The Sociat life of Pots

Glaze Wares and Cultural Dynamics in

the Southwest, AD 1250-1.680

edited by
Judith A. Habicht-Mauche, Suzanne L. Eckert,
and Deborah L. Huntley

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The University of Arizona Press

Tucson
 To the memory of Anna O. Shepard,
within whose long shadow we all work.

The UniversirY of Arizona Press

O zoo6 The A¡ìzona Board ofRegents
All rights reserved
@ This book is Printecl on acid-free'
archival-quality paper'
Manufactu¡ed in the Uniled States ofAmerica
rrIo09o8o7o66543"'
Dâta
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicâtion -
cultural dynamics in the Southvesl'
The social life ofpots : glaze wares and
no ,15o-'68o 7 taittd by Judith A Habicht-Mauche'
Suzanne L Eckerl' and Deborah
L Huntley'
p.cm.
index'
Includes bibliographical references and
(hardcover : alk ptper)
IsBN-r3: g?8-o-8I65-2457-o
IsrN-ro: o-8r65-2457-z (hardcover : alk
paper)

r. Pueblo pottery-Themes) motives

2 Pueblo Pottery-Antiquities 3 Zuni
'"nr,.ru Potter¡^craft -
-'.I¡"rn*, -olives 4 ZLlni potterl - Antiquitìes 5
(ceramics)-southwest,
s"íriì".J,, *"* o. olazes_southrvest, New. 7. Glazing
""ï"*."i. l Habicht-Mauche' Judith À 1959-
i"*n**t, Nerv-Antiquities '
II. Eckert, Suzanne L , I97o- III Fluntle¡ Deborah L ' 1969

899 P9s66 2006

666' 6og19o9oz- dczz
zoo5o373o6
in part by the proceeds ofi oi1**i
Publication of rhis book is made possible
.."","d 'nith rhe assistence ofa Challenge Grant trom the I\atronal
"ndo*-"n, Endowment fo¡ the Humanities' a federal agency'
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 Contents

Preface ix

I The Social History of Southwestern Glaze Wares

Judith A. Habicht-Mauche 3
./
Giaze Ware Technology, the Sociaì Lives ol)&.s, and
Communities of Pracrice in the La¡e PrehiÉtoric Southwest
Miriam T. Stark 17

The Production and Distribution of Glaze-Painted Pottery in

the Pueblo Southwest: A Synthesis Suzanne L. Ickert 34

The Social Contexts of Glaze Paint Ce¡amic Production and

Consumption in the Silver Creek Areâ Thomas R. Fenn,
Barbara J. MiLIs, and Maren Hopkins 6o

Decorating Glaze-Painted Pottery in East-Central Arizona

Scott Van Keuren 86

From Recipe to Identity: Exploring Zuni Glaze Ware

Communities ofPractice Deborah L. Huntley ro5

The Decline of Zuni Glaze Ware Production in the Tirmultuous

Fifteenth Century Gregson Schachner rz4

.:.
 Glaze Wares and Regional Social Relationships on
the
Rio Alamosa Toni S. Laurnbach r4z

Black-on-White to Glaze-on-Red: The Adoption of Preface

Glaze Technology in the Central Rio Grande Valley
Suzanne L. Eckert 163

10 Inferring Social Interactions from Pottery Recipes: Rio Grande

*Glaze
Paint Composition and Cultural Tiansmission
Glmthia L' Herhahn I79

n Lead, Paint, and Pots: Rio Grande Intercommunity

Dynamics from a Glaze Ware Perspective Kit Nelson and
Judith A. Habicht-Mauche r97

Rio Grande Glaze Ware Technology and Production:

Historic Expediency Patricia Capone z16

73 Directionality and Exclusivity of Plains-Pueblo Exchange during Anna O. Shepard published her landmark monograph Rio Grønde Glaze
the Protohistoric Period, ln r45o-r7oo Kathryn Leonard z3z Pøint Wøre: A Study lllu*røting the Pløce of Cerømic Tèchnologicøl Anøþsis
in Archøeological Reseørch (1942) more than sixty years ago, yet it stands
1,4 Rio Grande Glaze Paint Ware in Southwestern Archaeology
as the most comprehensive treatment ofsouthwestern glaze-p¿inted pot-
Linda S. Cordell 253
tery ever written. Over the last decade, this unique ceramic tradition has
been the subject ofrenewed interest and attention by specialists in south-
Notes 273 western ceramics. This renaissance in southwestern Sl¿ze ware studies has
BibliographY 277 been spurred, in part, by a broader revival ofinterest, after many decades
ofneglect, in the Late Precontact ¿nd Early Contâct periods in the Ameri-
Contribìitors 3r5
c¿n Southwest. The late thirteenth through fifteenth centuries are now
About the Editors 3r7
recognized as a time ofunprecedented and dynamic social change in the
Index 3r9 region. Glaze-painted pottery has much to tell us about these changes,
as a record of changing aesthetics, ideologies, and ritual practices and as

a marker of technological prâctices and local knowledge thât shifted as

people moved through this dynamic social landscape. In addition, the in-
creased availability ofa new generation ofinstrumental techniques for the
geochemical analysis and characterization of ceramic materials, includ-
ing instrumental neutron activation analysis (INel), electron microProbe'
and inductively coupled plasma mâss spectroscoPy (Ice-ras), has added
greatly to the tool kit of those studying southwestern ceramics. These
techniques have begun 1o allow us to study technological practice at pre-
viously unimagined levels ofdetail and at multiple scales. Thus, the time
¡,,:

viii / Contents
 re- Allyson Carter and Chris Szuter, for their patience and suPPort throush-
seems more than ripe to reassess the stâte of southwestern glaze ware
understanding of the out this project.
search and what it has contributed to our evolving
relationship between technological pÍactice and social change in the late
precontâct to early contact Southwest. Judith A. Habicht-Mauche
Suzanne L. Eckert
In order to begin this conversation, the editors organized a symposium,
Deborah L. Huntley
entitled "The Soci¿l Life of Pots: Glaze Wares and Cultural Tiansfor-
mation in the Late Prehistoric Southwest" for the zooz Meetings of the
Sociéty for American Archaeology, held in Denver' Colorado At this sym-
posium, fifteen scholars met to present their research on southwestern
glaze-painted pottery. These researchers included a mix of graduâte stu-
dents, recent PhDs, and more experienced ceramic analysts, tr¿ined in
a variety of analytical techniques and working on proiects that spanned
the entire temporal range and geographic breadth of late Precontact to
early contact glaze ware production in the Southwest Linda Cordell and
Miriam Stark provided important commentâry on how our work fit into
the broader history of southwestern archaeology and ceramic technology
studies, respectivelY.
This half-day symposium generated a lively series of discussions and
debates among the participants. After the meetings' papers were revised,
circulated, and revised again. After two rounds of peer review and addi-
tional revisions, the current volume finally took shape and was accepted
for publication by the University ofArizona Press. We would like to thank
our four anonymous reviewers, whose extensive and detâiled critical com-
ments helped us to mold these somewhat eclectic symposium papers into
a more focused and coherent volume, which we hope will make a signifi-
cânt and lasting contribution to both southwestern culture history and
ceramic technology studies. Amanda (Amy) Scherer provided invaluable
assistance in helping to proofread and format the manuscript for publica-
tion. Helen Cole of Graphic Services at ucsc redrafted a number of the
figures for this volume. We are grateful for her artistic skill and profession-
alism, which Breâdy enhanced the overall look ofour book We also ap-
preciate the thorough attention to detail provided by our copyeditor, John
Mulvihill. A special thanks to Suzanne Eckert's husband, Keith Mag-
gert, our "MacWi zard" and all-around "knight in shining armor," who
that
saved the day by helping us debug an earlier version of the mânuscript
managed to get infected by a computer virus. And finally, many thanks to
the editorial staffat the University of Arizona Press, and most especially

x Preface / xi
/ Preface
The Social Life of Pots
 1,

The Social History of the Southwestern

Glaze llVares

Judith A. Habicht-Mauche

The Late Precontact, or Pueblo IV, period (ao rz75-r4oo) in the Ame¡r-
can Southwest was marked by a series ofdemographic upheavals through-
out the Pueblo world that resulted in the formation of a radically new
social landscape. Massive migrations led to the displacement and reorga-
nization oflocal communities and regional social networks as some areas,
such as the Four Corners and Colorado Plateau, were completely depopu-
lated, while others, such as the Zuni area and the Rio Grande Valle¡
received substantial influxes of new populations (see fig. r.r). In many
areas, people from diverse ethnic, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds
were forced to come together to remake their social worlds from the shreds
and tatters of existing cultural traditions. The proliferation and spread
of new social and religious institutions and their associated rituals re-
structured the relationship between the individual, society, and the cos-
mos, leading to major transformations in notions of community, individual
and corporate identity, and the nature ofleadership and power in Pueblo
society.
Associated with these social transformations we see dramatic changes
in decorated ceramic traditions throughout the Southwest.These changes
reflect a distinct break with the aesthetic and technological traditions of
the past. Aesthetic changes include the introduction of new polychro-
matic color schemes, the use of new paints and painting techniques to
add depth, texture, shâding, ând outline, changes in òverall design struc-
 ture and symmetry, and a greater emphâsis on iconographic and repre-
sentational imagery. From â technological perspective, some of these new
decorated wares appear to be characterized by a greater efficiency and
standardization of production, suggesting thât they may represent the
products of more specialized household and community-based industries
(Motsinger rygz). They tended to be traded over longer distances and
through broader regional and interregional networks of exchange than
the earlier local black-on-white ceramic types (Habicht-Mauche r993a).
There is also increasing evidence that the context of use of these ves-
sels may have extended beyond the domestic sphere and that they may
have played important public roles in ritual displays and community feasts
(Spielmann r998).
J
Beginning in the late thirteenth centur¡ first in east-central Arizona
and then spreading eastward through ¡he Ztní and Acoma regions to
the central and southern Rio Grande, potters experimented with copper-
and lead-based pigments thât vitrified upon firing, forming a glossy glaze
paint. Southwestern glaze-painted ceramics represent one of only a very
-
few examples of glaze technology that developed indigenously in the
.É
Americas (see chap. 3). A, glaze is a thin glassy substance that is melted
and fused to the surface of a ceramic body (Rice 1987; Vandiver rggo).
Ceramic glazes are commonly applied as a surface coâting to decrease
permeability and to enhance surface luster and texture. However, in the
late precontact Southwest, glazes were applied as â paint to add texture
o
and color to the vessel surface and as a bold outline to matte-painted ând
slipped designs.
Glazes are compositionally and technologically complex. The primary
constituent ofglazes is silica, which melts to form glass. Glazes also typi-
EN
cally contain a variety of impurities, known as fluxes. Fluxes are essen-
ttal to glaze production, because they lower the melting point of silica,
allowing glass to form at relatively low temperâtures. This is important
because if a ceramic body is held at too high a temperature for too long
it will begin to vitrify,causing the vessel to warp and melt. A common
fluxing material is lead, which.allows glazes to form at temperatures as
low as 5oo-óooo Celsius, well within the firing range of most nonindus-
triâl potters. Lead is also popular because it produces a beautiful, clear,
lustrous glaze. Oxides of metals, such as copper, iron, or manganese, are
often added to glazes as colorants. However, these metal oxides also act
as fluxes. In addition, most glazes contain some alumina, which controls

Social History ofSouthwestern Glaze Wares / 5

the viscosity of the melted glass and prevents the glaze from becoming
too runny. Because of the sophistication and uniqueness of this techno-
logical achievement, southwestern glaze wates h¿ve received considerable
attention from archaeologists over the past three-quarters of a century
(De Atley ig86; Hawley rg38; Kidder and Shepard 1936; Shepard r94z;
Warren rgTg). Much of this research has focused on resource acquisition
and patterns ofexchange ofglaze ware vessels as traced through chemical
andlnineralogical charâcterization studies However, despite the growing
volume and sophistication ofrecent glaze ware analyses, less attention has
been paid to synthesizing these studies within abroad social and historical
framework. How did glaze ware production, distribution' and use articu-
late with transformations in social organization, notions of community,
iclentity formation, regional alliance, and the spread ofnew ritual systems
in the late precontact Southwest? What role did glaze ware pots play in
Pueblo social life and in what contexts? How did these processes differ
from one glaze-producing area to ânother and at different times? These
are all questions that remain to be examined in detail'
This volurne reflects an initial attempt to âddress some of these issues
from a broad, pan-regional, and' comparative perspective The partici-
pants represent a diverse cross section ofresearchers working throughout
ihe glaze-producing âreas of the Southwest, including east-centrâl Ari-
zoîa, ïhe Zuîi region, the lower Rio Puerco of the East, and the central
and southern Rio Grande Valley (figs. r. r and r.z) The chapters cover the
full historical range ofglaze ware production from the late thirteenth cen-
tury up through the Early Colonial period. The research reported on here
utilizes a variety ofanalytical techniques, including typological and stylis-
tic analyses, optical petrography, instrumental neutron activation analy-
sis (IN,re), elecúon microprobe analysis, and inductively coupled
plasma
mâss spectroscoPy (IcP-Ms). Despite the diversity of approaches and
per-
spectives, all the participants share a common objective to move beyond
technical analysis and to begin to develop broader frameworks for exam-
ining the changing role ofglaze-decorated ceramics in the social dynamics
of the late precontact and early contact South\ryest In so doing, we also
hope to make a contribution to theoretical studies ofthe creative interplay
between material culture ¿nd processes of social formation and culture
history.
6 / Judith A. Habicht-Mauche
F¡ameworks for Analysis
Arjun Appadurai (1986) has argued that specific objects or classes of
things become charged with social potential as a result of their circula-
tion within or âmong specific cultural ¿nd historical milieus. From this
perspective, according to Appadurai, things, like persons, can be said to
have "social lives." Such a view opens up a new way ofthinking about the
relationship between material culture and society.
As Dietler and Herbich (r998) have noted, archaeological approaches
to the social significance of materiâl culture have been mired in a false
debate over whether things should be seen primarily as the passive reflec-
tion of cultural norms and social practices (e.g., Sackett rggo) or as more
active "agents" in the dynamic construction of social relationships and
cultural identities (e.g., Wiessner rg83; Wobst t977). As they point out,
such views "are not necessarily contradictory; they are merely partial."
What is missing from these debâtes is an understanding of the reflexive,
constitutive relationship between structure and agency (Sahlins r98r) and
ofthe role of"practice," that is to say, human action in the material world,
in mediating that relationship (Bourdieu ry77). As Appadurai (1986:5)
puts it:
Even if our own approach to things is conditioned necessarily by the
view that thinBs have no meanings apart from those that human trans-
actions, attributions, and motivations endow them with, the anthropo-
logical problem is thât this formal truth does not illuminate the con-
crete, historical circulation of things. For that we have to follow the
things themselves, for their meanings are inscribed in their forms, their
uses, their trajectories. It is only through the analysis of these tra.iec-
tories that we can interpret the human transactions and calculations
that enliven things. Thus, even though from a theoretical point ofview
humân actors encode things with significance, from a methodological
point ofview it is the things-in-motion that illuminate their human and
social context.
Things are made, exchanged, used, and discarded by people as part
of material transâctions and performances that make up the dây-to-day,
rough-and-tumble of human social life. The choices, strategies, and ac-
tions mobilized by people in the context of these m¿terial transactions
and performances are largely conditioned by socially mediated views of
Social History of Southwestern Glaze Wares / 7
A= Selected Lead úd Copper Sources

ft

Fig. 1.2. Archaeological sites and ore sources discussed in this volume
how the world works and how things should be done (Lemonnier 1986)'
But personal experience often fractures or disrupts our socially derived
understandings ofthe world, opening a window ofcreative arnbiguity, an
opportunity for innovation and change, especially in response to contra-
diction, competition, and conflict.Thus, ifwe want to understand the role
ofmaterial culture in this creative process ofcultural formation and social
trânsformation, we need to examine, in detail, the conditions and contexts
in *hich specific obiects or classes ofobiects are made and then circulate
within and among different cultural and social arenas, both across space
and through time. In Appadurai's words, we must trace these "things-in-
motion" as they move through the various trajectories of human inter-
action that construct their "social lives."
Appadurai (r986:34) makes a further distinction between the cultural
biography of things and their social history. Cultural biographies trace
the florv of specific objects "as they inove through different hands' con-
texts, and uses," creåting a unique historical trajectory or life history for
each individual object from production to discard. Such an approach in-
corporâtes, but moves beyond, the detailed reconstruction ofproduction
sequences or ch.øîne 0þératoire method currently fâvored by French archae-
ologists (see Stark, chap. z, this vol.) by considering the entire use life of
an object and its shifting social contexts and significances. Sociâl histories,
on the other hand, relate to whole classes or types of things as their tech-
nologies ofmanufacture, networks ofexchange, contexts ofuse, and social
meanings shift over broader domains of time and space. In order to fully
examine the social dynamics of certain classes of things, such as glaze-
pâinted pots, \üe must constantly toggle between these various scales and
contexts of ânalysis.
The "social history" approach provides a potentially powerful frame-
work for examining the relationship between glaze-painted Pottery and
the social dynamics of the late precont¿ct and early contact Southwest-
One of the advantages of this approach is that it forces us to look at ma-
terial culture from an integrated and longitudinal perspective We can-
not divorce discussions of resource selection and production from those
of distribution or from those of use, since each of these processes rep-
resents potential arenas of social action where cultural meanings may be
inscribed and social relationships and identities may be negotiated Thus,
this approach dissolves the false distinction that is sometimes made be-
tween technological and economic approaches to the studyofmaterial cul-
ro / Judith A. Habicht-Mauche
ture, on the one hand, and social and symbolic (or "stylistic") approaches
on the other.
The studies presented in this volume build on the work of earlier pio-
neers in the anthropology of technology and material culture, especially
Heather Lechtman (Lechtrnan r977; Lechtman and Steinberg rg79) and
Pierre Lemonnier (1986). Lechtman argued that the choices and strate-
gies mobilized by specific groups ofartisans during the process ofproduc-
don constituted a culturally embedded set of techniques and practices,
or a particular "technological style," that reflected deeply held symbolic
and structural beliefs about how the world worked. Similarly, Lemonnier
(r98ó:54) pointed out that technological systems were defined by a combi-
nation of materials, tools, actions, and knowledge, where such knowledge
"is at the same time know-how, manual skills, procedures, but also . . . â set
of cultural representations of'reality.' " For both Lechtman and Lemon-
nier, cultural "meaning" is embodied, either consciously or unconsciously,
in all aspects of technolog¡ including those âspects, such as resource
selection and processing, that are associated primarily with material func-
tion and performance. However, neither scholar has fully articulated how
specific techniques or technological styles become embedded, or are sub-
sequently reproduced, within particular communities of artisans or how
or why they are shared, or not shared, among such comrnunities.
In order to begin to address these questions, technology studies must
attempt to examine not only how specific technologies are structured by,
but also strìJcture, their specific cultural and social milieus. We follow
Stark (1998, chap. z, this vol.) in defrning technology as a series of cul-
turally embedded techniques or practices. This view of "technology as
practice" allows us to begin to integrate studies oftechnological style with
the social history approach to the study of material culture by defining
technology not only in terms of materials, methods, and know-how, but
also as a site or arena of dynamic social action. It brings technology into
the realm ofwhat Bourdieu (rg77) referred to as høbitus, our internalized,
embodied view ofhow the world works and how things should be done.
Habitus is both constituted ând manifest in daily practice. Thus, practice,
including technological practice, creates a series of "strategic moments"
(Lemonnier 1986:r54) where habitus is continually either reproduced or
transformed.
All of the chapters in this volume are engaged in interrogating this
nexus bet\ryeen technological practice and social reproduction and t¡ans-
Social History of Southwestern Glaze Wares / rr
formation. Glaze-painted pottery wâs made in multiple reBions through-
out the northern and eastern.Southwest during the Late Precontact and
Eârly Contact periods by peoples with varying social histories and from
diverse cultural origins. The production, distribution, and use of Blaze
ware vessels, however, linked t hese diverse peoples in lo multiple and inter-
secting "communities of practice" (Gosselain rgg8; Stark rggg, chap z,
this vol.) that ât some times reinforced and at other times transcended
locol identities and social boundaries. The âuthors in this volurne use a
variety of analytical approaches to trace the circulation of ideas, tech-
niques, raw materials, and finished vessels through networks of social
interaction and sh¿red cultural practice of varying context and scale. In
turn, these authors explore how these networks functioned as arenas of
social reproduction that transformed practices of community and identity
formation during the Låte Precontact ând Early Contact periods.
The Social History of Southwestern Glaze Wares
Beginning in the latter halfofthe thirteenth century, potters in the upper
Little Colorado area of Arizona began experimenting with the devel-
opment of mineral-based pigments that vitrified upon firing to create a
glossy, textured paint. As noted by Suzanne Eckert in chapter 3, earlier
potters in the Four Corners area may have experimented with glaze paint
technolog¡ but these efforts were fairly short lived and extremely limited
in their influence. In contrast, the reinvention of glaze paint technology
at the end of the thirteenth centuÍy represented a radical technological
and aesthetic innovation in southwestern pottery that spread widely and
rapidly throughout much of the postmigration Pueblo Southwest (see
chap. 3 for an overview of the various regional glaze ware series).
Both Colin Renfrew (1986) and Brian Hayden (1995) have argued per-
suasively that the impetus for mâny technological innovâtions may be as
much social and political as economic or functional. In addition, Pamela
Vandiver (rggo) has noted that in most societies, "glazed ceramics were
a prestige good-something that remained beyond the reach of common
people because the necessary materials, know-how, and manufacturing
skill were often difficult to acquire." Southwestern glaze wares are found
widely scattered throughoutthe midden trash and room fill oflate precon-
tact villages. They were clearly used in a variety of domestic contexts to
perform many mundane food preparation, service, and storage activities.
rz / Judith A. Habicht-M¿uche
As a result, they do not appear to represent an "elite" or "prestige" tech-
nology in the traditional sense. Nevertheless, the complexity, and possibly
restricted distribution, ofthe technological knowledge needed to produce
glaze-painted pots may have been part of whât determined their cultural
and social value and what made them either desirable or appropriate for
use in such socially charged public contexts as ritual and feasring.
For example, Thomas Fenn, Barbara Mills, and Maren Hopkins
(chap. 4), present morphological data that indicate that glaze-painted ves-
sels in the Silver Creek area were used in consumption events that, by the
end ofthe thirteenth century, incorporated large nurnbers ofpeople. They
link these trends to the diversiflcation of religious institutions and prac-
tices in the area and the construction of new social identities. Fenn ¿nd
his colleagues argue that the maintenance of diverse glaze paint recipes
in the Silver Creek area was a strategy for negotiating social distinctions
and identities in the postmigration period. In contrast, Cynthia Herhahn
(chap. ro) sees the increasing homogeneity of glaze formulas in the cen-
tral and southern Rio Grande Valley as evidence for the cultural trans-
mission ofspecialized knowledge within and among groups ofpotters. In
turn, these patterns of cultural transmission are explored as clues to the
n¿ture and scale of social inter¿ction in the late precontact Rio Grande.
In a complementary study, Scott Van Keuren (chap. 5) uses design exe-
cution analysis to infer patterns of learning, social interâction, and style
miscoding among producers of Fourmile-style pots along the Mogollon
Rim. His results hint at changes in the organization ofpottery manufac-
ture in the area, possibly linked to the specialization of knowledge. All
three studies suggest that under certain circumstances specialized tech-
nological knowledge can function as a socially valued commodity whose
control or transmission acts to define social relationships and identities,
both within and among communities of producers and consumers.
Many of the glaze-producing areas witnessed the arrival oflarge num-
bers of immigrants from depopulated regions ofthe Southwest during the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Absorbing and integrating these im-
migrant populations placed enormous strains on the social fabric oflocal
indigenous groups. Several ofthe contributions to this yolume address the
problem ofcommunity formation and the construction ofnew group iden-
tities in the postmigration environment. Suzânne Eckert (chap. g) exam-
ines the differential production and distribution ofblack-on-white versus
glaze-painted ceramics at several villages in the lower Rio Puerco and cen-
Social History of Sou thwestern Glaze Wâres / 13
tral Rio Grande regions during the late thirteenth century. She explains
this variation as the result of diverse strategies mobilized by members of
these newly aggregated villages to define their own unique community
identityat the same time thatthey neBotiated their participation in various
intervillage social networks.
Conversel¡ Gregson Schachner (chap. 7) examines evidence for a dra-
matic decline in the production of Zwi GlazeWare during the fifteenth
certury. This decline coincides with significant population and settlement
shifts within the region, including the founding of many of the historic
Zuni towns, possibly triggered by a wave ofnew migrations into the area
Schachner argues that changes in the relative ratio of glaze-painted to
matte-painted ceramics, and their related stylistic and technological tra-
ditions, reflect a reshuffling of pan-regional social ties and the emergence
ofa new, corporate "Zuni" identity.
Kit Nelson and Judith Habicht-Mauche (chap. rr) also address the
theme of intercommunity interaction and regional integration in the cen-
tral Rio Gr¿nde. Their results indicate that while finished glaze ware pots
circulated through social networks that tended to reinforce emerging local
identities, lead lor glaze paint was acquired or exchanged over a much
broader area that crosscut these apparent social boundaries. When ex-
amined frorn the perspective of each individual community, networks of
exchange ¿nd social interaction in this region appear to be much more
diverse ¿nd historically dynamic than suggested by previous research'
Nelson ànd Habicht-Mauche argue that these results challenge exist-
ing models ofregional integration and polity formation and suggest that
most economic decisions and social strategies within and among central
Rio Grande communities were being negotiated at the level ofindividual
households or social segments in response to shifting local conditions'
In a similar vein, Deborah Huntley (chap. 6) uses the spatial and tem-
poral distribution of gbze paint recipes to interpret the scale of social
group membership and the strength of regional social integration in the
Zuni region during the late thirteenth through fourteenth centuries' On
the one hand, she argues thât the deYeloprnent oflead-based glaze recipes
"was a conscious technological choice that allowed potters more latitude
in the production of distinctive and socially meaningful color combina-
tions" that may have been related to local processes ofidentity formation
within the Zuni region itself. On the other hand, Huntley's isotopic char-
acterization and sourcing ofthe lead used in glaze paint production dem-
14 / Judith A. Habicht-Mauche
onstrates that Zuni potters pursued long-distance resource-acquisition
strategies that must have brought them into contact and possible compe-
tition with the rapidly expanding towns of the central and southern Rio
Grande.
Both Toni Laumbach's and Kathryn Leonard's contributions (chaps. 8
and r3) examine the relationship between trade and intercommunity in-
teraction on a larger, interregional scale. Lau¡nbach's work at Pinnacle
Ruin in the southern Rio Grande shows that while the masonry archi-
tecture ând early carbon-painted ceramics from the site have been inter-
preted âs evidence for an immigrant Mesa Verde community, the trade
ware ceramics, including most of the imported glaze ware, from the site
indicate strong and sustained social ties with the Western Pueblos. In con-
trast, connections with the central Rio Grande Pueblos appear to have
been much more limited. Her work opens up some interesting questions
âbout the relationship between local migration histories and the mainte-
nance of long-distance interethnic and interregional interactions.
Kathryn Leonard's study uses the distribution of Rio Grande glaze-
pâinted pottery on the southern High Plains to examine how exchange
relationships were negotiated between Pueblo farmers and Plains bi-
son hunters. She sugBests that these relationships were characterized by
strong alliances between specific Rio Grande communities and particu-
lar local bands or residence groups on the Plains that had deep histori-
cal roots. Leonard argues that these alliances were based on formal tr¿de
partnerships that were negotiated on a largely individual level between
specific households and local residential groups.
The mode of production and scale of craft specialization that charac-
terized glaze ware manuf¿cture at different places and times is a subject of
ongoing debate. Kit Nelson and Judith Habicht-Mauche's petrographic
studies suggest that the intensity and scale of community specialization
among Rio Grande Glaze Ware producers may have been exaggerated by
earlier studies. Patricia Capone (chap. rz) also uses petrographic analysis
to examine dynamic changes in expedient technology, scale and intensity
of production, and the selection of raw materi¿ls among the late precon-
tact Rio Grande glaze wares. She compares and contrasts these processes
with those of the later Mission, Revolt, and Reconquest periods in order
1o examine the relationship between the organization of production and
the historical and social dynamics in this region.
As this brief overview suggests, the research presented in this volume
Social History of Southwestern Glaze Wares / 15
 reflects diverse analytical approaches and methodological strategies
lor
of the late 2
examining the role of glaze ware pottery in the social lives
pr""on,"., and early contact Pueblos By tracing the circulation of spe-
Glaze Ware Technology, the Social Lives
pots themselves'
cialized knowledge, raw materials, and the glaze-painted
through interactive net\ryorks ofvarying sizes and scales, these reseârchers of Pots, and Communities of Practice in
with
."u""I-ho* glaze ware production, distribution, and use articulated
a variety of ãynamic historical and social processes,
including migration' the Late Prehistoric Southwest
inter-
.orrfrrnnity fà.-ution, constructions oflocal and regional identity'
int.r"ction and alliance, organization of production' and the Miriam T. Stark
"o--,rniÇ
proliferatiàn ofnew religious systems and ritual practices What
is emerg-

i.rg f.om the"e studies is a diverse and complementary series oflocal "so-
ciil histories" of the glaze wares that âllow us to track both similarities
times'
and differences in how these articulations played out in different
South-
places, and contexts across the late precontact and early contact
ïest. Finally, by comparing and contrasting these diverse social histories'

*" hop" to ,nou" toward a more synthetic underst¿nding ofthe mutually

prac- In the last century, southwestern cerâmics have been subjected to a stag-
const;udve relationships that linked materiâl culture, technological
gering amount ofresearch. Southwestern archaeologists h¿ve used ceram-
tice, and the complex processes of social formation and culture
change'
ics to study social boundaries and organizational change, and have devoted
extensive attention to understânding variability in stylistic decoration at
the community and regional levels (e.g., Graves 1998; Hill r97o; Kintigh
rg85b; Longacre rgTo; S. Plog rgSo). Articles in this volume concentrâte
on one ceramic technological tradition, glaze-decorated ceramics, which
were manufactured and used across a broad swath ofthe northern South-
west âfter the mid-thirteenth century AD.
The protohistoric ceramic glaze ware tradition described in this vol-
ume is not the first appearance of this technology in the Puebloan South-
west or in the greater region (Eckert, chap. 3). Potters in the Four Corners
region began using glaze paints on their white wares in the eighth and
ninth centuries AD, and potters in western Mexico manufactured glaze
wares by the tenth century AD. The salience of this protohistoric tech-
nology lies instead in its widespread adoption, its four-century-long trâ-
dition of manufacture, and its co-occurrence with macro-organizational
shifts across the precontact North American Southwest.
This volume's chapters use glaze wate ce¡amics to examine two such
changes: (r) the establishment and growth of large to\ryns' pârticularly
I

along the Rio Grande; and (z) a series of migrations both within the
Western Pueblo region and between the Western Pueblos and commu-

16 / Judith A. Habicht-Mauche
nities within the Rio Grande region. That we see the introduction of a from the anthropology of technology (Pfaffenberger r99z) and practice
new ceramic technolog¡ and specifically the appearânce of glaze-paìnt- theory (Ortner 1984) to provide a framework for thinkins âbout the pat-
decorâted pottery in this region by the lâte thirteenth century AD, compels terning that the authors ofthis volume have so deftly identified. Second,
researche¡s to investigate the link between technological and otganrza- I illustrate why these approaches enrich our understanding of social and
tional change. This ceramic technological tradition was adopted within a political changes in the late precontact northern Southwest. My obiective
generation in the upper Little Colorado, Zuni, and Acoma regions and here is to encouraBe southwestern archaeologists to integrate an ânthro-
pology oftechnology framework with practice theory approaches to better
spread to the central and southern Rio Grande within a few decades'
Å primary goal of this volume is to develop broader frameworks for understand processes of long-term change.
examining changing roles of ceramic technology during a period of orga-
nizational change in the lâte precontact Southwest. Archaeologists have Anthropology of Technology, Practice Theory
used ceramics to track episodes of migration during this period into large and Ceramic Studies
aggregated settlements in many parts of the Puebloan Southwest (see
Schachner, chap. and Laumbach, chap. 8). These shifts correlate u¡ith Archaeologists have begun to merge technologically informed concep-
7,
the appearance of a new ceramic technology and specifically the use of ûal frameworks of ârtifact variâbility (embodied in anthropology oftech-
copper- and lead-based Pâints thât produce glaze decoration The vol- nology approaches) within a broader theoretical framework called prac-
ume's contributors explore various articulations between technological tice theory. Understanding this trend requires some background in two
and organizational shifts. Monitoring the "sociâl lives of pots" involves discrete intellectual traditions: technology studies and practice theory as
archaeologists use it. Below I discuss the French techniques and culture
considering sociâl and ideological contexts of production, distribution,
and consumption in a framework that transcends the confines ofa norma-
school (with the chøîne lþéru'toire concept)' the concept of technological
tive "ceramic ecology" approach (following Arnold r985)' Authors in this
style, and practice theory.
volume use glaze ware ceramics as a proxy indicator for studying other Anthropology of Technology Framework
processes, including the movement of peoples, interregional interaction,
the form¿tion of communities, and social and political reorganization'
Increased attention to an "anthropology of technology" fr¿mework has
emerged in the last decade (e.g., Dietler and Herbich r998; Hegmon I998;
My objective in this chapter is to contextualize studies of glaze wares
Lemonnier r986, rggz; Loney zooo; Pfaffenberger r99z; Rice r996a:r86
into a broader anthroPological framework, and to illustrâte how study-
87; Stark 1998:5-7). This approach has both an eclectic following and
ing glaze wares is relevant to areas beyond the precontact Southwest'
a varied intellectual history in both European and Anglo--A.merican ar-
Conceptual approaches from the anthropology oftechnology offer useful
chaeology (Loney zooo; Schiffer et al. zoor). Much recent research' how-
frameworks for contemplating the nature of glaze ware innovation and
ever, derives from aEuropean scholarly tradition whose lineage originated
adoption, and ideas from practice theory offer alternative perspectives
in work by Marcel Mauss (Schlanger 1998), and which Andre Leroi-
for analyzing exarnples of ceramic change and for conceptualizing social
Gourhan operâtionalized using the chaîne opératoire concept (Audouze
units that leave archaeologicâl signatures. A new wave of ethnoarchaeo-
zooz:286-88; Pelegrin, Karlin, and Bodu 1989). More archaeologists
logical studies, done in concert with laboratory research, strengthens ar-
working in Europe than in North America have adopted the chaîne opéra-
chaeological inferences about the contexts of technological change (see
Stark zoo3). The fact that recent ceramic ethnoarchaeological rese¿rch
toire as an analytical research methodology (Dobres zooot6T-7o); it
bears some resemblance to the behavioral chain or life-history approaches
has applied technological and practice frameworks provides intriguing di-
used in behavioral archaeology (e.g., Schiffer and Skibo 1997). While the
rections for future research on glaze ware ceramics from the precontact
ceramic ethnoarchaeological literature using this approach has burgeoned
Southwest.
recently (Stârk zoo3zrt-ry), more archaeological applications have fo-
Two goals structure this chapter I first review conceptual frameworks

