to be aimed at in a retreat.
602 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Illustration 21
campaign of 1758 603
Illustration 22
604 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
This retreat, like all others we here of, was executed with success,
for this simple reason. It was not interrupted by any serious and
powerful attack, which is now the common practice. For my part,
I should upon such an occasion pursue the enemy with my whole
army, and attack one or other of his columns with my principal
force, while the remainder should be employed in harassing the oth-
ers. This nonchalance is the more reprehensible, as in acting with
vigour you risk nothing. The enemy cannot remain on the spot, he
must retire, he must fight if you please, or abandon his equipage,
and part of his army, and run away. Whereas you may bring on a
general action, or not, as you like, he cannot force you. It will be
said that Marshal Daun ought not to risk an action, because he
knew the enemy must soon be obliged to retire, and be called else-
where. I grant all this, but it is nothing to the purpose; for he might
have fought him as long as he pleased, without being forced to fight
a battle, which in such cases is by no means necessary; you may by
partial, though vigorous attacks, ruin an enemy, or force him to
abandon his artillery, equipage, &c. I beg leave to recommend to
the Reader’s perusal, what I have wrote on this subject in my pre-
ceding volume.
17
Mistakenly numbered Chapter II in the original publication with the previous
section left unnumbered.
campaign of 1758 605
18
Count Petr Aleksandrovich Rumiantsev (1725–96).
19
Thomas von Demiku.
20
Lt. Gen. Hans Wilhelm von Kanitz.
606 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
campaign of 1758
607
Map 18, Part 1. The Battle of Zornsdorf, on the 25th of August 1758.
608 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
campaign of 1758
609
Map 18, Part 2. The Battle of Zornsdorf, on the 25th of August 1758.
610 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
21
Count Johann Judwig Hordt.
campaign of 1758 611
22
Lt. Gen. Gerd Heinrich von Manteuffel.
612 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
the flanks of both infantry and cavalry quite unprotected, of which the
enemy’s cavalry tried to avail themselves, but without success; first, by
doing it too late, and secondly, that General Seidlitz, notwithstanding
the ground was close and difficult, advanced at the head of the cav-
alry, which checked that of the enemy, and gave our infantry time to
rally behind it; the king informed of the flight of the grenadiers, ordered
three regiments of infantry, two batallions of grenadiers, five squadrons
of dragoons, five of gens d’armes, and three of garde de corps to
advance and assist them. At twelve o’clock the attack was renewed,
and General Seidlitz having thrown the enemy cavalry’s into confu-
sion, took their infantry in flank, and our infantry at the same time
supported by forty pieces of cannon, advanced and drove the enemy
out of the village of Zorndorff, where they found the baggage and
military chest, in which was about eighty thousand rubles, (about one
hundred and sixty thousand pounds); notwithstanding the disorder
which prevailed in the enemy’s right, they would not abandon their
ground, which occasioned a great slaughter among them. While we
thought ourselves sure of the victory, we observed the remainder of
their right wing, and their reserve form again at Quartschen. We
advanced and attacked the enemy again, and after a vigorous onset,
forced him to retire and quit his ground, and at sun-set the battle was
finished; his defeat would have been compleat and total, had not one
of the enemy’s Generals (Demiscow) towards the evening, with a body
of chosen men, advanced against our right, and though he lost the
greatest part of his men, he got however time for their infantry to
retire towards our left, and during the night to take another position,
where the whole army was collected and united; we remained under
arms during that night. The next morning, the twenty-sixth, we can-
nonaded each other; the twenty-seventh the enemy seemed inclined to
fight another battle, but instead of advancing they marched towards
the road which leads to Landsberg. As it was impossible for them to
reach the city in our presence, so they turned towards Wietz, and
camped between that village and the river Wartha, which was very
wrong, as they had no bridge to pass it, nor could they subsist long
there. Our loss, considering so great a victory, is very moderate, and
consists of about thirty officers killed, eighty wounded, seven hundred
and sixty men killed, one thousand three hundred and seventy-two
wounded, and three hundred and fifty missing. Whereas the enemy’s
loss is about twenty thousand men; we took above twelve thousand
prisoners, among which are five generals, and sixty officers of different
ranks. The reason of our small loss compared with that of the enemy
is, that their artillery was ill served, and the men not expert in the
use of their arms. The men are however strong and brave, a shot
through the body does not hinder them from continuing the fight; we
have moreover taken one hundred and four cannons, twelve mortars,
twenty-seven pair of colours, five standards, &c.
campaign of 1758 613
From this account nothing more can be collected, than that the
Prussians left wing attacked the enemy’s right, was repulsed, but at
length drove it out of the field, after an action which lasted from
near ten in the morning till six in the evening, and not till sun-set
as the Writer says. The victory, such as it was, was entirely owing to
the cavalry, under whose protection the repulsed infantry rallied, and
at length after the cavalry had driven that of the enemy back, and
attacked his infantry in flank, they advanced, renewed the attack,
and drove him out of the field.
As I have the greatest veneration for the king of Prussia’s abili-
ties, it is with diffidence I presume to offer my opinion on his con-
duct; however I must ask, why, after the enemy’s right was totally
beat as it is said, and forced to abandon the field, he did not send
some troops after them to prevent their rallying, and with the remain-
der of his army attack their center in flank and rear, while his right
attacked their left? This would in all probability have produced their
total defeat, or rather destruction. Why the day following, when the
enemy formed a line in front, he did not attack them? When the
twenty-seventh they retired, as this account says, between Wietz and
the Wartha, with their rear to it, he did not place himself across
their right wing? This would have rendered their retreat to Landsberg
impossible, and having neither boats to cross the river, nor subsis-
tence for many days, they must have fought their way through his
army, or surrendered. Why camp at Tamsel, and so leave the road
to Landsberg open? and in the six days they continued at Gross
Camin, nor in their retreat, ever attempt to attack them? If the
Russians after the battle formed on the left, as it is marked in all
the plans I have seen of this battle, how could they march unin-
terrupted close before the Prussians front, if they were at Tamsel,
or behind their army, and between it and Custrin, if it was on the
field of battle, to Gros Camin? all this is inconceivable. We there-
fore think that the action did not pass as represented in the plan;
or that the Russians, after the battle, did not form across the enemy’s
left flank, as in y.y. but on the contrary, across his right flank, from
whence they could easily retire to Gros Camin, which in the other
case seems impossible. It is wonderful that the six different accounts
of this battle which I have now before me, none tells us precisely
what was the position of the Russians the twenty-sixth in the morn-
ing; nor when the king marched to Tamsel, though it should seem
614 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
it was on the twenty seventh, when the former went to Gros Camin.
Upon the whole I think it certain that the Russians marched thither
by their left to avoid another action, and not by their right, which
would inevitably have engaged them in one, if the king thought
proper. The king’s army was formed in three lines; two of infantry,
and one of cavalry, behind it, whose orders were to advance only
when the enemy was thrown into confusion, or to protect the retreat
of the infantry, and favour its rallying, in case it was repulsed, which
happened. To this disposition alone his majesty owed his victory, as
he avowed himself. We are happy to find our doctrine on this sub-
ject (proposed in the first volume) confirmed by such an example,
and by so great a man as the king of Prussia.
The loss of the Prussians was not so small as the author of this
account makes it. It consists of
There are two more accounts of the battle given by the Prussians,
but neither gives us any circumstances which may lead to the knowl-
edge of the ground, or explain the manner in which it passed; they
say nothing more than that their left wing having been repulsed sev-
eral times, rallied under the protection of the cavalry, and by the
help of this, after a bloody action from ten in the morning till night,
drove at length the enemy’s right out of the field, as we have seen.
They do not say that their right or center acted at all, at least that
they gained any advantage; on the contrary it seems clear by their
own account, that General Demiscow’s attack restrained them, and
prevented their prosecuting the advantage gained over the enemy’s
right.
On the Russian side several accounts were published, two by the
commander in chief, and one by general [Petr Ivanovich] Panin,
neither contains any thing which gives much insight into the affair.
The first assures the Empress he got the battle, and that his army
was encamped on the field of action, while the very same day he
wrote to Count Dohna, the Prussian general, to desire leave to bury
the dead, and carry off the wounded; what impudent lies! If he was
campaign of 1758 615
master of the field, why ask leave to return there to bury the dead?
Count Panin was wounded, with a contusion, very early in the action,
the important part of which he was unacquainted with, and he
recounts even what he saw in a manner, which proves that the
smoak or other circumstances prevented him from seeing clear, which
too often happens; we are therefore obliged to recur to the account
given by one Arnfeld,23 a Swedish officer, volunteer in the Russian
army, as the only one which has some likeness to truth.
Count Fermor being informed the king had passed the Oder, raised
the blockade of Custrin, and marched with his whole army into the
plain, and formed with the right, consisting of the new corps which
arrived this day towards Zicker, and the left towards Zorndorff; this
position enabled him to oppose the enemy, whether he advanced by
Neüdamm or New Mill; he stopped at Neüdamm, and seemed dis-
posed to attack our left flank; however, the twenty-fifth in the morn-
ing he marched round our right wing, and behind us as far as Zorndorff,
which obliged us to change our front, and consequently our right
became the left, and the left the right; this was executed in the pres-
ence of the enemy, without confusion or loss of time; we drew back
our right from Zorndorff to Quartschen, that we might have more
room to extend our line, to prevent the enemy from attacking us in
the flank; Zorndorff was burnt that he might not cover his motions;
as the smoak was not dissipated soon enough, the enemy advanced,
supported by a heavy cannonade, and attacked our right, which they
endeavoured to take in flank. They were however repulsed, and ran
off behind their third line composed entirely of cavalry, by which they
were enabled to form again, and renew the attack. Our cavalry sup-
ported our infantry, but that of the enemy being much more numer-
ous, it was obliged to give way, otherwise the affair in this wing would
have been instantly determined in our favour. Our infantry obliged to
oppose that of the enemy, was, after having repulsed it several times,
compelled also to give way, while the enemy was continually rein-
forced by fresh troops. In the mean time our left attacked, but repulsed
the enemy, and with fixed bayonets drove him back in the greatest
confusion, and even attacked the right of his center and left wing, and
threw it into disorder; our right wing availed itself of these favourable
circumstances, attacked the enemy, and drove him quite back; but his
fine cavalry which had saved his left in the beginning of the action,
again stopped our progress, hindered our grenadiers from prosecuting
their advantage, and gave his infantry time to rally. Our cavalry on
the left, commanded by general Demiscow, did great service on this
occasion. As soon as the enemy’s infantry was formed behind the cav-
23
Fromhold Armfeldt.
616 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
alry, which had suffered much, they advanced and renewed the attack,
which was likewise done soon after by their left, with more vigour
than ever, and at last the enemy’s corps de reserve penetrated into
our center; and though he did not instantly derive any advantage from
this circumstance, however our right and left were totally separated,
and the first forced to retire, keeping up a continual fire towards the
little river, the Mitzel, and the wood; our left remaining on the spot.
Though general [George von] Brown, who commanded it, had been
dangerously wounded, and colonel Soltikow, were taken prisoners by
some hussars who came behind them, and a great number of other
officers of all ranks; our good countenance, the disorder into which
we had thrown the enemy’s army, and his loss, and the continual fire
our right, prevented him from renewing the attack against our left,
and at last compelled him to retire by his right behind Zicker, leav-
ing several pieces of cannon, and wounded men behind him, which
the enemy could not carry off that night. The same night our right
joined the left, which had always remained on the field of battle; the
confusion which prevailed every where, and the position the enemy
took behind Zicker, obliged us to change ours, and we camped exactly
opposite the place on which we stood the preceding day, where we
remained two days, and then marched unmolested to Gros Camin,
where our baggage was; we took twenty-six cannon, and several pris-
oners. The enemy camped between Zicker and Wilkerdorff, and drew
a line before his front.
This account of the Russian manœuvres seems clear, the right wing
joined the left, where it had remained during and after the battle,
from whence I conclude, that on the twenty-sixth the Russians formed
some where on that side; but if, as he says, the enemy was posted
between Zicker and Wilkersdorff, and not at Tamsel, how could they
march about his left to Gros and Klein Camin? There must be
something wrong and unintelligible in all these accounts.*
The loss of the Russians killed, wounded, and missing, nine hun-
dred and thirty-nine officers; non-commission and private killed and
wounded, eighteen thousand five hundred; ditto taken prisoners, three
thousand. The same officer, in another letter to Count Hamilton,24
a general in the Swedish service, says, that when the first line was
forced back, and the second advanced to support it, they fired upon
them, and killed a great number, which brought the whole into the
utmost confusion; the consequence of which was, they fell upon their
* See Note C.
24
Lt. Gen. David Gustav Hamilton. Commander of the Swedish forces in Pome-
rania (1758–59).
campaign of 1758 617
own baggage, plundered it, and got so drunk with brandy they found
there, that they could no longer be brought to obey, or even hear
their officers; and had the enemy advanced at that time, they would
have been all cut to pieces.