18 / Miriam T. Stark Tèchnology and Communities ofPractice / 19

 until recently (e'g ' Knecht 1993; Pelegrin r99o; Sellet vidual action, rather than a society's institutions, as the driving force of
cused on lithics
may also explain beh¿vior. This perspective views society as the aggregate of practices of
rf93). Their publicâdon in French (rather than English)
its individuals and asserts that cultural and technological transformations
líir.r"tt *ott t"-ains poorly known among Americanist archaeologists' unfold through practice (Dobres zooo:rz7).
it th" r"-" time the French developed their techniques et cubure ap-
While practice theory overlaps with agency theory (Dobres and Robb
proach, sorne Americanist specialists have fused art'
lechnology' and
as- zooo), the two are not synonymous, since agency theory views people
It.rr"t*uli.t th"ory to examine the articulation between technological
as mindful participants and practice theory does not focus as closely on
p".t, of -un rf"",ure and symbolic systems (e g', Hegmon 1998:266-68;
individual intent as it does on outcomes. Yet individual action and choice
L""À,-"n ,qS+; I- echtman and Steinberg r979)' Integral to this approach
matters in both frameworks, and practice consists of a series of choices
l. ,t . áf ,echnological style (following Lechtm¿n 1977)' -which
"on""p, ,ggr"gur" of multiple choices during the manufactur- that rellect what J¿mes Watson (tggo:zz) calls "cultural diacritics" (see
represents À" or
also S. Jones r997:87-92). These acts may be conscious, subconscious,
ing ,"qo"t und .h"ll",,g"t the conventional style-function dichotomy leaves material
"" unconscious (e.g.,Wobst rg99), but their implementation
,hi .huru",.rir", much Americanist research (see Stark 1998) Ethno- manifestations that reflect multiple levels of group identity'
styles are expressed
archaeologicaì studies indicate that technological
iron-smelting Previous authors have summarized Pierre Bourdieu's work authori-
ih.ough ;*ia" l,rtiety of manufactured objects, including
social uses of tatively (e.g., Calhoun, LiPuma, and Postone 1993; Harker, Wilkes, and
iu.naães (Childs r99i; Childs and Killick 1993:33o-33)'
and Bartram 1998), and earthenware ceramics
(Hosler Mahar rggo; Jenkins rggz; J F Lane 2ooo; van der Leeuw rgg3:238-
space (Hitchcock sources (see also Habicht-
,qqO;,"" ul.o SturL zoo3 for review) The use oftechnological approaches 4z), and readers are urged to consult these
Mauche, chap. r, this vol.). Bourdieu's practice theory was founded in
píáuia". methodology for studying technical choices in the
archaeo-
" in the production ethnographic experience, and he focused on the constitution and repro-
iogical reco.d. By tracking differences ¿nd similarities
identify discrete duction ofunequal power relations among people His approach combined
,"'qu"n"" across geographic regions, archaeologists can
erien-some migra- notions of structì.lre and practice in the concePt of høbitus' Habitus de-
technologi"al traãitions, technological innovations, and that
scribes the cultural embotliment of structures during socialization
tioneven'tsinthearchaeologicalrecord(Frankel2ooo;Stark'Clark'and
practice theory with reflect wider symbolic systems (Lemonnier 1993)' Habitus is constituted
Elson r995). A technological approach that combines
from comparative ethno- and manifested in practice. Tèchniques used to manufacture goods like
u .t uirrá oférntoi.e framework, and that draws
the ceramics discussed in this volume are often unconscious (Dietler
and
social contexts of glaze
archaeological studies, can help us understand the habits, gestures, and
circulation, and use in the precontact North Herbich 1998:244-48). These techniques-motor
*ur"
"".ulti" -"rr..facture, behaviors-are social productions that are transmitted within and across
American Sourhwest.
generations. Ethnoarchaeologists ând archaeoloBists can observe the prac-
Practice TheorY in ArchaeologY ii"". th"t habitus produces. Increasing numbers of archaeologists, par-
ticularly those who study technology and culture, have adopted asPects of
is one significant
Archaeologists' increased attention to prâctice theory
archaeology over practice theory as a conceptual tool for studying the archaeological record
outgrowtil of the recent tumult in North American
(e.g., Dobres zooo; Dobres and Hoffman 1994; Dobres and Robb zooo)'
c.itiqrles of processual archaeology Practice theory'
as archaeologists
There may be several explanations for the increase in archaeologists
erlision it (Dobres and Robb zooo:4-9; Dornan zooz; Roscoe 1993:
and Anthony Gid- turning to practice theory. First, âs a sort ofmiddle-level theory (following
,rr-r4¡, origin"t"d in ideas ofPierre Bourdieu (r977)
by Sherry C)rtner Schiffer rg88), practice theory has the potential to transcend otherwise
dens (ig79) a.td were mainstreamed into anthropology
disparate theoretical programs (see also Dobres and Robb zooo:6-8) Ar-
ii

conception' practice theory focuses on the routinized

ac-
ti
trqs+). iliÏtit
chaeological applications ofprâctice theory have thus far been dominated
ìiíity'of lndividualsas they undertâke their daily activities: these Prac-
indi- by postprocessual and postmodernist approaches and lumped under the
tices are thus cultural constructions' Practice theory emphasizes

Tèchnology and Comrnunities ofPractice / zI

zo / Miriam T. Stark
"agency" rubric (Pauketat zoota'.7g), but this approach is not restricted
to such a narrow group of practitioners. Archaeologists with interests as
divergent as meaning and evolutionary ecology are now concerned with
aspects ofsocial and cultural reproduction, individual action, and histori-
cal contingency. Their interest tâkes different forms and involves different
analytical units, but practice theory and the closely related agency theory
are beginning to penetr¿te the recesses of Anglo-American archaeology.
*{ second reason that archaeologists have recently embraced practice
theory lies in the appeal ofits conceptual framework, which is both famil-
iar and accessible to Americanist archaeologists. Notions like habitus ar-
guably have parallels deep in the culture historians' debate over typology.
Most notably, Rouse's (rg39) concept ofmode, which emphasized tech-
niques "analogous to hâbits" (r939:r9), closely resembles the techniques
that Lemonnier and his colleagues describe. Even some New Archaeology
formulations of classification emphasized the importance of "measuring
whât people actually do, rather than what they think (the latter being diffi-
cult at besQ" (Hill andBvans tgTz:266). James Sackett's camp in the style
debates ofthe r98os and rggos (Sacke tt ry77, ry82, r985, r986, r99o) em-
phasized "isochrestic variation," which bears some relationship to habi-
tus. Finally, the use of practice theory enables us to concePrualize so-
cial bbundaries as "something people do" (following Hegrnon 1998:z7z)
rather than simply ofcognized categories that many archaeologists
as a set
believe is inaccessible in the ancient past.
A third reason why archaeologists like practice theory lies in its meth-
odological approach, which lends itself to archaeological data. Practice
theory stipulates that people reproduce their culture and social positions
through daily practice, that daily practice is structured by basic organi-
zational principles, and that daily practice is expressed through habitus.
Daily practice leaves patterned trâces in the archaeological record (Shen-
nan r9g3:55); the challenge lies in developing appropriate interpretations
ofmaterial culture patterning. Examples from historical archaeology (e g ,
L. Ferguson r99z; Lightfoot, Martinez, and Schiffr998) and from ethno-
archaeological research (e.g., Dietler and Herbich r998; Gosselain r998,
r999, zooo; Hitchcock and B¿rtram r998) provide controlled case studies
that link particular social units to discrete material signatures and dem-
onstrate the potential of a practice theory framework for archaeological
research.
Some archaeologists using practice theory focus on learning frame-
works (e.g., Crown zoor; Minar and Crown zoor) and blend earlier cogni-
zz / Miriam T. Stark
dve theory research by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger (Lave and Wenger
rggr; Wenger 1998) with practice theory (e.9., Sassaman and Rudolphi
zoor:4o8). Others use practice theory to study historical process inso-
far as this reflects a process oftradition building, or cultural construction
through practice (Pauketat 2oorb:4). Finally, archaeologists havebegun to
use prâctice theory as a conceptual framework for studying social groups
in the archaeological record: as "ethnic groups" (S. Jones ry97:87-gz),
"ethnic cores" (Emerson and McElrath zoor), or "communities of prac-
tice" (Lightfoot, Marinez, and Schiff r998; Minar zoor).
The Anthropology of Southwestern Glaze Ware Technology
The southwestern glaze ware ceramic tradition has a long and hallowed
history ofresearch (chap. 3, this vol.) and is well suited for studying.the
social life of pots. Several chapters in this volume (e.9., Fenn, Mills, and
Hopkins; Huntley; Nelson and Habicht-Mauche) summarize the devel-
opment of glaze ware technologies in particular regions of the northern
Southwest. Other chapters (e.g., Schachner, Capone) focus on contexts of
technological change. Several other chapters (Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins;
Herhahn; Laumbach; Van Keuren) examine the existence and movement
ofglaze ware manufacturing artisans and their communities. I first discuss
the social lives ofpots and then turn to ideas related to prâctice theory.The
formation and mainten¿nce ofartisan comrnunities, and their movement
¿cross space, provides a central theme for the volume's chapters.
The Social Lives of Pots
This volume's editors emphasize the social lives ofpots, and it is this social
lens through which contributors have been encouraged to view their data.
As the dust now clears from the processual-postprocessual debates ofthe
r99os, most ofus now agree that ceramics are not simply passive reflectors
ofstyle oreven simply ofideological movements (see review in Rice rg96a,
rgg6b). Many among us still feel uncomfortable with the kinds of inter-
pretive leaps that characterized symbolic-structural studies ofceramics in
the r98os (Stark 1993), precisely because of their nonempirical method-
ologies. Most ceramicists nowagree, nonetheless, that potters do not make
their goods in a cultural void, nor do consumers use pots in a social vac-
uum. We still face methodological challenges in studying these issues in
an archaeological context.
Theipontext-laden nature of ceramic technology is particularly evi-
Technology and Communities ofPractice / z3
{
dent in ethnographic settings; ceramic ethnoarchaeology provides guid-
I
j eighteenth-century Plains-Pueblo relations provides a fine case study
ance in constructing methodologies for studying archaeological ceramics.
Ceramics, like other manufactured objects, reflect technical choices that
leave material traces for archaeologists to study (Sillar rg97; Sillar and
Tite zooo). Ethnoarchaeological research strategies enable archaeologists
to observe potters making technical choices throughout the manuf¿ctur-
ing process, from the processing of raw m¿terials (e.g., Gosselain 1999;
Liyingstone Smith zooo) and particular shaping techniques (e.9., Mahias
rg93; Pétrequin and Pétrequin rggg; Stark r999; van der Leeuw r993) to
preferences in fuel for firing pottery (Sillar zooo). Some of these steps in
the manufacturìng process, such as shaping are remarkably resistant to
change, while others (such as stylistic decoration) vary. Subsequent labo-
ratory testing permits the identification ofrnaterial correlates of some of
these technic¿l choices in raw materials selection (Aronson, Skibo, and
Stark 1994; Stark, Bishop, and Miksa zooo).
Several contributors to this volume focus on technological choices in
the operational sequence thât inform on the social lives ofglaze w¿re pots.
For example, Scott Van Keuren (chap. 5) focuses on brushstroke sequence
to contemplate learning frameworks and emulation among potters who
made White Mountain Red Ware. Deborah Huntley (chap. 6) argues that
chan$e to lead-based glazes was a conscious choice by fourteenth-century
Zuni potters to produce meaningful color combinations. Looking some-
what later in tirne, Patricia Capone (chap. rz) tracks temporal changes
in raw rnaterials processing and shaping techniques in Salinas area ce-
ramic technologies that reflect expediently produced and less standard-
ized ceramics from the pre-Mission to Mission period.
That some ofpottery's social life lies in the creation ofsocial relation-
ships is revealed through ccramic ethnoarchaeological research. For ex-
ample, ceramic circulation forms certain types of communities that are
predicated on potter-consumer relationships (e'g., Kramer ¿nd Doug-
las rggz; Longacre and Stark r99z). Moreover, the social relations of
producer-consumer relationships may override geographic distance in de-
termining the directionality of ceramic circulation ând the shape of the
distributional network. Few ceramic studies focus speciflcally on the re-
lationship between producers and consumers, in part because such inter-
actions are difficult to discern in regions where multiple communities are
involved in ceramic production.
Three examples from this volume exemplify how pottery can cre-
z4 / Miriam T. Stark
ate social relationships. First, Kathryn Leonard's study of fifteenth- to
(chap. r3). Limitations of the archaeological record, howeve¡ make it
exceedingly difficult to know whether the Pueblo groups who formed
trade partnerships with Plains Broups manufactured their own pots, or
whether they imported ceramics to use in exchange transactions. Sec-
ond, compositional analyses of central Rio Grande ceramics (Nelson
and Habicht-Mauche, chap. rr) demarcate different geographic clusters
forrned through the circulation of finished vessels and raw materials.
Analysis of ceramic distributional data suggest that, during the Pueblo IV
period, people were rnore likely to interact with others in their local settle-
ment cluster than with populations beyond it (see also Creamer 2oo2; rol-
7). Finally, Schachner's chapter (chap.7) suggests that the âppeârance
of Matsaki Buff ceramics may have heralded the beginning of a newly
formed and heterogeneous social unit that integrated long-term residents
and relative newcomers into more unified Zuni communities.
Archaeological Units and Cornmunities of Practice
In some respects, the chapters contribute more directly and substantively
to archaeological understandings of communities of practice. Such com-
munities arevisible ethnographically as potter communities, in which arti-
sans share a set ofmanufacturing techniques that are guided by local tra-
dition and th¿t reflect a shared habitus (e.9., Gosselain r998; Stark t999).
Archaeological ceramicists who study communities of practice combine
ideas of habitus and technological style to study stability in particular
motor skills and identify bounded social units (e.9., Crown zoor; Minar
zoor; Sassaman and Rudolphi zoor).With respect to glaze ware ceramics,
Scott Van Keuren draws from the ceramic sociology tradition ofthe New
Archaeology (following S. Plog 1983) to discuss shared learning and cog-
nitive frameworks among potters who made White Mountâin Red Ware
vessels. Also in the Mogollon Rim region, Fenn and his colleagues explic-
itly link particular glzze paint compositions to localized technical tradi-
tions that they call "pottery production groups."
What, exåctly, is the scale of a community of practice? It is becoming
increasingly evident that we cannot directly move from this identifrcation
to certain types of social units like villages or communities, "cultures,"
or ethnic groups. These communities may not be isomorphic with vil-
lages, since artisans' technological traditions may appear in several settle-
/,i
Technology and Communities of Practice / z5
ments. Ceramic ethnoarchâeological research suggests that scalar varr-
ability exists in communities ofpractice (e g.' Gosselain r998, r999' zooo).
Most communities ofpractice that have been documented ethnoarchaeo-
logically are found at the local level (Graves rgg4a,b; Stark rggg), and
compositional studies suggest that these units leave tângible evidence (e.g.,
Arnold, Neff, and Bishop rggr; Arnold et al. 1999; Stark, Bishop, and
Miksa zooo).
lhe fact that ethnographically documented communities of practice
may not be isomorphic with villages or cornmunities has archaeologi-
cal implications for understanding southwestern glaze wares ¿nd their
makers. Using archaeological research from elsewhere in the precontact
North American Southwest (Elson, Stark, and Gregory 2ooo)' we hâve
offered the ferm locøl systen âs a more suit¿ble alte¡native to village or
community, since this term can encompâss multiple residential clusters
whose occupants share some practices (and presumably some social links)
with others across the clusters. In the Tonto Basin (east-central Arizona),
archaeological correlates for local systems include shared raw material
sources for ternper and perhaps even for clays (e.g., Miksa and Heidke
zoor; Stark and Heidke r998). Nelson and Habicht-Mauche (chap. r r, this
vol.) use the term /o c&l settlement clustel to demarcate â similar social unit
and sòurce pottery to a particular districl' a cluster of sites, or (in some
cases) a specific manufacturing settlement.
Beyond the local system lie larger and meaningful social units th¿t
are not self-ascribed ethnic groups (contra Emerson and McElrath zoor;
S. Jones rggT), since shared technological traditions, rather than language
or other emblemic indicators of group affiliation, unite these producers
into social unit. The notion ofthe regional system, Iinked through kin-
a Glaze Ware vessel forms. Understanding the "social lives" of these pots
ship, alliances, and ideolog¡ provides a more useful conceptual alternative
to that of ethnic group (also see Neitzel zooo). Using an example from
the Sepik Coast of New Guinea,'Welsch and Tèrrell (r998) describe such
a system as a social field or "community ofculture."
a A technological approach provides an appropriate methodological
Archaeological research using a suite ofcompositional techniques pro-
vides a valuable approach for identifying regional systems in the north-
ern Southwest. Broad-scale ethnoarchaeological research has identified
macrogroups throuBh systematic documentation of manufacturing tech-
niques that crosscut communities and link them in ¿ broader entity (e.g.,
Gosselain 1998, zooo). Work by Nelson and Habicht-Mauche provides
a first step in this direction, âs they identify geographic clusters in the
z6 / Miriam T. Stark
Rio Grande in which social links are established and reaffìrmed through
the circul¿tion of raw materials and finished goods involved in ceramic
production. And Leonard's analysis of Plains-Pueblo relationships also
identifies larger social units than the local system, bound together by the
circulation ofceramics (and likely other materials), and perhaps intergen-
erational in depth, between culturally discrete groups. Because ceramics
constituted one small part of a much broader material culture inventory,
it is imperative to cast a wider net thât includes other material categories
in such research.
The Timing and Nature of Change
Linda Cordell (chap. 14) reminds us that identifying the origins ofsouth-
western glaze wares is interesting, but exploring processes behind their
widespread adoption is ofparamount importance. Research presented in
this volume suggests, first, that potters adopted the glaze ware tradition
within a single generation across most ofwhat was to become theWestern
Pueblo region. Secondly, Eckert's synthesis (chap. 3) indicates that glaze
ware technology peaked in popularity (where popularity is measured by
the diversity of types produced at one point in time) between ca AD 1424
and r45o. Within the next generation, this technological tradition waned
in some areas (i.e., Little Colorado, Zuni, Acoma) and intensified in areas
along the Rio Crande.
Chapters in this volume discusó the coevolution ofglaze ware traditions
among upper Little Colorado groups and the Zuni ¿nd Acoma potters'
manufacture ofZuni GlazeWare types indistinguishable from those made
af Zvi, and sixteenth-century Zuni potters' emulation of Rio Grande
requires additional study of their changing social and political contexts'
and of the development of intraregional and interregional relationships
through t ime.
framework for interpreting some aspects of innovation in southwestern
glaze ware ceramics; it also offers a set of theoretical tools. Envisioning
southwestern glaze wares as the outcome ofdiscrete manufacturing steps
(of a particular chaîne opératoire) provides a finer-grained perspective on
technological innovation, persistence, and change over a four-hundred-
year span. Along the Mogollon Rim, glaze ware technology was adopted
relatively rapidly in the lâte thirteenth century (Fenn, Mills, and Hop-
Tèchnology and Communities ofPractice / z7
 kins, chap. 4); in the fifteenth-century Zuni region, the glaze ware tra-
dition disappeared rather abruptly and was replaced by a buff ware tra-
dition (Schachner, chap. 7). Potters adopted technological innovations
associated with glaze ware manufacturing at different râtes; in areas like
I
Zuni, some potters may have decided not to adopt high-lead glaze recipes
I
while neighboring artisans did (Huntley, chap. ó).
Studies in this volume also describe the nature oftechnological changes
in $aze ware ceramics through time. Habicht-Mauche's introduction and
Eckert's synthesis ofglaze ware traditions suggest that Pueblo IV techno-
logical changes involved primarily decorative techniques (e.9., introduc-
tion of polychrornatic color schemes, the use of new painting techniques,
and changes in design structure/symmetry) and surface treâtments (i.e.,
adoption of copper and lead-based pigments that formed glaze paints
upon firing). Potters' experimentation with glaze paint recipes along the
Mogollon Rim (Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins, chap. 4) required them to
also modify their firing regimes. Potters made similar changes across the
northern Southwest to accommodate their new glaze pzirrf technology.
Whereas previous generations ofpotters used a reducing (orneutral) firing
âtmosphere to manufacture their white ware ceramics, potters mâking
glaze ware ceramics fired their vessels in an oxidizing atmosphere to pro-
duceyellow wares, red wares, and polychromes. These technological inno-
vations required modifrcations to their firing technologies, the use of dif-
ferent fuels, and perhaps even the introduction of new firing features.
From an anthropology of technology framework, such changes in-
volved both modifications to an extant ceramic manufacturing tradition
and also technological transformations; the latter often reflects the influx
of new producers. As such, our focus should be on factors th¿t encour-
âged potters to modify their traditions as much as on documenting par-
ticular migration events. Several of this volume's chapters provide em-
pirical evidence for the influx of immigrants into the region, from the
thirteenth-century Mogollon Rim (Fenn, Mills' and Hopkins, chap. 4) to
the fifteenth-century Zuni region (Schachner, chap. 7) and beyond to the
Rio Grande Valley (Eckert, chap. 9). But, as Cynthia Herhahn (chap. ro)
also points out, we cannot explain technological change simply or exclu-
sively through processes of migration.
iì
Contexts of Change
lr
Another theme in the volume's chapters concerns the sociâl contexts
i1 of technological change. Tèchnological change does not simply correlate
i
z8 / Miriam T. Stark
'l
'ii
t:
with, or serve as proxy indicator of, broader organizational changes. It
instead operates at different rates, responds to multiple stimuli, and re-
sults from a complex mixture of internal and external pressures. Tèch-
nological change is not ideologically determined, although we may de-
tect relationships between certain types of change and the emergence of
ideological movements. Instead, technological change reflects individual
and aggregate decisions to innovate and ¿dopt new strâtegies. Tèchnologi-
cal change thus represents a delicate interplay of agency and constraints;
some aspects of technology are remarkably resistant to change (Aronson
and Fournier r993; Nicklin rgTr; Stark r99r).
Documenting the nature ofshifts through time is a necessary prerequi-
site for understanding the contexts of technological change Extensive
work across the northern Southwest, summarized ably by Suzanne Eckert
(chap. 3), has helped bracket an âpproximate start date fo.r the introduc-
tion ofthis new technological tradition. Research along the Mogollon Rim
by Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins provides intriguing evidence of the inception
of innovation; replete with compositional evidence for a trial-and-error
period of experimentation. Sq too, does Cynthia Herhahn's study of the
e¿rliest Rio Grande potters' efforts to use glaze paint recipes. Work by
Mills (r995) and Schachner (chap. 7) illustrates the "life cycle" ofthe Zuni
Glaze Ware technological tradition, which underwent significant techno-
logical shifts through time.
Some of the volume's chapters also identify shifts in Blaze ware tech-
nology, including ¿ shift from mineral to carbon to glaze paint during
the twelfth through fourteenth centuries in the middle and northern Rio
Grande region (Eckert, chap. 9), to a shift from relatively low-lead and
high-copper to relatively highlead and low-copper glaze paints in the
fourteenth-century Zuni region (Huntley, chap. 6), and in the transition
from more intensive to less intensive temper processing from the fifteenth
to seventeenth century in the Salinas area (Capone, chap. rz). In the Rio
Grande area, at least, potters pursued multiple strategies of production
(possibly including household-based specialization) and engaged in trade
throughout the region from the fourteenth to early sixteenth century,{D'
The adoption of glaze ware technology across much of the northern
precontact Southwest did not entirely overwhelm local ceramic techno-
logical practices. Fenn and his colleagues provide convincing evìdence for
the replâcement of Cibola White Ware with red ware along the Mogollon
Rim by ca. AD r3oo. On the other hand, Suzanne Eckert's study suggests
that white ware production continued in the thirteenth and fourteenth
Tèchnology and Communities ofPractice / z9
 centuries at some communities in the central Rio Grande, while other
settlements witnessed a replacement of white ware with glaze ware manu-
facture.
These sorts ofempirical findings makevaluable contributions' and help
us conside¡ whether, wh¡ when, and which potters adopted new techno-
logical traditions (and abandoned old ones) at different rates. qtestions
remain concerning the origins of southwestern glaze wares and the dif-
feræntial adoption of this technology across the region. Why did potters
during the Protohistoric period opt to modify certain production steps
but not others? Perhaps some potters made deliberate choices to distin-
guish their wares from those of others in their regions (e.9., Huntley,
chap. 6), while others made less conscious technological accommodations
to changing raw material availability (forrevieq see also Hensler and Blin-
marr 2oozi377-7g). To what extent did social and demographic factors
(including immigration) stimulate this shift? Understanding these pro-
cesses requires us to think about cultural tr¿nsmission, or how informa-
tion and techniques are transferred from one person to the next.
Cultural Transmission
The study of cultural transrnission and in this case, how technologi-
cal knowledge passes from one artisan to another-is critical for under-
standing the developrnent, spread, and disappearance of the glaze ware
ceramic series. Herhahn's chapter views glaze ware as â technological
ì style, and tracks its movement from west to east and then throughout
the Rio Grande. Cultur¿l transmission can take many forms, including
i vertical transmission through intergenerational learning frameworks (Van
Keuren), horizontal transmission through emulation and exchange (Her-
l
'i
hahn, Huntley), and through population movement (Schachner). Migrant
:
potters' adoption of new technologies and their experimentation with
I
ì
unfamiliar raw materiâls across the late precontâct Puebloan Southwest
stimulated changes in local technological traditions (see also Schachner,
i:.
chap. 7). The fact that migration and diffusion are complementary rather
i
than contradictory processes is essential; Herhahn suggests that inter-
lll
i
group interaction might have occurred more frequently than physical mi-
gration in pârts of the Rio Grande.
il
The Rio Grande, however, remains an ideal setting in the precontâct
North American Southwest for studying the movement of populations
and migration-stimulated changes in loc¿l manufacturing traditions. Yet
3o / Miriam T. Stark
the response varied, and artisans adopted new technologies differentially:
the influx of immigrants in the fourteenth-century Rio Grande led to
some settlements adopting glaze wares, while other settlements remained
committed to white ware manufacture (Eckert, chap. 9). Eckert also illus-
úates that some indigenous potters adopted the glaze ware technology
from Western Pueblo potters (at least at Hummingbird Pueblo), and that
potters sometimes used the same clays for local glaze ware and white ware
production. Along the thirteenth-century Mogollon Rim (Fenn, Mills,
and Hopkins, chap. 4) and in fifteenth-century Zuni (Schachner, chap. 7),
the addition of nonlocal populations is cle¿r from the archaeological rec-
ord, which contains not only divergent burial traditions but discrete ce-
ramic traditions that reflect distinctive technological styles. In each case,
migration may have stimulated the emergence of new identities in the
immediate postmigration period, the intensification and diversification
of ritual life, and ultimately changes in the local ceramic technological
tradition.
The Direction of Future Research
This volume's chapters contain a truly irnpressive amount of primary data
using different analytical techniques. We now know more about south-
western glaze ware ceramic traditions than we do about any other ceramic
technological tradition from precontact North America. Yet the contribu-
tors themselves suggest directions for future research; I leave substantive
questions aside for regional specialists to consider.
On a methodological level, work remains to be done to integrate di-
vergent data sources. Despite myriad compositionâl studies, more work
is needed to merge technical and stylistic approaches into more holistic
studies. Exploring communities of practice requires more integrated re-
search that includes the entire range ofsteps in the operational sequence
rather than focusing predominantly on decorative steps (Van Keuren,
chap. 5). Stylistic and compositional studies must be combined to provide
a proper baseline for studying the nature ofchange over the four-century
period when southwestern glaze wares were manufactured.
Linda Cordell (chap. 14) bemoans the lack oftheoretical guidance that
a technology-and-agency approach provides, since it focuses primarily on
issues surrounding ceramic production. Her point is well taken: we clearly
need more theoretical work on ceramic distribution and consumption.
Technology and Communities ofPractice / 3r
 A growing corpus of ethnoarchaeological literature on ceramic distribu-
Acknowledgments
tional networks (for references, see Kramer rg85:82-83, Stark zoo3:zo8-
g) provides a starting point for understanding the range of f¿ctors that I would like to thank Judith Habicht-Mauche, Suzanne Eckert' and
affect how ceramics circulate. So, foo, does recent ceramic ethnoarchaeo- Deborah Huntley for inviting me to join their saa session on g;laze warc
logical research on ceranic use or consumption (see Sta rk zoo3:zog-4). ceramics and to participate in this volume, and for their comments on my
On a conceptual level, using a technological approach raises the bar chapter. I am also grateful to James Bayman, Judith Habicht-Mauche,
for archaeological ceramicists, even in a region like the North American Suzanne Eckert, and Deborah Huntley for comments on an earlier draft
Sorlthwest where the analytical caliber ofsuch work is already outstand- of this chapter I take full responsibility, howeve5 for its final form.
ing. Concepts like technological style and habitus are useful to archaeolo-
gists, but require refinernent and incorporation into a dynamic frarnework.
Likewise, work to define, identify, and track communities ofpractice in the
archaeological record has just begun. Bridging the source fields of these
concepts and the archaeological correlates we study requires hard work
by archaeologists. Southwestern archaeological ceramicists are well situ-
ated to undertake such work, particularly those working on glaze wares,
as work in this volume illustrates.
On a theoretical level, archaeologic¿l ceramic studies can and should
contribute to our understanding ofthe social life ofthings in general (fol-
lowing Appadurai 1986) and of pots in particular. Thus far, regrettably,
the exchange has been largely unidirectional: archaeologists are generally
consumers of external theory more than we are producers (Yoffee and
Sherratt rg93). The bold questions of this volume's chapters concerning
glaze paint cerâmics in the Pueblo IV period test the limits of our conven-
tional interpretive analysis. The precontact North American Southwest is
deservedly famous for its archaeological research tradition, particularly in
the re¿lm ofmethodology. Southwestern archaeology contains some ofthe
world's finest-grained chronologies, most precisely dated ceramics, and
best-documented sites. This region is pârticularly well suited to pushing
conceptual and theoretical boundaries.
In herchapte¡ Suzanne Eckert (chap. 3) calls for models that map com-
plex relationships between material culture and social practices, models
that archaeologists must build. Southwestern archâeologists working with
glaze wares h¿ve an excellent opportunity to use fine-grained data sets
: to tack between the archaeological record and comparative ethnoarchaeo-
l logical approaches. Doing so not only refines rnethodologies and encour-
ii ages ethnoarchaeologists to undertake more relevant research; it contrib-
tli utes to our understanding ofthe social lives ofpots across the precontact
rl
North American Southwest, and of the artisans who made them.

,li

3z / Miriam T. Stark Technology and Communities ofPractice / 33


3 and distribution of glaze-painted pottery throughout the Pueblo South-
The Production and Distribution
of Glaze-Painted Pottery in the
Pueblo Southwest
A Synthesis
Suzanne L. Eckert
Archaeologists derive scant comfort f¡om the fact
that ove¡ and above the ce¡tainties ofdeath and taxes,
they are blessed with the additional constant ofa
seemingly limitless quantity ofsherds to classify.
M. Rice (in D H. Thomas rg99: rr9)
-Prudence
Although a glaze-painted white ware was produced in the Four Cor-
ners region in the eighth and ninth centuries (Blinman and Wilson r9g3;
Shepard r939; Wilson r996), glaze-painted polychrome pottery was pro-
duced in west Mexico ca. AD 9oo (Weigand 1975), and glaze-painted ves-
sels were produced during the Medio period (en rr5o-r45o) at Casas
Grandes (Di Pesq Rinaldo, and Fenner 1974), none of these events ap=
proached the temporal and spatial scale of protohistoric glaze-painted
pottery production. At its peak, glaze-painted pottery \ryâs made through-
out much ofthe Pueblo Southwest; further, production lasted forapproxì-
mately four hundred years. The introduction ofglaze paint in some Pueblo
âreâs was accompanied by changes in other material traits, suggesting that
changes in pottery production were part ofa suite ofbehaviors associated
with specific social processes such as migration (E. K. Reed ry4g:úg-
7o; Shepard rg42itg7 99; Warren rg7ó), expanding exchange networks
(Habicht-Mauche rgg5; Snow r98r), or the spread of new ritual systems
(Crown 1994; Graves and Eckert ry98'.279; Spielmann rg98). The goal
in this chapter is to present a current understanding of the production
west. Authors in the remainder ofthis volume address the broader issues
ofproduction, regional interaction, migration, and other social dynamics
surrounding glaze-painted Pottery.
Archaeologists working in the Southwest United States have not de-
veloped a single typology for glaze-painted pottery. Instead, two different
ørchøeological traditions ofdecorated ceramic analysis exist, each focusing
on different decorative and technological attributes. In general, archaeolo-
gists classifying glaze-painted vessels in the Western Pueblo region focus
primarily on slip color, design layout, and design elements when record-
ing ceramic types (Carlson r97o; Woodbury and Woodbury 1966). In the
Rio Grande région, archaeologists focus more on rim form and temper
type (Kidder and Shepard r93ó; Mera r935; Shepard rg4z). In some areas,
such as the Acoma area, combination ofthese two traditions has been at-
a
tempted (Seventh Southwestern Ceramic Seminar 196 5). Fvtheq øithin
each of these overarching typological traditions, separate ceramic types
and type variants have beén identified.While these approaches to ceramic
typology are useful for the regions in which they were developed, none are
without problems. I do not presume to choose between these traditions,
or solve the problems inherent to each. Rather, I present a brief summary
of the five glaze ware series recognized by southwestern archaeologists
(figs. 3.r and 3.2), and provide references for more detailed descriptions
ofspecific ceramic types. I focus on bowl forms, as they are the most com-
mon and temporally sensitive form in each series.
White Mountain Red Ware Series
Originally defined by Colton and Hargrave (r937) as the red-slipped pot-
tery produced and distributed in east-central Arizon¿ and west-centrâl
New Mexico, White Mountâin Red Ware has been most thoroughly de-
scribed by Carlson (rg7o). Glaze-painted pottery types in this series in-
clude late St. Johns Polychrome, Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome,
Cedar Creek Polychrome, and Fourmile Polychrome (table 3 r). In gen-
eral, St. Johns Polychrome bowls are red or orange slipped, with matte-
painted designs in the Tì¡larosa style (see frS. :.¡A) on the interior, and
white-painted, broad-lined geometric designs on the exterior (Carlson
ry7o). Glãze- and subglaze-painted examples of St. Johns Polychrome,
Production and Distribution / 3<
 Sl. Johns, glaze

Beta I

Bêta ll

Gamma lll
Della I

D€lla ll

GtueB
Fig. 3.1. Map of the Pueblo Southwest showing believed
Glæe C
production areas of fueblo Glaze Ware series.

Glaze E 480¡ 630+

assumed to postdate an rz5o, have been identified in the Zuni area (Kin-
tigh r985b; Huntley, chap. 6, this vol.). St. Johns Polychrome vessels
wit h glaze and subglaze paint have been recovered from at least two sites Fig. 3.2. fime line showing date ranges of
with absolute dâtes, Atsinnâ and Na rr53o. The earliest tree-ring date major types in each glaze ware series.

from Atsinna, located in the El Morro National Monument, is AD r274rc

(Robinson r98r); the lâtest tree-ring date at NA rr53o, located on the
modern-day Zuni Indian Reservation, is no n77 (Zier ry76). Although
there is no direct âssociation between these tree-ring samples and glaze-
painted St. Johns Polychrome pottery within each site, the dating ofthese
sites nevertheless suggests thât the beginning of glaze paint production
wâs at approximately en rz75 (also see Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins, chap. 4,
this vo[., where the authors argue thât the glaze paint on pre-r275 Cibola
White Ware types is not a "true" glaze compositionally, but rather ân acci-
dental product).
Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome bowls are red or orange slipped
with glaze-painted designs in the Pinedale style (see frg. 3.38) on the in-
terior (Carlson rgTo). White paint may be incorporated into the interior
1i

36 / Suzanne L. Eckert P¡oduction and Distribution / 37

 Tabte 3.1

W# @'æ
Summary of Glaze-Painted Pottery Types in the
White Mountain Red Ware Series
:':
TyP" Date Range lnterior Decoration Exterior Deco¡ation

late St. Johns f27 5-\3oo slip: red to orange slip: red to orânge
Polychrome painr: glÀze paint: white

@w @@
design: Tìllârosa style design geornetrics

Pinedale B/r and \27 5-t33o slip: red to omnge slip: red to orange
Polychrome paiDt: glaze; may also paint: none, glaze, or
have white glaze on white
background
design Pinedale style design:

@ffi @O
none or simple
unit designs

Ced¿r C¡eek r3oo-r35o slip: ¡ed slip: red

Polychrome p¿int: glaze and white paint: glaze and white
design: Pinedale style design: banded

Fourmile t325-t4oo slip: ¡ed slip: red Fig. 3.3. Examples of various design styles common to protohistoric
Polychrome paint: glaze and white paintl glaze and white glaze-painted pottery in the PuebLo Southwest: (A) Tutarosa, (B) Pinedale,
designl Fourmile style design: banded (C) Heshotauthla, (D) Iourmile. (E) Sityatki, and (F) Rio Grande Glaze A
(after Carlson 1970; Eckert 2003; and Woodbury 1966).

design on Pinedale Polychrome. On the exterior, Pinedâle Black-on-red

east-central Arizona along the Mogollon Rim. The relative frequency of
mây have no design or may have a simple glaze-painted unit design such as
Cedar Creek Polychrome compared to Pinedale Polychrome and Four-
an X or a spiral. On Pinedale Polychrome, these unit designs are outlined
mile Polychrome in Mogollon Rim site assemblages, combined with tree-
in white paint. Although most frequently found in east-centra,l AÅzonâ.
ring cross-dating (Carlson 19To:63), suggests that the type's period of
along the Mogollon Rim, Pinedale types have been found as far north as
production wâs AD r35o.
the Homol'ovi areâ, as far south as Câsas Grândes, and âs far east âs the ,r3oo
Fourmile Polychrome bowls are rqd slipped with glaze- ând white-
Rio Puerco ofthe Eâst. A cluster of tree-ring dates between ao rzTo and
painted designs in the Fourmile style (see fig. 3.3D) on the interior (Carl-
rz85 (Duff 2oo2; Mills et al. 1999) associared with Pinedale types places
son r97o; Van Keuren, chap. 5, this vol.). Fourmile style is ¿ departure
. the
beginning of producrion at this rime. The latest associated tree-ring
from previous design styles on White Mountain Red Ware, as it is asym-
sample, dâted to AD r33o, was recovered from Pinedale Pueblo (Haury
metrical and often features zoomorphs and anthropomorphs (E. C. Adams
and Hargrave r93r).
r99r; Carlson r97o). Exterior designs are similâr to Cedar Creek Poly-
Cedar Creek Polychrome bowls are red slipped with glaze- and whire-
chrome, but may be more elaborate. The distribution of Fourmile Poly-
painted designs in the Pinedale style (see fig. 3.38) on the interior (Carl-
chrome is concentrated in the area immediately above ¿nd below the
son rgTo). A continuous, banded design normally occurs around the ex-
Mogollon Rim but is common âs far north as the Homol'ovi area (Carl-
terior of bowls. This exterior design has glaze-pâinled elements as well
son 1970:69). The eârliest tree-ring date associated with Fourmile Poly-
as fine white lines. Cedar Creek Polychtome is most commonly found in
chrome, is a cuttinB date of er 13z6 ftorn Canyon Creek Ruin (Haury

38 / Suzanne L. Eckert P¡oduction and Distribution / 39

rg34). The type was produced until abandonment around al r39o in the Table 3.2
Silver Creek area (Mills et al. rg99), and possibly in the upper Little Colo- Summary of Pottery Types in the Zuni Glaze Ware Series
rado area (Duff zooz). After en r4oo, in the Point of Pines area below
Type Date Range lnterior Decoration Exte¡ior Decoration
the Mogollon Rim, Point of Pines Polychrome was produced. Produc-
tion of this Fourmile Polychrome copy continued until approximately Heshotauthla rz75-r45o+ slip: red to orange slip: red to orange

en r45o (Carlson rgTo) and marks the end of the White Mountain Red B/r arð, paint: glaze paint: none or white,
Polychrome occasionally glaze
Ware ¡radit ion.
desigû: Heshotauthla style design none or geometrics

Zuni Glaze Ware Series Kwakina r28o-r45o+ slip: white slip: red to orange
Polychrome paint: glaze paint: none or white

Zuni Glaze'Ware types rvere ân outgrowth ofSt. Johns Black-on-red and design: varies; Pinedale, design: note or geometrics
Tularosa, and
Polychrome, and represent parallel decorative developments with glaze-
Heshotauthla styles
painted îypes in the White Mountain Red Ware series. Different archae-
ologists have described various Zuni glaze-painted pottery types (Bush-
nell rg55; Bushnell and Digby rg55; Carlson rgTo; Hodge tgz4; Meru Pinnarv¿ r35o-r45o+ slip white; may have red slip: white
1939); howeve¡ Reed (rg55) and Woodbury and Woodbury (1966) are the Gl/w on center ofbowl
most common references. Early glaze-painted types in the Ztni Glaze Palnt: glaze paint: none or glaze
design simple bands or design none or unit designs
Ware series include Heshotauthla Black-on-red and Polychrome, Kwa-
Sityâtki style
kina Polychrome, Pinn¿rva Glaze-on-white, and Kechipawan Polychrome
(table 3.2). These types \ryere produced and dìstributed from the upper Kechipawan r37o r,l5o+ slip: white; may have red slip: white
Little Colorado River area in the west to the El Morro Valley in the east. Polychromc on centcr ofbowl
Heshot¿uthla Black-on-red and Polychrome bowls are bright red or paint: glaze vith matte paint: none or glaze and
orange slipped with glaze-painted designs in the Heshotauthla style (see ¡ed used as ÂlÌe¡ matte red
design simple bands or design none, unir designs,
fiS. ¡.¡C) on the interior (Carlson rgTo; Seventh Southwestern Ceramic
Sityatki style or simple bands
Seminar 1965). Heshotauthla Polychrome has white-painted thin-lined
geometric designs on the exterior. As Heshotauthla style is often confused Hawikuh 163o-8o slip: da¡k red o¡ white slip: dark red, white, or
with Pinedale style, a brief description seems warranted here. Hesho- Gl/r and both
tauthla style has designs normally laid out in a thin band, often divided Polychrome p¿tlût: none paint: glaze, sometimes

into quârters, around a circular open base. Designs are normally geo- with mâtte red

metrics, with more painted surface than unPainted (creating a "negative" design: none design: banded

effect), often incorporating solid fill, "eyes," lightning, and stepped motifs.
Unlike in the Pinedale style (Carlson r97o; Crown 1994), hatched motifs
are almost never present in the Heshotauthla style. The earliest tree-ring
date for Heshotauthla Polychrome comes from Rattlesnake Point Pueblo,
with a cutting date ofAD tz7ztrG (Duff zooz). Further, Heshotauthla
Black-on-red and Polychrome share the same early dates as the glaze-
painted St.Johns types described above: namely' AD r274 (Robinson r98r)
and ro e77 (Zìer 1976). Production ofHeshotauthla types ended during
the mid-r4oos (Kintigh r985b; Woodbury and Woodbury 1966; Schach-
ner, chap. 7, this vol.).
Kwakina Polychrome marks the introduction of white slips on glaze-
painted pottery in the Western Pueblo region. Bowls ofthis type are white
slipped on the interior and red or orange slipped on the exterior (Carl-
son r97o; Woodbury and Woodbury ry66)- Glaze-painted designs on the

4o / Suzanne L. Eckert P¡oduction and Distribution / 4r

 interior may be in any number of styles (Carlson rgTo), including Tula-
rosa, Pinedale, or Heshotauthla (see fig. 3.34,8,C). Exterior designs are
white-painted, thin-lined geometrics nearly identical to exterior designs
on Heshotauthla Polychrome. Kwakina Polychrome appears to have been
produced starting at about the same time as, or only slightly after, the pro-
duction of Heshotauthla Polychrome (Kintigh r985b). Seriation ofthese
two types is complicâted by the fact that differences in ¡elative frequencies
oFKwakina Polychrome and Heshotauthla Polychrome at sites in the Zuni
area may reflect group affiliation rather than a temporal trend (Huntley
and lGntigh zoo4; Huntley, chap. 6, this vol.). Kwakina Polychrome ap-
pears to have been produced until the mid-r4oos (Kintigh r985b; Wood-
bury and Woodbury 1966; Schachne¡ chap. 7, this vol.).
Pinnawa Glaze-on-white and Kechipawan Polychrome have similar
decorative features. Both types are white slipped (although Woodbury and
Woodbury [r966] report occasional Kechipawan Polychrome vessels with
pale buff slips), with some late examples having a red slip on the center
of bowl interiors. Early examples of both types (prior to approximâlely
eo r4oo) tend to have well-executed, glaze-painted designs with birds
and geometric motifs prominent. Later examples of both types tend to
have complex designs in the Sityatki style (see frg. 3.3E), or have a simple
anthropomorph or zoomorph in the center of the bowl (Woodbury and
Woodbury 1966). Stylized feathers and birds are common on both Pin-
nawa Glaze-on-white and Kechipawan Polychrome. The defining differ-
ence lies in the use ofred paint as motif filler in Kechipawan Polychrome
designs, while Pinnawa Glaze-on-white designs are onlyexecuted in glaze
paint. Although production ofPinnawa Glaze-on-white may have begun
a decade or so earlier than Kechipawan Polychrome (Kintigh r985b), both
I
types are believed to have been produced starting in the mid-r3oos. Both
are present at Rattlesnake Point Pueblq where the lâtest tree-ring date is
I
i ,rn r377 (Duff zooz). Production of these white-slipped types continued
to the mid-r4oos, when glaze-painted pottery ceased to be produced in
the Zuni area for almost two hundred years (Kintigh r985b; Schachner,
chap. 7, this volume; Woodbury and
'Woodbury
1966).
H¿wikuh Glaze-on-red and Polychrome (Mera r939; Mills zooza; Sev-
enth Southwestern Ceramic Seminar 1965) are glaze-painted types that
were produced in the Zuni area, but were neither temporally nor techno-
logically continuous with earlier glaze-painted types (Schachner, chap. 7,
this vol.). Instead, Hawikuh Glaze-on-red and Polychrome appear to have
4z / Srzarne L. Eckett
been the result of ¡he reintroduction of glaze paint technology into the
Zuni area from the Rio Grande region (Mills r995, zooza; Woodbury and
Woodbury 1966). Designs include one or two bands on the exterior of
bowls or jars, normally broken into panels. Stylized feathers are commôn
motifs (Mera 1939). Hawikuh types began to be produced in the six his-
toric Zu¡i villages after the construction of two Spanish missions in ,ro
16z9, and ceased to be produced after the Pueblo Revolt of 168o. This
marks the end of the glaze ware tradition in the Zuni region.
Acoma Glaze Ware Series
The Acoma Glaze Ware series has been only norninally discussed in prìnt
(Seventh Southwestern Ceramic Seminar r965), but current understand-
ing suggests that early types in the series share traits rvith the Zuni Glaze
Ware series (Schachne5 chap. 7, this vol.), while later types in the series
share traits with the Rio Grande Glaze Ware series. Ceramic types in
this series include Heshotauthla Black-on-red and Polychrome (Acoma
variants), Alpha I, Alpha Beta Glaze-on-white and Polychrome, Beta I,
Beta II, Gamma I types, Gamma II types, Gamma III, Delta I types, and
Delta II types (table 3.3). Estimated date ranges for these types provided
in figure 3.2 are based on seriation and cer¿mic cross-dating (Seventh
Southwestern Ceramic Seminar r965).
Heshotauthla Black-on-red and Polychrome (Acoma variant) bowls
often have a deep red to maroon slip, with glaze-painted designs in the
Heshotauthla style (see fig. 3.3C) on the interior. Although Heshotauthla
Black-on-red is more common in the Acom¿ area than in the Zuni area,
Heshotauthla Polychrome is not uncommon. This type has white-painted
thin-lined geometric designs on the exterior, often with a single line of
glaze paint near the rim. Alpha I (early Kwakina Polychrome, Acoma vari-
ânt) bowls have â bright white slip on the interiorand a deep red to maroon
slip on the exterior. Exterior designs are normally absent; when present,
they may be identical to Heshot¿uthla Polychrome (Acoma variant), or a
simple glaze-painted X, or a pair of glaze-painted slashes. Both Alpha I
and Acoma variants ofHeshotauthla types have Rio Grande Glaze A rim
forms (see fig. 3.4).
Alpha Beta Glaze-on-white (Pinnawa Glaze-on-white, Acoma vari-
ant) and Alpha Beta Polychrome (Kechipawan Polychrome, Acoma vari-
ant) are âlmost identical to their Zuni Glaze Ware series counterparts.
Production and Distdbution / 43
 Table 3.3 Tabte 3.3
Summary of Pottery Types in the Acoma Glaze Ware Seriei Continued

Date Range Dåte Range

TyP. (Rim Form) hterior Decoration Exrerior Decoration Typ" (Rim Form) Inte or Decoration Ðxterior Deco¡ation
Heshotauthl¿ r2jS-r1So+ slip: ¡ed to da¡k maroon slip: red to da¡k ma¡oon
Gamma I r45o r5oo slipl da¡k red or slip: da¡k red or
B/r and (.{ rim) paint gl*e painr: none o¡ white and (C rim) bright whire bright white
Polychrome, g1^ze paint: glaze, sometimes paiDt: unce¡tâiû
Aco*ra design: Heshotauthla style design tonq or geometrics with matte red
variant in white rvith single design: simple band design: uncertain
glaze line, X's, or
sl¿shes Gamma II t 415-\ 57 5+ slip: da¡k red slip: da¡k red
(C rim) paint: none paint: Blaze,sometimes
Alpha I r3oo r4oo slip: bright whi[e slip: ¡ed to da¡k maroon with white
(Ä rim) painr: gl^ze paint: none, rvhite, white design: none design: banded
and gl¿ze, or glaze
design: varies: Pinedale, design: none, o¡ geometrics G¡mma III t475 t525 slip: dark ¡ed slip: da¡k ¡ed
Tülarosa, and ìn white with single (A rim) paint: glaze paint: urìcertain
Heshotaurhla sryles glaze line, X's, or design: uncertain design: uûcertain
not uncommon slashes
r560-1600 slip: d¿rk ¡ed o¡ slip: da¡k ¡ed o¡
Alpha Beta r35o-r45o slip: bright whire slip: bright white (E and bright white bdght white
Gllw (A rim) painr: glaze paint: none or glaze F rims) paint: none paint p;laze
designl ûormally simple design: none or unit designs designt design: banded
bands
1600 rToo slip: dark red or bright slip: dark red, bright
.{lph¿ Beta r375-145o slip: brighr white slip: bright white (F rim) white whit€, or both
Polychrome (A rim) pâiût: glazewith matte red pairt: glaze with matte red paint: none paint: g)aze
used ¿s filler used ¿s frlle¡ design: design: banded
design: normally simple design: normally simple
bands bands
Slips are always bright white on both types. AlphaBeta Polychrome bowls
t4oo 146o slip: bright white with slip: ¡ed to dark maroon often have glãz e-outlined designs filled with red paint on the exterior Rim
(C rim) red round rim
forms on these two types are normally the same as Rio Grande Glaze 4.,
Parnt: g1ãze Pamt: flone or glaze
design va¡ies, usually
although later rim forms have been noted.
design: none or simple
banded design unit design Beta I (Kwakina Polychrome, Acoma variant) is a "continuation of
Alpha I" (Seventh Southwestern Cer¿mic Seminar 1965:7). The ma,ior
t39o-t 47o slip: red to dark maroon slip: bright white difference between Alpha I and Beta I bowls is that, on the lattel the ex-
(beveled rim) paint: glaze pâint: none or glaze terior red slip comes up over the rim into the bowl interior The result-
design: varies, usually design: none or simPle
ing effect is of a red band around the interior rim of the bowl. Further,
banded design unit design
Beta I never has thin white-lined geometrics on the exterior. Beta I rim
forms are similar to Rio Grande Glaze C. Beta II (reverse Kwakina Poly-

P¡oduction and Distribution / 45

chrome, Acoma vâriant) has a deep red slip on the interior ofbowls and a
white slip on the exterior. This slip color combination also occurs on pot-
tery sherds recovered from the Middle Village excavations ¿t Zuni Pueblo
(Mills zoozb), as well as on pottery from the lower Rio Puerco ofthe Eâst
(described below). Originally described as unique (Seventh Southwestern
Cer¿mic Seminar r965), the rim form on Beta II is actually the same âs the
,,beveled rim" on Rio Gr¿nde Glaze A (see fig. 3.4) (Eighth Southwest-

ern Ceramic Seminar 1966). Glaze-painted designs occur on the interior

of borvls and are similar to Beta I. The glaze paint on Beta II seems to
mark a change in the composition ofglaze paint in the Acoma areâ' âs this
and later glaze paints are more likely to erode when compared to earlier
glaze-painted types (Seventh Southwestern Ceramic Seminar r965).
Gamma IBlack-on-red, Glaze-on-white, and Polychrome and Gamma
II Glaze-on-red and Polychrome all have Rio Grande Glaze C rim forms
and ternporally overlap with this type (Snow I989). Gamma I and II types
are distinctive from Rio Grande types in that they do not have pastel-
colored slips, but continue to have the dark red and bright white slips
present on earlier glaze-painted types. Occasionally, some vessels have a
light cream-colored slip. Gamma I types are believed to have been pro-
duced a decade or so earlier than Gamma II and seem to have had a more
restricted temporal range ofproduction (see fig. 3.2) (Seventh Southwest-
ern Ceramic Seminar 1965). Gamma I and Gamma II types are distinc-
tive in that the former have designs focused on bowl interiors, while the
latter have designs focused on bowl exterio.rs. Not much is known about
Gamma III Glaze-on-red other than it has a dark red slip and Rio Grande
Glaze A rim forms (Seventh Southwestern Ceramic Seminar 1965). The
production of Gamma III Glaze-on-red may be related to the apparently
long period of production of Glaze A Red in the southern portion of the
Rio Grande region (discussed below).
Very little description has been provided for the Delta types. Delta I
types begin to "resemble glazes E and F from the Rio Grande," while
Delta II types are "almost a duplicate of glazeF' (Seventh Southwestern
Ceramic Seminar 1965:8). All Delta types have design predecessors in
the earlier Acoma Glaze Ware types; however, the introduction ofthe "in-
dented jar bottom" on Delta Il-type jars may have been introduced from
the Rio Grande area (Seventh Southwestern Cerâmic Seminar 1965:8).

P¡oduction and Distrlbutror' / 47

ll Table 3.4
ji The Pecos and Rio Grande Glaze Ware Series
Summary of Pottery þpes in the Lowe¡ Rio puerco
of the East Glaze Ware Series
The earliest seriation of glaze-painted pottery found in the Rio Grande
Date Range region was by Nels C. Nelson (rgr4), who examined design elements and
Typ. (Rim Form) lnrerior Deco¡ation Exterior Deco¡¡tion strâtigraphic datâ to establish a chronology of three glaze-painted types
at San Cristobal. Kidder (r9r7b) employed similar techniques to create
Pottery 475-r45o+ slip: yellow buff slip: ¡ed
Mound (A rim) paint: an initial seri¿tion of glaze-painted Pottery types at Pecos Pueblo. Mera
glaze with matte paint: none or glaze
PoÌychrome ¡ed used as fille¡ (rg33) noted that application ofthese typologies was problematicwhen ap-
design Sityatki style design none, X's or slashes plied to the greater Rio Grande area and proposed the Rio Gr¿nde Glaze
'Ware
series. This series, which was based primarily on bowl rim forms'
Hidden r4oo-r45o+ slip: red slip: bright rvhite consisted ofsìx ceramic types, Glaze A F (see fig. 3.4). Kidder and Shep-
Mountain (A and paint: none paint: glaze on white
ard's subsequent work at Pecos Pueblo adopted this system of classificâ-
Polychrome C rims) design: none design: banded around rim
don to establish the Pecos Glaze Ware series, which also consisted of six
ceramic types, Glaze I-VI (Kidderand Shepard r936).The Pecos and Rio
Lower Rio Puerco of the East Glaze Ware Series Grande Glaze Ware series are, for the most part, considered equivalent;
however, Mera's terminology has become the standard for Rio Grande
Although potters in the lower Rio Puerco ofthe East area produced glaze_ ârchaeologists (table 3.5) (Eighth Southwestern Ceramic Seminar 1966).
painted pottery that shared traits with the pottery produced by rheir Within each rim form type, subtyPes have been defined and named based
neighbors to the west and east, theyalso produced two types unique to the on slip color, decoration, and temper. Bowl rim form, however, remains
area: Pottery Mound Polychrome (Eckert 2oo3; Voll 196r) and Hidden the primary classification system for glaze-painted pottery recovered in
Mountain Polychrome (table 3.4) (Eckert zoo3). pottery Mound poly_ the Rio Grande area (Eighth Southweste¡n Ceramic Seminar r966; Snow
chrome bowls are slipped yellow-buff on the interior and red on the ex- 1989; Warren and Snow 1976).
terior. Decoration is \ryith both glaze ând matte red paint, most often in the The Rio Grande Glaze Ware series is often divided into three tem-
Sityatki design style (see fiC. ¡.:E) (Brody 1964; Colton rg55). Stylized poral phâses: early (4, B), intermediate (C, D), and late (E, F) These
birds and feathe¡s are common modfs. Hidden Mountain polychrome divisions are based on the observation that certâin changes, other than
bowls haye a dark red-slipped interior and brighr whire-slipped exterior. rim form, occur over time (Eighth Southwestern Ceramic Seminar r966).
Although the slip-color combination is similar to that ofBeta II from the Both glaze paint composition (Herhahn, chap. ro, this vol.) and tem-
Acorna glaze series, rhe focus of the design on Hidden Mountain poly_ per type (Shepard 1942) become more standardized. Color and texture
chrome is on â band on the exterior ofthe vessel; the interior ofbowls has of glaze paint also change, although it is important to note that later
either a very simple design or, more commonly, no design. Serpenr, eye, traits are simply added to the list of characteristics ln other words, earlier
and lightning motifs are common. Both types have Rio Grande Glaze A traits never completely drop out. Early glaze paínt ranges in color from
rim forms, including the beveled rim. Hidden Mountain polychromc may black to brownish black to greenish black, and occasionally bright green;
also have Glaze C rim forms. Production of both types was restricted to intermediate glaze paint ranges from greenish brown to yellowish brown
the late fourteenth- and fifteenth-century village ofpottery Mound. Both to brown to dark brown, to brownish black; and late glaze pâint ranges
types \¡¡ere exported to Hummingbird Pueblo, another village along the from brown to brownish black to black, and occasionally âpple green
lower Rio Puerco of the East (Eckert zoo3). Furrher, porreryMound poly_ (Eighth Southwestern Ce¡amic Seminar 1966). The texture ofthe paint
chrome has been recovered from sites in the Rio Grande region (Hayes, also changes: early Blaze pâint tends to be lustrous' may bead, and "holds
Young, and Warren rgSr). to line of original application" (Eighth Southwestern Ceramic Semi-

48 / Suzanne L. Eckert Production and Distribution / 49

 Table 3.5
Table 3'5 Continued
Series
Summary of Pottery Types in
the Pecos and Rio Grande Glaze Ware
Exte¡ior Deco¡auon
f)ate Range Inte¡io¡ Decorauon
F.xterior Decoration
Date Range Interior Decoraüon
Gfr and Poþ; Kuaua Polv)
ã-Uze C types (lspinosa
?oly; sanchez GVr)
o--*o *"u aun", to*" tro Gfr; Los Padillos
r4ro-r600+ sliP sofl red, fawn, taû, slip: soft red, fawn, tan,

red lo orange
slip: retl to orange
orangish, reddish, red
orangish, reddish, red
rr ¡ r soo+ slip:
rr,r.-r)w none' rvhite' or glaze
well-contrJled' lusrrous paint:
brorvn
;;,, brorvn
glaze ranging in color frorn runnf dull.to slightly runn¡ dull to
pxint: slighdY
lustrous glaze rangtng ln
.
lustrous glaze rânging in
¡ black' brovnish black'
color from greenish
grecnish bhck' to bright colol from greenish
brown, yellowish brorvn,
Eleen brown, Yellorvish brorvn,
none' or geometrrcs rÍ brown, dark brown, to
design: i{eshotauthla stvle or Rio design: brorvn, dark brorvn, to
rvhite' X's' or slashes brownish black; matre red
Grande Glaze A sryle brolvnish black; matte red
rim, design: matte red frgures rvith
design: Paneled band below
and Sanchez Poly)
(Ciengui a GVy and Poly; Sanchez Gly
glaze outline; maY have
Glaze A Yellow types
may have matte ¡ed line
¡im rim ticking
-..,-r À¿õ+ slio: yellow
Nhite to slip: white to yellow below
r32r-t45ur
;;;,' *tll-tonrtollttl'lutt'ous paint: noneorglaze

glaze ranging in color from Glaze D (San tazaro Po[Y)

black, brownish black' slip: solt red, fåwn, tan,

ra6o r qqo+ slip: soft red. farn' tan'
orangish, reddish, red
greenish black' to bight orangish' reddish' red
g¡een
brown
brown
Rio design: none' X's' or slâshes slightly runnY, dull to
design: Heshotauthla style or paint: none or slightlY runnY, dull paint

Grande Glâze A style to lustrous gl¿ze ranginB ìn lustrous ghze ranging in

color from greenish
color from greenish
Poly) brown, yellowish brown,
Glaze A Gvpoly types (San clemente brown, Ycllorvish brown'
brown, dark brovn' to brown, dark brovn, to
slip: red to orange
r ¡2r-r¿(o+ sliP:
Nhite to Yellow brownish black; mane red
paint: none ol glaze brownish black; matte red
Pai¡l: well-con¡rolled'lustrous design matte red fìgures with
desiBn: none or Paneled band
glaze ranging in color frorn glaze outline; mâY have
below rim) may have matle
black' brorvnish black' rim ticking
red line ourlined in glaze
greenish black' to bright
below rim
green
desigû: none, X's, or slashes
design: Heshotauthla stYle or Rio Poly; Escondido Poly;
Grande Glaze A stYle types (Puaray Gt/r, Gt/y, and Poty; Trenaquel
Gl.aze E
Tiguex Poly; Encierro Poly; Pecos Poly)
GI/y' and Poly; Medio PoIy) slip: whitish, tannish,
Glaze B types (Largo GVr' r¿8o-¡bìo+ slip: $ hitish' ¡annish'
yellowish, reddish, fawn,
red' white' or yellow slip: red, white, or Yellow lellorr ish' reddish' faln'
r¿ro-r <oo+ slip: oaint: rvetl-controlled,lustrous thiû fawn. tan
rhin fawn. tân
Paint: well-conrrolled'lustrous
glaze rrnging in color from
glaze ranging iû color ftom
black, brorvnish black,
black, brownish black'
greenish black, to bright
greenish black' to bright
green
green
below rim desigû: X's or slashes
design: Paneled band

Table 3.5
Continued
Date Range InterioÌ Deco¡ation
paint: runnY, semilustrous to.
lustrous glaze ranging rn
colo¡ from brovnish,
I b¡ovnish black, to black,
and occasionall¡ aPPle
green; matte red
design: unPaneled band below
rim, maY have matte red
line outlined in glaze
belorv rim
ciaze F types (Kotyiti GVr, Gt/y, and Poly; San Marcos Gfr
and Poly;
Cicuye Gt/r and Poþ; Yunque GVr; Polvadera GVr and GVy
r52o r1oo slip: whitish, tannish,
Yellowish, reddish, fawn,
thin fawn, tån
paint: runtf semilust¡ous to
lustrous ghze ranging in
color from brownish,
brownish black, to black,
and occasionallY aPPle
green
design: simple linear designs, often
zigzags. belou rim
Polychrome;
Cienguilla Glaze-on-yellow and Polychrome; San Clemente
Polychrome) are d;vided
Sanc-hez Glaze-on-red' Glaze-on-yellow, and
Glaze A
into three broad categories based on slip color: Glaze A Red,
types often
Exte¡io¡ Deco¡ation Yellow, and Glaze A Polychrome. Early examples of these
have úeshotauthla-style designs painted on the interiors
(see fiS : ¡C)'
paint: runny, semilùstlous to
(see fig- 3 3F)'
lust¡ous gl^z e r¡nging in while later examples have Rio Grande Glaze A style designs
color from brownish, Glaze A Red was produced throughout most of the
Rio Grande area
A Red
brorvnish black, to black, (Shepard rg42). The earliest absolute dates associated with Glaze
and occasionally apple
u,.""-ring d",e ofAD r287rB from Tijeras Pueblo (Cordell 1975:49)
green; mâtte red "r" group àf cutting dates from the sâme site that cluster arou¡d AD
ând a
design: m¿tte red frgures with been produced
glaze outline r3r3 (ðordell rg7î27). Glaze A Yellow apPears to hâve
produced
p"riåirity in ttte Calisteo Basin, while Glaze A Polychrome was
primarily in the Albuquerque and Los Lunas areas (Eighth Southwestern
C"rn-i" S"-irru. ,966; Shepard r94z)' Production ofGlaze A Yellow ¿nd
Polychrome began slightly later than Glaze A Red (Eighth
Southwestern
the earliest
Ce."mic S"mi.tar 1966; Shepard 1942) Arroyo Hondo has
and Polychrome
slip: whitish,tannish, tree-ring date, AD r32rr, âssociated with Glaze A Yellow
(Lang I!93). Glaze A Yellow does not appear at Las Madres until
yellowish, reddish, fawn, after
thin fawn, tan reported
paint: runny, semilustrous to
ìo tãz.ið. Schaafsma 1969), ând no GIâze A Polychrome is
f.n-- ih" ,it". Creamer and colleagues (zooz) have pointed out thãt the
lustrous glaze ranging in
dates' in-
color from brownish, appeârance of Glaze A is associated with a range of tree-ring
(Mera
brownish black, to black, .inaing an 1322 for LA 4 (Mera r94o)' AD r33o for Galisteo Pueblo
al' zooz) and Pindi
and occasionallY aPPle r94o),-and al 1348 for both PuebloBlanco (Creamer et
green
Pueblo (Stubbs and Stallings 1953) They use this ranBe of dates to ar-
design: simple geometric designs across the cen-
gue that glaze technology took several decades to spreâd
in line a¡ound rim and occur-
pendant birds iral Rio Grande area and therefore any âssessment of the earliest
(Creamer
rence ofglaze paint must take geographic location into account

et Ll. 2oo2).
A had
Mera (i933) originally suggested that the production of Glaze
nâr 1966:Ir); intermediate glaze paint is dull to lustrous and sometlmes r45o. However, more recent reseârch has indicated
('ten- t..-in"ì ã"i" ofeo
slightly runny; ancl late glaze paint is semilustrous to lustrous with a "
that this termiml date is far too early for Glaze A Red in some
âreas
dency to run and destroy design" (Eighth Southwestern Ceramic Semi- r94z; Snow
(Hayes, Young, and Warren r98r; Marshall 1987; ShePârd
nar r966:IV2). Finall¡ slip colors change through time Early glaze types in villages south
ì9eå¡. Ctaze e ned appears to have been produced some
have orange red, red, yellow, white, and yellowish white slip colors' Inter-
oi Albnqn"rqrr. up through the contact period Thus, while
the absence
mediate glaze types often have more mìited sh¿des described as soft red' to the r3oos or r4oos'
of lâter rim forms generally means that a site dates
fawn, tan, orangish, reddish, and red brown. Late glaze types contimre to
fawn, surface collections from sites in some areâs m¿y lack later forms and still
have muted shades, including whitish, tannish, yellowish, reddish, ú. zooz)
date to the r5oos (Creamer et
thin fawn, and tan (Eighth Southwestern Ceramic Seminar 1966)' (Largo Glaze-on-red' Glaze-on-yellow' and Poly-
Glaze B pottery
L

Glaze A types (Los Padillas Polychrome; Agua Fria Glaze-on-red;