After the battle the Russians marched on the heights between
Camin and Vietz in a very advantageous position; both armies were
formed in battle on the twenty-sixth, however nothin happened,
except a heavy cannonade, which being far off, had little or no
effect. On the twenty-seventh it changed its position, and camped
further back, beyond these two villages, and the Prussians followed
them about three miles. The king intended attacking some redoubts
which the Russians had raised, in order to cover the road which
leads through the wood towards Landsberg, on the Wartha, and
advanced without any escorte to reconnoitre them within gun-shot
of them; being observed, they fired a great number of shot from
cannons and howitzers, which endangered his person. So he retired
in haste; but as it was necessary to observe nearly the motions of
the enemy, he ordered prince Maurice of Anhalt Dessau, with an
avantgarde of forty squadrons of dragoons, two regiments of hus-
sars, and seven batallions, to camp out of reach of the cannon, while
the army remained at Tamsel.
At length on the thirty-first of August the Russians quitted their
camp behind Gros Camin, and marched by Blomberg, through the
woods and village of Massin to Landsberg. The Prussians advanced
to Blomberg the first of September, about four miles off Tamsel. On
the second the king with part of his army returned towards Saxony,
where the situation of prince Henry was critical, on the point of
being attacked by the Imperial army under Marshal Daun, and that
of the empire under the prince of Deuxponts.25 What remained of
the Prussian army was much weaker than that of the Russians, which
had been joined here by Count Romanzow’s division, and the corps
which general Risanow had in Pomerania, near Stolpe. Though the
Russian army was by these reinforcements as strong as ever, yet it
undertook nothing at all. The Prussians van was camped within four
miles of Landsberg, which the Russians attempted to bring to action
by surprise, but in vain; the Prussian general always found means
25
Field Marshal Friedrich Michael, Prince Pfalz-Zweibrücken. Commander of
the Reichsarmee (February 1758–March 1761).
618 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
26
Lt. Gen. Dubislav von Platen.
campaign of 1758 619
are extensive; but should the enemy leave the country unmolested,
the whole resources you can draw from it, will be only green for-
age, some cattle, &c. until August, when you may get corn, and
moreover horses to supply the wants of the army, transport provi-
sions, &c. but this supposes the most exact discipline, and no less
exact probity, in paying abundantly for whatever the peasants fur-
nish, which circumstance is too much neglected in all armies, and
much retards their operations, and very often forces them to quit
the field without even attempting any thing. The Russian army so
far from endeavouring to preserve a country, on the contrary seem
to make it their only study how to destroy it, which they do so
effectually, that wherever they can penetrate, they leave it a perfect
desert, their steps are marked with blood and desolation. Hence it
is that they cannot act for any time on a given line, or remain on
any one spot for a fortnight; when they advance a hundred miles
from their depots, the transports become so difficult, particularly
when Autumn is set in, and no intermediate depots are formed by
what they might collect in the country as they advanced, they are
of course obliged to return home, and always by a different road,
from that by which they advanced.
It is a certain rule, from which a General ought never to depart,
to shorten continually as he advances his line of operations, by form-
ing new depots behind him on that very line, and no where else, oth-
erwise he cannot move at all, for if he do form such depots, if they
are not placed on his line, the enemy will destroy them, and put an
end to his operations. When the line of operation is determined,
(and it always is, or may be so), why are depots formed any where
else? why dispersed all round the country, as if intended to be given
up to the enemy? unless to enable the commissary and contractors
to make up a good account. The Austrians always lost many of their
great depots. In every campaign Prince Ferdinand lost more than
he ought to have done, which not only wasted immense sums, but
what is more essential, retarded the operations of the army, and very
often defeated some well laid project, or enabled the enemy to exe-
cute what otherwise he would not have attempted. Time is every
thing in war, and nothing makes you lose it so much as delays, in
receiving the necessary supplies; the reader will forgive this digres-
sion on account of its very great importance. Secondly, the extreme
length of the Russian line, makes it impossible for them to carry
with them artillery, stores, and provisions for an army destined to
campaign of 1758 621
27
Aleksandr Vasilevich Suvorov (1725–1800).
622 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
by Count Dohna, they must have turned towards him and followed
him, which would have been so much time lost for them, and in
the end would have answered no purpose, for the same difficulties
would have always recurred, and at length forced them to retire to
the Vistula. The direction of the Prussian frontier on this, is exactly
on the flank of the march from the Vistula to Posen, and therefore
Count Dohna, by placing himself on that frontier, would be con-
tinually on their communications, which most certainly would have
forced them to change the direction of their march, and prevented
their approaching the Oder; which proves also that the choice was
bad, and that no other line here, or any where else, can be good,
unless its direction be in front, and so that the enemy has no province,
on the left or right, because in such case, by destroying the provinces
before you, and acting on your communications, particularly if long,
he will most certainly baffle all your attempts. In Poland I am per-
suaded that an army of thirty or thirty or thirty-five thousand men,
composed as we have mentioned, and possessed of superior veloc-
ity, will act successfully against three times the number, composed
as the Russian army is. The one will find every thing on the spot;
a heavy army nothing any where. Velocity is every thing in war,
particularly if the country be open and fruitful like Poland. Such an
army as we suppose with two hundred carpenters, and ropes to make
rafts, would ruin any European army in a month. The Tartars have
overcome and conquered a great part of the world by their veloc-
ity alone, whereas our European armies have not in two centuries
conquered any one province of considerable extent, because they are
too heavy.
The last thing I have to observe is, that the Prussians in their
operations against the Russians, have been too fond of fighting.
When you act offensively you must fight, and force those who
oppose your march to give way, that you may proceed on your jour-
ney; but when on the defensive never run the hazard of a battle,
because if the enemy acts on a long line, you may undoubtedly, by
placing yourself on his flanks, force him to retire. The Prussians got
the battle of Zorndorff; in ten days after, the Russians were as strong
as ever, and the first I am sure did not exceed twenty thousand
men. Yet could the latter undertake nothing; they even failed before
Colberg; Why? because they had no provisions, and were forced to
return to the Vistula before the bad weather set in. The following
campaign the Russians gained two great battles on the banks of the
campaign of 1758 625
At the end of the preceding campaign this army took up its winter
quarters in the circle of Franconia. The head quarters were at
Nurenberg, but in the beginning of April they were transferred to
Bamberg, and part of the troops encamped near Bayreuth; the cav-
alry however for the most part lay in the neighbouring villages. In
the mean time the Prussians appeared on the frontiers of Franconia;
and colonel Meyer, supported by general Grabow, advanced as far
as Hoff, which the enemy abandoned; however, the Prussians over-
took some of them, and took some prisoners, and a considerable
magazine, and afterwards retired to Reichenbach. Some time after-
wards the same officer marched as far as Kahla, to destroy some
arms which were making there for the army of the empire, which
he fortunately accomplished, and retired without loss to Reichenbach,
protected in his retreat by several detachments, sent to occupy different
posts by general Grabow. It is surprising that any general should
disperse his magazines in such a manner, that any adventurer may
take them away.
During this time the army of the empire remained in its camp
between Cronach and Culmback till the fifteenth of May, when it
marched towards Bohemia, by Weydenberg, Wunsiedl, Artzberg, and
Schirnding; and on the nineteenth encamped near Egra in Bohemia;
prince Stolberg and general Lusinski advanced towards Asch and
Adorft, in order to cover the march of the army. They had left a
626 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
28
Maj. Gen. Charles-François, comte de Dombasle.
campaign of 1758 627
29
Prince Christoph von Baden-Durlach.
campaign of 1758 629
30
Rudolph Joseph, Graf von Colloredo (1706–88).
campaign of 1758 631
this manœuvre only to shew how a man must act in similar cir-
cumstances. After this transaction the king advanced to Bischoffswerda,
from whence he sent a considerable detachment to Bautzen, which
they took possession of the thirtieth of September, making there some
few prisoners. By this means the Austrians were cut off from Lusatia
and Silesia.
Though the two armies were very near, the king did not think it
advisable to attack Marshal Daun in his strong position. This General
recalled five batallions, and Portugal’s regiment of horse, from the
Imperial army, the second of October, and sent Prince Baden Durlach
towards Löbau, to secure the march he had projected through the
mountains to Lusatia, that he might regain what he had lost, and
once more oppose in front the enemy’s march to Silesia.
Accordingly the fifth of October, at twelve o’clock, part of the left
wing struck their tents and marched; and at night the whole army
formed in two columns followed, and marched by the Ottendorf
forest, Putzka and Neükirken, to Crusta, where it arrived the sixth.
On the seventh the army resumed its march to Köttlitz. To cover
this very difficult march, the rear, consisting of Laudohn’s corps,
Colloredo’s, the reserve, and several batallions of grenadiers, that is
half the army, was conducted by the duke of Aremberg, with great
skill and prudence, and one skirmish only happened. Of which the
Austrians say:
That the sixth, in the morning, a Prussian detachment, consisting of
several batallions and two regiments of dragoons, attempted to trou-
ble the march, but they were instantly driven back by Arberg’s regi-
ment of foot, commanded by Colonel Count Merode; the hussars took
three cannon, and about one hundred prisoners; a Prussian batallion
was totally destroyed; our loss in all amounts to three hundred men.
The Prussians say nothing of this affair.
On the eighth the Prussian army marched to Bautzen, and on
the ninth to Radewitz, and encamped opposite the Austrians, with
the right at Hochkirchen, and the left at Gudiz or Graditz, and
General Retzow took post at Weissenberg, on the other side the
small river Löbauer Wassar. On the eleventh Marshal Keith, with
a convoy from Dresden, arrived in the camp.
Upon the arrival of he Prussians Marshal Daun made some new
dispositions in his camp; General Laudohn was ordered to take post
on the enemy’s right flank, the infantry at Wuischke, and the cav-
alry at Rackel; Count Emerick Esterhazi, with some infantry, lay at
632 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
of Hochkirchen the rest of our left wing was engaged with the right
of the enemy, but could not advance with safety until we were mas-
ters of Hochkirchen. At length the bravery of our troops, after an
obstinate resistance, forced the enemy to abandon this important post,
who retired under a continual fire of his artillery. Marshal Keith and
Prince Francis of Brunswick were killed in this action, the former com-
manded the right wing, and was buried with all the honours of war.
While this passed in and about Hochkirchen, the cavalry of the left
under Count O’Donnel, was beat back, on which the Marshal ordered
Count Lacy with five companies of horse grenadiers and carabineers,
to attack the enemy’s infantry, which advanced against our left; this
they did effectually, and re-established the affair, which in fact decided
the victory. This is my opinion, and therefore Count Lacy deserves
the greatest praise; it was a critical moment, of which he availed him-
self with skill and valour. The Marshal’s chief attention very properly
was, to keep the line in good order as it advanced on the right. General
Buccow (who commanded the cavalry) and the Duke of Aremberg,
notwithstanding the obstacles they met with, from the ground and from
the obstinate resistance of the enemy, at length made their way, and
obliged him to retire. Prince Lowenstein, with a small corps, was
ordered to attack that of Retzow at Weissenberg, to prevent his going
to assist the king. This general, with part of his men, went thither,
but was prevented by two regiments of horse, which attacked the head
of his column. The enemy being driven back on all sides, retired on
some hills behind him; about nine o’clock the battle was over, and
the enemy retired into the plain near Predlitz, followed by Gen.
Laudohn with three regiments of dragoons: we have taken above one
hundred pieces of cannon, with the camp and baggage of the enemy.
The Austrians lost in this battle something more than one thousand
men killed, and four thousand wounded. The Prussians lost, killed,
wounded, taken, and deserted, about seven thousand men, of this how-
ever I am not certain; never having seen an exact list of their loss.
Though the Austrian army was far superior in numbers to that of
the enemy, in the action however they were nearly on a par, for
excepting a few batallions sent to support the Duke of Aremberg,
the Prince of Baden’s corps did not come into action, nor any of
the troops placed in the center, between the Marshal’s attack and
that of the Duke of Aremberg; nor the corps on the left under
General O’Donnel, which consisted of forty squadrons, and all
Laudohn’s corps then under O’Donnel’s orders; Prince Lowenstein
did what he was ordered to do, but he could not hinder Retzow
from joining the king’s left wing; so that in fact Marshal Daun’s,
and the Duke of Aremberg’s corps or divisions only, were truly
engaged, and the weight of the whole action fell on them alone. As
I was present at this very important battle, and very often since on
campaign of 1758 639
under the prince of Baden? which would have enabled the former
to take the grand battery before the enemy’s left in half an hour;
why the duke of Aremberg did not advance to Badewitz, after he
had taken the battery? which was the more easy, as the Prussians
had very few troops on their left; the whole line having marched to
the right, to support Hochkirchen, by this means the enemy would
have been intirely surrounded, and must have perished, which shews
the goodness of Marshal Daun’s plan, had it been tollerably exe-
cuted; but alas, he and the Duke of Aremberg only sought; the corps
under O’Donnel, that between the left and the right, and finally that
which remained under the Prince of Baden, did not; though they
consisted of at least half the army; this corps lost sixteen killed, and
fifty wounded; that under Laudohn sixty-six killed, and about two
hundred wounded. The cavalry under O’Donnel lost nothing that
is mentioned; the whole cavalry lost about one hundred killed, and
three hundred wounded, which proves they did not come to action.