'i Production and Distribution / 53

5z / Suzanne L. Eckert
ìil
 chrome; Medio Polychrome) was never a popular form, but light_slipped
Aguages, where tree-ring dates put the major construction ofthe site be-
vessels appear to have been produced predominantly ìn the
Galisteo rween AD r457 and r46z (Snow r997). Mera (r94o) originally believed that
Basin, while mìnor production of red-slipped vessels occurred through_
Glaze D was not produced past AD r5l5; however, Snow (rgg7) argues
out the Rio Grande area (Mera 1933; Shepard rg4z; Snow i997).
Bâldtvin Glaze D lasted into at least the late r5oos, and may have lasted as late as
(1983) has argued that Glaze B is contemporaneous with
the production the r6oos. Glaze D rims have been recovered from the floor assemblage
of Glaze A, while Snow (r997) has noted that its production considerably
of a kiva that was constructed berween ,t¡ r5o7 and r5zo at Pueblo del
overlaps with the production of Glaze C. Creamer and colleagues (zooz)
Encierro (Snow 1976), as well as from deposits with radiocarbon dates
find evidence rhar Glaze B ma¡ have been produced in small quantiries
up between AD 47o and t67o ât Nuestra Señora de Dolores Pueblo (Mar-
tô rhe contact perìod. A spread of archaeomagnetic samples from
Nues_ shall r98z). The popularity of Glaze C and D vessels in the northern and
tra Señora de Dolores Pueblo associated with Glaze B puts production
southern Rio Grande regions, as well as on the Southern Plains, has led
ât least betìveen ao r35o and r44o (Marshall rggz). The relatively
rare Snow to argue that these vessels were made "principally for specialized
occurrence of this rim form, along with the current uncertâìnty for
its purposes" (Snow r9g7:353) and were acquired through exchânge net-
production span, makes Glaze B a poor temporal marker.
works with Tonque Pueblo and villages in the Galisteo Basin. As such,
Although Glaze C pottery (Espinosa Glaze_on_red and polychrome;
the âbsence of Glaze C and D ¿t a site may reflect the lack of participa-
Kuaua Polychrome) occurs in greater frequencies than Glaze B pottery
tion in certain social networks rather than temporal trends (Baldwin r983;
1933; Snow 1997), the type is never a major component
lMera of any Snow r997).
Rio Grande ceramic assemblage. .A great deal ofvariation has been
noted E (Puaray Glaze-on-red, Glaze-on-yellow and Polychromc;
Glaze
for the Glaze C rim forrn, which appears to have developed from
vari_ tenaquel Polychrome; Escondido Polychrome; Tiguex Polychrome;
ants in the Glaze A rim form. In the Estancia Basin, Baldwin (r9g3)
and Encierro Polychrome; Pecos Polychrome) was primarily produced in the
Snow (1997) agree rhat Glaze C may simply be a variant of Glaze
A. It Galisteo Basin (Sh epard rg4z) anð, atTonque Pueblo (Warrentg6g, rr¡7g,
is with the production of Glaze C that changes in Rio G¡ande
exchange rgSr); howeveq it was also produced at Pecos Pueblo, Zia, Cochiti, Picuris,
networks begin to occu¡ with Tonque pueblo (r_e z4o) and villages
ìn the and in the Albuquerque area (Shepard tg4z; Snow 1997; Warren 1969,
Galisteo Basin becorning dominant manufacturers of this type (Shepard
1979, r98r). The earliest absolute dates âssociated with Glaze E come
r94z; Warren ry6g, ry7g). Idenrification of a Ghze C rim during
a re_ from kiva assemblages at Pueblo del Encierro (Snow 1976), which sug-
cent examinâtion of the Arroyo Hondo ceramic assemblage by
the author gest the type was first produced between el r48o and r5oo; the type
and Judith Habicht-Mauche associates the type ïvith a tree_ring
date of was clearly well established by AD r52o (Snow 1997). Tèrminal dates for
eo r4ro. Radiocarbon samples taken from floor features containing
Glaze Glaze E are not well documented. Glaze E made up a substantial portion
C atLl. 3r7 46 provided dates of r57o t 6o and 16ro I 6o (Marshai r9g7),
of the ceramic assemblage from a Spanish colonial site constructed be-
suggesring that the type u¡âs produced until the late r5oos,
and possibly tlveen AD 16z9 anð, t63t (Snow and Stoller 1987). At Pecos, Kidder and
into the r6oos (Snow r9g7). Creamerand colleagues' (zooz) research
sup_ Shepard (1936) recognized an "early" Glaze V (imported Glaze E) and
ports this argument with a finding ofa substantial f.requency
of Glaze C a "late" Glaze V (local Glaze E called Pecos Polychrome), both ofwhich
in contexts from San Marcos associated with noncutting tree_ring
dates were produced into the r6oos.
of ru 1613, r6t5, 1625, and 1633. A r6oos terminal date for Glaie C is
Glaze F (Kotyiti Glaze-on-red, Glaze-on-yellow, and Polychrome;
much later than many previous researchers have supposed.
San Marcos Glaze-on-red and Polychrome; Cicuye Glaze-on-red and
GlazeD (SanLazaro Polychrome) was produced in the Galisteo tsasin
Polychrome; Yunque Glaze-on-red; Polvadera Glaze-on-red and Glaze-
(Shepard r94z), at Tonque pueblo (u 24o) (Warren
ry6g, ry7g), hb(t, on-yellow) was produced in the Galisteo Basin, Estancia Basin, at Pecos
and Picurìs (Snow 1989). Temporall¡ Glaze D overlaps considerably
Pueblo, and Zia, with lesser amounts being produced in the Jemez area
with Glaze C (Shepard ry42)- Glaze D was a common type found at (Shepard rg4z; Snow rg8z). Some recovered Glaze F vessels have Euro-

54 / Suzanne L. Eckert
Production and Distribution / 55
pean forms. The earliest âbsolute date for Glaze F comes from postoccu-
pational fill at an Abó Pass site with an archaeomagnetic date ofao r5zo
t 5o years (Snow 1997). Baldwin (1983) ârgues that Glaze F was pro-
duced as early as eo r55o in the Rio Abajo, while Snow (i997) argues that
it was probably produced starting around ao 1575 at sites farther north.
Glaze F was produced until ÂD r7oo, as it is found on Refugee period
sites (Capone, chap. rz, this vol.). However, the restructuring of society,
land grants, and settlements characteristic ofthe post-Revolt era resulted
in the disappearance of glaze-painted pottery production. This may have
been owing, in part, to Spanish control of mineral sources necessary for
the production ofglaze paint (Shepard r94z). Whatever the reason(s), the
knowledge necessary for glaze paint manufacture was "so completely lost
that no tradition ofthe source ofthe m¿terial can be found among present-
day Rio Grande Indians" (Shepard ry42'.2o8).
Ceramic Horizons
The discussion thus far has focused on the series of glaze-painted pot-
tery defined for various regions ofthe Pueblo Southwest. These series are
important conceptuâl constructs because they provide a means ofunder-
standing chronological changes in specific study areas. However, series are
not the only means by which to classify pottery; understanding broader
decorative horizons provides a different perspective that may allow in-
sights into social dynamics on a scale greâter than one allowed by exami-
nation of regional series ¿lone. A complete understanding of the distri-
bution, chronology, and meaning of these horizons is beyond the scope
of this chapter. However, I present here three general horizons, and ex-
amples of each, that may be of interest for future research. These three
horizons are based on slip colo¡ paint combination, and design style.
Slip Color Variations
Three slip-color variations flourished in the fourteenth-century Pueblo
Southwest; including the use of red slip, light-colored slip (white or yel-
low), and "contrasting" (application of both light-colored and red) slips
(Carlson r97o; Crown rgg4; Shepard rg4z; Snow rgSz). All ofthese com-
binations have beèn found in most ¡egions. However, the frequency of any
particular slip combination in any particular area varies greatly. Contrast-
ing slips are far more common in thewestern portion ofthe Zuni area than
i6 / Suzanne L. Eckert
in the eastern portion (Huntley and Kintigh zoo4), while red slips are far
more common in the southern Rio Grande area than light-colored slips
(Snow r98z). These slip-color horizons are not limited to glaze-painted
pottery. For example, Snow (rg8z) noted that the application of yellow
slips on glaze-painted pottery produced in the Galisteo Basin may have
been ¿ssociated with the production of contemporaneous yellow-slipped,
matte-painted pottery types produced in the Hopi area.
Researchers currently have a limited understanding ofthe social mean-
ings behind slip-color horizons. Carlson (rg7o) argued that the light-
colored slips found on v¿rious fourteenth- and fifteenth-century ceramic
rypes in the Western Pueblo region reflected influence from northern
Mexicq and Snow (1982) implied that the yellow slip tradition from the
Galisteo Basin was ân outgrowth ofthis influence. More recent research-
ers (Blinman rg88; Crown igg4; Graves and Eckert 1998) have suggested
that slip color may reflect certain social affiliations such as ethnic groups
or religious sodalities.
Paint Combinations
A second group of decorative horizons that crosscut various glaze ware
series is paint combination. Multiple paints can be applied to Pottery in
several ways. Àlthough other combinations occur, the most common com-
binations on glaze-decorated pottery include the use of glaze paint on the
interior ofbowls with white paint on the exterior, glaze paint designs with
white paint outlines, and glaze paint designs with red paint filler.The first
combination is most common in the Western Pueblo region, occurring
on types in both the White Mountain Red Ware a¡d, Zunt Glaze Ware
series. However, Snow (1989) notes thât this combination is also fairly
common in the southern Rio Grande area and suggests thât it reflects
a social affinity between this area and the Western Pueblo region. Glaze
paint designs with red paint filler occur in all but the White Moun¡ain
Red Ware series, and also occuron contemPoraneous mâtte-painted wares
in the Zuni and Hopi areas. The use of red paint filler varies, occurring
on the interior of bowls on some ceramic types and on the exterior of
bowls on other types. The meaning of these paint cornbination horizons
has not been widely explored. In his study of"polychrome complexes" in
the Southwest, Carlson (rg8z) suggests that the development of multiple
paint combinations throughout the greater Southwest may have corre-
sponded to the increasingly complex role ofpottery in ceremonial usage.
P¡oduction and Distribution / 57
 style in the Western Pueblo reBitilÏ:,1ft"*
dale style into the Fourmile
Morgan (zooz) has argued that the "glaze outlined frgures" with red filler a unique development of an
asymmetrical de-
that àccur on the exterior of Rio Grande GlazeWare types mayemphasize
ü", ,ír, ,."".na" marked
.,"" iruooa ,ttu, with the development of the Katsina cult'
symbols relating to a pan-southwestern ideology Further, the occurrence "orresponded
the Pinedale stvle as part of her studv.of
the ap-
ofthese figures on the exterior ofbowls may have been an attempt to use
Ëil; i;;;i ".,minesand eventual disappearance of Salado Polychromes
.,'""r"r,.", ai*.it.t,ìon,
shared symbols that fostered regional identities' stvle dis-
ffiii|;;';;;; and r4oos She concludes that the Pinedale
associated with fertilitv and weather
control and was
Design Styles ;;;;:;";."ns
Explicit definitions ofdesign style are difficult to find in the archaeologi- ',rohablvassociatedwiththespreadofanideologyandritualSystemthat
groups Although both Adams's and Crown's
studies
cal literature, but on pre-Hispanic southwestern pottery the term gener-
il;ä;;;t"te data set'
;;ä;;;";,'*"t.ilt'tio"t, thev each focus on a fairlvacross the Pueblo
narrow
ally refers to a combination ofdesign layout, elements, ând motifs recog- the Pinedale style
Understanding the appear¿nce of
nized to be consistently applied over either space or time (E C' Adams a larger scale than
rggr; Carlson rgTo; Crown r994).Various design styles have been recog-
õ"î**.ti t"*o"s fu'ther "xplor"tion of the style on
either studY Provides'
nized on glaze-painted pottery (see flg 3.3) that crosscut various types
within and between the regional series described above For example, the
Sityatki design style (Brody 1964; Colton 1955)' common to Hopi and Concluding Thoughts
Zuni mâtte-painted pottery types, has been recognized on Pottery Mound and geographic trends in ?ueblo
I have provided a synthesis oftemporal
Polychrome (Eckert 2oo3; Voll 196r). Similarly, the Heshotauthla design in the absolute
,är"ï* ,truttt"t s, outli"ed st'engths and rveaknesses
style has been recognized on glaze-painted pottery produced in both
the directions
Eckert ä"t", with glaze ware types' and indicated possible
Western Pueblo and Rio Grande regions (Carlson r97o; 2oo3; "rro"iut"d our understanding
in improving
io, iu,rr." ."r"u."t that m"y be "ffectíve
Seventh Southwestern Ceramic Seminar r965; Snow r989; Warren r98o)' glaze ware characteristics Although it is my
oi fr" air,.iU.r,ion of various
Problems with the study of design style abound' including vague defini- of our cu¡rent knowledge'
tions for some design styles, the inconsistent use of style names across
i"o" ,n" in* chapter is a fair representation of the
some study areas, and the lack of names for some recognized styles in
;;i;;;; ;;""t ;eant to be a final discussion our can
understanding
be greatly refined
glaze wares
other areas. Although the occurrence of a specific design style probably trãUi.*" ""¿ distribution ofPuebloof further data'
through the collection and analysis
indicates some form of interaction between groups spanning the spatial
and temporal range ofthe style, the nature ofthis interaction remains, for Acknowledgments
the most pârt, uncleâr. without inputfrom many col-
This chapter would have been irnpossible
One design style that has received a great deal of attention in the Past and
decade has been the Pinedale style (see fig. 3.38) Pinedale style occurs
on i"tt"t.ï-""ta especially like to thank Gregson Schachner Judith
several aspects
rár various long discussions concerning
various glaz e-painted types in the White Mountain Red Ware series, Zuni also indebteà to Linda Cordell' Andrew
Duff' Debo-
'ïui.rraruurr"rr"
.tt"p,"r. f
Glaze Ware series, and Rio Grande Glaze Ware series' Further' the style "i,nl. "- Barbara Mills' David Snow' and two
ânony-
H""tfåO f"i,ft Kintigh,
,"t
occurs on Salado Polychromes and potentially some Rio Grande white
mousreviewers.However'anyandallmistakesarecompletelymyown'
wares. Both Adams (r99r) and Crown (1994) have argued that the Pine-
dale design style is related to the spread ofspecific ideologies throughout
portions ofthe Pueblo Southwest during the fourteenth century As de-
Àned by Adams (199r), the Pinedale style is a decorative characteristic
that was shared throughout the Southwest from the upper Little Colo-
rado River valley to northern Mexico. He traces the trânsition ofthe Pine-

Production and Distribution / 59

58 / Suzanne L. Eckert

4 (Hosler 1986, rgg4; Pfaffenberger rggz; White r97o). It is clear that the
The Social Contexts of Glaze Paint
Ceramic Production and Consumption
in the Silver Creek Area
Thomas R. Fenn, Barbara J. Mills, and Maren Hopkins
Glaze-painted ceramics were produced and used in the Silver Creek
li i craftspeople (Crown zoor; Wallaert-Pêtre zoor).
!: drainage ofeast-central Arizona durinB the thirteenth and fourteenth cen_
turies. The Mogollon Rim region (see fig. r.r) has some of the earliest
glaze-pâinted pottery in the Southwest, other than the short-lived pueblo
I use ofglaze paints in the Four Corners area (Shepard 1939; Wilson 1996;
Eckert, chap. 3, this vol.). The production ofglaze paints in the Mogollon
tl
Rim region, especially the Silver Creek drainage, inspired a wesr-to-east
adoption ofthe technology in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth cen_
turies (Habicht-Má.uche er al. 2ooo:7o9; Shepard r956/r98o). This chap_
ter addresses the timing, composition, distribution, and morphology of
glaze-painted ceramics to better understand the social contexts in which
these wares were produced and used in this important area.
Several questions guided our analyses; When was glaze paint intro-
duced? What is the composition of glaze paints in the Mogollon Rim
area? Are there differences through tìme, âcross wares, and within sites
in glaze paint recipes? How can these intrasite differences in glaze paint
recipes be used to understand the learning and transmission of techno_
logical knowledge? And finall¡ what are the connecions between glaze
paint production and broader regional processes that are so importânt
for the period, including migration, aggregation, and ritual reorganiza_
tion. We consider the above questions within a theoretical framework that
acknowledges the importance of understanding technology in its social
context, or what some refer to as the social construction of technology
social contexts ofproduction, distribution, and consumption are integral
to understanding variation in ceramic technology: who made the vessels
and why some technological choices were made over others, how the ob-
jects moved from locations ofproduction to consumPtion, and how they
were used and in what social contexts.
Like Miriam Stark (chap. z, this vol.), we view the literature on practice
theory as strongly conducive to understanding how technological varia-
tion is transmitted and expressed (see also Dietler and Herbich rggS; Heg-
mon 1998). We also agree with St¿rk and Scott Van Keueren (chap. 5,
this vol.) that the choices that are made in the production of ceramics are
bounded by a number offâctors, but that these factors are often spatially
and socially clustered by what Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger (r99r) call
"communities of practice." These communities are framed by appren-
ticeship relationships between Potters who learn within communities of
Communities of practice may be much smaller th¿n residential com-
munities, and in fact, the diversity and number oflearning or potting com-
munities may tell us a great deal about some of the key features of craft
production. For example, distinctive recipes mâde at the sâme time mây
indicate that bound¿ries between potting Broups were impermeable-
either intentionally through soci¿l distance or perhaps because potters
were spatially removed from eâch other Alternatively, reciPes th¿t are
similar to each other may indicate permeable social boundaries in which
information ¿bout how to make Pots a specific way and/or the materials
used in each recipe rvere shared. As our analyses dernonstrâte, these com-
munities ofpractice operated at social scales smaller th¿n the village, and
the scale and number of them at different sites are important indicators
of the presence of different potting communities.
Lastly, we cannot underscore enough how important it is to acknowl-
edge the influence of social contexts of consumption, as Appadurai's
(1986) original "social lives ofthings" implied. Although pots do not have
true sociål lives, the ¿nthropology of consumption is as important for
understânding technological variation as is the anthropology of produc-
tion. Lave and Wenger (rggr : roo-ro5) write about the "transparency and
sequestration" that is involved between the production of artifacts ând
a single learning
their contexts ofuse. By transparency, they refer to how
Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 6r
process involves not just how to make an artifact, but also how îo use ir
and what the significance of rhat use is n iLhin the society. Sequestration,
on the other hand, refers to a disconnect between knowledge acquisition
related to production and knowledge related to the use ofan object. At the
end ofthis chapter we contextualize the changes that occurred in the Sil-
ver Creek area to understând the intersections of glaze paint production
and consumption.
;Although we are not able to reconstruct whether individual producers
acquired knowledge of production at the same time as knowledge of the
significance of pottery vessels, we can begin to understand the connec-
tions between social contexts ofuse and the potential importance ofthose
events to the producers. We specifically address this issue by comparing
how glaze-painted ceramics co-occur with the presence of large aggre-
gated pueblos and other archaeologically documented indicators ofsupra-
household consumption, especially those that have been suggested as hall-
marks of feasting (Crown and Wills zoo4). These include large serving
vessels, the consumption of large game, and cooking features located in
public areas such as plazas.
. The Bryant Ranch Site is also significant because it was occupied when
The Archaeological Setting
The ceramics that we discuss come from three sites excavated by the Sil-
ver Creek Archaeological Research Project (scene) in the Mogollon Rim
region of east-central .A.rizona: Pottery Hill, Bryant Ranch Pueblo, and
Bailey Ruin (see fig. r.z). These three sites are roughly sequential in time,
beginning with Pottery Hill aT ca- AD r2oo,r275 and ending with Bailey
Ruin, dating to ca. ro tz75-t3z5.Temporally and spatially between Pot-
tery Hill and Bailey Ruin is Bryant Ranch Pueblo. This site was originally
dated to ca, AD rz5o-r3oo, based on ceramic cross-dating. Howevet tree-
ring dates place the construction of the kiva in the early rz8os, and we
now date the site to ca. ,to rz6o-85. We also compare our compositional
data from two of the three sites to microprobe results published by De
Atley (1986) from the large site of Fourmile Ruin, which dares to ca. en
r3oo-r40o.
The above sequence ofsites corresponds to the period in which migra-
tion, aggregation, and ritual diversificâtion in architecture occurred in the
Mogollon Rim area. Our sequence ofsites captures the changes in settle-
ment scale thât are the hallmark of the Pueblo III to Pueblo IV transi-
óz / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins
tion, beginning with Pottery Hill at frfty rooms and ending with Fourmile
Pueblo at five hundred rooms (Mills 1998).
The Bryant Ranch site is particularly instructive because it is relatively
small, was occupied for a short duration, and falls at a critical period in the
occripational history ofthe Mogollon Rim area. Its small size goes against
the aggregation trend of the late rzoos. The site has only six rooms, of
which four were excavated by scARP.We think only three rooms were used
at any one time. The three rooms on top of the hill are probably earlier
than those on the bottom, judging by the lack of floor assemblages and
the presence ofstone-robbed walls. The three rooms at the base ofthe hill
include two domestic rooms and one subterranean kiva.
Because the Bryant Rânch site is "out ofphase" in terms of its size, it
provides an excellent test of\ühether changes that we observe are indepen-
dent of aggregation. The Bryant Ranch site also is important because it
has perforated plates, one of the calling cards of migration from northeast
Arizona, a small square kiva with an eastern bench, and extensive exterior
cooking facilities. The low room-to-kiYa ratio and the large number and
size ofexterior cooking features suggest th¿t ritual, including suprahouse-
hold feasting, was an important part ofthe activities conducted at this site
glaze paints were first incorporated into Silver Creek assemblages.
The Timing of Glaze Paint Introduction
Glaze paints were applied to vessels oftwo wares in the Silver Creek area:
Cibola White W¿re and White Mountain Red Ware. Both of these wates
are predominantly sherd tempered and decorated with mineral paints
with different recipes (Tiiadan ryg7; Zedeño 1994). Previous analyses of
the glaze paints on small samples of sherds from the Silver Creek area
have been conducted, indicating that lead, copper, manganese, and silica
were used in varying amounts (Carlson r97o; De Atley 1986; Haury and
Hargrave r93r:34, 65; Hawley and Hawley ig38; Shepard tg4z:zzo-zt)
One of our goals is to better understand when glaze paint recipes were
incorporated into the technological repertoires of Mogollon Rim region
potters and how they changed through time.
Only the latest types of Cibola White Ware and White Mountain Red
Ware are generally acknowledged as being painted with glaze paìnts,
which we define as the addition of fluxes such as lead or copper along
Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 63
 with silica to form a glass. These types include pinedale Black_on_white, Table 4.1
Pinedale Black-on-red, Pinedale polychrome, Cedar Creek polychrome, Date Ranges of Production of Glaze-Painted Ceramic Types in the
and Fourmile Polychrome. Hays-Gilpin and van Hartesveldt Mogollon PJm Region Based on Cross-Dating with Tree-Ring Dates
ir99g;9g)
¡efer to Pinedale Black-on-white as decorated in â mâtte glaze. Carlson
(r97o) also refers to some of the glaze pigments on White Mountain Estimated Dace Rangc
Red
Ware types as matte glazes.We have observed that sherds of White Typ. of P¡oduction
Moun_
tain Red \Älare, especially Pìnedale polychrome, do show the characteristic CibolaWhite Ware PinedaleBlack-on-white t27o-Í32o
cprstalline growth and dull surface finish that characterizes true mâfte
glazes.This effect is achieved by slowing down the cooling rate and by White Mountain Red Wâ¡e Pined¿leBlack-on-¡ed r28o-I33o
PinedalePolYchrome r29o t33o
the addition of alumina, producing higher oxygen_silicon ratios (Kingery
Cedar Creek PolYchrome l3oo-r35o
r96o:345). Fou¡mile Polvchrome r33o-I39o
Glazelike paints or ,,subglaze paints', are described for some vessels
of earlier types of both Cibola White Ware and White Mountain Red
Ware, such as Snowflake Black-on-white, Tularosa Black_on_white,
and on visual identiflcation, the biggest jurrrp în wtrat o'þþeûrs to be the use of
St. Johns Polychrome. The term ,.subglaze', paint is used ro refer ro glaze paints occurs between the Bryant Ranch and Bailey Ruin assem-
glossy-looking paints rhât do nor âppear fully vitrified. Haury (r9g5:7g)
blages, suggesting that the transitìon to glaze painting took place in the
even describes the presence ofa glazelike paint on a type from
the Forest_ latter portion of the thirteenth century.
dale Valley painted in Red Mesa style thâr dares ro the ninth
century. As our analyses demonstrâte, however, the Cibola White Ware in
Shepard (1956/198o:47) observed that the earlier glossy pigments
on our sample from Bryant Ranch Pueblo does not include enough low-
Cibola White Ware are probably rhe resuh of rhe use of iron_manganese
temperâture metal-bearing mineral fluxes to call them true glaze paints
ores thât contâined enough lead to produce a glass. She thought the fact that these sherds visually look like they have glaze
that the
glaze effect was an unintentional by-product of the use of th"s" -despite
ores. paints. Insteâd, intentionally added low-temperature metal-bearing min-
We agree that the apparent glaze was the by_product of the choice
of eral fluxes âppear first on Pinedale Black-on-red and Pinedale Poly-
ores. The analyses that we present below, however, record
lead in only chrome, both of which are White Mountain Red Ware types White
trace âmounts in the pinedale Black_on_white (CibolaWhite Ware)
painrs Mountain Red Ware is rare at any site in the Silver Creek area prior to
at Bryant Ranch Pueblo. These paints have been called ,,subglazes,'
or the late rzoos, which contrasts with sites elsewhere in the upper Little
"glazelike," but the glaze effect appears to have been the result of minute Colorado (ulc) drainage, where the earlier type of St. Johns Polychrome
quantities ofother elements that act as fluxes. In our samples,
these sub_ is relatively common. Our previous research has concluded from this
glazes are not from lead, as Shepard suggested,. but from iron and/or that Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome were the first White Moun-
manganese.
tain Red Ware types actually produced in the Silver Creek area (Mills
Although ceramic types with glaze paint are well dated by association
et al. r99g). The production of Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome
with over one thousand tree-ring dates from the MogollonRim area (Mills
in the Mogollon Rim area marks the diversification of White Mountain
and Herr rg99; table 4.t), since types are not necessarily coeval
with the Red Ware into a White Mountain series and a Zuni series (Carlson rgTo;
practice of glaze painting, the actual transition to glaze paints
cannot be Eckert, chap. 3, this vol.). For the Silver Creek area, it marks not only the
dated solely by the use of ceramic cross dates. Thus, we first conducted
production ofa new ware, but also the first intentionâl use oflead or other
an analysis that visually identified the presence ofglaze paints
on sherds low-temperature metal-bearing mineral fluxes to produce glaze paint'
from Pottery Hill, Bryant Ranch, and Bailey Ruin (z t3z6;frg.4.r).In
= The Bryant Ranch assemblage represents the first site in our series of
this case, "glaze" was defined paint wìth apparent vitrification. Based
as sites in which Pinedale Bl¿ck-on-red and Polychrome appear in more than

64 / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins Social Contexts in the Silve¡ C¡eek A¡ea / 65
 l
I
320
E
.s)
o_ 15
_lry tr;*''l sample current were utilized for most elements, though a z5 kV accel-
erating voltage and 3o nÀ sample current were used for lead analysis to
maximize counting. The main sampling strategy consisted of analyzing
l

o
o
N
l0 x multiple spots (eight to twelve was the ideal number when possible) on
each sherd. This strategy was utilized to minimize anomalous values re-
sulting from heterogeneity within the glaze paint ofeach sherd. Spot size
o
,i o)
of the electron beam was set at ro ¡.r (microns) to minimize contamination
¡L
:] twl potential from the âdiacent slip and paste. These multiple spot samples
ìl
Pottery Hill Bryant Ranch Bailey
provide data on the potential range ofglaze paint compositional variability
within a single sherd. Averaging the results of the multiple spot samples
Fig. 4.1, Percentage of glaze pigments on Cibola for each sherd provides a more representative glaze paint composition for
White Wa¡e (CI rW) and White Mountain Red Ware
that sherd.
(WMRW) by site, based on visual identifications.
Chemical elements sought during all glaze paint compositional ana-
lyses were copper, ìead, iron, manganese, silicon, aluminum, calcìum,
potassium, and magnesium, while sodium, sulfur, and titanium we¡e also
trace quantities. Based on tree-ring dates from the kiva at Bryant Ranch
and similar associations and tree-ring dates from Chodistaas pueblo in the sought on some ofthe analyses. Computer software attached to the elec-
tron microprobe stoichiometrically balanced the chemical element data,
Grasshopper region, we place this transitíon at ca. AD r275_g5. We now
and weight percentages are presented as oxides. Basic st¿tistical analysis
turn to the datâ on chemical composition to better understand intra_ and
was conducted on raw oxide weight percentage data, while multivariate
intersite variation in glaze paint recipes and communities ofpractice.
statisticâl ânalysis was conducted with transformed oxide weight percent-
age data. Data transformation consisted ofstandardizing the oxide weight
Compositional Analyses and Interaction percentages against silicon dioxide (SiO2), as this compound was the most
abundant in the glaze paints. It should be noted, however, that the rela-
Methodology
tively small sample size from each site (z1o¡ = 56: Bryant Ranch ø = r8,
)

Sampling methods for the compositional analysis were designed to ad_

Bailey Ruin fl = 20, Fourmile Ruin z = 18) dictates that the multivari-
il dress two main research objectives. The first was to sample the same ce_
ate statistical results be examined and interpreted with caution. Summâry
j ramic ware(s) from multiple-floo¡ or near-floor contexts to understand
tables of the chemical analysis results, basic statistical results on wn¡nw
int¡asite variation in glaze paint recipes, whìle the second was to sample
weight percentages, and variance percentages for the principal component
ceramic ware(s) from different sites to examine intersite patterns of vari_
,ìi analysis are presented in tables 4.2 through 4.4.
ability. The primary ware sampled in this analysis was White Mountain
Red Ware (wlrnw), although another smaller set of samples was derived Results and Interyretation
from Cibola White Ware (crww). We analyzed specimens from the two
For the sake of discussion in this chapter, '(pottery production group"
sclRp-excavâted sites ofBryantRanch and BaileyRuin, but were also able
will be defined as an individual or small group of individuals, probably
to include results from a prior analysis conducted by Suzanne De Atley
with kinship ties, who share a common production technology, including
(1986) on samples from Fourmile Ruin.
â common general composition of the glaze paints employed. This may
Electron probe microanalysis (nrlra) of the scenR samples wâs con_
also be seen as equivalent to what Stark (chap. z, this vol.) refers to as
ducted on a Cameca sx electron probe in the Department of planetary
"potting communities." Multivariate stâtistical analyses of both published
Sciences, University ol Arizona. A 15 kV accelerating voltage and zo nA and new chemical composition data for paints from White Mountain Red

66 / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 67
 Table 4.2a
Electron Probe Chemical Cornposition Analysis Results for Cibola White Ware (CIWW)
Glaze Paint Specimens from Bryant Ranch puebio and Bailey Ruin*

Room
No. Sample ro SiOz
MgO À1203 KrO CaO Cuo
MnÒ Total
o35rb 17.825 r.o68 r7.3gr 2.258 r.88o z¡.888 o.547 o.or8 o.oz6 94.o63
o453 48.834 o.796 zz.58g 2.399 o.748 rg.6tz 0.r48 o.o3o o.o22 98.445
o453b 53.856 0.654 26.8y 3.128 r.239 3.986 o,o84 o.o52 o.or4 9t.r2g
o453c 46.899 0.643 19.857 2.t84 o.85r 27.267 o.o36 o.o27 o.o36 99.055
o4j9z 35.54r o.6o6 r3.9ro 2.287 o.761 39.573 o.2gg o.o28 o.o14 93.859
o479b 34.j77 0.927 \4.375 6.7ú o.8Sr 39.144 0.525 o.o5g o.oo7 99.049
o4z2 64.488 0.31'2 r7.8r5 2.34o 0.895 6.o44 o.o74 o.or6 o.ol6 %.347
o45rc 48.zqz r.69z 15.466 3. r60 2.779 4.663 o.22O O.O24 o.or5 96.589
o457a 35.3o7 r.3oo t\.466 r.7o7 o.78o 4r.rtj 0.327 o.oz6 o.o34 98.782
o457b 47.ß8 r.o46 17.852 \.925 Lr13 28.942 o.552 O.O2r o.o29 99.903
ro5r 58.2o7 o.4r8 18.467 r.72o r.383 4.r38 o.o45 o.ot1 o.or2 86.r35
ro65b 16.z3z 0.998 j.tto o.196 o.zz6 72.219 0.435 o.og8 o.ot7 98.249
rojt 34.908 o.6o9 9.977 t.826 o.658 39.983 o.625 o.39S o.oró go.r23

o496 2r.67 4 o.9o4 8.29t 0.423 o.488 62.266 o.ó53 o.026 o.o34 g5.z8z
ro48 36.423 o.59r r7.8oo 2.tS\ o.50r 34.873 o38z o.o29 o.o29 94 84r
ro86a 68.738 o.z14 13.385 2.625 r.74r 3.284 o.o72 o.oIo o o34 90.894
Io86b ûz65 o.34r 19.932 4.or5 3.39r 4. r38 o.o89 o.or3 o,o60 94.453
rror 45.348 t.682 Í5.044 3.13r 8.868 f7.979 o.t44 o.or 5 o.o2r 94 28:'
rro8 26.637 r.o9o 9.8\7 0.567 o.254 5¡.485 o.6or o.or6 o.034 9f.\92
rr rob o.83o
3o.872 r.or 5 9.710 r.76o 44.728 o.z6o o,o2t o.o33 8g.8sq
rrró 49.468 0.542 16.257 3.964 s.690 6.sts o.r03 o.o36 o.o25 89. r85
t47b 57.580 o.25t 18.361 5.592 4.T8 8.¡q6 o.r58 o.03o o.or5 96.473
*Oxide weight percentages generared
and sroichiometricalty balanced by ele*¡on probe analysis softrv¿re.