Those on the right had not an opportunity, those on the left on
receiving a few scattered shots from some men hid behind the bushes,
retired, and never advanced afterwards. Laudohn’s corps occupied
some heights behind the enemy, from whence they could fire a few
cannon shot, but never engaged, as the reader may observe by the
plan. They who know this general, will not suspect him of being
backward in fighting. No man sees and seizes a favourable moment
better than he does, or executes with more vigour. He has the eye
of an eagle, the heart of a lion, the meekness and innocence of a
lamb; but great and capital faults were committed undoubtedly, which
prevented the total ruin of the Prussian army.
If we consider the state of the Prussian army thus separated, and
surrounded by superior forces, it will appear incredible they could
make any resistance at all. They did however resist, and in a man-
ner that rendered the victory for five hours doubtful. In my opin-
ion this battle does the king, his generals, and his army more honour
than any victory he ever gained. In his retreat he was not pursued,
but followed at a distance by General Laudohn, who now and then
fired a shot after him. General Retzow behaved with great prudence
on this occasion. He took post near an old Swedish redoubt, where
the king’s army assembled, and for about an hour was in great con-
fusion, like a swarm of bees about a hive: about eleven o’clock this
batallion began to unfold: a line of cavalry was formed on the left
fronting the hills, where Laudohn stood; another of infantry behind
642 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
which the king could not by any attack in front, force them from,
nor could any diversion made in Bohemia or Moravia from Glatz,
interrupt them a moment, twenty thousand men placed on that fron-
tier, would have been sufficient to cover the country effectually;
another advantage would from this measure have occurred, that the
king could not arrive from the Oder to Neiss in the same length of
time, as from thence to the Elbe and Dresden, so that the Austrians
would have had more than sufficient time to take the place. In all
this war, an infatuation to take Dresden prevailed in the courts of
France and Vienna, to which Marshal Daun in spite of his better
judgment, was forced to give way, and sacrifice the interests of the
state to a groundless and chimerical opinion; by endeavouring to
reconcile as much as possible the interest of his sovereign, with the
orders he received to attack Dresden, he undertook two operations
at once, viz. the siege of Neiss, and the delivery of Saxony, and of
course failed in both, whereas had he carried his whole force against
one or other point, he would have succeeded.
But to resume our narration. Marshal Daun, having left Generals
Laudohn and O’Kelly to follow the king, returned to resume his
enterprize against Dresden; on the sixth of November, he passed the
Elbe at Pirna with sixty thousand men, and summoned that town
which he expected would surrender on his appearance. Prince Henry
finding it impossible to maintain his communication with Leipswic,
had passed the Elbe and left general Schmettau with twelve thou-
sand men to defend Dresden, a city of considerable extent but ill
fortified. The Austrian General on the seventh (the very day the king
had raised the siege of Neiss) approached so near to Dresden, as to
leave no room to doubt of his intentions of attacking it, he hoped,
perhaps to carry it by a coup de main under cover of the suburbs;
the houses of which (particularly from the Pirna gate to that of
Wildsruf ) are so high as to overlook the ramparts, and are close to
the edge of the ditch; this circumstance compelled the Governor in
common prudence, to provide for the safety of the fortress, and gar-
rison intrusted to him, by depriving the enemy of so commodious
an approach to his walls; this could only be done by burning the
suburbs, a necessary measure in his circumstances, but a most dis-
agreeable and invidious one; he endeavoured therefore by repeated
representations, both to the court of Dresden and the Marshal, to
avoid coming to that extremity; but finding no disposition in Daun
to attend to any thing, he or the Saxon minister could say to him
646 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
on the subject, and that on the contrary his out posts were driven
in, and the redoubts that covered the suburbs, attacked and carried
by the Austrians, whose batteries began to annoy the town, and who
threatened every hour to carry the suburbs, and through them the
fortress itself by assault, he at length executed what he had long
threatened, and set fire to the combustibles which had already been
prepared, and placed in several of the houses for that melancholy
occasion; this however was not done till the very last extremity, (as
by the written certificates of the magistrates and other authentic
papers sufficiently appears) nay so loth was count Schmettau to
employ this dreadful expedient, that he perhaps risked the event
more than in strict prudence he ought to have done, the enemy
having penetrated, in the attack of the redoubts (though afterwards
obliged to retire) so far, as to have left an Austrian soldier killed on
the very draw bridge of the Pirna gate.
It was at three in the morning of the tenth, the signal was given
for firing the suburbs; the six batallions who occupied them and the
redoubts, retired into the town by the three gates, which were imme-
diately barricaded, and after six o’clock not a single Prussian appeared
in the suburbs, notwithstanding all that has been published to the
contrary.
After the burning of the suburbs the Austrians remained quiet.
Itzenplitz’s corps was strongly placed close to Dresden, and colonel
[ Johann Jakob] Wunsch, with some batallions, was on the heights
of Weissenhirsch where O’Donnel should have been, if they pro-
posed doing any thing on that side of the Elbe.
In this state things remained till the sixteenth, when Marshal Daun
broke up his camp, and retired to Pirna, and from thence by Gieshubel
into Bohemia.
Much was wrote on the subject of burning the suburbs of Dresden,
which did not deserve a moment’s attention; but men, when unsuc-
cessful in their measures, will complain of every thing. Near three
hundred houses were burnt or damaged.
While this was doing in Saxony, the king, whose arrival at Nossen
had raised the siege of Neiss, and obliged the Austrians to retire as
we have seen; on hearing that Marshal Daun was before Dresden,
quitted his camp on the ninth of November, and taking his march
towards Saxony, on the fifteenth arrived at Lichtena, near Lauban,
and the eighteenth at Bautzen, which obliged Marshal Daun to quit
Saxony, and abandon Pirna and Sonnenstein, which put an end to
the campaign.
campaign of 1758 647
view. I know very well the Marshal could not absolutely hinder the
king from marching into Silesia; but he might by these movements
have gained time, which was every thing; or by forcing him to pass
the Bober at Sagan, or lower down, he might have marched him-
self by the road the king actually took, which is by much the shorter;
and consequently the Marshal would have been at Nossen before
him. A few days provisions would have been sufficient.
Upon the whole it appears, that the Austrians cannot absolutely
hinder a Prussian army from marching from Silesia into Saxony at
all, or from this last into the former, unless it is on the left side of
the Elbe; then I think they may, particularly if they are masters of
Dresden. The great fault of the Austrians during the whole war was
this, they had not, it should seem, any fixed plan of operations; they
wandered from one place to another, waiting events, and when these
turned out even more favourable than could reasonably have been
expected, they were at a loss how to avail themselves of them, and
in such a situation that they reaped no advantage from them; new
schemes, new projects were made and none executed; such a vague
and undetermined mode of making war, renders it everlasting, and
finally it ends in doing nothing at all.
In war all the data are clearly given and known, the respective
forces are easily calculated, from whence a probable opinion may
be formed, and some certain object fixed and determined on, which
must be invariably pursued without any the least deviation; in the
case we have before us, the Austrians should have said—The enemy
must employ a certain number of men in Saxony, and an army
against the Russians on the lower Oder, these whether they gain or
lose a battle, cannot remain long in that country. Our forces are
entire and in great numbers, we have a powerful army, what shall
we undertake? what can we execute? let us do that without loss of
time, for the enemy will be soon back. We must not, cannot expect
any decisive event from the Russians; they come from far, and cannot
execute any solid enterprize; they make a powerful but not a durable
diversion in our favor, that is all they can do; let us avail ourselves
of it, be prepared for any event and lose not a moment in execut-
ing what has or ought to have been determined on before the cam-
paign: this the Austrians neglected doing, which might have been
fatal to them, had not the present Empress of Russia [Catherine II,
the Great] mounted the throne, and recommended peace.
CAMPAIGN OF 1759
Chapter I
The plan of operations for this campaign, was exactly similar to that
of the last; the Russians with a powerful army, were to advance
towards Franckfurt on the Oder, where they were to be reinforced
by a corps of fifteen or twenty thousand Austrians; what they were
to do afterwards, I do not know, nor do I believe it was settled.
They were in all probability to be guided by events; the Austrian
army was to cover Bohemia and Moravia, and wait till the approach
of the Russians drew the enemy’s attention that way, and gave by
that means, the Austrians some favourable opportunity to act and
execute some solid enterprize.
The army of the empire was to approach the Elbe, and attack
Dresden.
The Prussian forces were posted chiefly in Silesia under the king,
another army under prince Henry was in Saxony, to oppose that of
the empire; a third finally in Pomerania, destined to act against the
Russians; all these forces put together did not exceed one hundred
thousand men, viz. sixty thousand in Silesia, twenty in Saxony, and
as many in Pomerania; whereas those of the Austrians alone exceeded
that number, those of the Russians, amounted to near eighty thou-
sand men, and the Imperial army with the Austrians who were with
it, to at least forty thousand.*
The king of Prussia resolved to remain on the defensive, until the
approach of the enemy made it necessary for him to act.
As the Russians first mounted the stage, and opened the scene of
action, the order of things requires we should begin our narration
with them; we shall therefore relate the march and operations of
that army, from the beginning, to the end of the campaign, and add
our reflections on the principal events only, and such as really con-
tributed to the good or bad success of them, which with the map
annexed, will, we trust, suffice to give the reader a pretty clear idea
of the conduct of the war.
* See Note D.
campaign of 1759 651
1
General Petr Semenovich Saltykov (1698–1772).
campaign of 1759 655
their left flank, and from thence sent a corps behind them, the
Russians could not have proceeded and left him there; so that by
falling back gradually, as they advanced against him he could have
prevented their approaching the Oder at all. An enemy so superior
as the Russians were must not be opposed in front unless some
uncommonly strong camp offers, which he cannot by an attack in
front, or manœuvres on your flanks force you to abandon: we have
often said this; but when the conduct of the general requires it, we
must repeat it, and it cannot be too often repeated. It is the foun-
dation, and principle of a defensive war.
We have been very particular in our account of the manœuvres
of the respective armies; because nothing is more entertaining than
the motions of two armies in sight of each other, where the least
oversight leads very often to fatal consequences, and where a few
hundred yards gained or lost decide the final event of the whole.
What passed on this occasion bears a strong resemblance to the
operation of the two armies commanded by those great Generals,
Turenne and Montecuculi.
The Prussians having fallen back to Zullichau, and encamped
behind it, on the twenty-second at night Count Dohna received per-
mission to retire being ill, and General Wedel came from the king’s
army in Silesia to take upon him the command of the army. The
day following, (the twenty-third of July), was fought the battle which
goes by the name of Paltzig, Zullichau, and Kay, which are near
the ground on which it was fought. The account which Count
Soltikow gives of it, is distinct, and appears clear and exact. While
he praises his own people, he does the enemy that justice, which
their dispositions and singular bravery deserves. The Count says—
Perceiving by the enemy’s manœuvres, and learning by deserters, which
came in to us in great numbers, that far from meaning to cut us off
from the Vistula, his chief view was to hinder us from cutting off his
communication with Silesia, that he might be at liberty to join the
king against Marshal Daun, or be soon reinforced and enabled to act
against us. To increase his fears on this head, we always marched on
his right flank, and at last unobserved, we came before him. On the
sixteenth we marched from the village Sumercha, to the Hill Bokrowka;
the seventeenth to Ibonschino; the eighteenth the army halted. On the
nineteenth General Merdvinow reported he was arrived with his corps
at Folitsche, twenty miles from Posen; the nineteenth we marched to
Babimost; the twentieth we marched four miles to Holzen. Here we
had accounts from Count Tokeli that our light troops were advanced
656 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
campaign of 1759
657
that of Siberia, and that of Permia, which repulsed the enemy three
times, but had suffered much so that there were great openings in
their line, on which the enemy’s cavalry leaped among them (this is
the expression Soltikow uses, which shews the vigour with which they
attacked), but owing to the help of God, and your majesty’s good for-
tune, our artillery prevented these four regiments from coming well
out of the woods, and drove them back; the were pursued by General
Demiscow, with two regiments of horse, so that few escaped. In the
mean time, three regiments of infantry entered into the lines on the
right, and filled the opening; in this manner the enemy’s right, was
driven out of the field. However he did not give up the affair, he sent
the rest of his cavalry through the village Nicken to attack our left
flank, but General Totleben who was returned from the baggage, put
it on fire, so that the enemy could advance no farther; he made also
two attacks on our left, and was repulsed, so that he was forced at
length to retreat on all sides, followed by our cavalry and light troops,
and the Schuwallows.* We have lost the brave General Demiscow,
several officers, and about eight hundred and seventy-eight men, of
which and the wounded I here send the list. The enemy’s loss is very
considerable, General Wobersnow killed, General [ Johan Friedrich]
Stutterheim, Manteufel, and Canitz wounded, above four thousand
men killed, and two thousand prisoners, besides a great many desert-
ers. We have taken fourteen pieces of cannon, and many standards,
colours, &c. and lost no trophies.