Table 4.2b
Xlectron Probe Chemical Composition Analysis Results for White Mountain
Red Wale (WMRW) Glaze Paint Specimens from Bryant Ranch Pueblo*

Typ" Room
Code No Sample Io sio? MgO Al2Ol KrO CaO FeO MnO CuO

2 035ra 39.435 0 999 ro.4gz r.86r r.559 4.887 o.o93 3r.532 3,9oo 95.743
3 o42O z8.zg4 o.8o3 6.9o6 \.2t2 o.964 2.927 o.o8r 36,o15 9.z16 81.127
3 o45ra 39.760 0.834 tt,735 ¡.564 2'148 4.594 o.o2o 28.438 4.qg 94.943
3 o45rb 29.674 o.638 7.480 r.g2j 0.956 5.614 o.169 4r.o4r 6.q+8 95.r8o
2 o452 47.885 o.j45 rz.8gg 2.2tt 2.795 2.8¡'4 o.o38 r 5.836 3.242 89.952

2 o45zb 4r.6o3 o.9o3 r3.303 2.t42 r.814 7.or 8 o.t42 15.665 j.og3 90.795
3 to29a 26.877 o.61j 5.8o3 r. r09 o.jj7 t.776 o.o64 48.o62 4.82o 90.749
rozgb ro.r r r r.76o r.284 3.r I5 o.ro5 zg.n6 4.o60 9t.444
3 39.899 I.oro
3 to29c 3r. r4o o.6o8 9.44r r.5I3 Í.o22 f.7r5 O.O54 4r.r95 2.'j3o 9o.o69
3 rozgd z4.r8o o.71r 7.564 t.z;g o.8og 7416 o.I3I 38.936 7.984 89.414

tÍ37^ 0.487 to.234 r.465 r.94o 9.227 o.o66 3o.o4r 6.84t q5.54I
34.424

ro65a r.44r 2.320 o.756 zz.8gz o.o44 8g.zgz

3 40.548 r.274 4.487 4 ß6
4 rr04 50.273 o.588 t2.24r 3.488 r.47o 2.203 t2.33o S.S7o 3.8t2 93.253

4 r ¡09 45.239 o.863 ú.786 2.grt r.r58 r r.r54 3.559 7.q4 r.S'j2 9r.866
IfIOA 4g.or2 r.o62 rg4t7 3.689 o.59r 5.I 19 o.o32 6.qj 0.016 86.72

SJP-PP roora 36.j67 0.619 r r.982 2.48r r.ooo 2.9Í6 tt.jg5 22.223 o.o59 9o.683
ro29e 4z.zo6 o.5I9 o.463 r.995 r.o57 33.95I o.428 o.o3z o,or8 %.875

roorb 38.o84 o.988 r7.qq5 2.392 r.o38 4.242 rr.853 r7.g48 o.o3o 96.I3o

*oxide \l eight percent¡ges generâted and stoichiomer¡ically bal¡nced by electron probe analysis software
**See t¿ble 4.i for expl¿nadons of type code abbreviations.
 Table 4'3
Basic Statistics for the Main Metallic oxides
for
Cibola Whiie Ware (CIWW) and White
Mountain Red Ware (WMRW)
GLaze Paint Chemical Composition Analysis Data
o q9c
Stândard
l)eviation
Site (No. ofsPecimens), Ceramic
tr
O Oxide Mean" (tt)' Min " M¿x " Range"
Warq and TYPe(s)
Ê o.or o.39 o.38
CuO o.o5 o.o8
€._ q I q q.e q f r Bryant Ranch Ruin (n = zz) o.ot o.o6 o.o5
: co q
o o o O o\o Cibola White Ware
Pbo o_o2 o.gt
27.33 2o o7 3.28 72.28 69 oo
FeO
36' õo ôoo.! :t oæ MnO o.29 o.2l o.o4 0.65 o-62
¡õ +.o rl .9 rl q
ci\ .í- 'ì.
È Ê N:rØ
ÈÊÊ o.o3 zz.8g zz 86
Brvant Ranch Ruin (n = ?)' Earlyb wMRw
CuO 116 I ro
ø.t o 6cirõ+¡--+o Pbo o 79 r'45 o.o2 3.8r 3 80
Springerville-like Polychrome (sLP)
U cjcjód'jci; FeO 8.8+ r r.49 2.2o 33.95 3t 75
St. Johns PolYchrome (s.¡e)
MnO 5.82 5.89 o.03 12.33 r2.30
#, .i o St. Johns/Pinedale Polychrome
(SJP/PP)

ñ!
\? <
E
(./)
v "! -: .? q -i o? .l
CuO 32-35 ro 20 15.66 +8.06 32 40
Bryant Ranch Ruin (z = rI ), Lateb wMRw
.9 2.t2 î 22 6.tq
¡.:.!ÉË, S.59
Pbo
o N \Ô .l N ócô l' Pinedale PolYchrome (ee)
FeO 464 2.+5 t.72 9.23 7.5 r
H ã* Èñ<icd i.idi Pinedale Black-on-Red (Psn)
MnO o.o9 o.o5 o,o2 o,t'l o.r 5

õ c-Þ o r.zz 39.97

!q CuO r9.7r t2.34 38.74
ãÈ ócidcidd'i Bailey Ruin (n = zo)
lo.l2 t2.r7 o.o3 44.82 44.8o
'ã= ó +æ -+æ H É Pinedale PolYchrome
Pbo
r.33 z7.96 z6 6z
b= cb N Ê +É o,Ê Pinedale Black-on-Red
FeO 7.o8 'l 44
Å.i ¿ h'ci ö d. 90 M¡O o.8r r.65 o.o2 681 685
ñ-+.rN.t-o Undiferenriated PP/PBR
€F ¿lÌ o.25
Ê.; A Fourmile Ruin (z = r8)' CuO ¡r.r4 8.82
o.tÍ
34.39 34.r4
ÊÉ Four Mile PolYchrome (rue)
Pbo 4.66 5.90
t7.25 r7 t4

Ê FeO 6.3o 2.O4 2.77 ro.52 7 75

U) 9"È MnO r.85 4.o3 o.ro r6.65 f6.55
¿7
hâlanced oxide $cight perccntJges
E-. 'Based on stoich;omeÌric¡l\
6"F.¿rlv" ând "late" ¡s used here refer onrv
ofrhe
o ric il'v"nt Räncr' Rún as Jiscussed in the m¡in bodv been
&z ãù+ *"
"[
p."u"¡ry r-poited, wh e the Late rcpresenr rypes th¡t
mâv hlve
"";::'1h""::;J;";;;,vp*
lia. ur t¡" "iL"'o' "t t.""t w¡hi' the S;l!er Creck Dr¡in¡ge
¡986
" Câlculâtcd from datlr published in Dc Attev

åú
(crww) sherds indicate that differ-
Ware (wnnw) and Cibola White lVare
l'reciPes" can be identified within and between these wares
ent chìmical
wares at the intersite scâle'
at the intrâsite level and temporâlly within
from Bryant
On the intrasite scåle' for exâmple, paint compositions
archaeological contexts'
Rarrch u".y b"t*"en cerâmic wâres ¿zl between

Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 7r

 Table 4.4b
Total Variance Percentage Xxplained and Component Matrix for the
Principal Component Analysis (PCA) Resuits PLotted in Figure 4.5

Total Vadance Explained

lniti¿l
Eigenvalues Pe¡cent of Cumulative
Component Torâl Variance Percent

I 3.o28 37.851 37.85r

2 t.777 22.2t7 60.068
3 r.o56 t3.2oo 7z68
4 .784 9.805 83.o73
5 .6oo 7.5or 90.574
6 367 4.583 95.156
7 2.52+ 97.68r
8 . r86 2.319 roo.ooo

Component Matdx*

Component

Oxide

Pbo .86+ .r77 .f22

CuO .77r 4fu .o8o
Æro, - 729 .269 .r45
ço - 6st .482 .o3r
MnO -.642 .tt6 -345
Mgo .245 .86+ .2t2
FeO -.o58 -.594 742
C¿O .4S8 -.:ì3S -.546
*Only componenrs lvith ân eigenvâlue greâter rhân one were extrâct€d.

When the ârchaeological contexts of these pâints are compared, the

patterns âre equally revealing (see frg. 4.3). The earlier White Mountain
Red Wâre types originate mainly from Room 4, with two specimens from
Room 3 (the kiva). One of the two later White Mountain Red Ware groups
was recovered only from Room 3, while the second group consists of
mainly Room 2 ând Room 3 specimens. The Cibola White Ware speci-
mens also form clusters that correspond to their archaeological contexts.
For example, relatively discrete groups are formed for Room z and for
Room 3, and two groups are forrned from Room 4. Thus, it is clear that at

Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 73

 ¡ WlllRw.PBR À wMRw-PP
O WIVTRWSJP/PP WMRW.SJP
. WMRW-SLP O CWW

' -2.5 -2 -1.5 -l -0.5 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 25

PC1 (Al, Fe [Pb, Cu])

Fig. 4.2. Bivariate plot of glaze paint Pdncipal Components L and 2

for White Mountain Red Ware (bv tvpe) and Cibola White Ware ftorn
Bryant Ranch Pueblo.

fired in a neut¡al to reducing atmosphere. Likewise, the composition and

firing atmosphere also affect the color and final appearance of the glaze
paints.
As a result, White Mountain Red Ware pot, fired in an oxidizing en-
a

vironment, needed to have a paint composition that would remain black,

the desired color, in those conditions. If the glaze paints were iron-rich
they would fire red like the limonite-based slip on the White Mountain
'Ware
Red vessels. This has been corroborated by refiring experiments on
Cibola White Ware sherds (Daniela Triadan zooz, personal communica-
tion). However, when common copper minerals, such as malachite and
azurite, are oxidized at temperâtures below their melting points, they con-
vert primârily to tenorite, a black copper oxide mineral, and, thus would
have been suitable for making black paints on the White Mountain Red
Ware vessels. Alternatively, Cibola White Ware pots are fired in a neutr¿l
to reducing âtmosphere, and iron, which turns black to gray in an oxygen-
poor environment, would have been perfectly adequate as the black color-
ant in the paints. Some of these oxides are black in their native stâte and
would stây so in neutral or reducing atmospheres. The copper and iron
would have served not only as colorants but âs fluxes âlong with the lead,
sodium, and potassium in the paint recipes.

Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 75

 r WMRW-PBR WMRW-PP
lì. a WMRW-SJP ^. WMRW-SJP/PP
X w¡,¡Rw€LP ô cww

t:

'il

tlì

¡:'

i,

pcl (At, Fe [pb, Cu])

0.01 0.'t
' I l0 100
CuO

Fig. 4.3. Bivariate plot of glaze paint principal Components

l and 2 Fig. 4.4. Bivariate plot of copper vs. Iead (stoichiometdcaþ balanced)
by room for White Mountain Red Ware and Cibola White ry'Iare for both White Mountain Red Ware and Cibola White Ware
ftom
Bryant Ranch pueblo. glaze paints from Bryant Ranch.

The technological correspondence between iron in Cibola

White Ware
paints and lead and copper in Whìte Mountain Red
Ware glaze paints also
is well illustrated in a bivariate plot ofthe copper versus 2
lead oxide weight
percentages in glaze sherds from Bryant Ranch (see 1.5
fig. 4.4). The Cibola
White Wa¡e sherds, which have virtually no lead or copper in 1
their paints
but high amounts of iron, plot in the lower left corner, indicating 0.5
only ê
trace levels, while the White Mounrâin Red Ware sherds,
which contain >_0
relatively high concentrations of copper and lead in their paints,
plot in I 4.s
the upper righr corner. A few of the earlier White Mounàin
R.á Wrr" 8-r
she¡ds have significantly lower levels of copper and lead -t.5
in their paints,
including one as low as the Cibola White Ware sherds. -2
When the Cibola White Ware poftery is removed from
the tsryant -2.5
Ranch data set and the principal component analysis recalculated
(see -3
fig. 4.5), the principal components form two disc¡ete clusters -2 -',t.s .1 -0.5 0 0.5 1 't.5 2
of points
that are primarily divided based on the relative proportions PCl (Cu, Pb)
ofcopper and
lead to iron and manganese. The group on the lefr
side of the iþre is Fig. 4.5. Bivariate plot by ceramic type of two principal components for
unique within the Bryant Ranch sample, as it consists of
all early"White White Mountain Red Ware ftom Bryant Ranch (standardized vs. SiOr).
Mountain Red Ware polychromes. Ir contains a Springerville_like
poly_
chrome, four St. Johns polychrome specimens, and two
specimens ofa

76 / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins

 I
i transitional type with characteristics common to both St.
Johns and pine_
I dale polychromes. The group on the righr side of the figure
consists of
a
lâter Whìte Mountain Red Ware types: pinedale Bl¿ck_on_red
specimens
and the one definite Pinedale polychrome she¡d. Thus, these
two tempo_
rally distinct ceramic types, the St. Johns/Springerville_like polychromes
and the Pinedale-style sherds, clearly utilized different recþes
for their
paints. These differences are bâsed on the intentional addiìion
of low_
temperâture metal-bearing minerar fluxes and indicate that the
trânsition j
to a true glaze paint recipe took place during the occupâtion of
Bryant O
Ranch Pueblo. ó
We can examine variability in glaze paint recipes through time
and o
spacein the Silver Creek area by comparing the Bryant Ranch data o_
set
with data f¡om two other sites, Bailey Ruin and Fourmile Ruin. As noted
earlier, Bailey Ruin temporally overlaps with the end of Bryant
Ranch
Pueblo and continues for a few generations, while Fourmile
Ruin tem_
porally overlaps with the end of Bailey Ruin and continues Pc1 (Al, K [Pb, Cu])
for several
generârions âfrer rhat. Thus, by comparing White Mountain
Red Ware
from these three sites, we can examine the changes in glaze paint
recipes
through time from three different pueblos ivìthin the Silver Fig. 4.6. Bivadate plot by ceramic type of first two principal
Creek area
that span â maximum ofabout r4o years ofoccupation. components for White Mountain Red Ware ftom Bryant Ranch Pueblo,
Bailey Ruin, and lourmile Ruin.
Multivariate statistical comparisons of the glaze pâint compositions
of White Mountain Red Ware sherds from these three sites suggest
that
temporally significant trends may be identified (see fig.
4.6). In figure metâl-beâring mineral fluxes to paint recipes during the Bryant Ranch
4.6, first note that the zero-zero point on the axes is in the center of the
occupation. The Pinedale-style sherds from Bryant Ranch show a dra-
graph. The earliest White Mountain Red Ware types
in the dâra ser, the matic increase in the amount of copper and lead with a corresponding
St. Johns and Springerville-like polychromes, stilfmainrain
a corrcspon_ decrease in iron and manganese, represented here by the upper left quad-
,l dence to each other (positive principal component r
[ecr], negative rcz; rant of figure 4.6. The Pinedale-style sherds from Bailey Ruin also con-
mainly the lower right quadrant offig.
1,
4.6). Likewise, the pinãdale_style tain significant lead and coppe¡ but not as much copper ând more lead
sherds from Bryant Ranch also maintain a relatively good
,! correspondence than at Bryant Ranch. This is represented by the Bailey specimens, which
i
I' i to each other (negative pcl, positive ncz; mainly the upper left quâdrânt plot almost exclusively in the positivehall ofpcz. And finally, in the later
offig. 4.6). When considering the Bailey Ruin sherds, wÀich consist
I
only Fourmile Ruin specimens the copper levels continue to drop, as do the
of Pinedale Black-on-red and polychrome, we can see that they
share a lead levels, while manganese increases, resulting in the specimens plot-
correspondence with the Pinedale-style sherds from Bryant
Ranch but ting exclusively in the negative half of pcz. The increase in manganese
also extend into the positive halfofprincìpal component
ì (ecr). Finally, within the latest White Mountain Red Ware types is particularly interest-
the latest White Mountain Red Ware type from Fourmile
Ruin is confined ing. Manganese is another element that forms black minerals in its native
primarily to the negative half ofprincipal componenr 2 (pc2).
state, and its color is preserved when oxidized. This again shows the range
We interpret these clusters ând distributions within figure
4.6 as fur_ of materials available to the ancient potters and the level oftechnological
ther evidence for the transition 1o intentionally added lJw_temperature
knowledge employed by the potters in the Silver Creek area.

78 / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins

Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 79

30
Ë manganese ore deposit is located approximately twenty-five miles west of
à^^
.9
ãJ"
E
9 10
5 of technological knowledge held by the Pottery producers, but also sug-
Bry€nt Ranch: EãdyWMRW Bryant Rênch. LalârWtMRW
BãÌtey RùÌn:
SJP/PP)
Types (SLE SJP, IYÞes {PP, PBR) PP PBR PP/P
Fig. 4.7. Temporal variation in the average oxide weight percentage of
the four main metallic colorants/fluxes in the White Mountain Red Ware
specimens ftom three sites in the Silver C¡eek drainage. The x axis lists
the sites and WMRW types within Bryant Ranch in chronological orde¡.
(Note: temporal spans are not to scale, and dates are approximate.)
A simplification ofthe key information from this analysis is presented
in figure 4.7. Again, the trend is thât rhe early White Mountain Red Ware
types at Bryant Ranch contain, in decreasing order of oxide weight per-
centâge, copper, iron, manganese, and lead. The later wMRw types ât
Bryant Ranch exhibit a dramatic increase in copper (from rr.76 percent
to 32.35 percent) ând lead (from o.79 percenr to 5.59 pe.rcent), with a de-
crease both in iron and manganese. Within the Bailey Ruin sample, the
lead content has almost doubled (to ro.rz percent), while the copper con-
tent has decreased (to r9.7r percent) and iron and manganese have both in-
creased slightly. Finally, at Fourmile Ruin, both the lead and copper con-
tents decreâse'(to 4.66 percent and rr.14 percent, respectively), while the
manganese content doubles and the iron content decreases slightly. The
parallel behavior ofthe average weight percentages for both the iron and
manganese oxides through time suggests that these colorants/fluxes were
contained within the same mineral pigment samples. This is supported
by the fact that manganese oxide is a very common impurity in limonite
(Dana ry32:5o5-6), at times as high as 5 percent mânganese (Hurlbut and
8o / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins
KleÁ rg77:281), as well as in hematite (Hurlbut and Klein 1977:z69)
Additionally, mangânese ore deposits often have limonite and hematite
caps. Thus, the likelihood ofthese elements parâlleling each other in
rela-
tive proportions in mineral pigment specimens is very good' Finally, a
Bailey Ruin and BryantRanch, whìle a second iron and manganese ore de-
posit is located just south of the Mogollon Rim approximately twenty-one
miles southwest of Bailey Ruin and Bryant Ranch (Keith et al 1983:16,
3o, rnap).
The compositional data presented here illustrate not only the level
gest that a series of trial-and-error experiments must have preceded this
knowledge as part of a technological learning process to discover the ap-
propriate mineral paint recipes for the appropriate frring regimes lf the
goal was a red pot fired in an oxidizing atmosphere, then iron-oxide paints
\üere not the best solution. Moreover, the visual perforrnance character-
istics (Schiffer and Skibo 1997) ol a glaze on a red slip are significantly
different from those ofa black organic or mineral paint'
These data also indicate that there are discrete glaze paint recipes
being used by contemporaneous Pottery-producing groups, or "potting
cornmunities," and that the rnain pigment constituents in these recipes
changed through time. The compositional datâ suPport thât the transi-
tion to glaze paints occurred on White Mountain Red Ware during the
occupation ofBryant Ranch Pueblo, or ca. .rn rzóo-85 Even within this
small site, there were two different glaze paint recipes being used, which
may indicate the presence oftwo different learnìng frameworks-one for
white ware and another for red ware
Although sample sizes are small, later sites show that there rnay also
have been ¿ diversity of recipes related to different pottinB communities
¡vithin each settlement. At Bâiley Ruin, for example, the sample of twenty
sherds comes from four diferent rooms ¿nd two different ceramic types'
Not unexpectedly, there âre no clusters that correspond with the two diË
ferent White Mountain Red Ware types of Pinedale Black-on-red and
Pinedale Polychrome. Several recipes apparently were used in the pro-
duction ofthe black glaze paint on bichromes as rvell as on polychromes,
a few of which were the same for both \ryares
When glaze recipes are looked at in terms of rooms of recovery ât
Bailey, there are some hints at clusters. A majority ofthe Room 4 sherds
Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 8r
 fall into the northwesr quadrant of the graph, while
the majority of the
Room ¡- sherds are in the northeast quadrant. These
diffe..rr.., u."
the ecr axis, summarizing relative differences "lorrg
in aluminum, potâssium,
lead, and copper in the glazes from these two
contexts. ag"ìrr, ,"_pt.
sizes are roo small to defiritely identify, but
the distributioi of samples o
by room is less ¡andom than is the dlsiriUution t!
Uy ,yf", Ç"r,_g ,1",
spatial differences âre p.resent. =(¡)
E
g
iiì o
(,
The Social Contexts of Consumption o
o
lt,
Now we address our final question; What we¡e the a,
social contexts in which o
glaze ware vessels were usedl To look (¡,
j1, at the sociâl contexts ofconsump_ o-
tion, we focus on the differences in yesseì form
and the relationship of
,t: those changes to patterns ofaggregation, faunal
consumption, and rìtual
fe¿tures. We focus on the case of Bryant Ranch pueblo,
ìll ïher" th" t un_ Pottery Hill Bryant Bailey Ruin
sition to intentionally produced glaze paints
il:
fir.t followed by Ranch
ii Bailey Ruin, where glaze paint ceramics reached "pp"urr,
*ia"rpr"oi r',.".
Fig. 4.8. Percentages of deco¡ated wares in the Pottery HiLl,
Based on our sequence ofsites, it is clear
Cibolâúhite Ware bowls,
thar
Bryant Ranch, and Bailey Ruin bowl assemblages.
whether glazed o¡ not, âre replaced by red ware
bowls, whether glazed
or nor. This is shown in figure which charts the proportions of the
4.g,
four most common deco¡ated wares in the bowl
assemblages ofou. three
sequentsites: potteryHill, BryantRanch, and
Bailey RuinlBy about r3oo,
when Bailey was occupied, White Mountâin Red
Ware boils replaced
Cibola WhiteWa¡e bowls. Roosevelt Red Ware,
a nonglazea poi.rtà _u.", ð ð
still dominated the decorated bowl assemblages
ofthe"late thjrteenth cen_ ¡.5
tury, but decreased slightly during rhe occuflarion
of Bailey Ruin as the eú f,

proportion of White Mountain Red Ware increased.

F
When we compare bowl sizes ofthese different wares,
the average bowl
size of White Mountain Red Ware is always larg".1...
fig. a.9¡, iåto*"a
byRooseveltRed Ware and the earlier Showlo_ t0 t5
fpue.co Vãff"yjn i W".". 20
Cibola White Ware bowls are always the smallest R¡rn Râdius
size cl"r.. #" int"rp..t
these differences between wares as evidence Fig. 4.9. Histograrns of Cibola White Ware and White Mountain
for diffe¡ences in the social
contexts of consumption. Differences in bowl sizes Red Ware bowl rim radü at Bryant Ranch.
have been rerated to
variation in household size and feasting in other
areas of the Southwest
(Mills r9g9; Potter zooo; Spielmann rggg). These
studies have also sug_ separation of Cibola White Ware and White Mounrain Red Ware bowl
gested that changes in feasting are coüelated
with aggregadon. sizes is most evident at the latter site, suggesting rhat each ware was used
An imporrant result of the bowl size an"lyses frlt ãu,
,.qrr.rr." of ìn different social contexts. Ritual feâsting at Bryant Ranch is supported
sites, however, is that the largest average bowl
sizes are not atìhe most by the faunal analysis conducted by Rebecca Dean (zoor), comparing Pot-
aggregated site, Bailey Ruin, but at Bryant
Ranch pueblo. In addition, the tery Hill, Bryant Ranch, and Bailey Ruin assemblages. She shows that
8z / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins
Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 83
 corresponds 1o a
consumption of large animals was highest at Bryant Ranch Pueblo. The In the Silver Creek area, this first use of glaze paints
in vessel size' the
concentr¿tion of large extramural cooking features provides further evi- p"iJof ri,rrut in,ensification, as evidenced by changes
dence for communal feasting at Bryant Ranch. Suprahousehold feasting useofcommrrnalcookingfeatures,andtheconsumptionoflargegameat
used on the largest vessels
was also widely practiced at Bailey Ruin, where large quantities of deer both small a.td large sites Glaze-paints were
and only on White Mountain Red Ware Ritu¿l
in-
bone were recovered. The enclosed plaza and. a plaza roasting feature at in the"e
"ss"mblages
this site are additional evidence of public consumption events. tensificationwasnotnecessarilyaproductofaggregation'butwaspart
the area'
ìt' Cumulatively, the faunal data, ceramic bowl sizes, and the concentra- oiä" n.o""r, of reorganization associated with migration into ofthe
are atypical
i:
tiol of large roasting features show that suprahousehold feasting was an eriefly oc"upied sites iike Bryant Ranch Pueblo' which
This site allows us to
important activity at Bryant Ranch Pueblo. In this case, aggregation alone p".ioá, u o* u. to track these changes more closely
ì1]
lives"
ll ìì:
lì.'
does not âppear to explain changes in the incidence of feasting, the use i-t u, ttt" lnt"ntlonal use of glaze paints on vessels whose "social
beyond everyday domestic contexts to use in
l special occasions
of larger bowl sizes, or the adoption of glaze paint technology. Although extended
ì; Bryant Ranch Pueblo has evidence of extensive suprahousehold feasting marked bY feasting.
lì .ì with its high concentration of large roasting features in the plaza, the site òn. .ur" ,,rdy-illor,,ut"' how important it is to look at technological
and
ll rì:
r:i is small and was briefly occupied. Instead ofaggregation being the inde- åcial contexts The diversity ofwares' design layouts'
ii'
pendent variable (cf Potter zooo), we suggest that migration, the emer-
"n*g".;,h"i.
puin".""ip", so evident during this period suggests that-ceramics
were
il regional and local social dis-
gence of new identities in the immediate postmigration period, and the used in tli-fferent soci¿l contexts and marked
ììl contexts in
ìi intensifrcation and diversific¿tion in ritual sodalities were the most impor- iJ"lonr. But, we would not know about the more specific
at differences
rii
tant factors in the changes to larger red ware bowls and the practice of ''rü.t ttt"."rr"rr"lswere used without lookingmore broadly
ì1,

i suprahousehold feasting. in the faunal, architectural, and feature data

analyses are highly
:ì
Like potters in the Zuni area, Silver Creek area potters began to use Finally, our analyses underscore that compositional
of practice lt js clear
r1

.l glaze paints on their vessels in the last quarter of the thirteenth century suited to íooking at potting groups or communities
as well as intersite level' Some
,]
(see Huntley, chap. 6, this vol.), but on vessels with distinctive layouts th¿t these communities operate at the intra-
of knowl-
l and decorative styles. This parallel use of glazes, both similar yet differ- oith" gtur" .""lp"s are quite distinctive owing to transmission
how to mix glaze paints'
I ent from the Ztni area, was likely an intentional difference th¿t marked uüo", ot" -¿ other material sources, about
"ãr" even owing to exchange of the ores themselves'
These fac-
'l regional social distinctions during the dynamic late thirteenth century
"nip"rn"p. networks of
:1 These differences continued throughout the fourteenth century, culmi- i"rr'-".r^U" disentangied to better understând the social
higher lead con-
i
nating with the production of Fourmile Polychrome (see Van Keuren, t."n.-irrion. For example, do the ore sources for the
Fourmile
chap. 5, this vol.). *n gi"r"* fotr,a on hter White Mountain Red Ware rypes and
sources' as has been
foÇinro-" a".iu" from the Cerrillos and Magdalena
I

(see Huntley' chap ó'

,.,gg".t"a fo. t}r" Zuni area glaze-painted ceramics
Gonclusion implications for
thiJuol), or are they local? Each scenario has different
ofproduction and ho rv
We conclude that âlthough glazelike paints may have had precedence on ,rna"rr,ár,air,g -ore completely the social contexts
Cibola White Ware vessels in the Mogollon Rim region in the mid-rzoos, production and consumption rnight intersect'
this was an unintentional result of incidental fluxing at high firing tem-
peratures of some iron and rnanganese mineral colorants. By,ro rz75-85,
however, low-temperature metal-bearing rnineral fluxes were intention-
ally added to the paint recipe and applied to White Mountain Red Ware
ìr vessels in the Mogollon Rim region that were distinct from other White
lr Mountain Red Ware glaze-painted ceramics found in the Zuni area.

84 / Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins Social Contexts in the Silver Creek Area / 85

li
lì
 new opportunities to exchange knowledge'
one in which potters enjoyed
5
*n"t t'"iti"g, u"d "*p"rimented with new manufacturing
"ir".""J "".Ïurd d"coradve layoutsThese new ceramic traditions were in-
iärriq.,", world (Crown rs96'
Decorating Glaze-Painted Pottery ,o bro¿der transitions in the Pueblo
";;;iilù pât-
åre importânt to studvins broad
;;dËa;i;;; ;","t"¿ ""tamics
in East-Gentral Arizona during this period Most authors in
terns of community reorgâmzaúon paint
ffi"uj']";il., glu'"lp"i"t"d t"tamics in terms of provenance'
Scott Van Keuren issues' I deviate slightlv and examine
in-
ä;;;;"t ,e"îttological
steadthedecorativestructureandlayoutofearlyg]aze-paint,e{ceram-
Fourmile-style White
ïrj" "]r""*,r"f Orizona (see fig. r.i¡. I foc.,s ontype in the region that
;;;;;t; n"d w"r", a widely ciiculated pottery
of new ritual belief systems in the
is cited by archaeologists as a marker
fonrt""nth .enûry (e g, E C Adams r99r)'
""rly area underwent important cultural chânges at the end ofthe thir-
This
the region resettled
*""J "*.y *tte" gtoups from within and outside setting set
*Ji"L "iro" "!g'"g"t"d ptt"blos'This "postrnigration"wifh the âp-
"il
rhe srâse for changes in pottery traditions'
which culminated
In her seminal essay introducingthe concept oftechnological style' Lecht- pot-
i.onos,uihit lFo"rmile) stvle on glaze-painted
man (r977:r4) reminds us that "culturally accepted rules ofperformance ".;;""";;;;;J* pots were painted'
" For i"T ;i ;; ;;;ì'"" ns s' l'iH"'" r ¿iscuss how these
are embodied in the events th¿t lead 1o the production ofan artifact these pâtterns
*il,t* i"h"t th. pãi"ttd images symbolize' and- what
her, technological know-how is embedded within other realms of social IV
of crafti-ng-k"o*ledge with-in .early, Pueblo
knowledge relating to belief systems, social or political relationships, and ;il;t; "*ttt^ng" of Pinedale style and
ñôrter networks. ln contrast Lo thJ e"p"nsiveness
cultural identity (Lechtman r977:r3-I5). Recent essays expand her origi- new decoradve lâvouts
;il;.;.t;";ic stvles (see crown 1994)' the
nal ideas (e.g., Dietler and Herbich 1998; Dobres zooo), but Lechtman's
early statement is useful as a starting point for thinking about the dy-
wefenotasconsistentlyexecutedorrenderedbypottersintheregion. thus suggests
namic bètween technology and decorative style in painted ceramics' The
ifr" i""o.u,lu" u"riabitity of these glaze 'ware assemblages was not
,'n", nithin pottery-producing communities
application ofdecoration should not be viewed as a subroutine in a larger "rufrhg-Lno*ledge
chain of artifact production, nor should we treat decorâtive knowledge "" freelY shared'
as
pottery production by treat-
ï ,t changes in glaze-pâinted
as completely divorced from technological know-how in considering the "r" to"itu"i'i"' not strictly
"r"_i.r"p*Ufo as historical entities asso-
manufacture ofpainted ceramics.The social rules that guide the manufac-
f"* ì"ii"., alli-
or even politiçal
äil;t specific villages, clustered settlements'
ture of pots are complexly situated in cultural experience, historical cir- a term
0", ."in- as inteisecting modes of social practice' Using within
cumstances, and worldview. In a real sense' decoration and technological "T.ãr,
ä."ìi*ã u, u,"tne Wenger (r"998¡' I view the social boundaries
styles are rooted in overlapping modes ofsocial practice (Hegmon 1998)'
In this chapter, I examine these relationships as they relâte to early glâze-
thesePueblolands.up".i,.t",^.of,ommunitiesofpracticeratherthanof
Crti. p""p"tti"" not only yields a more dynamic under-
painted pottery production and, specifically, how the structure ofpainted "iì"". """rr,i."I
ä;';;';il;.,;";tt*t in *r'itt' iconosraphic s)aze-painted ceramics
àecoration complexly embodies group membership' identity, and soci¿l gap be-
boundaries.
ï"r" på¿"."¿, but also demonstrates how the methodological in ar-
*"*'.*a1", and decorative style can be bridged
of technological
In theWestern Pueblo region, the technological and decorative features
chaeological interPretation'
of glaze-painted pottery echo a new social environment of production'

Decorating Pottery in East-Central

Arizona / 87
 The Setting of Ceramic Change

The abandonment ofportions ofthe Four Corners regionby the late l2oos
began a period ofimportant changes in ceramic production ¿nd use in sur-
rounding areas of the Ancestral Pueblo world. Villages along the Mogol-
lon Rim in east-centrâl Arizona were shaped both by local population
movement and immigration of groups from surrounding areas. By the
flrst decade of the fourteenth century, these Pueblo peoples were living
at a handful of large villages, including Fourmile Ruin, Showlow Ruin,
Grasshopper Pueblo, and Point of Pines Pueblo. Most were large plaza-
oriented settlements occupied by groups from diverse historical back-
grounds (Haury r958; Mills rg98; Reid rggS).The "co-residence" ofthese
groups set the stage for the innovation ¿nd fusion of ceramic traditions
(Crown 1996; Zedeño ryg5), and this ceramic record, in turn, offers im-
portant evidence ofbroader patterns of community reorganization. How
we. define a Pueblo community in east-central Arizona is still open to
debate.
Networks of cer¿mic circulation in east-central Arizona indicate that
fourteenth-century villages along the eastern Mogollon Rim participated
in a socioeconomic interaction sphere that is distinguishable from sur-
rounding areas (Carlson rgSz; Duffzooo). Pueblo communities in other
parts of the Pueblo IV Southwest are characterized by the clustering of
settlements. These clusters were likely based on common historical ties
to landscapes, shared resource use areas, the movement of marri¿ge part-
ners or relocation of relatives, and channels of economic exchange (Duff
zooo; Upham, Crown, and Plog i994). Unfortunately, such entities are
difficult to recognize in the study area discussed here, owing in part to the
complex histories of individual villages. My colleagues and I refer to an
emergent Silver Creek cluster that encompâsses the socioeconomic rela-
tionships among the villages that produced White Mountâin Red Ware
(Kaldahl, Van Keuren, and Mills zoo4). This loosely defined cluster was
apparently separate from settlement clusters south of the Mogollon Rim.
Although our interpretation of this landscape mây approximate thât
ofthe groups who occupied this area during the fourteenth century (i.e.,
the clustei âs a multivillage community), I âm certain that Pueblo groups
also drew important distinctions in the social boundaries between closely
residing groups. For instance, Fourmile Ruin, Grasshopper Pueblo, and
other large settlements were likely occupied by diverse ethnic grouPs

Deco¡ating Pottery in East-Central Arizona / 89

 I
(Ezzq Johnson, and Price rg97; Haury r95g; Reid r99g). It is possible,
$.
Colorado Plateau glaze-painted ceramics in the Mogollon Rim area. As I
then, that the "co-residence" of local and migrant households led to
discuss later in this chapter, these Fourmile "hybrids" often fail to repli-
new social boundaries pithin individtal settlements. Theie boundaries
are cate both the decorative and technological style ofclassic Fourmile Poly-
ii
occasionally made obvious in the archaeological record by way of extraor_
chrome. Many do not achieve the glaze-, or sribglaze-, painted appearance
ii dinary events in the pâst (e.g., the abrupt exodus ofthe Ancestral pueblo
of classic White Mountain Red Ware, nor do they accurately imitate the
enclave at Point ofPìnes Pueblo). Typically, however, these internal
settle_ iconographic imagery of Fourmile Polychrome bowl interiors. The tran-
ment boundaries at Pueblo lV sires are much less obvious.
sition to glaze-painted, iconographic pottery in east-central Arizona thus
Pottery works well as a proxy of socioeconomic interaction at regional
hints at the application of increasingly specialized knowledge.
scales, but how do we identify a cultural landscape that is defined
by emer_ In the next section, I present a model drawn from practice theory that
gent social boundaries at smaller scales? This question must be
answered articulates the connection between learning, activity, and social identity
before we fully understand why glaze-painted ceramics first appear
and (Bleed zoor; Dìetler and Herbich 1994; Lave and Wenger 1996; Sinclair
what their production implies about the organization ofthe pueLio world.
2ooo; van der Leeuw r9g3). I then use the model to examine organiza-
I argue that we must first understand the processes by which potters learn
tional changes in glaze-painted ceramic production in the Mogollon Rim
and express crafting-knowledge.
area, and specifically, to identify style barriers that may have impeded the
In this chapter, I discuss the appearânce of Fourmile_style ceram_
sharing and exchange of crafting-knowledge. These barriers are the key
ics produced and circulated among fourteenth_century villages in
east_ to modeling past communities ofpractice in east-central Arizona and sur-
central Arizona. The style emerged frorn the earlie¡ omnipresent pinedale
rounding regions of the Pueblo world.
style thar spread throughout the upland Southwest by r3oo but first ap_
peared. in the Mogollon Rim area slightly earlier. Both
styles are among
the first âttempts by potters in east-central Arizona to Pottery Styles and Communities of Practice
iroduce glaze_
painted pottery. Nearly all Pinedale- or Fourmile_style whole vessels
sur_ Human communities are defined by fluid criteria: economic ties, familial
veyed in an earlier dissertation project (Van Keuren zoor) evidence
a contacts and âncestr¡ oral traditions, political affiliation, and spatial prox-
partial or full glazing of black mìneral paints. In addition ro experiment_
imit¡ among others (Arensberg 196r; Murdock ig49). These histori-
ing with glaze paint technologies (see Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins, chap.
4, cal qualities are typically inaccessible in the archaeological record of the
this vol.), White Mountain Red Ware potrers âlso introduled new
deco_ Pueblo Southwest, and as I noted earlier, we rely on the spatial proximity
rative layouts and symbolic images to their bowls. The new type, Four_
ofsettlements to infer the composition ofancient communities (Kolb and
mile Polychrome, quickly became one of the central red ware bowls
in Snead rggT). My tâsk here is not to critique the utilityofthese approaches,
household assemblages throughout the areå. Recent provenance studies
but râther to examine community boundaries âs they are expressed at
place the production locality of this late type ìn the Sìlver
Creek drain_ smaller scales ofinteraction (e.9., within large aggregated settlernents). I
age (Mills et al. rg99; tiadan, Mills, and Duffzooz). Although
further address the issue of community reorganization using an alternative per-
provenance work is needed in the region, particularly to
discern mid_ to spective, one that examines how crafting-knowledge is learned and ex-
lâte-fourteenth-century ceramic production and disiribution, Fourmile
pressed among households at newly formed, ethnically diverse Pueblo IV
Polychrome was likely produced ât one or more of the latest villages
in settlements. This bottom-up analysis uses prehistoric whole vessels as ob-
the Silve¡ Creek area.
jects for inferring social practice and how individuals think ¿nd act within
Unlike its ceramic precursors, Fourmile polychrome was also widely
their social world.s (see Hinde 1976).
copied in the Grasshopper region and other areas south of the Mogol_
Wenger (1998) and others (Chaiklin and Lave 1996; Minar and Crown
lon Rim (Tiiadan 1997; Wendorf r95o). This is an important evenr:
rhe zoor) use the phrase "community of practice" to conceptualize the rela-
transition to Fourmile-style pots marks the first wide_scale copying
of tionship between social practice, learning, identity, and production activi-

9o / Scott Van Keuren Decorating Pottery in East-Central Arizona / gr

 (Hagstrum r ee5). rn:'li:'-""'1".1111ïAïjÏïì
ties. For Wenger (1998:5-ó), communities
are as much passive entrtles
reflectiue of 9"tn :ottlÏ:-n"owredge
;::,*::1åi::::J:;
collectives
sulti . The challenge in style
re-
;ä; t; #t-l" íl't'i"'i^ as thev are active and
lnayinT shared bodies of craittnB-iì;';'n",i;.;
wideìy ;ooroximate the original
and participation^in activities' levels ol varnuu"v
ä,iã ;; ,tt" àir,,it"ttiott of knowledge
of_ individuals,
search is to access
;i;ñ;rì;r,, at rhe other end
ä"-_""i *, of practice designate a group, or groups learnins process' an*t
*"T n'i"jl;;:iri" "" the sequence
a shared enterprise" p"nt]ttt irr*i"n"-.i..
*fr"-"r"ìi "."tfv áefined by a "sustained pursuit of of the spectrurn' cross-cultural ': ll',:"^"-^ ^',,,.',-
surface is one clue
.,.u.*..
n" str
to the
whar is to be exPressed
,oq8'as). Understanding and knowing to the vessel
iW"nu",
of identi-
i,lïî,"ilì"1., o
"oplied
il""Ã;i;"Ï "inherenr in thã growth and transformation
motlel' doing is a reflection of
iti.{"¡""" w" ng"'
'gg'""t)
'lsuch a
of inter-
'îïJ"':ïJä:',lîi":,"":L*::,":,j:ïiå:î:îïïlîåå::iï: ìil
il-l!
l

;;*ì; J ""J;""*lig is siapea tv the social and spatial dist¿nce behavìor. Graphicrepresent*t:i"i;;;;; u'u }t':

.trt.,"." ãfl"""ti"g and the identity and experience of

ofimages' the opera -.-o.n the expres- :¡,1.,

"ut"ts, social practice deal with complex' oerception and the

".ìì"",Írt" t"**ed Such models
ti" tli*"t of *
T.iïi""*,,, "-rr":, :T1ìïiî:îi,".,|ij"î;Ëili:lln d ",,o,
tì,

àt-*sions of thought and action' but I cite this approach th'*

mod ifi cation- of
"î"t1"0"0*
l¡rr ,li .p."in. intent of understanding how crafts reflect
past learning :::1:"^:ff ilì";;,;;'".ess
encoÏcu "r trrr
and det ermine
correction Schemata are ,--",^ï"""1". Schemata are
of action during subsequenr c*tht:
group affiliation
ft"-"*"tt" -¿ itformation exchange and' by extension'the irnportance of rhe course :tl"li"t :^Y
A. na"ms ro7b,: tot ) and
iã""",t t W"nger's (1998:4-5) morlel' she notes ..aeneralized plan[r1 fo. .t"r. ollår.n-'å,.1'1.¡.
learning is predi- "
".
i:
i"*.* "'. *r"to"'tio" i" trrltu'"i*orlds ln this sense'physical aptitude'
#,";Ë;;ilrouna*i*o'r'räl;:t*.,u;*:î":r^iï:il:l
s"--.:tìii":.I"."
t::
;;;;"" ;;"y things, including idiosvncratic factors' to communicate. and chapman tqso' levels that are not
ill
or cultural affiliation, and ability t "r'-t*t;
-'ilt."g is euided bY these schemata
li
ìi
""*i"¿ìria*ft "rfrn]c Pueblo world' a community of practice
to the Ancestral
platform for examining the active pro-
:1il;; ;'ä; "'.'.:*;îîï;ix;: m::i:ff :::i:li;
,n- åf pU"e model offers
i't'*ø' tn'g"tv ""*
a
.urtr". u'".
ri'
:]
:l

cesses that shape crafting economies

l am particularly interested in inter- ;::fflïïi"äÏ ;'""::ii":"ä;;";* rnt uttitn" -ay intentionally
conscio""'"*" gäì9is5il'j'
ìf
u".io,,".,.ut",,t,l".shapetheco-residenceofgroupswithdiversehistori- available to "pai"ting
i. process"*:
ii *here the ability or inability to share crafting-knowledge modifv decoration "i"i" :n:ild¡
ri
""iîr"o-rt^"a., membership' ""y
"'g'uphit""g"
ú"rtuuio' it consistenL-If
the transmrsslon
irl ii
*", á"p""a"", on the fluidity of social boundaries' groupcalls attention i#;il**;t of
*irl modify and eren miscode
(1996:16) i'
tft" p-*l-Ly of learning exchanges' Lave nf infor-ution intornptttt'"inJiuìão"ìt ulti-
iÌi ""ã one or more dimensions of social tn"it mod"' ofgtuphic behavior'
to "failed learning," or instances when schemata according "*;ìrr'"tnul potterv'
iil emulated Regardless ofhowthey shapethepro-
'" ãiff"'""tlv In the case of painted
lfi iìi o.r",i" "* i"""-pletely are key to revealing the
Ïî;i;ä".îJgd""o'utio" misguide) the hand during
the
liìl ã*rì"ì ãr oth"r actions, these processes these cognitive processes t;;þ;;
¡ ti "r "U*" type of practice-based analysis
üi iiil marsins of communities of practice' This application of paint , and matching
through ^^^ :- not srrucrured by the mixing
l!l
liìi
Ï"ii"ärn"'nri¿ identities of smaller-scale groups, as reflected
and craft Production'
ll f i
---Àt
learning
many archaeological objects' painted ceramics
iitft carrv inher- {iÏ'ii:ïii'"::üä.i:"H},Ï,'"tl*im*Ï-"::;,*":-:ï p'"'"""'lion' coror'
"n -"rr"r", about social identity
and experience that âre not-intended
îllÏf #.":::i:::iil:i'::;;;;;;;": ""'lh"ìi'
bi thty rarely discuss the p1:cl:e sequences
ÌtLtl
hv their oioducers (Dieder and Herbich 1994; Hegmon 1998; Hegmon' svmbolism' and teth"iq""" random but
n"oot
rl discrete analvti-
,il;;, ilt;;.s zooo; Herbich 1987)' It is ât thisrecognized of paint application
(F'i"d';;;;;fh"'" "qutntt' the se-
of practice are ln the tnt contex(s)' much like
cal levá that prehistoric communities are instead shaped by "øíliit""tng it resistant to
verbal or a young âge and
ìt il
ãi"J*.", oå"-s learned by watching other potters' following potters
quence of written
'"tip' 'r'"ii' "*oded
,l!lì¡r
and emulating the finished work of other
nnrle.bal ir,rtrtl.tio"
:i¡ì ì!.
East-Central Arizona / 93
Decorating Pottery in
gz / Scon Van Keuren
 change thereafter (Eden r96i). The basal unit of ceramic decoration is
the brushstroke. Brushstroke sequences reveal the order ofpaint applica-
tion, the organization of framing lines, and the spatial patterning of the
decorative field, all of which collectively define the decorative event. If
one is dealing with a whole vessel, the entire brushstroke sequence is a
momentary expression oflearned behavior by an individual potter.
The analytical basis for this approach is outlined elsewhere (Van
Keuren rggg), but it is important ro note here that the initial stages of
vessel decoration are key to the analysis of painting sequences. There is
a strong cross-cultural tendency among potters to start the painting pro-
cess by delineating decorative space with framing lines or framing forms
thât are subsequently filled (Arnold r97o; Guthe rgz5; Hardin 1983; Roe
r98o). Much ofthe decoration applied after the painting surface is framed,
including filler elements and motifs, is less consistently rendered. Wh¿t is
most relevant from an analytical standpoint, howeve¡ is the sequence in
which the first set of (framing) brushstrokes is applied.
Although some ofthe variability in brushstroke sequences is associated
with cross-cultural tendencies in graphic behavior (Washburn 1983), at
least part of it encodes culture-specific or historical patterns of learning
and information exchange. In the Southwest, the decoration of ceramics
was influenced chiefly by the context of learning and the social experi-
ence of the artisan (Crown 1999). By definition, potters belonging to a
community ofpractice share similar cognitive strategies for crafting pots.
However, a potter copying a pot with little or no prior experience with the
decoration may create a visual duplicate with similar design elements or
motifs, but the underlying execution sequence of the copied pots will not
be duplicated. In the l¿tter instance, potters draw on improvised schemata
to emulate decorative schemes, and this new structure imposed during
the copying process may even alter the semantic content of the original
design. These are instances offâiled learning (see Lave and Wenger rggr),
caused by what MargâretHardin (r984:592-96) calls communication dif-
ferentials, stylistic screens, and other "style barriers.,, These barriers in-
fluence how a variety of knowledge is translâted, expressed, or even prc-
sented after the craft is produced. Artisans c¿n (and do) misunderstand
and misconstrue the underlying symbolic foundation oftechnological and
deco¡ative knowledge. These actions do not simply result in poor copying
or mistaken expression, but in a real sense are misconstructions ofothers'
cultural worlds. These processes can be inferred by studying microscale
variation.
94 / Scott Van Keuren
The SPecialization of Glaze Ware
StYtes in East-Central Arizona
Recent provenânce research in east-centrâl Arizona reveals a high
de-
gree of spatial variability in fourteenth-century polychrome assemblages'
Zed.no $gg4) and Tiiadan (1997) demonstrate thât southern Colorado
Plateau ceramic technologies were copied south of the Mogollon
Rim
in production by the
beginning in the late thirteenth century. The shift
r3jos is unprecedented. For instance, the Grasshopper Pueblo deco-
pot-
rated âssemblâBe is dominated by black-on-white and polychrome
tery brought from the southern edge ofthe Colorado Plateau, but it
is not
until Foui-ile Polychrome appears that a local, nonglaze-painted White
Mountain Red Ware "hybrid" appears at this village This nerv dimen-
sion of glaze ware imitation indicates a shift in the social environment
of
prodrlciion and specifically in the structure of learning and information
exchange among potters (Vân Keuren 2ooo)'
Painting Fourmile StYle
In an earlier study, Ishowed that the execution of Pinedale style was
fairly standardized. Potters who produced Cibola White Ware and per-
deco-
haps Roosevelt Red Ware diil so with a regular formula for applying
ration, signaled by the consistent sequencing of framing lìne execution'
to the
brushstrokes th¿t are used to lay out the vessel decoration prior
addition of solid or hachure filling (Van Keuren 1999) A more
recent
structural analysis of painted designs on Pinedale-style White Mountain
z
Red Ware corroborates the earlier study (Van Keuren zoor) Figure 5
paint âp-
illustrates the basic decorative sequence displayed as stuges of
plication (indicated by numbered arrows) on two Pinedale Polychrorne
brush-
Lowls. Following the acldition of the red slip, thin black framing
sffokes were used to delineate the quartered layouts; additional design
forms were then outlined in subsequent stePs prior to the application
of
solid and hachure filler. The entire layout is frarned first in a specific
order'
and the basic sequence is pervasive in Pinedale-style pottery
throughout
the Mogollon Rim area. These brushstroke recipes' along with the
cog-
nitive frameworks they are based on, were likely derived in part from the
painting sequences of earlier Tularosa- and Kayentâ-style Pottery These
iistoric"l contingencies should be further explored, but it is clear that
¿nd
Pinedale-style pottery was produced in a fluid learning environment
possibly tied to a widespread belief system (Crown 1994)'
Decorating Pottery in East-Central Arizona / 95

I lages or perhaps even potter workshops
Fig. 5.2. Execution sequence of black brushsttokes on
Pinedale -styie bowl interiors.
The appearance of Fourmile Polychrome in the r3zos marks a change
in the organization of interior bowl decoration. Bowl interiors still ex-
hibit some underlying consistency in the application of brushstrokes in
spite ofthe diverse subiect matter conveyed by this new style. Most note-
worthy, however, is the consistency with which bowl exterior panels âre
painted: no two Fourmile Polychrorne bowls display the ex¿ct same deco-
rative scheme, but the underlying brushstroke pâttern is fairly regular-
ized. Figure 5.3 shows the execution of an exierior panel. Potters bcgan
96 / Scott Van Keuren
these vessels with long white horizontal framing lines to define the banded
design field; next, brushstrokes were âdded to delineate individual panels,
followed by the application ofadditional white lines or elements and two
bands of black paint as filler. The banded design begins directly at or
slightly below the rim. There are two important dimensions of brush-
stroke variability: panel to panel consistencies within the same vessel and
similarities between vessels. Both patterns suggest that Fourmile Poly-
chrome potters were paintingwith a standard mental template.These pot-
ters were innovators, utilizing different motifs, design elements, sPâtial
organizations, and, perhaps most importânt, elabomte representâtional
images on bowl interiors. However, the order of brushstrokes reveals a
fundamental consistency in the painting sequence. I suggest that these se-
quences speak to a single or set of closely related learning pools among
Fourmile Polychrome potters in the Silver Creek drain¿ge. Future prove-
nance studies may someday pinpoint these learning pools to specific vil-
within villages, but current think-
ing does not place Fourmile Polychrome production at a single settlement
in the Silver Creek drainage (Tiiadan, Mills, and Duff zooz). By way of
their craft, however, I argue that these potteff were tied to a single and dis-
tinct community ofpractice, possibly encompassing two or more villages.
Fourmile Polychrome hybridS appear in the Grasshopperand Q-Ranch
areas, at Point of Pines Pueblo to the southeast and even within the Sil-
ver Creek drainage above the Mogollon Rim by the mid-r3oos (Tüadan
rg97; Wendorf rg5o; Whittlesey 1974). Although the potters who pro-
duced these hybrid vessels probably had regular social contact withWhite
Mountain Red Ware producers, perhaps living alongside these potters at
some villages (e.g., Fourmile Ruin), their efforts at copying Fourmile Poly-
chrome were largely improùised. This is evident both in the structure of
interior bowl decoration and the execution of line work on the exterior
surface. Grasshopper Polychrome is the best known ofthese copies, owing
in part to the extensive work at GrasshoPper Pueblo (Reid and Whittlesey
rg99) and Triadan's (rgg7) expansive provenance study of red ware ves-
selsin the region. Grasshopper potters were clearly emulating Fourmile
Polychrome bowls, drawing on crafting-knowledge they acquired through
social ties to Pueblo villages to the north. There is also convincing evi-
dence ofethnic co-residence betrveen Mogollon Rim groups and Colorado
Plateau peoples at Grasshopper Pueblo (Ezzq Johnson, and Price 1997;
Reid r9g8; Riggs zooz). Nonetheless, local potters painted Fourmile-style
Decorating Pottery in East-Central Arizona / 97
 decoration differently than White Mountain Red Ware potters. Figure 5.4
illustrâtes these structural inconsistencies: the banded design drops below
the rim; the overall execution of white and black paint is nonsequential
(Fourmile Polychrome potters ahvays framed the entire design field with
white brushstrokes prior to later additions). The directionality and se-
quence of white brushstrokes are inconsistent from panel to panel, a key
difference from Fourmile Polychrome. The essential banded exterior is
recreated here, but with ad-lib brushstroke sequences. These copies are
not decorative mistakes, but rather visual misconceptions of Colorado
Plateau-produced Fourmile-style vessels.
É
The significance ofthese design errors or instances of"failed learning"
å to the prehistoric âudience is impossible to know. Some may have offended
the aesthetic sensibility ofWhiteMountain Red Ware potters; others were
deepty embedded decorative patterns that went unnoticed. They do, how-
ever, show that the sharing ofcrafting-knowledge among early Pueblo IV
potters in the Mogollon Rim area w¿s less fluid than with the earlier Pine-
dale style. These instances ofcopying were not restricted to Grasshopper
Pueblo and other sites outside the production zone of White Mountain
Red Ware. Fourmile-style hybrids are present in the large red ware whole-
vessel assemblage recovered during the early excavation of Fourmile Ruin
(Fewkes r9o4). Many of these exhibit the same basic pattern ofstyle rnis-
É, coding seen in Grasshopper Polychrome. Some households at Fourmile
Ruin, possibly the largest White Mountain Red Ware-producing village'
Lat
produced Fourmile-style copies with authentic exterior banded design
ET fields and interiors that resemble the Pinedale-derived Jeddito style re-
¡¡i
cently discussed by Lyons (zoo3). Although preliminary pâste and temper
observations imply local production ofthese Fourmile Ruin hybrids, more
work is needed to establish their provenance. FinallS it is important to
note that nearly all Fourmile-style copies show improvisation of techno-
logical qualities. Grasshopper Polychrome bowls were often painted with
organic-based paints (or ablend oforganic- and mineral-based paints) and
subjected to less stringent firing regimes (Tïiadan 1997). Very few of the
painted designs on these local pots exhibit glazing.

Glaze Ware Communities of Practice

Why did potters throughout east-central Arizona begin copying glaze-

painted wares in the fourteenth century? Practically speaking, shifting
demographics and exchange networks made Fourmile Polychrome harder

Decomting Pottery in East-Central Arizona / 99

 ro come by, as indicated by the paucity of Fourmile Polychrorne on
late-abandoned household floors at Grasshopper Pueblo (Triadan r997).

-M
Smaller numbers of vessels circulated from the Silver Creek villages to
surrounding areas asWhite MountainRed Wâre potters relocated to ferver
villages by the early to mid-r3oos. But why were these hybrids painted
with ad hoc brushstroke sequences? The emuÌation of glaze-painted pot-
tery in east-central A.rizona hints at a key shift in the sharing of both
technological and decorative knowledge among potter groups.
Fourmile Polychrome bowls present complex imager¡ ânâlogous to
the esoteric subject matter of kiva mur¿ls and other decor¿ted media

ffi-
Þ (E. C. Adams r9g4; Hays Ig89). These images must have embodied ritual
knowledge that was complexly rooted within the broader cultural identity
of Fourmile Polychrome potters. I have suggested elsewhere thât some
images may have evoked the allegories of specific clans or similar so-
cial groups (Van Keuren zooo). The potters who copied Fourmile Poly-
(Þ
chrome, on the other hand, were working with an unf¿miliar visual lexi-
con. The end products are bowls that closely mimic the banded exteriors
= of Fourmile Polychrome, but replace interior images with geometric pât-

q
terning that recalls the earlier Pinedale style. If, as Lave and Wenger
$ggt 52-54) suggest, the process of learning creates new social iden-
tities, then potters experimenting with glaze ware technology and style
H were emulating more than just the material culture of the Fourmile com-
munity ofpractice. Reproducing highly decorated polychrome bowls and
.{'
rô perhaps also participating in the activities in which thesevessels were dis-
Et played and utilized (e.g., communal feasts) mây have resitu¿ted the so-
r¡.
cial identity of these potters. As with any emulative behavior, howeve¡
making is not always "knowing" (Lave and Wenger rggr : rz3). Those pot-
ters who copied Fourmile Polychrome did so using variable raw materials
and manufacturing techniques and fusions of Fourmile- and Pinedale-
style decorative elements. The most relevant p¿ttern noted here, and dis-
cussed in length elsewhere (Van Keuren zoor), is the improvised applica-
tion of framing lines and other steps in early stages of paint application.
It is erroneous to think of White Mountain Red Ware copies from the
Grasshopper region and other areas as inferior, since they were probably
viewed as functional equivalents of Fourmile Polychrome bowls. They
do, however, exhibit fundamental differences in application ofpaint that I
attribute to the miscoding and misunderstanding of crafting-knowledge.
Whatever the precise style barriers at work here, they did not restrict the

Decorating Pottery in East-Central Arizona / ror

 copying of Fourmile-style bowls per se, but did influence the exchange
of knowledge beyond the Fourmile Polychrome community of practice.
Furthermore, we cannot separate the semantics ofdecoration frorn design
execution or structure: "failures to learn', will pervade all dimensions of
decorative behavior Most Fourmile copies substitute geometric pined¿le-
style layouts in place oficonographic imagery despite a literal imitarion of
the Fourmile Polychrome exteriors (see fig. 5.4). In the case of Fourmile_
styJe copies, the central symbolic act was one in which one group emulated
the cultural or ritual currency of another In other words, Fourmile-style
copiers were drawing on the symbolic resources of an ,,other,,' and this
degree of miscoding, as I discuss at length elsewhere (Van Keuren zooo,
zoor), seems to contradict the conventional wisdom about the role ofuni_
fying cults in the post-Pinedale-style Southwest.
With the community of practice model in mind, we can begin to iden_
tify style barriers thât shape past leârning processes and especially ,,fail_
ures to le¿rn" and."f¿ilures to participate', (Wenger 1998:4-5). I apply
a community of practice model because it emphasizes the individual as
unit of study (Dobres 1999), can be operationalized using discrete and
replicable analytical techniques, and extends the traditional scope of ce_
ramic style research. As applied in this chapter, the framework not only
helps reconstruct the environment ofglaze-painted pottery production in
east-central Ä¡ìzona but also reshapes our understanding of b¡oader ce_
ramic changes in the Western Pueblo region. I suggest that the appearance
of the final glaze ware type produced in the Mogollon Rirn area marks a
threshold in the sharing and expression of technological and decorative
knowledge. Fourmile Polychrome pots appear to have been produced by
a distinct community ofpractice, skilled in the use ofspecific glaze paint
recipes (De Atley 1986) and the presentation of esoteric imagery (E. C.
Adams rggr). These high-fired pots not only made reference to a broad
ritual belief system, as Adams (r99r) argues, but also signaled a shift to the
specialized production of iconographic-style glaze-painted bowls within
this limited geographic area. Those who copied this type in the Grass_
hopper region and elsewhere were working outside or on the periphery
of this community of practice. That local potters at these villages copied
Fourmile-style designs with hypothetical painting schemes hints at new
access rules that limited the distribution of crafting-knowledge and per_
haps even ideological concepts by the mid-r3oos. This inrerpretation does
not contest the integrative function ofregional belief systems (expressed
roz / Scott Van Keuren
through regional pottery styles), but does call attention to the possible dis-
integrative processes thât shaped fourteenth-century comrnunities (Kal-
dahl, Van Keuren, and Mills zoo4; Plog and Solometo 1997).
Conclusion
The changes in the environment of ceramic production that I discuss in
this ch¿pter took place at a time when ongoing migration and abandon-
ment reshuffled the spatial organization of Pueblo peoples in the Silver
Creek drainage and greater Mogollon Rim area. An initial aggregation of
Iarge villages was followed by a reconsolidation in the r3zos, leaving at
least one rnajor village abandoned (Bailey Ruin). The fusion of ceramic
traditions that resulted in the Pinedale style that appears at the close of
the thirteenth century was sho¡t lived. Within two decades sorne pot-
ter groups produced iconographic Fourmile Polychrome, while others
emulated this type with improvised stylistic and technological strategies.
Other wares once painted with Pinedale-style decoration take divergent
pathwâys, moving away from the decorative content ofglaze-painted pot-
tery (e.g., late Salado Polychromes). It is no coincidence that potters failed
to emulate both the technological and decorative aspects of early glaze-
painted pots. I see this diversificâtion of potte.ry traditions in east-central
Arizona as relìecting broader organizational changes, tied to the increas-
ing specialization of craft production, the exclusivity of ideological net-
works, and factionalism within large settlements. The latter process may
have played a role in the abandonment of the region by Pueblo groups
at the close of the fourteenth century (Kaldahl, Van Keuren, and Mills
zoo4). Ultimatel¡ the ceramic style data discussed here are but one small
part ofân emerging picture ofPueblo community organization during this
period, and these preliminary interpretâtions need to be evaluated with
further work in the Mogollon Rim area.
In closing, it is helpful to address the overlaps between decorative and
technological knowledge used to make glaze ware pottery. Pfaffenberger
(r988:z4r) points out that "any technology is a set ofsocial behaviors and a
system ofmeanings." These sets ofbehaviors and systems ofmeanings are
not divorced from the actual production ofdecoration (see Hegmon r998;
Schiffer and Skibo rg87, rggT; Zedefro zooz).The brushstroke method
discussed in this chapter is one of many crossover techniques for charac-
terizing the technological and decorative styles ofglaze-painted cerarnics.
Decorating Pottery in East-Central Arizona / ro3
 i1

I
I

At this analytical level, both technological øntJ ð,ecorative gestures en_

code an artisan's learning history, familiarity with a subject matter, access
l 6
to råw materials (including knowledge), and, most important, their ex_
posure to and re-expression of new or unfamiliar cultural worlds. In the From Recipe to Identity
case ofFourmile-style pottery, I suggest that the cognitive processes that
guide the application ofbrushstrokes (and other microscale manufactur_ Exploring Zuni Glaze Ware
ing steps) are tied to the depiction oficonographic imagery ând other in_ Communities of Practice
sta¡rces of "active" stylistic expression. In closing, painted ceramics are
central to our understanding ofregional identities and comrnunity bound_ Deborah L. Huntley
aries in the Pueblo Southwest, but trâditional methods of ceramic analysis
often fail to reveal the smalle¡-sc¿le margins ofsocial groups within large
aggregated villages. One srrategy for understanding early glaze-painted
pottery production is to better integrate our analyses oftechnological and
stylistic variability through careful attention to borh process and pracice
(Bleed zoor; Sellet r993; essays in Stark rggS).

Across the northern Southwest, the Pueblo IV period (ca. to tz75-r4oo)

was a time of new social developments, as regional changes in settlement
patterns resulted in the renegotiation of social boundaries, the redefini-
tion of social identities, and the reestablishment of social connections ât
multiple scales. Archaeological studies of ceramic technological systems
provide one means of elucidating these social connections.
In this chapter I explore the development of glâze pâint recipes in the
Zuni region of west-central New Mexico. During the Pueblo IV period,
locâl potters developed lead-based glaze recipes th¿t represent a depar-
ture from earlier copper-rich glazes used in the Zuni region ¿nd elsewhere
in the Pueblo Southrvest. I propose that this recipe shift was the result
: of conscious technical choices that allowed potters more lâtitude in the
production ofdistinctive glaze ware vessels with socially meaningful color
combinations. Zuni region potters appear to have used ores from multiple
. distant sources, although they initially focused intensively on the Cerri-
llos Hills deposits near Santa Fe. The diversity of ore resources used by

.|li Zuni region potters apparently increased through time, suggesting pos-
sible changes in the scale and direction of interregional social connec-
tions during the fourteenth century. At the sâme time that ore resource
diversity increased, howeve¡ glaze paint recipes became more homoge-
i:1.
neous overall, suggesting that Zuni region potters shared technical infor-
.l,i mation widely and participated in extensive and overlapping communities
i,¡
of practice.
to4 / Scott Van Keuren

iii
 Regional Context
The Zuni region (see fig. r.r), part of the larger Cibola cultural province
of Arizona and New Mexico, includes some +,Soo kmz olTheZuni River
drainage, all ofthe present-day Zuni Reservation, the El Morro Valley to
the east of the reservation, and Jaralosa Draw to the south of the reser-
vation (Duff zooo; Kintigh iggó). The onset of glaze ware production in
theZuni region generally coincides with the development of a distinc-
tive architecturâl pattern: the nucleated pueblo. Nucleated pueblos are
the hallmark ofthe Pueblo IV period not only in the Zuni region, but in
much of the northern Southwest âs well. Beginning around en rz5o, at
least twenty-eight large, nucleated pueblo villages were constructed and
eventually abandoned in the Zuni region (Duffzooo; Kintigh rg85b, r996;
LeBlanc zoor; Watson, LeBlanc, and Redman rgSo). A typical nucleated
pueblo consisted of a single block of contiguous rooms (around zoo to
r,zoo total) surrounding a central plaza (Kintigh r985b; Spier rgrT). Most
nucleated pueblos clearly were planned and appear to have been built over
a relatively short period of time, often with later additions (Anyon 1987;
Duffzooo; Kintigh r985b; Watson, LeBlanc, and Redman r98o).
Keith Kintigh and I (Huntley and Kintigh zoo4) have shown that dur-
ing the Early Pueblo IV period (ao rz75-r325), some nucleated pueblos in
the Zuni region were clustered on the landscape, while others were rela-
tivelyisolated. Clustering became more distinctduring theLate pueblo IV
period (AD r3z1-:47ù, with at least three identifiable subregional clus-
ters: one in the El Morro Valley, one in the Pescado Basin area, and one to
the south along Jaralosa Draw. We argue that temporal shifts in the spa-
tial clustering ofsettlements within the Zuni region, as well as differences
in the distribution of glaze-decorated ceramic types, suggest that social
boundaries and interactions were regularly defined on a much smaller
scale than that ofthe region (Huntley and Kintigh zoo4). As discussed in
this chapter, analysis of Zuni Glaze Ware paint compositions highlights
the existence of multiple spheres ofsocial interaction.
Zuni Glaze Ware
ii The two Zuni Glaze Ware types included in the present study, Hesho-
¡i tauthla Polychrome and Kwakina Polychrome, were made between aD
IJ
rz7 5 and. t4oo and are most commonly bowl forms (Carlson igTo; Wood-
il
:¡
ro6 / Deborah L. Huntley
bury and Woodbury 1966; see Eckert, chap. 3, this vol )' Both tyPes devel-
oped from St. Johns Polychrorne (Carlson l97o; Seventh Southwestern
Ceramic Seminar r965; see Eckert, chap. 3, this vol.), which was common
in the Zuni region between AD r2oo and r3oo. Potters began experiment-
ing with glaze paints in the mid-rzoos, and St. Johns Polychrome vessels
exhibit a wide range ofpaint textures, ranging from rnatte minerål paints
ro well-vitrified glazes. As discussed by Habicht-Mauche (chap r, this
vol.), the use of glaze paint by Pueblo potters represents a major tech-
nological innovation in that, given the relatively low firing temPeratures
obtainable in open-pit firings, glazes can be made only by using certain
combinations of ingredients.
Zuni Glaze Wa¡e is one example of a distinctive style of polychrome
pottery that was made across the northern Southwest beginning around
,to rz75 (Carlson r97o; Shepard 1942; see Eckert, ch¿p 3, this vol') This
new style included bowls with white-slipped interiors and red-slipped ex-
teriors, many of which were decorated with glaze paint Kwakina Poly-
chrome and mâtte-painted Pinto Polychrome (in the Salado tradition) ap-
pear to be the earliest examples of the polychrome color scheme (Crown
igg4:r7-r8; Kintigh r985b:r5). According to Crown (1994) this particu-
lar use ofslip-color combinations was âssociated with the adoption ofwhat
she concludes wâs a southwestern regional cult. Since most of the
poly-
chrome vessels that she examined exhibited use wea¡ she argues that they
were used in domestic contexts.
Glaze-decorated red ware bowls with both bichrome and polychrome
color schemes were also made in the Rio Grande Valley during the
Pueblo IV period. Here glaze ware bowls are proposed to have played an
important role in the development of nerv ritual activities, such as com-
munal feasts (Graves and Spielmann zooo; Spielmann 1998) To sup-
port this argument, Spielmann (1998) cites several examples ofthe ritual
use of glaze ware bowls, including representations in prehistoric kiva
murals (Hibben 1975; Smith 1952) ând historic Isleta Pueblo paintings
(Goldfrank rgTo) and associ¿tion with artifacts and ecofacts related to
ritual food preparation and consumption, such ¿s nonsubsistence fauna,
at Qrarai Pueblo in the Salinas district. Although Upham (1982) has ar-
gued that late prehistoric Western Pueblo decorated vessels were "elite"
wares made by craft specialists, the fact that they are universally found in
association with domestic refuse at excavated Pueblo IV sites throughout
the Zuni region suggests that they were commonly used in everyday do-
From Recipe to ldentitY / ro7
 at least via word of mouth) rather than
mestic contexts. Thus there is evidence that glaze-decorated bowls were ably rnust be learned frrsthand (or
r995; see also Herhahn'
used both for serving food within individual households and for certain th.ä.tgt i-ltutlott ofa finished product (Herhahn
community-wide integrative ritual activities. Jf. In the following sections I use compositional analysis
io, this ,rol.¡'
to identify glaze paint
oi gi"r"'p"in,. and isotopic sourcing of lead ores
Zuni
The Development of Zuni Region Glaze Recipes i".i.otogi.ut styles and explore the scale(s) of fourteenth-century
Glaze Ware communities of practice'
Glaze paint compositions are the result of the interplay of ¿ number of
factors, including the availability ofraw materials and the conscious and Glaze Paint ComPositions
compositions of
unconscious manipulation of those materials. In creating glazes, potters I used an electron microprobe to determine the chemical
must make a series oftechnical choices that result in chemically and visu- ouer three hundred Zuni Glaze Ware and St' Johns Poly-
glo. p"int, on
pueblos (see
ally distinctive products. For example, a potter who decides to use ¿ lead ãhro-. ,h".d, from seven different Zuni region nucleated
to determine the
ll,li'
flux must then also choose where to get the lead ore, its parent form (e.g., ng. ,.2¡-The microprobe utilizes a focused electronbeam
galena or another mineral, such as cerrusite), how much of the flux to con"entrationsofelements,measuredasrelativepercentagesbyweightof
s¿mple Reed (1993)
use, and whether or not to mix it with other materials, such as an organic o*ia"., p."r"rr, *ithin a given polished thick section
',ili
binder, a slip clay, or other mineral colorants. The outcome ofthese vari- pr""ii"t " review of the technique For the present analysis' taking five
:i,lr averages out poten-
ous technical choices is a particular glaze paint alternative that cân be individual readings at different points on each sarnple
values âre
iiri
considered a recipe. tial heterogeneities inherent in each glaze'The individual Point
Distinctive glaze paint recipes might also be considered a form oftech_ then normalized to roo percent' and an average percentage by weight for
ìjri
,: ii nological style, a concept first employed by Heather Lechtman (rg77), every oxide is calculateá for each glaze sample
A complete discussion of
(zoo4)'
if they convey socially meaningful information. I use Rice's (tg81:zot) samiling and analysis methods is presented in Hundey
'In. åi".op.obl unalysis reveals differences in the rel¿tive amounts of
.1l.¡
modified definition of technological style as a combination ofexperience
on St' Johns Poly-
,l.lti and custom resulting in a body of information and practice governing lead ancl copper pres"nf in Z"ni tegion glazes Paints
l,,i the manufacture of material culture, which leads to a characteristic prod- th. type examined in this study, tend to have little or no
uct with a unìque range of properties. I argue that the socially mean- "h.o-", ""rli"st ofcopper compared to pâints on Kwakina Poly-
:ll,i lead ar,á higher
"mounts of
ingful information conveyed by glaze paint recipes pertains to learning chrome H"shotauthla Polychrome The average lead compositìon
:lirj "nã approximately
:l rlr
frameworks that relate to the construction of group identity and social th" ,"u"nty ,o-pled St. Johns Polychrome glaze paints is
ìiri boundaries (Lemonnier r992, rg93). Inotherwords, meaningful, nonarbi-
7 percent ty weight, and half
of those samples contain less thân r per-
from less
.i'irtr trary technical choices are made in the context of learning frameworks, ."nt t""a Uy *"ight (see Huntley zoo4:table 7 z) Copper ranges
with a
ìltl or communities ofpractice, in which potters participate. I define a com- th"n r percent to 47 percent by weight in St Johns Polychrome'
munity of practice as a social group within which a particular technique This can be contrasted with ¿ mean of
irii -""n of "pp.o*irnateþ r8 percent rz percent by weight for
is learned and perpetuated through interaction âmong group members uronrrd ,8 i..."nt by weight for lead and around
also appears to
;liii
l:ì
(Lave and Wenger rggr:5o; Minar zoor; Sassaman and Rudolphi zoot; copper in Heshotauthla and Kwakina Polychrome There
of minor glaze con-
Stark 1999, chap. z, this vol.; Wenger 1998). Importantly, communities be åme vari"bility within and among types in terms
that.may have
:$ii ofpractice âre complicated in that they may incorporate various overlap- stituents, such as iron ard -ånganese, as well as elements
association with lead or
ping group affiliations srrucrured by spatìal proximity (e.g., household or been introduced in small quantities through their
village membership) or along lines ofkinship and/or ethnicity. The com- copper ores (e g., zinc and titanium)'
munity of practice concept is especially useful for understanding glaze iih" t.".rd toward increasing lead and decreasing copper âpPears to
paint recipes since glaze paint manufacture is something that presum_ by experimentation with
have been a gradual development charâcterized

ro8 / Deborah L. Huntley From Recipe to ldentitY / roq

 lead-based glaze recipes at the late end of the White Mountain Red Ware
75
sequence and the early end oftheZuni Glaze Ware sequence.The contexts 70
from which sherds used in this study were selected can be classified as 65 T