The enemy made his way through the woods to the Oder, while
the infantry passed over bridges, and the cavalry through the fords
higher up towards Glogau. On the twenty-sixth, we marched towards
Crossen, where we arrived the twenty-eighth; General [Nikita Petrovich]
Villebois was sent with a strong corps to Frankfurt, and being informed
that the enemy was encamped about eight miles off, prince Gallitzen2
was sent to reconnoitre him, but on approaching, they quitted their
camp, and retired towards Glogau; a small party I sent to Marshal
Daun, through Silesia, met in the way a captain of horse, with twenty-
five men, sent to me by General Laudohn, who are since arrived here.
The General says, that he, with twenty thousand men is on the march
to join me, and that in four days he will reach the Oder; and I have
therefore resolved after to morrow, to march to Franckfurt, of which
I have given General Laudohn notice, that he may direct his march
thither, to draw prince Henry another way, and prevent him coming
from Saxony and joining the king. Our army is only sixty miles from
Berlin.
* These are constructed like the howitzers, with this difference, that instead of
being cylindric within, they are eliptic, with the greatest diameter horizontal, and
the lesser perpendicular, by which their shot are supposed to spread more in the
enemy’s line; I prefer the howitzer, for its simplicity.
2
Prince Aleksandr Mikhailovich Golitsyn.
660 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
that is more than a third of their army, which proves, that they
fought with vigour and firmness.
battle, would on their part also, have retired without loss of time.
The Prussians having lost the road to Franckfurt and Crossen,
were obliged to fight on improper ground, where they could not
form a line, or make their cavalry act, which was remarkably good.
They were brought on bad ground, and destroyed by the artillery
alone, which no cavalry can resist for a moment. It must not there-
fore be exposed to it, nor ever appear on any ground where it can-
not advance full gallop. The partial attacks which the Prussian account
blamed, are however in my opinion the best; whenever the enemy
cannot avail himself of the intervals between them, which was the
case here, and is so generally against the Russians, who manœuvre
slowly, and stand on the ground which they occupy, and seldom or
ever break their line to advance against any particular point, how-
ever advantageous it might be; partial attacks are more vigorous,
and if properly supported, generally succeed: you can bring the main
part of your line to act against particular points: whereas the other
parts of the enemy’s line must remain inactive, if the ground per-
mits you to hide you disposition, and make several false attacks to
prevent him from breaking his line to support the points really
attacked. When the ground is open, and you cannot cover your
motions, or course all your attacks must be linked together, and no
openings left between them, for if the enemy is able, and his troops
manœuvre well, instead of bringing his forces entirely to oppose your
attacks, and breaking his line for that purpose, he will instantly order
his second line, and his reserve (which should always be divided into
three parts, behind the right, the center and the left) to support the
points attacked; and with his best troops attack those places between
your attacks, which seem the weakest, his second line always advanc-
ing to support these detachments, so that you cannot come on his
flanks of such corps as advance before the front to attack you.
Whether this succeeds entirely or not, you cannot push on your
attacks, though successful. Whereas if your enemy remain on the
ground (as the Russians always, and indeed most other troops too
generally do) without attempting by such detachments, as I have
described, to create a diversion on that part of your army unem-
ployed in your attacks, he will probably be forced in one point or
other, because his motions necessarily depending on yours; if his
attention is drawn to more points than one at the same moment,
he will not dare to reinforce any part of his line, till one of your
attacks shall have become decisively serious, and then it is often too
campaign of 1759 663
3
Prince Friedrich Eugen von Württemberg (1732–97).
* See Note E.
campaign of 1759 665
and hindered the Prussians from taking the last entrenchment. The
cavalry is always victorious when the ground permits it to act freely
against tired infantry. The death of General Putkammer, and the
wounds of General Seidlitz were also the cause that our cavalry was
brought into disorder. It attempted to enter the entrenchments, but
did not succeed. The king did all that was possible to bring his troops
into order and exposed himself so much, that he had two horses killed
under him, but they were so tired, that they fell on the ground unable
to stand: so that nothing remained to be done, but retire as well as
they could. Had the Prussians remained in good order on the third
height they had taken, and postponed the last attack till next morn-
ing; when it might have been made with more advantage; it is prob-
able the flying enemy would have abandoned his posts in the night—but
when an event has happened, it is easy to judge how one might have
done better. It is said that General Finck proposed this to the king
who did not approve of it: we can however say for certain, that after
we had taken Kunnersdorff, if instead of advancing by our right, as
we did, we had advanced by our left, we should in great measure
have avoided the fire of the enemy’s great battery, and with much
more ease have taken the last hill. During the battle, about twelve
o’clock, General Wunsch had taken Franckfurt, which circumstance
likewise obliged the enemy to exert themselves. It is easy to imagine,
our retreat could not be made in good order; the Russians however
pursued us only a little way. The loss of the Prussians consists of about
three thousand killed, two thousand taken, and eleven thousand wounded,
above one hundred cannon, and near three thousand horses. The
fourth our army repassed the Oder, and camped near Retwein.
Every body says, and the Prussians believe, that nothing remained
to be done but take the Judenberg: a person who was on the ground
since the battle however assures, that before the Judenberg and close
to it, was a whole line of batteries, which appeared evidently long
after the battle, which the Prussians must have taken, before they
reached the Judenberg. Moreover this line was naturally so strong
that it could not be forced, which must have been done, after tak-
ing the abbatis on the side; where, into the bargain, the height is
so steep and craggy that it is as inaccessible as if it was pallisaded.
This circumstance in the heat of the battle, was overlooked by the
Prussians, at least, it does not appear in any place; which shews how
imperfectly men see and judge of ground.
The second account runs as follows.
Though the king’s army was not half so numerous as that of the
enemy, and they occupied a very strong camp, fortified and covered
with cannon, circumstances did not permit his majesty to defer the
attack any longer.
campaign of 1759 669
On the eleventh the army passed the Oder, four miles above Custrin;
the twelfth, at eleven o’clock, the attack was made with such success
that we took three batteries, in which were above eighty pieces of
artillery. The greatest part of the Russian army fled, and for six hours,
the victory was ours, which the enemy believed; but as part of their
troops collected in a great battery, which lay on the Judenberg. Stood
their ground; so at the same time, the Austrian cavalry then attacked
ours, and beat it; Seidlitz who commanded ours, was wounded and
carried out of the field. The enemy’s cavalry then attacked the infantry
and brought it into disorder. The king did all that was possible to re-
establish the affair, and brought on the troops three times again, and
exposed himself to the greatest danger; but in vain; the men were so
fatigued, they could not advance, which obliged his majesty to order
the retreat, and abandon the advantages he had obtained at first.
Count Soltikow’s account is as follows:
In my last I had the honour to inform your Imperial Majesty, that
the twelfth your army had gained a complete victory over the enemy,
commanded by the king in person. I now beg leave to add the par-
ticulars: on the eleventh we were informed the enemy had passed the
Oder. I did not think it necessary to change any thing in the position
we had taken, but to remain on the height we occupied near Franckfurt.
Our right came almost to the banks of the Oder, our left went to
Kunnersdorff as far as the woods. It would seem from hence that our
army had its back towards the enemy, but the nature of the ground,
required we should form as we did; when the enemy advanced to
Gerlitz, it was plain he would march about us, our right composed of
the first division, was commanded by Count Fermor, the van by General
Villebois; the second division under Count Romanzow, made the cen-
ter; and the new corps under Prince Gallitzen, made our left: for want
of room the Austrians could not enter into the line, and were there-
fore posted behind the right. I endeavoured to place the cavalry so as
not to expose it to the enemy’s artillery; from the nature of the ground,
the affair must be decided chiefly by the infantry.
On the enemy’s approach our light troops, commanded by Count
Totleben retired and took post before the front of our right; though
from the disposition of the enemy, it appeared he intended to sur-
round our left. I made no alteration in mine afterwards. On his nearer
approach he seemed to intend attacking also our right, probably to
cover his real intentions which was to attack our left: having erected
two batteries on that side against our flank; and at the same time
ordered some infantry and cavalry to advance through a valley, about
ten he extended his left; having raised some batteries against our right
which was covered by a marsh, over which is a bridge: this Count
Totleben put on fire, so that the enemy could not approach our right;
though by this I brought the enemy’s whole fire against my left. I
reaped however this advantage, that I could make my dispositions as
670 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
4
Cavalry commander under Loudon.
5
General Prince Sergey Fedorovich Volkonskii (d. 1784).
campaign of 1759 671
the enemy in flank, and forced him to run away; he was retiring
before; General Laudohn at the head of all the cavalry pursued him
on the left, and the light troops on the right, so ended this famous
action, having lasted from eleven in the morning to six in the evening.
The Russians had killed, wounded and missing, about fourteen
thousand men; the Austrians about two thousand; and the Prussians
lost eighteen thousand, near three thousand horses, and one hun-
dred and seventy two pieces of cannon, they lost also General
Putkammer who was killed, and eleven other generals wounded. The
plan which we give of the battle, and the different accounts of the
same, read with attention will enable the reader to form a proper
judgment of it.
Reflections
and Austrians, who formed several lines across the camp, with great
mass the Prussians could not move, and immediately gave way on
all sides. The attack made by the enemy’s cavalry was repulsed, and
he attacked in his turn, and beat; the battle was then won.
As to the king and his troops, they behaved with wonderful vigour
and activity, and deserved to win the battle: why did they not? in
the first place, because the enemy was much stronger, having at least
seventy thousand men, and a prodigious quantity of artillery, par-
ticularly howitzers of different species, which are of great use in the
field, in a close country, and against cavalry, could not move, and
act with their accustomed vigour and celerity, which gave the enemy
time to make the last disposition on his flank, and this was decisive
as we have seen. The Prussians, greatly diminished by their various
attacks, and much fatigued with the uncommon heat, and moreover,
as it always happens after a long and obstinate engagement, being
thrown into disorder, and of course unable to resist the shock and
weight of so great a mass as was formed against them, were obliged
to give way, at first gradually, being sustained by the cavalry, but
this being beat, they fled precipitately, and abandoned every thing,
their own artillery, and that taken from the enemy: whether they
ought or could form on the ground they had taken already, and
were in possession of before the last attack they made against the
Judenberg, with their left on the heights, and their right towards
Franckfurt, of which they were masters, I do not know; though I
think they might, in which case the enemy must have retired in the
night over the Oder, and the battle was completely won. It was the
last attack which was fatal to the Prussians; had they avoided it, I
am strongly inclined to believe the enemy could never have driven
them from the ground they occupied, and the less so, as the king
might have sent a strong detachment towards Franckfurt to join that
under Wunsch, which must have come on the Russians left flank
and rear, had they advanced to drive him out of his ground. To
support the last attack the king sent a strong column along the high
road to come even behind the flank of the enemy’s second line, as
it is marked in the plan. Now I ask, why at first setting out he did
not send a strong, or rather his chief column that way, from whence
he would have reaped every advantage possible, particularly had he
ordered a great part of his artillery to be placed against eh enemy’s
front towards the right, and made some false attacks there, which
would have hindered them from drawing troops from thence to sup-
campaign of 1759 673
port their left. We think that neither the Russians, nor any army
upon earth, however strongly posted, if one or other wing is sur-
rounded, and vigorously attacked, while another strong corps sup-
ported by cavalry, acts upon and behind the flank, can resist a
moment; and I am convinced, that if the king had firmly adhered
to this disposition, advancing coolly and deliberately with his infantry
(for cavalry alone must act rapidly, infantry is instantly thrown into
confusion if you pretend to hurry it), he would have driven the whole
Russian army into the Oder, or obliged them to disperse and fly in
the night up that river on the right of it. The ground permitted him
to do this at the last attack, and consequently it might have been
done at first; would have saved a great number of men, and, we
think, insured a complete victory.
We must here again lament the king’s violent inclination for bat-
tles; which as we have often observed, are seldom necessary, and in
a defensive war must always be avoided.* In these two battles the
king lost thirty thousand men, and two hundred pieces of artillery,
though neither was necessary.
Had Wedel’s army been reinforced to thirty-five thousand men,
and retired successively before the Russians, passed the Oder, and
taken post behind the Neiss between Guben and Franckfurt, with a
strong detachment there and at Crossen; General Laudohn could
never have joined the Russians, and these would most certainly not
have passed the Oder; though they never decline fighting, they never
engage freely in action. They would have gone over the Wartha
towards Landsberg, and from thence through Pomerania home, as
they did the preceding year, or perhaps gone up the right of the
Oder a little way, plundered the country, and gone by Posen to the
Vistula. The king in the mean time might have posted himself with
an army behind the Bober to observe the Austrians, and Prince
Henry in Saxony to oppose the army of the empire; by suc a dis-
position his majesty would have spared his men, and most effectually
protected his country, and saved Dresden into the bargain. The posi-
tions we mention are so decisive, that I am convinced the king with
one hundred and thirty thousand men, will enable to protect his
country against double the number.
Fifty thousand on the frontiers of Bohemia, with their center at
Glatz, move to the right or left, as the motions of the Austrians
* See Note F.
674 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
proves there was necessity for fighting, and that they must have done
this, without ever being able to pass the Oder at all.
The king continued at Retwein for some days; but on the approach
of General Haddick, who was coming with a considerable corps to
join the Russians, his Majesty thought it prudent to take some advan-
tageous camp, to hinder their advancing into Brandenburg towards
Berlin; accordingly on the fifteenth he marched by Lebus to Madlitz,
between Frankfurt and Furstenwalde, and on the eighteenth to this
last place, that he might with greater convenience receive the artillery
and stores he expected from Berlin.
The Russian army having been joined by General Haddick on
the fourteenth, passed the Oder the sixteenth, and encamped near
the village Lossow. On the twenty-second Count Soltikow had an
interview with Marshal Daun at Guben, whose army camped at
Tribel in Lusatia, and consequently the two armies might have joined
had they chosen, which the Russians undoubtedly refused, for the
reasons above mentioned; they had nothing, and were only supplied
by the Austrians for some little time, while the communication was
open between them, as I was informed. On the twenty-eighth of
August, the Russians occupied a camp at Hohenwalde, and jointly
with the Austrians blew up the sluices of the canal by Muhlrose,
which joins the Spree and the Oder, a cruel and unnecessary work,
worthy Goths and Vandals. On the twenty-ninth they encamped at
Grahnau in Lower Lusatia; upon which Frankfurt after it had paid
fifty thousand dollars, (about eight thousand pounds) was evacuated.
The thirtieth the Russians camped at Liberose, Haddick covered the
march on the right and Laudohn the rear; here they remained till
the fifteenth of September. The king kept very close, and almost in
sight of them during the whole march. On the thirtieth of August
he camped at Waldau opposite the Russians; on the first of September,
and the day following at Lubben, separated from them by a small
morass, where he remained till the Russians resumed their march,
which they did on the fifteenth of September, not being able to con-
tinue there any longer for want of provisions; when they went to
Guben, from thence on the eighteenth to Starnzeddel, and on the
nineteenth to Sommerfield; Laudohn advanced to Christianstadt,
where he was reinforced with eight or ten thousand men, under
Count Campitelli. The king followed close to the enemy, on his
right; he had already sent a corps under General Finck to Saxony,
676 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
and being arrived at Cotbus sent four batallions more there. The
Russians seemed inclined to take Glogau, that they might have a
place of arms in Silesia, but as they were not in a condition to
besiege it in form, and it had a good garrison, and the king close
to them, they wisely abandoned this project (if ever they had seri-
ously formed it).* The twentyieth they came to Christianstadt, passed
the Bober the twenty-first; the twenty-second they camped at Langen-
Hermsdorff; the twenty-third at Freystadt; the twenty-fourth at Benthen;
the twenty-ninth passed the Oder below Benthen, having the king
always close to them on their right; he advanced with some batal-
lions in hopes of coming up with their rear in passing the Oder,
but found them all on the other side, upon which his Majesty marched
to Glogau, and ordered a strong detachment to take post at Rutzen,
where they fortified themselves. On the fourth of October the Russians
marched to Schwasen, Laudohn made the rear guard. The Russians
made several batteries against the Prussian corps above mentioned,
but could not drive them away. On the seventh they marched to
Gross Osten, by which it appeared they proposed going towards
Breslaw, and arrive there before the king. This obliged his Majesty
to return over the Oder the seventh, and march also towards Breslaw,
he therefore ordered a strong corps to advance to Ratschutz: a bridge
was thrown over the Oder, where this detachment passed, and had
a smart encounter with the enemy’s light troops, the whole army
passed in the night and camped by Sophienthal. The Russians by
this position were prevented from going to Breslaw, and so remained
at Gros Osten till the twenty-eighth, when they marched to Hernstadt
on the Bartsch river, which was the direct road to Breslaw, but the
king had occupied this pass, which was of great consequence, as the
enemy could no longer go to Breslaw, without a long and difficult
march through morasses, &c. The king on seeing the enemy advance
to Hernstadt, marched thither also to support that important pass:
both armies were near each other; General Laudohn burnt the town
with his artillery. The reasons he gives are by no means sufficient
to justify such unnecessary barbarities. He was led by passion, on
feeling himself and the Russians disappointed in their views against
* They never had it in their power to make an attempt, the king by the posi-
tion he took at Milkau barred their road to that place, and by his well placed
detachments rendered it impossible for them to come near enough even to bom-
bard it.
campaign of 1759 677
This army took up its quarters during the winter in Bohemia; the
weather being very severe in the spring it did not assemble till the
* See Note G.
678 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
6
Lt. Gen. Reinhardt Baron Gemmingen auf Hornberg und Treschklingen (1710–
75).
campaign of 1759 679
Lower Elbe, about Dresden, which was the object. The motions of
this and the Russian army made it necessary for the Austrians under
Marshal Daun to march into Lusatia, in order to support the oper-
ations of the one and the other; accordingly on the twenty-eighth
of June they quitted the camp of Schurtz, and marched in two
columns to Neudorff; another corps composed chiefly of the troops
which General Harsch had commanded, made the third column,
and the same day arrived at Horzize, under the Duke of Aremberg,
so that the whole army was, for the conveniency of the march
through that mountainous country, divided into three corps. On the
twenty-ninth the first marched in two columns, the one arrived at
Gitschin, and the other at Lömnitz. The corps under General Laudohn
marched on the right between these columns and the enemy. The
first of July the two columns marched, the one to Turnau, the other
to Bredl, followed by that under the Duke of Aremberg, who came
that day to Gitschin; the second the army arrived at Riechenberg,
where the Duke of Aremberg also arrived, and the whole army was
brought together. General Laudohn advanced at the head of two
thousand horse to reconnoitre the frontiers of Silesia and Marcklissa.
On the fifth the country beginning to open, the army marched in
five columns to Friedland; and the sixth, in four columns to Marcklissa,
the head quarters at Gorlitzheim, where it remained till the twenty-
ninth of July.
The king being informed of the Austrians march towards Lusatia,
sent General Seidlitz with a considerable corps to Lahn, part of
which had an encounter with a detachment of Laudohn’s under
Count Caromeli; in which this last had some loss. On the fifth of
July the king, with his whole army, marched to Lahn, and after-
wards to Löwenberg. About the middle of July he sent a corps under
the Prince of Würtemberg to Sprottau, to observe the Duke of
Aremberg, who had been sent with the reserve to occupy Lauban.
Marshal Daun’s object was to send General Laudohn with a strong
corps to join the Russians at Frankfurt. To which end he made the
following disposition: he recalled General Haddick, who was on the
frontiers of Saxony, and ordered him to march through Bohemia,
into Lusatia, where he arrived the twenty-second of July, and General
Laudohn joined him, and both marched together to Pfœrten, where
they came the thirty-first of July, and Laudohn proceeded on his
way to Frankfurt, where he arrived happily the fourth of August,
and joined the Russians some days after, as we have already related.
680 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Illustration 23
campaign of 1759 681
Fouquet to join him at Lownberg, where he left him, and with the
main army advanced to Sagan, at which place he arrived the twenty-
ninth of August, and General Ziethen passed the Bober, and took
post on the hills behind Sorau, with a great wood behind him, which
goes quite to Sagan. On the thirtieth the Austrian army marched
to Kuska; on the thirty-first to Forst, and the day following back to
Triebel. The second of September the vanguard went to Sorau with
an intention to attack General Ziethen, who on the approach of the
Austrians retired unmolested through the wood to Sagan, passed the
bridge and joined Prince Henry, who was encamped on the other
side of the town. On the third however the whole Austrian army
went to Sorau, with what intention it is impossible to judge, for he
could not think of bringing Prince Henry to battle, or of entering
Silesia on that side; I therefore think it was to prevent Prince Henry
joining the king, or going into Poland behind them, which the
Russians were afraid of, and so this motion was made merely to
make them easy on that subject. Their fears were ill grounded, for
as the armies then stood such a junction was impossible, and the
other movement not to be performed.
Prince Henry observing that the Austrian army was sixty miles
from the frontiers of Bohemia, from whence they drew their subsis-
tence, very naturally thought by marching back towards Lauban,
Marshal Daun would be obliged to return instantly towards Bohemia,
and take some post on the line of communication between Silesia
and Saxony, and by that means maintain his communication with
that country and his magazines in Bohemia: on the fifth of September
accordingly this Prince left Sagan, and marched behind the Bober
to Lauban, and on the ninth arrived at Neustadt not far from Lauban,
on which General de Ville, who had been left Marcklissa to cover
Bohemia, left that place, and the fifth came to Lauban, which gave
the Prussians an opening to send General Stutterheim over Marck-
lissa, to ruin the Austrians depots at Friedland and Gabel, which he
compleatly executed. On the approach of Prince Henry, de Ville left
Lauban, and retired to Görlitz, and the Prussians took possession of
Lauban. On the ninth de Ville’s corps had been considerably rein-
forced: however as Prince Henry made a motion towards his left
flank, de Ville quitted his camp near Görlitz, and retired to Bautzen.
The Prussians advanced and camped on the Landscron beyond that
town.
campaign of 1759 683
Reflections
Of all the follies that ever entered the head of any Minister or
General, that of bringing one hundred and forty thousand men, with
at least forty thousand horse of different species, into a country were
ten thousand could not subsist a fortnight, and where there was
nothing to do, is the greatest. This was now the case, and had nei-
ther Prince Henry nor the king interfered, these immense armies
could not have remained in Lusatia a week longer. The Russians
must have taken their march one way or other towards Poland; and
the Austrians must have returned towards Saxony and Bohemia,
because they could not subsist where they were, nor had they any
thing to do there at all; there was nothing to be done, I repeat it.
In justice to the memory of Marshal Daun, I must explain the motives
of this very absurd measure. The Court of Vienna during the whole
war, wanted to engage the Russians to pass the Oder, and leave
part at least of their army with them; because they saw the Russians
came late into the field, and for want of subsistence retired very
soon, to take their quarters behind the Vistula. The Russians for
very obvious reasons would and indeed could not, come into this
project. However having gained two great victories they consented
to pass the Oder, and advance a day or two’s march into Lusatia,
on condition, first that Marshal Daun should send them another
considerable reinforcement, (which was done, for general Haddick
joined them), secondly, that the Marshal should advance with his
whole army to hinder Prince Henry joining the king. This was the
motive which brought Marshal Daun into that country. We have
seen the effects of such preposterous measures.
Prince Henry has gained great reputation by his conduct on this
occasion, which is the only foundation, that is known to the world
of that glory which he enjoys. He has acquired the name of a con-
summate general. Many people place him above the king. Why I
cannot conceive; for, in the first place, the measure he pursued in
campaign of 1759 685
The Imperial army had lain in Franconia during the winter, and
were making dispositions for opening the campaign as soon as pos-
sible, collecting magazines on every side; and had occupied Erfurth,
which they proposed making their place of arms, the ensuing cam-
paign. This Prince Henry resolved to hinder and concerted his mea-
sures with Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, who on his side agreed
to send a small corps towards Fulda and Herschfeld, on the enemy’s
left flank, while the Prussians advanced in front. The project was
accordingly executed in the end of February and the beginning of
March. The posts of the Imperial army were every where drove
back; so that the Imperialists lost what magazines they had collected.
On the twentieth of March the prince returned to Saxony, and the
corps of the allies to their quarters.
In April Prince Henry made an incursion into Bohemia, as we
have seen, and retired into Saxony. In May he marched again against
the Imperialists, and drove them back beyond Nuremberg; and having
686 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
7
Wenzel Matthias, Baron von Kleefeld von Hnogek (1713–79).
8
Austrian attaché.
campaign of 1759 687
advanced towards Torgau, Leipzig, &c. yet at the end of every cam-
paign they were finally forced to fall back to Dresden. The only
advantage they reaped from the possession of this place was, that
they could canton a part of their army in Saxony about Dresden,
and in the Ertzgebürg during the winter, cover Bohemia on that
side, and take the field sooner than usual; they could also assemble
their army in Saxony without difficulty, being masters of the passes
which lead out of Bohemia into that country.
General Wunsch with his small corps was alone in Saxony, as we
have seen, till the middle of September, when General Finck with
twelve batallions, and eighteen squadrons, arrived there, and posted
himself by Eulenberg, where he was joined by General Wunsch. The
Imperial army had recalled all its detachments, and was encamped
about Dresden. The Prussians advanced to Rothschönberg, and
camped behind a great and deep ravin, and the Imperialists camped
on the other side. The Prussians retired to Meissen, and were fol-
lowed by the Imperialists, who harrassed their rear with advantage;
and on the twenty-first of September attacked them, of which action
we have the following account by the Imperialists.
The Prussian corps under General Finck, consisting of about eighteen
thousand men, had their left near Meissen; their right on the heights
of Korbitz; their front was covered by some villages and a deep ravin.
The Prince of Deux-Ponts resolved to attack them. The rain rendered
the march so difficult, that General Haddick, who was to have attacked
the enemy’s right flank, thought it necessary to halt, and let the troops
rest, and clean and load their musquets, which had been rendered
unfit for service; the rest of the army did the same. On the heights
about Neustadt the enemy perceiving our disposition, sent a consid-
erable corps to support the villages, and after a vigorous resistance
took them. In the mean time General Haddick advanced; Finck opposed
him, with the greatest part of his corps, and at first had some advantage;
but Prince Lobkovitz advancing with his cavalry, drove that of the
enemy back, and penetrated into their infantry, and after an obstinate
engagement forced them to fly on all sides, leaving their cannon behind
them. The night prevented our pursuing them. We remained on the
field of battle this night, and part of the following day. Haddick’s corps
retired to Taubenheim, that he might join the army. We have taken
several pieces of artillery, and three hundred prisoners. Our loss amounts
in killed, wounded, and missing, to about sixteen hundred men.