Ìt TII
relatively early or late within the Pueblo IV period.t Figure 6.r shows box_ 60
55
and-whisker plots oflead and copper percenrages by weight for each type
50
frorn early and late Pueblo IV contexts. Note that the box-and-whisker
45
plots present median values rather than means and also highlight thc pres_
errce ofa few outliers for eâch pottery type. As these plots indicate, within
earlier archaeological contexts from Zuni region sites, all three types-
Ër
f! Ilü
St. Johns, Heshotauthla, and Kwakina Polychrome 25

ri $
- have lower median
values for lead than do all three types from later contexts. The fact that
20 |¡
15
$r St. Johns Polychrome glaze compositions overlap substantially with early
i 10
I NonoutlierMax
Heshotauthla and Kwakina Polychrome glaze compositions indicates that 5
il { this basic change in recipe represents a local developmental trajectory of 0 ¡ -
1sy"
25yo

White Mountain Red Ware in the Zuni region. -5

Polv.
Hesh. Si. Johns PolY. Poly.
Hesh. St. Johns PolY
n=50 Kwåkina poty. n=53 n=94 Kwakina Poly. n=15
I performed a k-me¿ns nonhierarchical cluster analysis (Kintigh zooz)
in order to identify groups of glaze samples with similar compositions.
ti The analysis incorporated all samples independent oftype or time period
to create compositional groups. K-means analysis was performed using
f
molecular proportions for each oxide, which are calculated by dividing an
il oxide's weight percentâge by its molecular weight. The molecular pro-
portion therefore represents the proportion of molecules for each oxide
present in the mixture and ensures that heavy elements, such as lead, :
do not have disproportionate influence on statistical analyses. The clus_
-rl
:l
ter analysis was performed using standardized z-scores of the molecular
proportion datâ.
In this analysis, a three-cluster solution exhibits the most pronounced
ttt
ll-r
lo
lTl
difference from randomly generated dat¿ and confirms the major distinc-
tion between high- and low-lead paints. It also identifies a third, smaller Ír
L] l.l T l.t
? l'l -lI
t,l t.t
tttt

ììi
compositional group characterized by high levels of manganese.z While
other cluster solutions result in further partitioning ofthe two large com-
positional groups, these solutions largely highlight differences in minor
rll lïr
L+
-
t:l
Nonoullier[4ar

7sY,
25yo

elements, such as magnesium, titanìum, and zinc, that are highly variable Poly.
Hesh. SL. Johns PolY Hesh.Poly- St. Johns PolY
n=50 Kwakina Poly. n=s3 n=94 Kwakina Poly. n=15
and may be present in glazes as impurities associated with other minerals.
I choose to focus on the three-cluster solution because I believe that it
Fig. 6.1. Lead oxide weight pelcentages (top) and copper oxide weight
distinguishes groups thât are the result of intentional glaze preparation
percentages (bottom) by type fol eaÙ and late contexts.
strâtegies used by Zuni region potters.
There are a number of significant differences bet\¡¡een compositional
groups, the most important of which are probably lead, copper, man-

rro / Deborah L. Huntley

 r¡l
l

Pueblo IV period at all of the sampled pueblos within the

Zuni region,
ganese, silica, and alumina concentrations.3 A total of 60 percent of all
there may be some subtle differences among sites' I was able
to identify
sampled Heshotâuthla Polychrome glazes and 6r percent of Kwakina
Polychrome glazes are classified in Group r. Only rr percent ofSt. Johns probable protluction sources for a total of rr8 sherds using instrumental
,r"r,t o.t r"tion analysis (rNea) of sherd pastes rNee datâ were obtained
ii Polychrome glazes are classified in this group. Group 3, the low le¿d ".ti results
group, contains 84 percent ofall St. Johns Polychrome glazes and 33 per- at the University of Missouri Research Reactor (ruunn), and the
is
i'i.
cent and 34 percent, respectively, of Heshotauthla and Kwakina Poly- of the analysis are presented in Huntley (zoo4)' The reader referred
ìl to Duff (zåoz), Glascock (1992), Neff and Glowacki (zooz)' and Neff
chrome glazes. Group z appears to be a somewhat lower-lead/higher-
lii
i man$nese v".siott of Group r and contains relatively low frequencies of (zooz) for detailed discussions ofuunR sâmple preparation, instrumentå-
ìion, st"tistical procedures. For present purposes I assume that Slaze
all three types, with Heshotauthla Polychrome glazes most common. "nd were locally
The relatively high copper and lower leâd content of Group 3 glazes' paints found on sherds recovered from a particular pueblo
iì' Ii: assume that bâtches, or prepared mixtures, of glaze paints
'il which are predominantly on St.Johns Polychrorne bowls, typically results made. I also
has been suggested
were not traded independently of ceramic vessels, as
i]ì 1:

ìll i in paint that is dark brown or black in color' St. Johns glazes also tend to
a
and Habicht-
.ÌÌ ìl
have more silica and alumina than Heshotauthla or Kwakina glazes, which by Habicht-Mauche and colleagues (zooo; see also Nelson
ore circu-
ìtÌi I
rnay explain why many ofthe St. Johns glazes are not very glassy and may
Àiauche, ch"p. n' this volume, for a discussion ofpossible lead
,:ìii
ìi
best be considered subglazes. Moreove¡ both Heshotauthla and Kw¿kina lation mechanisms).
than
.i.¡l l¡
Polychrome from late contexts are less variable than are both types from Low-lead paints (Group 3) are generally more common overall
contexts (see
,$r ii
earlier contexts, a trend that St. Johns Polychrome glazes do not share (see highJead paints (Group r) on vessels recovered from early
high-lead glazes are
iii,
ìi
Huntley zoo4:table 7.3). St. Johns glazes are consistently more heteroge- Hlntley zão4:table 7.8). However, in early contexts,
on rr"r."ls made from clays available in the Pescado
Basin (where
ri neous (and lower) in lead compositions than Kwakina and Heshotauthla "o--on on vessels most likely
Heshotauthla Pueblo is located) but entirely absent
l:
lill Polychrome.
in the El Morro Valley (Fisher's Exact P = o o6) In later contexts'
a
Increased compositional homogeneity in Kwakina and Heshot¿uthla made
iii Polychrome glazes might be explained by increased standardization in high-lead paints are on average about twice âs common
on vessels pro-

dr-iced in the Pescado Basin as on vessels attributed

to the El Morro Valley
glaze recipes through time, owing either to a reduction in the number
orJaralosa Draw in the southwestern portion of the
Zuni region (Fisher's
of glaze producers or to a geneÍâl consensus among Zuni region potters \üas â strong
about the appropriateway to mâke a glaze. A more consistent glaze recipe' Exact P = o.o5). Thus, I argue that while there app¿rently
glaze recipes
particularly if coupled rvith consistent ore sources and improved pro- temporâl component to the use oflead- versus copper-based
parts
cessing techniques, would have allowed potters to reliâbly achieve certain within the Zuni region as a whole, potters from pueblos in different
recipe at differentrates'
glaze qualities, such as glassiness and color brightness. Relatively high ofthe region appear to have adopted the high-lead
some groups of potters may not have adopted it at
all'
lead and silica compositions in many Heshotauthla and Kwakina glazes Indeed,
not only cause them to be more vitreous' but also promote more variety Ore Sources for Zuni Region Glaze Paints
and brilliance in glaze color since these materials are essentially clear.
to high
Underlying slip color also has an effect on observed color. For example, The change in basic glaze recipe from low lead and high copper
lead and low copper appears to coincide with changes
in patterns of raw
green glazes on white-slipped Kwakina Polychrome appear brighter than
been diversifica-
they would on a red-slipped St. Johns or Heshotauthla Polychrome. rnaterial utilizatiÀn. In particular, there ¿rppeârs to have
to make Zuni
tion through time in the lead and copper ore sources used
Intraregional Variability in Glaze Technological Styles glazes.
used to
A closer look at intraregionâl patterning in glaze compositions reveals that identified the geographic locations of copper and lead ores
I
spectroscopy
while the basic glaze recipe seems to have changed over the course ofthe make glaze paints using inductively coupled plasma mass

rrz / Deborah L. Huntley

From Recipe to Identity / r13
 (rce-us). The application of this technique to the analysis of glazes is 41.0

based on the principle that lead ores from different geological sources-
40.5
lì and copper ores associated with them-can be distinguished by their
i:
stable lead isotope "fingerprints." Judith Habicht-Mauche and others 40.0
i, (Habicht-Mauche et al. 2ooo,2oo2;Huntley et al. in press) have success-
fully used this technique to source lead ores and lead-based glazes from
the Rio Grande Valley. I followed the methodology outlined by Habicht-
Mauche and colleagues (zooo; see also Huntley zoo4).5 39.0

Lead and copper ores occur in association in a number of formations

38.5
throughout New Mexico and Arizona. The Cerrillos source is one ofthe
best-known lead and copper ore sources and was extensively utilized by
38.0
Rio Grande potters (Habicht-Mauche et al. zooo). Othet ore sources âre
located along the Rio Grande rift several of these are shown in figure
- 37.5
r.z along with the Cerrillos source. As the map indicates, probable lead
ore sources used by Zuni region potters range from approximately r75 km 37.0

to nearly 3oo km distant. Copper ores were reportedly available locally 17.4

in the Zuni Mount¿ins (Ferguson and Hart 1985:49) and in parts of

south-central Arizona (uscs r969). There are no currently known lead ore
I ì :El
sources in the Zuni region, however, and no lead ore samples from this '_-_- '_: ---' : a''."' b
area could be located in the geological and archaeological collections that :fl
I surveyed.
Lead isotope data are conventionally plotted in two-dimensional space 3
S to.o
using various combinations ofstacked plots ofpairs ofratios (e.g.,206Pb/ g :

204Pb and z07Pb 208Pb/204Pb). This provides a means of visu-

f20+Pb vs.
ally identifying ore source sepârâtion and correspondence between glazes ... .... .... .. . . ........ ..:... .-: . . . .... ........
15.5
and ore sources. Figure 6.2 shows isotopic ratios for lead ores from dif-
ferent mining districts. These data include ore isotope ratios reported
by Habicht-Mauche and Ginn (zoo4), Habicht-Mauche and colleagues
(zooo, zooz), Huntley (zoo4), and Huntley and colleagues (in press). As '15.0
17.5 r 8.5 I 9.5 20.5 21 .5 22.5
the figure indicates, ore sources represented by multiple samples tend Pb206Ì204
to plot as elongated, flattened ellipses with characteristic slopes. In the
lower plot, for example, Cerrillos North and South samples are repre- Fig. 6.2. Plot of ore lead isotope ratios by rnining district
sented by the group of solid and open circles on the lower left. These (2o7Pb/2o4Ph over ,o6Pb/roaPb and ,osPb/204Pb Ovel 'z06Pb/'zo4Pb).
samples show a distinct linear trend frorn lower left to upper right. Placi-
tas district samples (represented by open squares) plot to the right ofthe
Cerrillos o¡es but show a similar linear trend. Ores from central (Tijeras)
and southern sources (Joyita Hills, Magdalena, North Magdalena, and
Hansonburg) plot along a flatter, left-to-right trending line (note thât the

rr4 / Deborah L. Huntley

,l
rì
smâller Broups of Tijeras, Joyita Hills, and North Magdalena ores cluster
l
fairly tightly).
The Socorro area samples are somewhat problematic, since seve¡al
samples from the Juanita, Kelly, and Mistletoe mines in the Magdalena
district and one sample of unknown provenience frorn the Hansonburg
district partially overlap the group of Cerrillos ores in the lower left cor-
ner of the plot. This overlap is not surprising given that the Cerrillos
and Magdalena ore deposits are similar in geologic age and depositional
context (Virgil Leuth, personal communication). Thus, since some ofthe
southern ore samples overlap with some of the Cerrillos ore samples, I
assign glaze paint samples to ore source groups with caution.
Figure 6.3 plots lead isotope ratios for Heshotauthla Polychrome, Kwa-
kina Polychrome, and St. Johns Polychrome. In this figure, the lower plot
also includes ellipses showing the spatial distribution of Cerrillos and
southern (Joyita Hills, Magdalena, North Magdalena, and Hansonburg) .f¡
ore samples from figure 6.2. The upper plot shows an enlarged view of
the area covered by the rectangle in the lower plot and includes regres- Ores
16.5
sion lines6 for Cerrillos and southern ore source Broups. Most of the St.
Johns glazes (twenty-seven ofthirty-five samples) show the same general
linear trend as the Cerrillos ore source group. Of the eight St. Johns Poly- o
chrome sherds that clearly fall wìthin the area of the southern ore source S ro.o

group, five are from late contexts, four have unusu¿l interior and/or ex- îfI &;}
terior design motifs, and three may actually be classified as late St. Johns Y:9
ern Ores
transitioning to Heshotauthla Polychrome. Glazes on Heshotauthla Poly- 155
'^"lt o Heshotauthla PolY.
chrome and Kwakina Polychrome more frequently plot in the ellipse de- i;, + Kwakina PolY.
I
I
A PolY
I--- -T-
St. Johns
fined by the southern ore sources. l

There are several reasons why caution must be applied when assignìng L
glaze paints to ore sources. First, as discussed above, some ofthe southern
15.0
17.5 1A.5 19.5 20 5 2',l s
Pb206no4
ore samples appear to overlap with the Cerrillos ore samples. Addition-
all¡ I cannot rule out the possibility that some of the glazes I analyzed Eig. 6.3. Plot of lead isotope ratios over
('z07Pb/20aPb

were made using other ore sources that have not been sampled. It is also ,oup6¡r*p6 and ,ospb/zo4Pb over 'zo.Pb/'zo4Pb) for Heshotauthla,
likely that potters regularly mixed materials from multiple ore sources Kwakina, and St. Johns Polychrorne' Top plot is area
to make glaze paints. This seems pârticularly likely given thât the ore denoted by rectangle in bottom plot'
sources known to have been available to Zuni region potters were very far
away. Whether potters yisited ore sources themselves or acquired ores via
trade with groups living near ore sources, materials from various sources
were probably stockpiled and used as needed. H¿bìcht-Mauche and col-
leagues (zooo) argue that such stockpiling and mixing behavior explains

r r6 / Deborah L. Huntley
 Table 6'2
Table 6.1 Paint Compositional Groups
(All Sites Combined) Distribution of Ole Souces among Glaze
Ceramic Type Frequencies by Ore Source Group
Glaze Comp. Group (Colurnn Percenrages)
Ore Source Group (Counts)
z (high Mn) 3 (low Pb) Toral
r (hish Pb)
Ceramic Type Ce¡rillos Hansonburg Magdalena Inder' Toral
z=8r n=238
Ore Sou¡ce
St. Johns Polychrome 152 t2 6 35 27.7
24.r 3 r.3 33.3
r39 Ce¡¡illos
Heshorauthla Polychrome 373 69 3o
2.8 3.7
2.9
18 2 32 23 Hansonburg
Kwakiùa Polychrome 43.8 42.o 45.8
II3 249 Magdalena 48.2
Tot¿l 707 59
24.8 25.o 2t,o 23.5
Indetermiûate IOO
roo roo
Totâl roo

some of the isotopic variability seen in glaze paints from G¿listeo Basin source since Zunis
Pueblo IV Zuni region potters utilized the Cerrillos
pueblos. rimes
.".i*¿1, obr"ineà copper turquoise from Cerrillos in. historic
Bearing in mind these caveats, table 6.r presents probable ore source "nd js somewhat surprising is thar rhe
classifrcations for glaze paint samples based on visual examination of
mul- i;:;Ñ ""lHt', 'qäs'+ql whát contact between the Western and
ì.oro"p" aur" ,ngg"st regular, sustained
tiple bivariate plots of isotope ratios. A slightly higher proportion of St' p""Uf""*gions by the mid-rzoos' especially since other-lines of
to the Cerrillos ore source (fif- Ë"r,J-
"*a"n""
Johns Polychrome glazes are attributed isolated through-
i',¿i""." .h¿t the Zuni region was relatively
ìeen of thirt¡five samples) than to other sources' While the Cerrillos pt"frl" lV period Later Zuni region glaze paints are-commonly
and
source continues to be quite commonly used for Kwakina Polychrome ""r,ft" suggesting an overall expansion
Heshotauthla Polychrome glazes, potters aPpear to have more commonly
ir"a"-rrrirrg o.., f.àm southern sources'
and perhaps increased emphasis on
social networks fo-
uséd ores from southern sources for these types' As noted by Laumbach "irl"ii*,*-ot, By this time
;;;; the Socorro area, during the early to mid-r3oos'
(chap. 8, this vol.) Zuni Glaze Ware sherds (or local copies thereof) are rr€ar the Cerrillos
found on Magdalena area sites' providing additional evidence of contact
iìt lnur.o" in the Galisteo Basin' which is located Glaze Ware (Shep-
between these two regions. Glazes attributed to ores from the Hanson-
L"'*"Ã 0"."-e a major producer of Rio Grande over the cerrillos
burg mining district are much less common among all three types Fifty-
; ;;;;1.ì; ã*teo B"sin pueblos exercised control more difficult
lead source, Zuni region potters
may have found these ores
nine glaze samples (six St. Johns Polychrome, thirty Heshotauthla Poly- frequently
chrome, and twenty-three Kwakina Polychrome) could not be clâssified
;;;ñ "nd .o,t,"-qu"t'ily utilizei alternative sources more
vol )
(Nelson and Habicht-Mauche, chap' rr' this
into a single source group. Most of these samples may be attributed to -
' ðo*putiron ofglaze paint compositions with probable ore sources rn-
-

either the Cerrillos or Magdalena ore source A few plot near the Ti.,eras p¿tterned bv
or Placitas ore samples for one oÍ more pairs ofisotope ratios, but also
fall d;;^;;;, high-Ëad aid lowl"ad paints are not stronglv compositions
close to the regression line for the southern ore source group' I.ï;; #;e 3r3 samples for which glaze chemical
distribution of ore
data' The
On the whole, isotope sourcing of glaze paints indicates that Zuni re-
*"r" a",".-in"a, ,J8 also have lead isotope
Groups 3 is very simi-
t'z'and'
sources among glaze paint compositional
gion potters used a variety of distant ore deposits-particularly for lead, Group r (high
which may not have been locally available. A large number ofglaze paints
i* Aïtl" ã"1. Ñ""rÇ nlf 148' percent) of all glazes.in24lercent were
Kwa- i"ui¡ u,,.iu,"a to Magdalena ores and approximately
used to decorate St. Johns Polychromç and early Heshotauthla and "r" r.o- Cerrillos ores;2 8 percent are from Hansonburgores and
kina Polychrome vessels appear to have been made using ores from the
i*"Ç*ua"
ore source' The proportions of Cerrillos
¡ R nercent are of indeterminate
CerrillosHills mines near Santa Fe, although some early glazes were made "
percentages of Magdalena ores some-
with ores from the Socorro area. It is perhaps not very surprising that oi., nt" ,o-.*tt"t higher and the

From ReciPe to IdentitY / rr9

r18 / Deborah L. Huntley
 what lower in Groups z (high manganese) and 3 (low lead/high copper).
Fisher's Exact test shows that equal or greater differences between ob-
served arid expected cell frequencies have a nearly zo percent probability
of occurring if the variables are independent (P = o.r8). Thus while it
appears that high-manganese and high-copper paints $'ere made less fre-
quently using ores from Magdalena and other southern sources, I can-
not say with certainty that this pattern is statistically significant. Differ-
ençes in glaze paint compositions, then, cannot be attributed exclusively
to the chemical properties of different ore sources. Rather, glaze com-
positions appear to be the result of technical choices made during glaze
manufacture.
,iì
ii Summary and Interpretations
Few anthropologists would doubt that material culture plays an active role
in the creation and maintenance of social identities. Most scholars agree
that identity is å relatively fluid property and that individuals and groups
consciously construct and maintain multiple social identities at different
iii,
scales (e.9., Barth 1969; Dobres and Hoffmân 1994; Hitchcock and Bar-
tram r998; Moerman 1965). Often at issue is whether or not soci¿l identi-
ties and group boundaries are typically visible to archaeologists, and, ifsq
ii
i ìf. what those identities and boundaries actual signify (e.g., see the chapters
ìir in Stark, ed., 1998, particularly Hegmon 1998; Stark rg98). The data pre-
rili
iii sented in this chapter and others in this volume illustrate that we are be-
li,
ginning to disentangle the complicated networks ofinteraction and social
ì¡i.
ili,l
identity within which glaze ware vessels circulated. For example, examin-
ing multiple lines ofevidence allows us to document Pueblo IV Zuni re-
iii gion potters' technical choices and speculate as to how these choices may
ìt,
inform on social interaction and identity at the interregional, regional, and
intraregional levels.
iii Despite apparent long-distance circulation of lead ores and the wide-
iii
spread adoption ofa glaze paint tradition throughout much ofthe north-
ii
ern Southwest, data presented in this chapter and elsewhere in this vol-
Ì ume (e.9., chap. 4 and chap. ro) point to the development of distinctive
regional trends that may reflect larger ethnic or other social boundaries.
) Zrni glazes, particularly on Heshotauthla and Kwakina Polychrome ves-
sels, typically have much higher lead and lowercopper and iron than glazes
i on polychrome ceramics from the White Mountains (De Atley 1986:ro6;
rzo / Deborah L. Huntley
i.
ii
,li i
al
Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins, chap. 4, this vol.; Hawley 1938; Shepard r94z),
and lower lead and higher copper than Rio Gr¿nde GlazeWare
(Herhahn,
chap. ro, this vol.; Herhahn and Huntley 1996; Huntley and Herhahn
1996; Shepard ry42).7 Ztni Glaze Ware types âlso appear to be unique
in overall design style and, compared to early Rio Grande Glaze Ware, in
the wide range of colors-black, browns, brilliant greens, reds, yellows,
and purples-that potters were able to produce.
The glaze paint compositional data indicate th¿t there was a region-
wide shift through time in the basic glaze rccipe used to decorate Zuni
Glaze Ware vessels. Potters initially made glazes with variable lead and
copper compositions, but by the late Pueblo IV period typically chose to
make glazes that were high in tead and low in copper. Lead- and copper-
in technological style
based recipes represent alternatives or variations
that would produce broadly similar but not completely equivalent prod-
ucts. Glazes on Kwakina and Heshotauthla Polychrome also became less
compositionally variable through time, suggesting standardization in pro-
cessing techniques, firing, or reduction in the number ofpotters'
I argue that a broadlyìhared and relatively rapidly adopted glaze recipe
reflects a shared conception about the "correct" way to make a glaze paint
that may be tied to the proposed ritual functions ofglaze ware vessels (see
also Huntley zoo4). This shared conception could only have been brought
about by regular communication among potters Although Zuni glazes are
probably not so complex as to require formal instruction in glaze prepa-
ration, some degree offace-to-face communication would have been nec-
essary in order to reproduce the basic recipe and proper firing conditions
required to creâte a vitreous paint. Assurning that \ryomen were the pri-
mary producers of glaze-decorated pottery, much ofthis interâction was
likely among groups of women. Thus, fourteenth-century Zuni potters
must have maintained social ties with female kin living in other pueblos,
and potting communities ofpractice may have regularly included a num-
berofrelated women, including the wives and daughters of male relatives,
from multiple pueblos.
Within the Zuni region there are also some minor intraregional differ-
ences in the distributions of high-lead and high-copper paints, suggest-
ing that potters from pueblos in the Pescado Basin may have adopted the
high-lead glaze recipe earlier and more fully than did Potters in the EI
Morro Valley or the Jaralosa Draw area. Based on this pattern' I propose
that within an overall regionâl pattern of shared glaze recipes there are
From Recipe to Identiry / rzr
 indications of intraregional differences thât may reflect more restricted ford (formally of the Mining and Minerals Division of the New Mexrco
spheres of interaction and identity. These spheres may have been influ- Department of Energ¡ Minerals, and Natural Resoì.rrces, Santa Fe), Vir-
enced largely by spatial proximiry that is, by residence in a particular ginia Mclemore and Robert Weber of the New Mexico Bureau of Ge-
village or clustered group ofvillages. ology and Mineral Resources, Socorro, ând David Hill of Archaeologi-
In conclusion, I propose that the convergence ofa high-lead glaze rec- cal Research and Tèchnolog¡ Inc., Austin. Special thanks goes to Homer
ipe with a wider range ofcolors and a major change in design style in Zuni 'Weber
Milford and Robert for answering my geology questions. Suzanne
Glaze Ware, particularly polychrome/bichrome-slipped Kwakina poly- Eckert, Judith Habicht-Mauche, Keith Kintigh, and several anonymous
chrome, is socially significant on many levels. On one level, Zunj Glzze reviewers provided helpful comments on earlier drafts ofthis chapter.
Ware is one particular manifestation of a lâxger stylistic and technologi_
cal phenomenon possibly linked to pan-southwestern changes in social
and religious organization. While participating in this large-scale develop-
ment, Zuni region potters nevertheless developed their own unique glaze
t:
recipe that may have been an intentional expression of shared cultural
identity. Thus, while the basic knowledge necessary to make glaze paints
was something shared by a network ofpotters spreâd out across much of
the Puebloworld,I argue that Zuni region potters made an attempt to dis-
tinguish theii wares from those made in other regions. At the same time,
ore resource utilization suggests even wider social ties that transcended
regional boundaries and traditionally defined culture areas. I argue that
Zuni region potters' communities ofpractice were largely defined by resi-
dencein a particular nucleated pueblo orcluster ofpueblos, but must have
periodically extended well beyond these geographic boundaries.

Acknowledgments
Analyzed sherds come frorn the following collections: the Heshotauthla
Archaeological Research Project (directed by Keirh Kintigh), the Cibola
il
:i Archaeological Research Project (directed by Patty Jo Watson, Charles
Redman, and Steven LeBlanc), and Lower Pescado Village (directed by
'ìl
i,
Nan Rothschild and Susan Dublin). Funding for electron microprobe and
Ìì
: Icr-us analyses was provided by the National Science Foundation (grant
tl number ncs-ooo3rgr) and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropo-
tÌ
ii
logical Research (Grant Number 665$. A. Russell Flegal, Rob Franks,
i
ll Judith Habicht-Mauche, Mara Ranville, Dan Sampson, and Bruce Tan-
ri ner provided valuable technical support for these analyses, which were
conducted on equipment available in the Earthand Marine Sciences facili-
ties at the University of California, Santa Cruz. Ryan Dean, Elizabeth
Kerin, and Sarah Ginn performed the sample digestions for the lead iso-
tope analysis. Lead ore samples were kindly provided by Homer Mil-

rzz / Deborah L. Huntley From Recipe to ldentiry / rz3

 7

The Decline of Zuni Glaze

Ware Production in the Tumultuous
Fifteenth Gentury
Gregson Schachner

Archaeologists working in the Ztni region of the American Southwest kilometers

have long noted the dr¿matic break in ceramic technology that coincided o 10

with the founding of the protohistoric Zuni towns, the famed ,,Seven
Cities of Cibola," during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries
lo (Kintigh rg85b; Kroeber 1916; Reed 1955; Spier r9r7) (see fig. 7.r).
Potters residing in the Zuni areâ were among the first to utilize glaze
paints in the Southwest, but in the en r4oos, after a long period of tech-
nological development, glâze ware production declined precipitously and
in all likelihood ceased. Glaze-painted white and red wares were rapidly
replaced by matte-painted buff wa¡e with new technological and stylis-
tic conventions. This pattern is quite different from that of other glaze
ware-producing areas ofthe Southwest, where glaze paints continued to
be applied until the Pueblo Revolt in ró8o (see chap. 3).
In this chapter, I explore the demise of Zuni GlazeWare production
and its relationship to the historical processes and events that shaped Zuni
society during the founding of the protohisroric towns. The first section
introduces a framework for relating changes in material culture to the so-
cial transformations th¿t often occur during migration and resettlement.
Next, I reconsider the dating of the decline in glaze ware production at
Zuni, which is necessary in order to place this shift in historical context. In
the ¡emainder ofthe chapter, I argue that the demise ofglazeware produc-
tion at Zuni was linked to the development ofnew concepts ofshared iden-
-_
Fig. 7.1. Ptotohistoric Zuni Villages.
tity following the incorporation of migrant groups and significant shifts
in Zuni settlement and society during the fifteenth century.
Linkages between Material Culture,
Social Ghange, and Migration
Understanding how changes in material culture are linked to sociâl trans-
formations has long been one of the primary goals of archaeological re-
search. In recent years our conception of processes of material culture
change has been enhanced by ethnoarchaeological and archaeological
studies oftechnological systems, styles, and choices (Childs r99r;Lecht-
lnan rg77; Lemonnier ry86, rggz; Stark 1998, 1999, chap. z, this vol.).
Empirical studies have provided a clearer viewof the processes thât lead
to change, the pace ât which it happens, and the material signatures
that result from shifts in technological systems (Hardin and Mills zooo;
Kalentzidou zooo; Stark 1999; Stark and Longacre 1993). For the most