The Prussians on the contrary say, that they kept the field, which
seems true: for the Imperialists retired to their former camp after
the battle. The idea of sending General Haddick with a strong corps
688 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
against the enemy’s right flank, was just, and had it been well exe-
cuted, would have been decisive, which induced General Finck to
bring the greatest part of his force against it, well knowing that if
in this he succeeded, he had his retreat secured, and little to fear.
Upon the whole it appears, that the Prussians, though greatly infe-
rior in numbers, behaved on this occasion with much firmness, wis-
dom, and bravery.
The Imperial army remained in its camp at Wilsdruff, where it
retreated after the battle till the twenty-seventh, when on receiving
advice that the Prussians under Prince Henry were advancing, and
preparing to pass the Elbe at Meissen, it was thought advisable to
retire to Dresden, and cover that city.
Upon Prince Henry’s marching into Saxony Marshal Daun did
the same, and on the twenty-fourth of September took his camp at
Kesselsdorff. As General Finck remained at Meissen, Marshal Daun
made the necessary disposition to attack him on the second of
October, which did not take place, because this general very wisely
retired towards Torgau, and joined Prince Henry at Strehla; the
Austrian army however advanced, and on the sixth arrived at Oschatz,
about three miles from the enemy; who had placed General Rebentisch
with a corps on the heights of Eulenberg, to keep up the commu-
nication with Leipzig.
The Prussians could not well be attacked in front, and therefore
the Marshal ordered a corps towards Dahlen beyond their right,
which if they waited in their preent position, would come on their
flank, while the army attacked them in front; Prince Henry sent
General Wunsch to observe the corps above mentioned, and met
him at Dahlen, upon which he retired towards Eulenberg to sup-
port Rebentisch, if necessary. Both retired. The Austrian corps
advanced beyond Schilda; all these manœuvres of course obliged
Prince Henry to retire to Torgau, from whence General Finck was
sent to take possession of Eulenberg. The twenty-second of October
the Austrian general advanced to Schilda, he sent a strong corps to
Strehla under the duke of Aremberg to prevent the enemy receiv-
ing any thing down the Elbe;* another corps under General Gemingen
to Eulenberg, which the Prussians abandoned. Marshal Daun was
* Two batallions and two cannon, were enough, and too much, because the
country behind was in the hands of the Austrians, and consequently nothing could
go that way to the Prussians at Torgau. The Author.
campaign of 1759 689
Illustration 24
campaign of 1759 691
Illustration 25
692 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
* Or perhaps Delitzsch.
campaign of 1759 693
Reflections
well conducted that he did not suffer any loss worth mentioning,
though many skirmishes happened, which naturally are more advan-
tageous to the pursuers, than to the pursued.
During this retreat the king came to the army, which advanced
to the heights of Kesselsdorff, separated from the Austrians by a
brook, or rather a torrent, when it rains, called the Weistritz, which
falls into the Elbe below Dresden.
The king thought it dangerous to attack the Austrians in this strong
position, but determined to force them to quit Dresden, by cutting
off their communication with Bohemia. For which purpose, he sent
General Finck with a great corps by Freyberg to Dippoldiswalda,
and from thence to Maxen, exactly behind the Austrian army, from
whence he could send detachments into Bohemia, and had this gen-
eral been suffered to stay there, the Austrians must have abandoned
Dresden, passed the Elbe, and marched by the passes of Rumburg
and Gabel, into Bohemia. But Marshal Daun and those about him
in whom he confided, were not men to be frightened out of the
country. So far from it, that it was resolved instantly to attack this
corps, and in such a manner, as to leave it no issue whereby to
escape, and so open the communication with Bohemia. They were
resolved to repair the fault committed at Pretsch, and do the busi-
ness more effectually than the Prussians did theirs. As the country
about Dresden, has been the scene of many military transactions, I
think it will be useful to those who may be brought to act hereafter
in it, if I give a description of it; which I am the more inclined to
do, because I found on the present occasion, that the Austrians and
Prussians were equally unacquainted with it.
Dresden lies on the Elbe in a vale; on the left of the river the
ground rises gradually for about three miles, till you come to the
village of Rainchen, which stands on the highest spot. Immediately
at the foot of it runs a narrow vale, from the left towards the right
as you stand with your back towards Dresden; in this vale is the vil-
lage of Possendorff, through which the high road from Dresden to
Dippoldiswalda, and Freyberg goes; the vale runs to the right into
a hollow ground, where is the village of Potzschappel, from whence
you go up a steep hill to Kesselsdorff, where the Prussians van was
encamped and their army directly behind it. To Potzschappel come
many springs, which form the Weistritz; this runs through a very
narrow vale to Plauen, and cannot be passed any where but at
Plauen, and lower down under the cannon of Dresden, for which
campaign of 1759 695
* Tielke says General Sincere was detached on the eighteenth. See Note H. [See
Johann Gottlieb Tielke, An Account of Some of the Most Remarkable Events of the War
between the Prussians, Austrians, and Russians, from 1756 to 1763: and a Treatise on several
Branches of the Military Art, with Plans and Maps, 2 vols., trans. by Charles and Robert
Crauford (London: Printed for the Translators; and Sold by J. Walter, 1787–8);
originally published as Beyträge zur Kriegs-Kunst und Geschichte des krieges von 1756 bis
1763: mit Plans und Charten, 6 vols., (Freyberg: Gedrunckt mit Barthelischen Schriften,
1775–86)].
696 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Map 22. Plan of the Affair near Maxen, 20th and 21st November, 1759.
campaign of 1759 697
698 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
campaign of 1759 699
to the narrow pass above mentioned, the front was still more con-
tracted, by which a moment’s time was lost, however in a few min-
utes they got over it, and with extraordinary rapidity entered the
enemy’s redoubts; here they halted, till the whole came up and
formed on the ground, where the enemy had stood, and which runs
in a slope quite to the Elbe about Pirna. While this was doing on
the side of the Austrians, the Prussians retired to Maxen, and formed
a new line on some heights behind it; the Austrian grenadiers
advanced, drove them out of Maxen; the rest followed, keeping to
the left to avoid breaking the line, and to come on the enemy’s right
flank; and after a faint resistance forced him to retire; the Austrians
pursued him, from hill to hill, till night put an end to the affair for
the present. In the night the Marshal was informed that the enemy
approached Dippoldiswalda, upon which he ordered a body of troops
to occupy the post at Rüppchen, where Sincere’s corps had been,
before it marched to Dippoldiswalda, with orders to advance if nec-
essary, to support the troops which had been placed there, and to
prevent the king from sending any succours to Maxen, through the
valley, which was found to run from Kesselsdorff by Possendorff, to
the last place; and another on the heights of Maxen, likewise to sup-
port Dippoldiswalda, in case the enemy advanced that way; these
dispositions being made, the Marshal was prevailed upon to go into
a house a Maxen to rest; in the morning before day break he came
to the troops, and ordered some cannon to advance, and fire towards
the place where the enemy was supposed to be; in a little time a
trumpet was heard to sound, the fire ceased, but nobody appearing,
it began again. A trumpet sounded a second time, and the fire ceased.
The day was breaking, and soon after came General Rebentisch,
and surrendered the troops prisoners of war. They were so entan-
gled, that it was near twelve o’clock before they could be brought
out of the hole, where they had lain pell mell the whole night. They
were carried to the great Garden, near Dresden. The corps con-
sisted of nine generals and about twelve thousand men, seventy pieces
of cannon, &c. Thus ended this extraordinary affair, with little loss
on either side during the battle. I was present, and therefore the
reader may rely on the veracity of this account. I have omitted sev-
eral particulars, as names of the regiments, &c. because I thought
them no ways necessary to explain the action itself; ground and
disposition are the only things to be considered, unless, as it some-
times happens, a particular manœuvre, on either side contributes to
campaign of 1759 701
the decision of the business, which was not here the case.
The Prussians did not upon the whole behave on this occasion as
they generally do, which is easily explained, if we consider the human
heart. From the first moment the Austrians appeared, General Finck
must perceive he was lost; he had before him a strong corps of
which he could not know the numbers, behind his right, at no great
distance, the Austrian army; and a corps under General Brentano
approaching him on that side; behind him was the Elbe, on his left
the ravine of Dohna, on the other side of which within musquet
shot, was a great part of the Imperial army, which fired on his flank
during almost the whole action, and annoyed him not a little. In
such a situation it is no wonder if he despaired; neither he nor any
general on earth, could have escaped the catastrophe which befell
him. If the reader will recollect we said, that close to the wood
through which the Austrians passed there was a hill, very high and
steep; and rendered uncommonly difficult to mount, by the great
quantity of snow which fell the nineteenth and twentieth, succeeded
by a severe frost; he will think as I do, that if General Finck had
posted four batallions and some cannon on this hill, with parties in
the wood, the Austrians would have found it difficult, or perhaps
impossible to advance that way, which would have protracted the
affair, and given time for the king to send reinforcements to disen-
gage him, or for him to march in the night on his right, through
the woods towards Rabenau, between Dippoldiswalda, and Dresden.
The situation of Marshal Daun could he have been stopped here,
was very critical, insomuch that any motion either Finck or the king,
made on that side, would have forced him to abandon the enter-
prize, and seek his own safety; but this not having been done, no
obstacles could possibly have prevented his success. Had the king
known the country; first, he would not have sent General Finck to
Maxen, without occupying the heights at Rabenau, not a mile from
his camp, and not much more from Maxen, by which neither one
or other could be attacked, but in front. Had he known the coun-
try, he would have sent a corps through the valley on the twenti-
eth towards Maxen, which would have greatly embarrassed Marshal
Daun, and cut off the troops he had left at Dippoldiswalda. It was
not known then by the Austrians, that the valley so often mentioned,
runs from Kesselsdorff to Maxen; and when it was known, General
Lacy trembled at the danger which might have happened, and
instantly ordered some works to be raised on the heights of Rabenau,
702 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
Infantry Cavalry
Grenadier Batallions Cuirassiers
1 Diringshofen 2 Markgrave Charles 3 Gardes du corps
1 Billerbeck 2 Linstädt 5 Gens d’Armes
1 Haack 2 Münchow 5 Carabineers
1 Kleist 2 Prince Henry 5 Schmettau
1 Rathenow 2 Prince Ferdinand 5 Bredow
1 Nimshefski 2 Bonstadt 5 Schoneich
1 Busch 2 Manteufel 5 Seidlitz
1 Bähr 2 Kalkstein
1 Benkendorf 2 Rebentisch Dragoons
1 Carlowitz 2 Old Brunswick 5 Norman
1 Manteufel 5 Czettritz
1 Unruh Free Corps 5 Young Plathen
1 Heyden 1 Leckolbe 5 Wirtemberg
1 Bieverling 1 Angenelly 5 Krockow
1 Salenmon
Musqetteer Batallions Du Verger Hussars
2 Itzenplitz 10 Ziethen
2 Prince of Prussia 10 Möhring
3 Guards 10 Seidlitz
2 Lattorf
1 Retzow Grenadiers Batallions 14
2 Wedel Musquetteers 36
2 Forcade Free Corps 4
2 Stutterheim Total: 54 Total: 88 Squadrons
A corps under the command of General Fouquet in Upper Silesia,
consisted of the following regiments.
Infantry
Grenadier Batallions Musquetteer Batallions
1 Naumeister 2 Mosel
1 Buddenbrock 2 Queis
1 Rath 2 Young Brunswick
1 Arnim 2 Markgrave Henry
2 Fouquet
2 Young Kreutz
1 Lattorf Garrison B.
Cavalry
10 squadrons Bareuth dragoons 10 squadrons Werner hussars
Total: 17 Batallions, 20 Squadrons
Infantry
Grenadier Batallions
1 Lubath 1 Schwartz
1 Oesterreich 1 Old Billerbeck
1 Bornstadt
Musquetteer Batallions
3 Bemburg 2 Putkammer
2 Goltz 2 Hoffmann
2 Brandeis 2 Neuwied
2 Lestwitz 2 Kursel
2 Bredow 2 Bulow
2 Hülsen 2 Kassel
2 Knoblock 2 Hausen
2 Grabow 1 Free Corps Monjow
2 Finck 1 Free Corps Wunsch
2 Salmuth 1 Free Corps Colignon
Cavalry
Cuirassiers Dragoons
5 sq. Life Regiment 5 sq. Meinicke
5 sq. Prince of Prussia
5 sq. Prince Frederick Hussars
5 sq. Horn 10 sq. Kleist
note d 713
Infantry
Grenadier Batallions Musquetteer Batallions
1 Nesse 2 Bevern
1 Lossow 2 Prince Maurice
1 Petersdorf 2 Lehwald
1 Kleist 2 Dohna
1 Burgsdorf 2 Kleist
1 Kremzow 2 Kanitz
2 Dierke
Free Batallions 2 Old Kreutz
2 Hordt 2 Treskow
Cavalry
Dragoons Hussars
10 sq. Schorlemmer 7 sq. Ruesch
5 sq. Old Plathen 8 sq. Malakowsky
5 sq. Plettenberg
Total: 26 Batallions, 35 Squadrons
Recapitulation
But should the enemy not remain in his present position, but should
march to Reppin in the course of the night; then the army will march
thither at three o’clock in the morning, in three columns. The king
imagines the enemy will in that case, place his right at Reppin, his
left at Nollendorf, and cover his front by a small rivulet, but which is
no ways a considerable obstacle. The infantry will march in two lines,
the cavalry will form the third, the whole marching by their left.
Lieutenant General Seidlitz, will be at the head of the column of cav-
alry, after him will follow the divisions of the duke of Wurtemberg,
and General Schorlemmer. The advanced guard will be formed by
Neuendorf, and the attack will be commenced by the right wing of
the army.
The following is a list of the Prussian forces on this memorable day.
note e 717
Illustration 26
NOTE F
grenadiers had stormed the Windmill Hill, and had made themselves
masters of a considerable part of the enemy’s artillery; this in truth is
saying, the king ought to have halted in the very moment, when he
had every appearance on his side of attaining the most complete, the
most decisive victory, a victory which would have for ever delivered
him from the enemy, that of all others, the most severely pressed him
during the whole. Nothing is more unjust, than to judge the merits of
a general by the event of an action; how many battles have not been
lost by men, who had weighed their enterprise with the utmost atten-
tion, had formed it on the best principles, had made their dispositions
according to the most approved rules, and in the execution had neglected
nothing by which their success might be ensured; while the adversary,
who perhaps had done no more than draw out his troops in order of
battle, according to the Roster, gains in the same degree that the other
loses, and is indebted to some unforeseen circumstance, some accident,
which perhaps he was not even informed of, for the reputation of hav-
ing acted like a great and very able general. If a man would form a
just and impartial judgement, he must go upon the field of battle, he
must imagine himself in the situation of the generals and the troops,
on either side, both the assailants and those on the defensive part, and
combine all this according to the true principles of war.
After the grenadiers had stormed the Windmill Hill, there were but
eight batallions as yet in action, all the rest of the army had not lost
a single man; they saw victory before them, the most considerable
difficulties surmounted, and the enemy in the greatest disorder. And
was this a moment for the king to order a halt! Should he now forgo
at once all his prospects of a most complete victory! Should he stop
short in the midst of their career, his brave troops who with rapid
steps were moving up, and pressed forward to victory, and thus make
before their eyes an open avowal, that he feared his enemy? Would
not that have been to shew a mistrust of the courage of his troops,
nay, in plain words to declare them mere cowards? Then the enemy
had behaved himself so miserably in the defence of this very strong
post, that the king might with good reason expect his further resis-
tance to be no better, and therefore without difficulty to be surmounted,
by the zeal and bravery of fresh troops? Though I myself was present
at the action, yet I had not till last summer a competent knowledge
of the field of battle, and even now I find not the least reason, which
could prevent the king from pushing on his attacks, after the storm-
ing the first entrenchments of the Russians. The right wing of the
Prussian army stood on the heights, which command the whole field
quite to Cunnersdorf; nothing presents itself there to the eye, which
should prevent a further attack: the whole ground quite to the village
is a plain, no more intrenchments remained to be stormed, the vil-
lage itself was unoccupied and burnt; the enemy under the embar-
rassment of changing his front, cooped up in a narrow space, where
he could take no advantage of his superior numbers; the Prussian army
722 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
the ammunition which they carried in their pouches, and had been
obliged to take a considerable part of what they had with them in
their stores; it must be considered too, that if these were sufficient to
supply their army once, that was all, they could supply them no more.
The Prussians indeed were in the same case, but these wants might
be supplied in a few days, from their magazines in Custrin, in Stettin
and in Berlin. The Russians on the contrary, were too far distant from
their depots, for this to be done in so short a time; they must there-
fore of necessity remain sometime inactive, which the king might take
advantage of, to repair his shattered forces. One may from hence in
some measure, explain why the Russian Generals did not perform all
that the public expected from them, which has commonly little, or no
idea of the difficulties attending military operations. Had Field Marshal
Soltikow after the battle, ventured to move forward to hastily, he might
reckon upon being once more attacked by the king; and then had his
good fortune deserted him, but a small part probably of the Russian
army would have escaped; he had therefore the most urgent motives
to be wary in his conduct, and not totally to sacrifice the remnant of
his troops, who had so bravely fought at Kay and Cunnersdorf. He
might with great reason expect that his allies should also do some-
thing, and not leave him to bear alone the whole burthen of the war.
Besides, the whole Russian army was convinced that the Court of
Vienna, meant only to make a tool of them, and cared little how many
or how few of them returned home, provided they themselves reaped
the fruits of their labours. A natural consequence of this idea, was that
the enemy had no longer any great inclination to fight, and rather
longed for their return into winter quarters in Poland. One may assume
it as a fact, without doing any violence to probability, that the king
was well acquainted with the dispositions of the Russians; now these
had already existed before the battle, and Frederick’s penetration could
easily discover the future consequences, which must result from them.
Whilst therefore his enemies expected the march of the combined army
in Berlin, the irruption of Marshal Daun into Silesia, the recovery of
Saxony, the siege of Magdebourg, Steeten, and so on, and his friends
shuddered for him; his genius on the very morrow of the battle, shewed
him that nothing of all this would happen; hence also with his usual
serenity and temper, which never left him in the midst of danger, he
was enabled to send word to Duke Ferdinand by the same officer,
who had brought him the news of the victory of Minden. I am sorry
the return of so good a piece of news should not be more lucky. But if you get
safe back, and dont find Daun in Berlin, and Contades in Magdebourg, you may
assure Duke Ferdinand from me, that there is no very great loss sustained. Thus
a great man may always with safety risk more than another, being
sure that in the greatest calamities his resources will not fail him. This
accounts for the exploits of an Alexander, and a Cæsar, and explains
to us the principle upon which Gustavus Adolphus ventured into Ger-
many; and Condé hazarded the battles of Rocroy, Freyburg, Nordlingen,
724 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
and Senef, and how Frederick was enabled to extricate himself with
glory out of seven years war, carried on against the most powerful
forces of Europe.
Such are the arguments Colonel Tempelhoff uses, in support of the
king’s conduct on this occasion; and indeed, I think completely justifies
his majesty, from the imputation of having rashly attempted to push
his advantages too far, which our author in some measure lays to
his charge, though it must be observed, he does not venture to speak
very decisively on this point.
With respect to the difference of sentiments between the Colonel
and our author, on the necessity of the king’s fighting at all, I have
given the arguments on both sides of the question, and shall not
presume to deliver any opinion of my own, but leave it to the reader
to judge for himself.
NOTE G
that he was about to occupy a new camp, traced out between Nenkers-
dorf and Malschwitz.
It being by this time certain that the enemy would not pass the
defile of Neustadt, the king made the army advance to the heights of
Milkau, at which village their left flank was placed, while their right
came to Baune, by this advantageous position, the enemy was shut
out of the road to Glogau, and now took up a camp between Neu-
Tschoe, and Keltsch. In this position both armies remained some time
under arms, each expecting to be attacked, but at length the tents
were pitched, and both camps strongly fortified.
On the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth the king was joined by
Generals Maier, and Queist, with three squadrons, and seven batal-
lions; this reinforcement enabled his majesty to extend his right wing
to Nenkersdorf, before which village an entrenchment was thrown up.
On the twenty-ninth several movements were observed in the enemy’s
camp, the object of which could not at first be discovered, but as we
discerned during the night, many fires on the other side the Oder near
Carolath, it was plain that he had passed that river with a part of his
forces. On the thirtieth the enemy continued in motion, and the king
determined to attack his rear guard; for this purpose on the following
morning (October the first) he marched with six batallions, fifteen
squadrons of dragoons, and ten of hussars, and marched by Neustädtel
as far as Keltsche, the enemy had however already passed the Oder,
and his majesty made prisoners only some trainers and a part of the
baggage train. Major General Plathen was detached that same day by
his majesty, with six batallions, two regiments of cuirassiers, two of
dragoons, together with the hussars of Kleist and Malachowski to
Glogau, to occupy a position at Klein Zaerbau, a village near that
town on the other side the river. This corps was reinforced the next
day by all the dragoons and hussars, a picket of one thousand cuirassiers,
and eleven batallions of foot, it formed in such a manner, that both
flanks were covered by the Oder; and in this situation protected that
town from a bombardment, and was at hand to cut off the enemy
from the Hund pass, and thus prevent him from penetrating any fur-
ther into Silesia.
NOTE H
two fires; and as the left flank of the position at Plauen was threat-
ened at the same time, had the Imperialists intended attacking Finck’s
corps by Roehrsdorf and Wittgendorf, they would not have ventured
to detach a sufficient body of troops to assure its success.
As it was to be feared that his Prussian Majesty would discover the
enterprize of the Imperialists, either by the cannonade, or by some
other means, and that he might in the interim attack the principal
army, at this time weakened by a considerable detachment, the Marshal
rejoined it, leaving orders with Sincere’s corps to march to Reinhards-
grimme the next day, November the twentieth, at seven o’clock in the
morning. The troops had began their march, and the heads of the
columns were arrived at Ringelshayn, when Marshal Daun (attended
by their Royal Highnesses Princes Albert and Clement of Saxony)
returned to take the command of this corps; having previously made
the necessary dispositions at the grand army, in case of an attack, and
observed that the enemy had not changed their position. The Marshal
placed Count O’Donell at the head of the cavalry, and Baron de
Sincere commanded the infantry. The order of March was in four
columns, viz. two of cavalry and two of infantry. The advanced guard,
commanded by Major General Baron de Siskowitz, consisted of Scezeni’s
regiment of hussars, some squadrons of carabiniers, a few croats, and
a brigade of grenadiers of five batallions. Lieutenant General Baron
de Seckendorf remained upon the height of Maltern, with the regiments
of Botta and Young Colloredo, infantry, one squadron of Stampach,
one of Anhalt Zerbst, and one hundred hussars and dragoons, detached
from the regiments of the Emperor, Esterhazi, and dragoons of the
Staff, to cover the rear of the Imperialists, in case a detachment of
Prussians should advance from Freyberg, to Dippoldiswald. Brentano’s
corps, posted near the Red-House and afterwards at Roehrsdorf, received
orders to approach Maxen, and endeavour to take Finck in flank and
rear, whilst the Marshal attacked him in front. It had been previously
concerted with the army of the Empire, part of which was posted at
Gieshubel, under the command of the Prince of Stolberg, that a corps
should be detached to Dohna, to inclose Finck’s army on this side.
Reinhardsgrimme was occupied by three squadrons of Prussian hus-
sars, commanded by Major de Hauschwitz; and General Platen was
posted in the rear of this village. Marshal Daun arrived near this spot,
formed his order of battle in two lines, and immmediately reconnoitred
Reinhardsgrimme, which he afterwards attacked with his advanced
guard.
The enemy’s troops posted within and in the rear of this village,
abandoned it at his approach, without defending the important gorge
in which it is situated, the passage of which must have been attended
with the greatest difficulty; they retired into the wood, and from thence
to Hausdorf, a retreat which permitted the Imperialists to reconnoitre
the roads through this village and the forest. The passages were found
note h 731
narrow, and the more inconvenient, as the sharp frost, attended with
little snow, had rendered the slope (which is naturally very steep) so
slippery, that it was thought impossible to ascend it with artillery and
cavalry, whose horses were not shod for that purpose; but M. de Fabri,
at that time Major of the Staff (or corps of Field Engineers) having
assured the Marshal that he had examined the roads, which, though
inconvenient and difficult, he had found practicable, the order to march
was immediately given; and, after having garnished the woods with
croats and hussars, who drove the Prussians from the nearest heights
on the other side, the corps continued to advance in four columns by
Reinhardsgrimme to Maxen.
General Finck had occupied the heights in front of Maxen with
three batallions, (c) four howitzers, and five twelve-pounders. (No. 27)
General Platen was posted in front near Hausdorf, with two batallions;
and the remainder of the troops faced General Brentano. A battery
of four six-pounders was established upon the steep hill on the right
of Maxen, (No. 28) and two others of two twelve-pounders each, oppo-
site Brentano’s corps. (No. 29 and 30)
General Finck’s not having occupied the two mountains, situated
between the wood of Reinhardsgrimme and Hausdorf, rendered his
position very defective, by favouring the debouché and deployment of
the Imperial troops from the abovementioned wood, which could neither
be seen nor prevented, on account of the two mountains I anf F, sit-
uated between the debouché of the wood of Reinhardsgrimme and
the mountains C and H, upon which he was posted.
It must be acknowledged, that after having detached M. de Wunsch,
he was not strong enough to occupy them; but with what view he
posted the General at so great a distance, or why the latter did not
afterwards support him, I cannot account for. I was informed by the
Prussian officers, that as soon as General Finck found himself attacked
by the Imperialists, he dispatched successively two or three officers to
General Wunsch, two demand the two batallions of Munchow as a
support, during the attack of the hill of Maxen, and that the General
refused to comply with this order, alledging that he could not spare
them. It would perhaps have been more prudent, if General Wunsch
had not only sent these two batallions, but followed with his whole
force to the assistance of General Finck; for supposing the army of
the Empire had passed the defilé of Müglitz, which the small force
under the command of M. de Wunsch could not have prevented, the
reunion of a numerous body of troops on a ground so narrow and
intersected as that near Maxen, far from being formidable, would
have been rather advantageous to the Prussians; but M. de Wunsch’s
corps remained at its post near Bloschwitz during the whole action,
satisified with cannonading the troops of the Empire, which had
advanced to Dohna, from the two batteries of four twelve-pounders,
No. 57 and 58.
732 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
the height; but the two batallions who had been repulsed, threw these
troops into disorder, and the greatest part of them were made pris-
oners. The Prussian Major Generals de Rebentisch and Mosel used
their utmost endeavours to prevent the disorder, and rally the flying
troops; but their efforts were useless against the distinguished bravery
of the Imperial grenadiers, which seemed to increase with the difficulty
they encountered in climbing the heights, particularly those occupied
by the enemies; in short, they carried every thing before them.
The enemy’s cannon could do but little execution, and the Prussian
cavalry was entirely useless, from the want of space on the steep height
on which it was posted, and from whence it must necessarily descend
to the charge, whereas that of the Imperialists attacked and charged
ascending.
There were some fleches* upon the heights of Maxen, constructed
entirely of stones, great quantities of which are found in these envi-
rons: far from assisting the Prussians in their defence, they were cer-
tainly hurtful.
The grenadiers and Imperial carabiniers carried the principal height
(k) with but little loss, and obliged the Prussians to abandon their can-
non. Flushed with success, they pursued them with too much ardour,
and were falling into confusion; which the Marshal perceiving, checked
the pursuit, and formed the infantry in order of battle upon the height
L, abandoned by the Prussians. The Imperial cavalry turned the left
of this height M, and pursued the advantage already gained with the
utmost intrepidity.
As the attack of Brentano’s corps became during this time more
serious, General Finck ordered fifteen squadrons of cuirassiers to advance,
commanded by Major Generals de Bredow and Vasold (m); but being
obliged to turn some ponds, and pass through marshy meadows and
thick furze, they could neither form nor attack with the necessary shock
and impetuosity; they were consequently repulsed, and obliged to retire
with precipitation to (n). The Imperial grenadiers pursued the victory
obtained on their side at Maxen, and continued pushing the Prussians
beyond the village.
General Finck collected the routed and scattered troops in the best
manner he could, and ordered General de Lindstaett to form them
again near Schmorsdorf (o); Brentano’s corps continued advancing, and
during this time arrived at N, and lastly at (O), where it joined Marshal
Daun’s. The new position, or rather halt of the Prussians, was but of
short duration; for the Imperialists, elated with success, advanced with
so much bravery, that nothing could resist their efforts: they charged
the Prussians; broke their ranks; and, without giving them time to
breathe, drove them from the height to height, and took the greatest
part of their artillery and some colours. The Prussian cavalry, which
threatened to fall upon the Imperial infantry, was repulsed by the cav-
alry of the Imperialists, particularly by the regiment of dragoons of
Young Modena, who afterwards charged and cut up the Prussian
infantry, took two batallions and their colours, together with some stan-
dards and cannon.
Coutn Palfy, Lieutenant General of the army of the Empire, had
advanced from Zehista towards Dohna with the two regiments of hus-
sars, Spleni and Haddick; and Major General Kleefeld was posted at
the same point of Zoschendorf with some batallions of croats and the
Sclavonian hussars. The prince of Stolberg, having under his com-
mand the Counts d’Effern and de Fugger, had advanced to Buckerswalda,
where he took post with the regiment of infantry of Mayence, one
batallion of Darmstadt, two batallions of Füstenberg, the regiment of
Imperial dragoons of Savoy, commanded by Major General de Voghera,
and some large field-pieces; he also cannonaded Wunsch’s corps from
the batteries established at 59, 60, 61, 62, and 63.
The light troops, commanded by Major Generals de Palfy and de
Kleefeld, afterwards passed the ravin, and advanced towards Sirsen,
to inclose General Finck on this side; the latter, who was pursued great
part of the night, took post in the plain between Falkenhayn and
Bloschwitz.
The Marshal detached two regiments of cavalry towards the Elbe,
to prevent the Prussians from escaping on this side by crossing the
river.
These dispositions threw General Finck, with the remainder of his
corps, into the most distressed situation possible; surrounded on all
sides by gorges and defiles, whose heights were occupied by the
Imperialists, there was not a single opening left him to retreat.
The night being too far advanced for the Imperialists to continue
their attacks, the troops were formed in order of battle upon the
heights, and passed the night under arms. (T ) The ammunition which
arrived from the camp at Plauen, was distributed to them, and every
preparation made for renewing the attack at day-break.
The same night General de Seckendorf, posted near Maltern, sent
word that his hussars and dragoons in front of Dippoldiswalda had
been drove in, and that they discovered the enemy’s infantry and cav-
alry.* He immediately received orders to defend his post and the
* Colonel Kleist returning from his expedition in Bohemia with his corps, con-
sisting of ten squadrons of green hussars, ten squadrons of dragoons of Schorlemmer,
and the free batallion of Corviere, received orders at Sayda to support General
note h 735
Finck, and had therefore immediately directed his march to Dippoldiswalda, where
he arrived very late at night on the twentieth. The town was not occupied by the
Imperialists, and there was only a picket of one hundred men posted in a house
contiguous to the bridge, without the town. The Sieur Kempel, Lieutenant of the
batallion of Corviere, with fifty men, approached under favour of the night with-
out being perceived, supported by Captain le Grange, with one hundred more and
a piece of cannon; he killed the two centinels posted at the foot of the bridge, sur-
prized the picket before it could get under arms, killed several and made a great
many prisoners, entering the town with those who fled, which he occupied.
General Hülsen, who had likewise received orders to assist and disengage Finck,
marched the twentieth from his cantonment at Sora, near Wildsdruff, to Collmitz,
and pushed his advanced guard on to Klingenberg; the twenty-first he arrived with
the latter at Dippoldiswalda, and seeing there was no possibility of saving Finck’s
corps, he retreated with colonel Kleist to Freyberg.
* Probably by Muhlbach and Cunnersdorf: it is true that he would have been
opposed only by the light troops of Colonel Reid, but at the same time would have
found impracticable roads.
736 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
by the gorge, under favour of the night, pass the corps of Imperial
light troops at break of day near Sirsen, and then pursue their March
by Lug and Lockwitz. M de Wunsch, though General of infantry, was
ordered by General Finck to execute this manœuvre, having the most
perfect knowledge of the country.*
An hour before day-light, the Marshal ordered the cannon to advance
as near as possible, and the grenadiers to hold themselves in readiness
to renew the attack at day-break.
A general officer of the Prussians arrived at the advanced post, and
desired to be admitted to the Commander in Chief. The Marshal
being informed of it, sent General Lascy to acquaint him they must
lay down their arms, and surrender at discretion. The cannonade had
began before the Marshal could give orders to postpone the attack,
but was immediately silenced. General Lascy soon after returned, with
the answer that Finck’s corps would surrender prisoners, on condition
they might retain their baggage, which the Marshal granted.
In the mean time General Wunsch had endeavoured to escape with
the cavalry in the manner indicated, but had met with insurmount-
able obstacles in the attempt; being obliged to lead the horses one by
one across the ice, only a few squadrons of hussars had passed the
first gorge when the Imperialists perceived them. The Marshal insisted
that Wunsch’s corps, or rather the six regiments of cavalry which he
then commanded, should be included in the capitulation, upon which
General Finck observed, that he could not capitulate for M. de Wunsch,
who was commandant of a separate corps.
During this treaty, which Finck prolonged as much as possible, to
give M. de Wunsch time to execute the intended passage, he sent
different officers, in the presence of M. de Lascy, under pretence of
informing Wunsch of his capitulation, but in fact to see if he had
already passed the defile of Sirsen. M. de Lascy perceiving the strat-
agem, threatened to renew the cannonade, if M. de Wunsch contin-
ued his retreat.
The difficulty of penetrating through a ground so intersected, and
whose ravins were covered with brush-wood and occupied by croats,
augmented every instant; and the last officer whom General Finck sent,
returned witht the information, that scarce half a squadron had passed
Sirsen, and that General Wunsch found the passage impracticable.
Upon which General Finck, and the generals under his command,
signed the capitulation at Blochwitz, General Wunsch excepted, whose
corps was notwithstanding included; even those who had passed the
gorge were obliged to return, and lay down their arms with the rest:
* I have no doubt of this plan being thought of, as I had the information from
the Prussian officers themselves; but I cannot conceive how the passage of the cav-
alry could have been practicable on this side, still less which way it could have
joined the king’s army.
note h 737
but he being near Sirsen when the capitulation was signed, could after-
wards avail himself of this circumstance, and assert that he had no
share in it.
The whole corps having laid down their arms, the prisoners were
conducted to the great garden near Dresden, by the troops ordered
on this duty. The Marshal then posted the principal part of his corps
upon the heights of Maxen, sent Brentano’s division towards Dippol-
diswalda, and himself rejoined the grand army near Dresden.
The number of killed and wounded, was inconsiderable on both
sides.
The Imperialists took:
3 Pair of silver kettle drums
1 Pair of brass kettle drums
24 Standards
96 Pair of colours
Artillery
25 Three-pounders
2 Four-pounders
18 Six-pounders
17 Twelve-pounders
9 howitzers
71 pieces of cannon, and 44 ammunition wagons
Prisoners
1 Lieutenant General: Finck
8 Major Generals: Rebentisch, Linstaett, Mosel, Wunsch, Platen,
Vasold, Bredow, and Gersdorf
9 General officers
6 Colonels
3 Lieutenant Generals
6 Colonels
3 Lieutenant Colonels
32 Majors
88 Captains
168 First Lieutenants
85 Second Lieutenants
100 Ensigns
50 Officers of the Staff
8 Officers of the Artillery
549 Total of officers
According to the account published by the Imeprialists, the total
number of prisoners, including the non-commissioned officers, amounted
to fourteen thousand nine hundred and twenty two men.
Tielke concludes this account with observing,
Every witness of this affair must allow, that the Imperialists, indepen-
dent of their good andjudicious dispositions, and the advantages they
738 vi. the history of the late war in germany, vol. ii (1790)
derived from the ground and their artillery, fought with the greatest
bavery. On the other hand, notwithstanding the position of the Prussians,
and the ground they occupied, rendered them incapable of using their
arms with success, they certainly displayed a great deal of firmness
and intrepidity.
Finis
Map 16. A Map of the Theatre of the King of Prussia’s Campaigns.
INDEX
ISSN 1385–7827
18. SATTERFIELD, G. Princes, Posts and Partisans. The Army of Louis XVI and
Partisan Warfare in the Netherlands (1673-1678). 2003.
ISBN 90 04 13176 0
20. MACLEOD, J. & P. PURSEIGLE (eds.). Uncovered Fields. Perspectives in
First World War Studies. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13264 3
21. WORTHINGTON, D. Scots in the Habsburg Service, 1618-1648. 2004.
ISBN 90 04 13575 8
22. GRIFFIN, M. Regulating Religion and Morality in the King’s Armies, 1639-1646.
2004. ISBN 90 04 13170 1
23. SICKING, L. Neptune and the Netherlands. State, Economy, and War at Sea in
the Renaissance. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13850 1
24. GLOZIER, M. Scottish Soldiers in France in the Reign of the Sun King. Nursery for
Men of Honour. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13865 X
25. VILLALON, L.J.A. & D.J. KAGAY (eds.). The Hundred Years War. A Wider
Focus. 2005. ISBN 90 04 13969 9
26. DEVRIES, K. A Cumulative Bibliography of Medieval Military History and Tech-
nology, Update 2004. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14040 9
27. HACKER, B.C. World Military History Annotated Bibliography. Premodern and
Nonwestern Military Institutions (Works Published before 1967). 2005.
ISBN 90 04 14071 9
28. WALTON, S.A. (ed.). Instrumental in War. Science, Research, and Instru-
ments. Between Knowledge and the World. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14281 9
29. STEINBERG, J.W., B.W. MENNING, D. SCHIMMELPENNINCK VAN
DER OYE, D. WOLFF & S. YOKOTE (eds.). The Russo-Japanese War in
Global Perspective. World War Zero, Volume I. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14284 3
30. PURSEIGLE, P. (ed.). Warfare and Belligerence. Perspectives in First World
War Studies. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14352 1
31. WALDMAN, J. Hafted Weapons in Medieval and Renaissance Europe. The Evolu-
tion of European Staff Weapons between 1200 and 1650. 2005.
ISBN 90 04 14409 9
32. SPEELMAN, P.J. (ed.). War, Society and Enlightenment. The Works of General
Lloyd. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14410 2
33. WRIGHT, D.C. From War to Diplomatic Parity in Eleventh-Century China. Sung’s
Foreign Relations with Kitan Liao. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14456 0