The Decline ofZuni Glaze Ware Production / rz5

 part these studies have shown "that technological styles are more resis-
tant to chânge than are decorative aspects of material culture', (Stark
tggg:29, citing Gosselain rygz:582-83; Rice ig84:z5z; Wiessner rg85).
Changes in technological styles have been linked to both conscious de-
cisions and external causes. Proposed causal mechanisms include shifts
in subsistence practices, population size and structure, networks ofìnter-
action, the movement ofpotters between communities, colonization, and
chxrging demand (Stark rg99:zg 3o). Documenting changes in techno-
logical choices represents a primar¡ although minimal, step toward ex-
plaining material culture shìfts. These shifts must then be placed in social
and historical context in order to delineate the processes ofchange and ar-
ticulation of productive and social systems (Kalentzidou zooo:166 67).
In this chapter, I examine a well-documented, relatively clear-cut case of
technological change (from glaze- to marte-painted ceramics) in light of
our growing understanding of changes in Pueblo IV Ancestr¿l puebloan
society.
For good reason, the study of migration and its effects on society has
recently proliferated within Southwest ârchaeology. This movement has
been an intriguing product ofour growing knowledge ofthe archaeologi-
cal record, critical reengagement u/ith anthropological (Clark zoor;Duff
r998) ând archaeological models of migration (Cordell r995; Reid r998),
ü.
and renewed appreci¿tion oforal tradition and the centrality of migration
i¡ Native American identityand history (Bernardini zooz; Dongoske et al.
r997; Kuwanwisiwm a zooz;Lyons zoo3; Naranjo rgg-5). Recent studies of
migration have attempted to address how migration, and mobility in gen-
eral, often lead to and generate social change. In particula¡ these studies
have focused on why new communities either formed b¡ or that incor-
porate, migrant groups âre often the locus of significant shifts in settle-
ment structure, identity, and ritual practice (E. C. Adams zooz; Cord,ell
r9g5; Lyons zoo3; M. C. Nelson zooo; see P¿uketat 2oo3 for a recent non-
Southwest example). Large-scale population movements, such as those
that occurred in the Southwest in the late fourleenth and early fifteenth
centuries, fragrnented existing social networks ând groups, creating con-
ditions ripe for the onset ofsocial change as new social ties, comrnunities,
and identities were created by diverse social groups with varying tradi-
tions and goals (sensu M. C. Nelson zooo; Pâuketat 2oo3).
Of particular interest to this study is the extensive documentation
of shifts in ceramic technological choices and systems associated with
rzó / Gregson Schachner
the incorporation of migrant groups (Hegmon, Nelson, and Ruth rg98;
Stark, Ctark, and Elson ryg5; Zedeño 1994; see Kalentzidou zooo for a
non-Southwest example). Migrant potters introduced new techniques,
pursued novel uses oflocal materials, and provided a new pool of knowl-
edge that often resulted in innovation in both local and migrant tech-
nological systems. Howevet as I will argue below, in the Zuni case,
changes in pottery production were not simply technological shifts but
closely linked to the renegotiâtion and creation of social identity during
resettlement.
Migration and its effects must be included in discussions ofthe foun-
dation ofthe historic Zuni villages and the creation ofmodern Zuni iden-
tity (Cushing 1896; Ferguson and Hart 1985; Kintigh zooo; Schachner
zoor; Smith,Woodbury, and Woodbury 1966). Migration and the gather-
ing ofdiverse groups are keyaspects ofZuni oral traditions concerning the
establishment ofthe historic Zuni villages and modern pueblo (Dongoske
et al. 1997; Ferguson and Hart rg85). Frank Cushing was convinced that
his studies of Zuni oral tradition attested to the composite character of
historic Zuni society, which he felt comprised two peoples, one indige-
nous to the area and another more recently arrived from the southlvest
(Cushing 1896). Cushing dedicated most of his archaeological fieldwork
at Zuni and in the Phoenix Basin to the exploration of this question. In
the following sections I explore the archaeological evidence for the de-
clirre of Ztni Glaze Ware production and its relationship to migration and
accompanying settlement shifts in the fifteenth century AD.
The Demise of Zuni Glaze Ware Ploduction
in the Fifteenth Century
Glaze paints began to be applied to Zuni area ceramics in the mid-rzoos'
with Zuni Glaze Ware comprising almost the entirety of Zuni decorated
assemblages for the next two hundred years.r Zuni area potters first ap-
plied glaze paints to St. Johns Black-on-red and Polychrome types. Many
pots from the late thirteenth century exhibit characteristics ofboth St'
Johns types and one ofthe earliest Zuni Glaze Ware tyPes,
Heshotauthla
Polychrome. Most archaeologists have seen these transitional examples
as indicative of the roots of Zuni Glaze Ware in earlier White Mountain
Red W¿re traditions (Carlson rgTo; Reed 1955; Seventh Southwestern
Ceramic Seminar 1965; Woodbury and Woodbury ry66). LllZuni Glaze
The Decline of Zuni Glaze Wa¡e Productiot f e7
 Ware types exhibit combinations ofglaze paint and red or white clay slips
(frequently found on the sâme vessel), with all-over white slips coming to
dominate glaze ware assemblages by the mid-r3oos (see chap. 3).2 In terms
of decorative style, Zuni Glaze Ware shares some elements of Pinedale
and Fourmile styles (Carlson rgTo; Crown 1994), but also possesses an
economy ofdesign structure and motifs reminiscent of Rio Grande Glaze
'Ware
(Carlson r97o; Woodbury and Woodbury i966).
Brior to e¡ r4oo, Zuni Glaze Ware production occurred over a much
larger area than its name implies. Except for some overlap along the upper
Little Colorado River, production areas of White Mountain Red Ware
and Zuni Glaze Ware were distinct after ¡o
r3oo. Compositional studies
it,
conducted by Duff (zooz) have demonstrated that all Zuni GlazeWare
types were produced in both the upper Little Colorado and Zuni re-
gions. An often forgotten aspecr of Zuni Glaze Ware is its relationship
to ceramics produced at the same time in the Acoma area (Dittert t95g,
r998; Seventh Southwestern Ceramic Seminar r965). Acoma poters pro-
duced analogues of Zuni Glaze Ware types that are frequently difficult
to visually distinguish f¡om those produced elsewhere. One could make
the argument that Acoma types should be included in the Zuni Glaze
Ware series, resulting in a production area spanning the Acoma, Zuni,
and upþer Little Colorado regions. However, this production distribution
changed over time, covering the whole area from r3oo to r+oo, becoming
restricted to Zuni and Acoma after r4oo, and continuing only at Acoma
through the sixteenth century. Acoma potters did not participate in the
switch to buffware and continued to make glaze-painted pottery until the
Pueblo Revolt.
Ceramic production in the fifteenth-century Zuni villages shifted radi-
cally, with a long tradition of glaze ware production being supplanted by
i
the manufacture of matte-painted buff ware. At this time potters began
making Matsaki BuffWare, a buff-colored pottery decorated with brown,
i
1l red, and white matte pâints that is often considered a copy of Sikyatki-
l
styleJeddito Yellow Ware (E. C. Adarns r99r; Kintigh r985b; Mills r995;
Reed rg55; Smith, Woodbur¡ and Woodbury 1966). Although the pro-
duction of glaze and buffwares overlapped for a short period during the
r4oos, stratigrâphic evidence fromHawikku and Halona:wa (modern Zuni
Pueblo) suggests the shift in dominance was rather abrupt, with Matsaki
representing a small portion ofthe decorated assemblage before eclipsing
glaze ware sometime in the fifteenth cenrury (Mills 2oozb; Smith,Wood-
rz8 / Gregson Schachner
bury, and Woodbury 1966). Matsaki BuffWare comprised virtually all of
the Zuni potters' decorated repertoire until the founding of missions in
the area in r629.
The best evidence for the shift from assemblages dominated by Zuni
Glaze Ware to those dominated by Matsaki Buff Ware derives from the
rgrT fo rg23 excayations at Hawikku (Hodge 1937; Smith, Woodbury, and
Woodbury i966) and a recent Zuni Cultural Resource Enterprise project
conducted as part of the reconstruction of portions of Zuni Middle Vil-
lage (Mills zoozb). Hodge's crew excavated a trench 75 feet long, rr feet
wide, and 15 feet deep in one-foot levels in the plaza at Hawikku (Smith'
Woodbury, and Woodbury 1966). Although the data from this trench ¿re
difficult to interpret owing to the mixing ofdeposits over the length ofthe
trench, the use of arbitrary levels, and uncertainty about Hodge's typo-
logical categories (Kintigh rg85b:6r-62), it still provides the longest un-
broken stratigraphic sequence of ceramic m¿terial from the Zuni area
The Hawikku data are much more interpretable when viewed in concert
with those from the recent Middle Village Project at Zuni Pueblo. Over
nine thousand sherds from seven levels (other levels remain to be ana-
lyzed, including the two deepest) ofa test trench to sterile soil near a plaza
at Zuni Middle Village provide detailed evidence of ceramic change from
at least the late fourteenth century to the mid-r5oos (Mills zoozb:table 4).
Figtrc 7.2 shows Ford diagrams of the decorated assemblages frorn
both the Hawikku and Zuni Middle Village trenches. Assuming differ-
ent villages had access to similar ceramic types, a visual comparison of
the proportions of decorated ceramics indicates thât the Middle Vil-
lage sequence is roughly contemporary to the lower levels at Hawikku,
probably levels g or ro through I4. The relative lack of Hawikuh Poly-
chrome in the Zuni Middle Village assemblage indicates that deposition
of this unit predates an 1630 by an undetermined duration (see below)'3
The lowest levels from Zuni Middle Village may in fact predate those
at Hawikku, although only a portion of Hodge's trench reached sterile
soil (Smith, Woodbury, and Woodbury ry66t43) In the Zuni Middle
Village trench, glaze ware dominates the assernblage in levels 6 through
ro, but then decreases dramatically. Above level 6 M¿tsaki Buff Ware
comprises the ma.iority of the Middle Village decorated assemblage and
glâze types steadily decline. Bearing in mind the significant possibility
of mixing in the Hawikku trench deposits, primarily owing to the ex-
tremely large size of the trench itself, the Hawikku data illustrate a re-
The Decline of Zuni Glaze Wa¡e Productiot f 2g
 I cantly at each site, and in upper levels were either absent (Hawikku levels
z-4) or found in such low quantities thât mixing ofdeposits seems a likely
É
explanation for their presence (Hawikku levels 5-7, possibly Middle Vil-
3
* çã
àÈ
lõ o ì
E
lage level 3). Thus at this time we cannot be sure that Zuni Glaze Ware
-q E
o È o=: production ceased entirely with the expansion of buff ware production,
'ë I -q
d+xi!!
=! È rlo P
tD=-a:û but it is quite clear that it had at least signifrcantly decreased to the point
0
| 0 fln E =
4
5
t::-
-
t---------t rl 0 I En tr ofbeing a minor portion ofZuni potters' repertoire. Negligible, contìnued
6d -[0tr0
Eû D¡ I 0
deposition would be expected as vessels in active use and those thât were
7
I -trû [¡t !tr
O

û -
I -E kept as heirlooms wore out and were deposited as trash. Additionally,
10 I tt û
some glâze ware vessels may have been obtained from Acoma.
E =10% -
Zuni l\,4iddte Vi age Study Unjt 99 The correlation of these changes with calendrical dates is somewhat
difficult, but a few lines of evidence suggest the glâze ware to buff ware
switch occurred during the mid-ao r4oos. Previous attempts at delineat-
ing chronological phases during the period from .tl t4oo to t63o at Tnnt
E
I have been hampered by the lack of systemåtic, excavated ceramic collec-
çèH.9
ioqE
FþOì tions from sites ofinterest (Kintigh r985b; Mills zoozb). This interval was
õ the longest undifferentiated period in Kintigh's (r985b:r8 rg) cerrmic
'Ë s;ìõ
N chronology for the Zuni area, marked largely by the presence of Matsaki
2
3
4
F-P
¡ ---- .
BuffWare and black ware, the plain utility ware that replaces gray corru-
5
6
0
o
Utr[
tEl]
gated ceramics after AD r4oo. The new dat¿ from the Zuni Middle Village
7 tr UDIì excavations provide an excellent opportunity to revisit the chronology of
8 -l ttfì
9
10
-- ]t ûr lì
this period.
11 ûlìñ Barbara Mills's (zoozb) thorough examination of chronological evi-
12
i3 -l [0ñ
'14 !¡¡" dence from the Middle Village trench estimâtes that the deposits repre-
l]
-r sent the period from approximately eD 1375 to r55o. The lowest analyzed
- =iO% Hodges Hawikku Treñch Ievel correlates well with Kintigh's (r985b:r8) Complex G from el r375
to r4oo, and thus provides a relatively solid beginning date. Significantly,
Fig. 7.2. Iord diagrarns for Zuni Middte Vitiage and Hawikku (data ftom
I¡litls 2002b and Smith, üIoodbury and Woodbury 1966:170, respectively). this period is thought to predâte the beginning of Matsaki Buff Ware
production and the appearance ofSalado Polychrome and Jeddito Yellow
Mills zoozb)
Ware at Zuni area sites (Kintigh r985b:r8-rg;
markably similar trajectory ofchange. In this case, the switch from glaze Although the earliest levels from Zuni Middle Village appear to be
ware to buff ware occurs between levels tz and u. Thus we consis_ solidly dated based on typological assessments, estimating chronological
tently have notably "quick" changes from glaze-ware-dominated to buff_ changes within the late¡ undifferentiated AD 14oo-163o period requires
ware-dominâted decorated ¿ssemblages at borh Zuni Middte Village and us to turn to other lines of evidence, primarily changes in vessel shape.
Hawikku. Archaeologists working in the Zuni area have long noted that marked
At both Zuni Middle Village and Hawikku, Zuni Glaze Ware sherds changes occur in vessel form during the production span of Matsâki
continued to be deposited as trash after the transition to Matsaki_ Buff Ware between eo r4oo and 168o (Reed rg55; Smith,Woodbury, and
dominated assemblages. Zuni Glaze Ware proportions decrease signifi_ Woodbury 1966). Erik Reed (1955: 187-88) proposed that later forms of

r3o / Gregson Schachner The Decline of Zuni Glaze Ware P¡oduction / r3I
Matsaki were distinctive enough to warrant a separate type name, Con-
cepción Polychrome. However, subsequent researchers found the delin-
eation of these changes difficult owing to a lack of well-provenienced
stratigraphic collections (Mills rgg5, zoozb; Seventh Southwestern Ce-
ramic Seminar r965; Woodbury and Woodbury r966). Working with both
whole vessels and sherd collections, Barbara Mills has recently been able
to document that Matsaki bowls and jars changed from hernispherical to
shouldered forms over time (Mills rgg5, zoozb; see Mills 1995, fig. 8.2,
for depictions). The shouldered Matsaki vessels âre reminiscent of rela-
tively well dated, late Rio Grande Glaze Ware forms that postdate AD r5oo
(Mills zoozb; Reed rg55) and, thus, provide a means of temporally sub-
dividing the ao 14oo-163o period. Mills's (zoozb) analysis of the Middle
Village ceramics was among the fust to systemâtically record rim form in ¿
large stratigraphic collection and demonstrates the utility ofthe approach
(see Mills 1995 for an applicâtion using whole vessels). Rim form was re-
corded for sherds from four levels in the Middle Village trench (3, 6, 7,
and 8). All shouldered Matsaki jar rims were found in level 3 (n = rc),
while zo of zz shouldered bowl rims also were recovered from level 3.
Hemispherical rim forms were found in all levels. Thus, only the upper-
most level âppears to securely postdate.r.D r5oo, although the persistence
of hemispherical rims indicates it may not be much later than this date.
Thus changes in vessel form, coupled with typological assessments, pro-
vide a means ofbracketing the span ofoccupâtion rep.resented by the Zuni
Middle Village trench at approximately ao r375-r55o.
Correlating individual levels with calendrical dates is a bit more diffi-
cult; however, various lines ofevidence suggest reasonable estimates. Mills
(zoozb:table 4) used changes in type frequencies (including utility wares
not discussed here) in concert with shifts in Matsaki vessel shapes to esti-
mate that levels 6 through 8 date to approximately AD r4oo r45o, levels
4 and 5 to r45o-r5oo, and level 3 to AD r5oo-r55o. Although it is likely
thât these dates will be refined with further analysis of the Middle Vil-
lage collections, they do provide a more secure framework for beginning
to discuss the tempo of ceramic change during the glaze ware to buffware
transition at Zuni. Using these preliminary dates as a guide, the switch
from glaze- to buff-dominated assemblages at Zuni Middle Village (be-
tween levels 5 and 6) can be estimated to have occurred sometime around
AD r45o. The switch at Hawikku is likely to have occurred during the
same interval judging from similarities in typological proportions a1 rhe
two villages. Lower levels of deposition of glaze ware occurred in subse-
r3z / Gregson Schachner
quent levels, suggesting production may have continued at an extremely
small sc¿le during the trânsition. By the rsoos, however' production of
Ztni GlazeWare most likely had ceased, as it was deposited in signifi-
cantly diminished quantities in levels that appear to date to this perioil'
Thus although much work remains to be done in order to securely date
the transition from glaze ware to buff ware production at Zuni ârea vil-
lages, current, reasonable estimates place the change sometime during the
mid-fi fteenth century,rn.
The production of Matsaki Buff W¿re marks a major technological
break in the Ztnî aret ceramic sequence (Mills 1995, zoo3; Woodbury
ancl Woodbury r966). Although a few transitional vessels have been iden-
tified, such as examples that include glaze paints on buff slips, these are
quite rare and most likely early in the Matsaki production span (Wood-
bury and Woodbur y ry66424, ¡6o).The production of Mats¿kiBuffWare
required changes in slip color, paint color and type, and eventually sig-
nificant changes in vessel form. Additionally, the selection ofappropriate
clays shifted when buff rvare began to be produced. Mills's (1995:zzo-
zr) compositional analyses of protohistoric, post-ao r4oo Zuni ceram-
ics demonstrate that Zrni Glaze Ware vessels were produced from a re-
stricted suite ofclays, possibly even a single source.a These clays may have
been selected for their physical properties, especially the ability to with-
stând relatively high firing temperatures (Mills tgg5zzt)' Matsaki Buff
'Ware,
on the other hand, was produced using diverse clays of variable
quality (Mills r995:2r3-r4). The diversity ofclay sources used to produce
Matsaki Buff Ware is reflected in the finished products, which exhibit a
wide range of color, hardness, and crackling (Woodbury and Woodbury
4664254). Although it is likely that the differences in glaze ware and
buffware ceramic technology may in part be a product ofgreater special-
ization ofZl¡i Glaze Ware production, possibly including the Beogrâphic
localization ofproduction (Mills r995:zr4), the movement ofnew potters
into the region with quite different leârning networks and ceramic manu-
facturing techniques may have helped spur on experimentation with, ând
the eventual adoption of, a different technological regimen in the Zuni
area (Hegmon, Nelson, and Ruth rg98; Kalentzidou zooo; Stark i999;
Stark, Clark, and Elson 1995). However, changes in ceramic production
were not simply technological shifts, they were part oflarger transformâ-
tions in Zuni society that accompânied the formation of the protohistoric
towns in the AD r4oos.
The Decline of Zuni Glaze Wa¡e Production / r33
 Correlating the Zuni Glaze Ware Decline
with Migration and lts Aftereffects
Identifying migration events through archaeological evidence, particu-
larly when those events may be implicated in radical changes in material
culture that mask their occurrence and effects, is fraught with difficul-
ties (Cordell 1995). We must rurn to multiple lines of evidence, which
in¡he Zuni case include shifts in settlement location, burial practices,
and ceramic assemblages (other than the glaze-bufftransition itself). The
temporal coincidence of these processes provides some indication of the
dramatic changes in Zuni society of which the glaze ware to buff w¿re
transition wâs a part.
One ofthe most intriguing aspects ofthe shift to buffivare production
is its correlation with the appearance of new ceramic types at Zuni. Re-
searchers often comment on the limited number of ceramic types found in
pre-r4oo Zuni region assemblages compared to surrounding areas (Duff
zooz; Kintigh rg85b, zooo; Mills in press). Trade wares are exceedingly
rare, and decorated assemblages are usually dominated by two to three
types that are often variations ofa single stylistic and technological mode,
differentiated from one another largely by slip color; Tularosa Black-on-
white and St. Johns Polychrome during the AD rzoos are the best ex-
amples. In the r4oos, however, a relative explosion of ceramic diversity
appeared in the Zuni area. Technological ¿nd decorative styles previously
unknown to the region suddenly emerged alongside the Zuni Glaze Ware
sequence. These include Salado Polychromes and various red wares such
as smudged and white-on-red vessels (Kintigh zooo; Smith, Woodbury,
and Woodbury 1966). These pottery types, with antecedents in central
.A.rizona and the Mogollon Rim area, were present in the assemblages
of the Zuni protohistoric villages during the transition from Zuni Glaze
Ware to Mâtsaki BuffWare in the r4oos, butappear to have gone out ofuse
ât âbout the time Matsaki came to dominate the assemblages (Woodbury
and Woodbury 1966:3r5).
The Middle Village data provide an excellent example of this phe-
nomenon, with Salado Polychromes and various white-on-red types spik-
ing in proportion iust prior tq and during, rhe switch to buff-ware_
dominated assemblages (see fig. 7.2). Jeddito yellow Ware also began to
appear and then became slightly more common iust before the switch.
Mills (zoozb, zoo3) proposes a model by which both Salado polychromes
r34 / Gregson Schachner
and Jeddito Yellow Ware began frltering into the Zuni âreâ through ex-
change in the early fifteenth century, but suggests that the proliferation of
both wares may be linked to migrants entering the area by the mid-r4oos.
Although the sarnple of vessels from Zuni sites is small (n = rz), recent
compositional analyses by Duff(zooz:r55 56) indicate that some Salado
Polychrome ceramics were likely manufactured in the western portions
ofthe Zuni region during this interval, while others may have been pro-
duced in the upper Little Colorado River valley, a probable source area for
migrants to Zuni. Many researchers have seen the appearance ofnonlocal
ceramics, particularly Salado Polychromes, as indicative of migration of
populations from the Mogollon Rim and perhaps areas to the south to
the Zuni region in the fifteenth century (Kintigh zooo; Mills in press;
Reed 1955; Schachner zoor; Smith, Woodbury, and Woodbury t966). At
Acoma, where the buff ware shifts never occurred, Salado Polychromes
never appeared (Dittert 1998:86).
Two other changes in the Zuni region archaeological record also co-
incide with the demise of Zuni GlazeWare production and the increase
in ceramic diversity in the r4oos. First, the appearance of a significant
number of cremation burials at the protohistoric villages of Hawikku and
Kechiba:wa has often been cited as evidence for migration frorn central
and possibly southern Arizona (Kintigh zooo; Mills in press; Reed 1955;
Rinaldo r964; Schachner zoor; Smith, Woodbury, and Woodbury r966).
Cremations make up almost one-third ofthe over r,zoo burials excavated
at these two villages (Kintigh zooo). In most cases at Hawikku, crema-
tions were found in distinct cemeteries, or in groupings within cemeteries
(Smith, Woodbury, and Woodbury ry66'.t87, fig. 37), which some have
interpreted âs the result of social distinctions between groups that fol-
lowed different burial customs (Howell and Kintigh rg96; Kintigh zooo).
Cushing's excavations of over rgo burials from Halona:wa South and
Heshotauthla, two villages occupied imrnediately prior to the historic vil-
lages, failed to reveal a single cremation (Kintigh, personal comrnunica-
tion 2oor, based on Cushing's field notes), indicating the practice most
likely did not predate eo r4oo in the Zuni area. The practice of killing
vessels also appears to have become more common at Zuni with the found-
ing of the historic villages. The Woodburys' analysis of the Hawikku and
Kechiba:wa burial vessels recorded rr7 killed vessels, 86 of which were
Matsaki BuffWare (Woodbury and Woodbury 1966:329). These vessels
were usually associated with cremafions.
The Decline of Zuni Glaze Wa¡e Production / r35
 The burial practices followed in the Zuni region during the an r4oo_
163o period were quite different from those in surrounding
areas. Cre_
mations have not been ¡ecorded in the archaeological record of Acoma
(Dittert 1998:86). A few cremations have been found at various pueblo
IV
sites outside of the Hohokam ¿nd Salado areas, such as pottery
Mound
along the lower Rio Puerco ofthe East (Cordell zooz). However,
the only
burial population comparable to that ofHawikku and Kechiba:wa is
that
ofGran Qrivira in the Salinas district east of the Rio G¡ande. Cremations
Mi'á¡á],
were found there in a similar proportion to the Zuni villages (about
3o per_
cent) (Hayes, Young, and Warren young,
ry8ir:úg_76). Hayes, and War-
ren (rg8r:r74) suggest that cremation ofthe dead did not oclur at A
Gran I

Qrivira until approximately an r55o, long after the appearance of the NI

I
pråctice in Zuni. Interestingly, the best archaeological analogue for proto_ I

historic Zuni mortuary practices is from the point ofpines area below
the
Mogollon Rim in Arizona. Residents oflarge pueblos in that region, o10
some
ofwhich may have been occupied as late as ÁD r45o, practiced both crema_
tion and inhurnation. Burial populations from the area have ratios
of in_
humations to cremations (approximately z:r) and vessel killing practices
(Robinson and Sprague r965) similar ro those documented
by exiavations
at H¿wikku and Kechiba:wa.
The second major change that presâges the demise ofzuni Glaze
Wa¡e
and thatI suggest is evidence for a major population shift at Zuni is the
"settlement gap" ar approximatelyAD r4oo. Originally idenrified by Keith
Kintigh (r985b:rro-rz) ìn his reconsûucrion of pueblo IV Zuni settle_
menr history (also see Spier rgr7i3%), this gap is marked in terms
of
ceramics by the shift from assemblages dominated by glaze \¡/are
to those
with a majority ofbuffware. Throughout most ofthe fourteenth century,
most Zuni area populations were residing in a band of villages thât A
¡uns I

east from Halona:wa (modern Zuni pueblo) up into the NI

El Morro Valley
(see fig. 7.3a). In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth
century all but one I

of these villages was abandoned and the focus of population in the

Zuni
region shifted west to an ârea between the modern Arizona_New
Mexico
border and a kilometer or two eâst of Halona:wa (see fig.
7.3b). This latter
cluster includes all ofthe Zuni villages occupied when Coronado
arrived
in t54o. Interestingly the village that seems the besr candidate to Fig. 7.3. Zuni-area villages ftom 1300 to 1540
span this
gap is Halona:wa, which except for a briefperiod after (adapted ftom Kintigh 1985b: fig. 4.1).
the pueblo Revolt
(Ferguson zooz) exhibits evidence ofcontinuous settlement
beginning at
least in the late fourteenth century and continuing up to
the pi-esent day
(Kintigh r985b; Mills zoozb).

136 / Gregson Schachner

 Estimates of the total number of occupied pueblo rooms in the Zuni
region during this period suggest that the shift in settlement location
may have coincided with ¿ noticeable decline in room counts (Kintigh
r985b:85-86; Spier r9r7). Some researchers have associated the decline
with aperiod ofemigration from the Zuni area, possibly to the Rio Grande
(Reed 1949, 1955). In r985, Kintigh (r985b;rro-rz) suggested frve pos-
sible scen¿rios to account for the shift in settlement and changes in room
couflts. These include abandonment of the region by its pre-r4oo occu-
pants and replacement by a new cultural group; the inability to identify
significant pre-r4oo components atlarge, protohistoric sites; massive pan-
regional reorganization involving migrâtion to ând from multiple areas in-
cluding Zuni; failure of Kintigh's seriation techniques; or a shift to settle-
ment forms invisible in the archaeological record. Since the publication of
Kintigh's study, numerous authors have documented the massive changes
that occurred in regional settlement systerns throughout the Southwest
during the r3oos and r4oos and have taken püticulâr note of the sig-
nificant effects of large-scale migrations and local reorganization (E. C.
Adams rggr, zooz; Bernardini zooz; Cordell 1995; Crown 1994; Dean,
Doell, and Orcutt r gg4;Dutr zooz;Fish et al. 1994; LeBlanc 1999; Lyons
zoo3; Mills rggS; Nelson and Schachner zooz; Reid and Whittlesey rggg;
papers in Spielmann, ed., t998; Wilcox and Haas rgg4). These studies
Ìiì
iì have led recent research within the Zuni region to take a renewed interest
in the effects of migration and reorganization within an area long thought
rl
to have been socially and economically isolated from other areas of the
Southwest (e.9., Duffzooz; Mills in press; Kintigh zooo). Migration and
reorganization (Kintigh's third scenario) is now the most likely candidate
forexplaining the apparent gap in Kintigh's original data (Duffzooz; Kin-
tigh 2ooo; Mills in press; Schachner zoor).
Uniting the Evidence: The Glaze Ware to Buff Ware
Transition and the Reorganization of Zuni ldentity
in the Tumultuous Fifteenth Century
By synthesizing the historical context of the shift from Ztni GlazeWare
production to that of Matsaki Buff Ware, we are able to begin to think
about some of the social processes that may have led to significant tech-
nological change. During an approximately fifty-year period in the early
to mid-r4oos, residents of the Zuni area (who surely numbered in the
r38 / Gregson Schachner
thousands) participated in a dramatic shift in settlement }ocation to the
western portions of the region, which may h¿ve been accompanied by
increased reliance on irrigation agriculture (Kintigh r985b); significant
changes in material culture, including the adoption ofnew ceramic tech-
nologies (mâtte-painted buff ware); and the expansion of exchange ties
with surrounding regions, the departure of some migrant groups for areas
to the east or to the Hopi Mesas, and the incorporation of migrant groups
from diverse areas with different burial and, likely, social and ritual prac-
tices. In light of the significant changes that were occurring, frfteenth-
century Zuni residents would have been starting ânew, reconstituting vil-
lages and the sociopolitical organizations that structure social life. This
process ofresettlement would have tjeen a prime opportunity for the ini-
tiation of key changes in social life (Pauketat zoo3), which would have
been apparent in a variety offorms, including shifts in technological style.
One of the most common assumptions about the adoption of Matsaki
BuffWare technology by Zuni potters is that it derived from the emula-
tion of Sikyatki-styleJeddito YellowWare ceramics (E. C. Adams Iggr:43;
Reed 1955:r87; Woodbury and Woodbury 1966:329). Mills (zoo3) notes
that although Jeddito Yellow Ware production began on the Hopi Mesas
at approximately ao 1325, Sikyatki style did not appear until the late r3oos
at the earliest, at about the same time Matsâki Buff Ware was first pro-
duced. She suggests that instead of seeing "one [Sikyatki-style Jeddito
Yellow Ware] inspiringthe other fMatsaki BuffWare], it seems more likely
thât the style itself is related to close interaction and shared ideology"
brought about through migrations between the Hopi and Zuni areas and
the shared experiences of migrants when they resided together along the
upper Little Colorado and Mogollon Rim (Mills in press). Matsaki Buff
'Ware
marks the first ceramic type ¿t Zuni to include significant numbers
of katsina figures and motifs that were relatively common on pottery in
adjacent regions to the west and south during the ao r3oos (Mills in press).
Following Duff (zooz), I would suggest that the demise of communities
in centrål Arizona in the fourteenth century led to the breakup of many
local kin and social groups rvith ties to both the Zuni and Hopi areas.
The incorporation ofthese migrants at Hopi and Zuni may have provided
a new opportunity for the development of social ties between the areas
and the creation ofsorne semblance ofshared history. How long these ties
persisted and what form they took are questions for another time, best
answered in consultation with the Hopi and Zuni people.
The Decline ofZuni Glaze Wa¡e P¡oduction / r39
 Barbara Mills (zoo3) has pointed out that one ofthe most important as_ the adoption of new technological and decorative styles, the former of
pects ofthe shift âway frorn glazeware production was that Matsaki Buff which were novel for all groups involved, while the latter are indicative of
Ware represented a dramatic break with the past technological styles of shared experiences throughout theWestern Pueblo world (Mills in press).
all groups, regardless of whether they were long-term residents or newly The demise of Zuni GlazeWare is largely inexplicable without placing it in
arrived migrants. She also noted the parallels between this significant, context, linking pots to social life and the practices, events, resources, and
and likely conscious, shift and the rejecion ofglaze ware technology that traditions that were implicated in the forrnation of the frfteenth-century
may have become associated with the world under Spanish rule at Zuni Zuni villages.
ar¡C elsewhere following the Pueblo Revolt in 168o (Mills zooza, zoo3).I
would suggest that the widespread, rapid adoption of Marsaki BuffWare Acknowledgments
by residents of the newly founded villages may have seryed to mark the Barbara Millsdeserves commendation for her valuable insights and for
emergence ofa new, shared identity reflective ofthe integratìon ofdiverse providing access to key data and papers during the course ofthis research.
groups. Older styles were left behind, and a new, shared means ofproduc_ I would also like to thank Keith Kintigh, Andrew Dufl Michelle Heg-
ing and decorating pottery helped mark a growing, shared identity and mon, and the editors, discussants, and reviewers for their guidance and
tradition in the Zuni region. commentary.
Kintigh (zooo) has interpreted variability in mortuary r.reatment and
ceramic assemblages among protohistoric Zuni villages as indicative ofthe
maintenance ofsocial distinctions between migrant and resident groups.
The preservation of these differences in ceramic assemblases was short
lived howeve¡ with Matsaki Buff Ware completely replacing both Zuni
Glaze Ware and types with southern antecedents by the late fifteenth
century. Distinctions may have been maintained by other means, such
as burial practices and through social groupings such. as clans and ritual
sodalities, but at leâst in terms of ceramics, a new comrnon conception of
appropriate technology and design was emerging. Thus, although we see
a shift toward shared aspects of identity on one level, distinctions were
Iikely maintained on others, much the same as in historic and modern
Puebloan communiries (Eggan r95o; Kroeber rgrT; Ortiz 1969; Titiev
r944; Whiteley r988).
In the fifteenth century, with the shift ro buff ware production, resi_
dents of the Zuni area were forming a new .,community of practice"
(Stark, chap. z, this vol.) encompassed by the protohistoric Zuni villages
and incorporating both migrants and longtime resìdents. Communities
were both rebuilt and created anew. These processes likely encouraged
¿nd solidified the formarion ofa new, shared Zuni identity and social orga_
nization. The demise of Zuni Glaze Ware production and.resulting shift
to buffware technology is perhaps best seen as ânother aspect ofthe pro_
cesses of community building and identity formâtion that were occurring
in the Zuni area in the fifreenth century. Sirnultaneously, this shift marks

r4o / Gregson Schachner The Decline ofZuni Glaze Ware Production / r4r
 I
ll
8 mos¿ includes northern and southern ceramic tyPes from AD 7oo through
Glaze Wares and Regionat Social
.t
i
Relationships on the Rio Alamosa
Toni S. Laumbach
For years, the west-cenrral New Mexico pueblo at Gallina Springs (lr
rr78) has been a center of intrigue and controversy. The dominant pot_
tery types of this o-shaped masonry sire are a McElmo/Mesa Verde_
like carbon paint ware and a va¡iety of western glaze paint wares. These
data hâve been ìnterpreted as the result ofa migrant population from the
Mesa Verde culture area (Davis n.d., 1964; Ellis rg74). Therein lies the
controversy. Research in the late rgTos concluded that the newly narned
"Magdalena" white ware was a ('combin¿tion of traditions,' and ,,rep_
resents a local ceramic tradition developed over some length of time,,
(Knight rgSi:z; Tainter n.d.). By rg9o, this interpretation had changed
¿nd the carbon paint pottery ìvas attributed to Mesa Verde immigrants
with reference to Laguna migration legends (Ellis rg74; Gomolak and
Knight rggo:8-24). Sixty miles farther south, pinnacle Ruin, with its
compound masonr¡ carbon-painted pottery, and early glaze ware, over_
looks the Rio Alamosa from a defensible vantâge. He¡e too, the p¡esence
ofan immigrant population from the Mesa Verde culture area is postu_
lated (Lekson et al. zooz). Data from pinnacle Ruin and nearby sites are
evaluated against both the immigrant and nonimmigrant paradigms and
provide researchers with new perspectives from which to view the early
development and spread of the glaze paint tradition.
The Rio Alamosa is located in southwestern Socorro County, New
Mexico, on the nebulous borderland between the Mogollon and north_
ern Pueblo ceramic traditions. The ceramic sequence on the Cañada Al¿-
AD r4oo. Site rt zzgz, from here on referred to as Pinnacle Ruin (see
fig. r.z), has yielded the latest assemblage ofthis long sequence
The Rio Alamosa, funneled between the northern proiection of the
Black Range on the west and the San Mateo Range on the east, be-
comes a perennial stream just below the z,ooo-gallon-per-minute warm
wâter sprinB known as Ojo Caliente. Immediately entering a deep canyon,
known locally as the Cañada Alamosa, the stream dissipates sixteen miles
later near the community of Monticello. Three miles downstream from
the Ojo Caliente, the Rio Alamosa makes a hairpin bend around the high,
rhyolitic outcrop on which Pinnacle Ruin was built. The locâtion ¿ppears
to be defensive. In places, deflnable walls of stone masonry are visible;
other w¿lls can only be guessed at beneath the undulating terraces ofcol-
lapsed architecture. Several large depressions suggestthe presence ofsub-
terranean rooms or plazas.
Recorded first by W. B. Morrow in rg4o and again by Lekson in
rggi (Laumbach Iggz), Pinnacle Ruin was not formally tested until
iggg when four test pits were placed on a mound near a looted room
(Laumbach zooo). More extensive excaYâtions in zooo and zoor indi-
integrit¡ with
cated that Pinnacle Ruin contains exceptional stratigraphic
superimposed floors and a stratified midden (Laumbach zoor; Nepstad-
Thornberry and Lekson zoor). The cerarnic assemblage is a mix ofnorth-
ern San Juan-style carbon-painted ware, Western and Rio Grande glaze
wares, and utility and painted wares associated with the El Paso Phase
of the Jornada Mogollon. The dominance (over 5o percent) of the north-
ern SanJuan-style carbon paint ware in combination with the compound
masonry walls constructed of shaped elements and the stratified midden
have led Lekson (zoora) to postulate that Pinnacle Ruin rvas home to a
community of immigrants from the Mesa Verde culture area.
The larger research effort by the Cañada Alarnosa Project has made
available both survey and excavated datâ from nearby sites. Pertinent to
this discussion are dat¿ from the nearby Victorio site' a 447-room multi-
component pueblo with a large thirteenth-century Tlrlaros¿ Phase com-
ponent (Laumbâch and Wakeman 1999). Limited excav¿tions have ¿l-
lowed a comparison of the ceramic assemblages from the Pinnacle and
Victorio sites (Laumbach zooo).
The Pinnacle Ruin ceramic assemblage, like that of Gallinas Springs,
Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r43
 reflects a populâtion on rhe fringes of the glaze paint world making the Table 8.1
transition from traditional black-on-white ceramics to the western glaze LA 2292. Feature 1, Unit A, Ceranic Tlpes and Numbel of Sherds by Level
ware tradition. As such, it provides new perspectives on the dynamics of
pueblo population and culture durìng the late thirteenth and early four_
teenth centuries. Ceramic Type

Àgua Fria Glaze-on-red 3

2 4
Excavated Features at pinnacle Ruin Chupadero Black-on-white
" Heshotauthla Glaze PolYchrome 5
2
Feature r is located on an artificially leveled terrace on the slope of the Lincoln Black-on-¡ed 2
Ma gdalena Black-on-rvhite r6 8z
Pinnacle ourcrop. Exploration revealed well-defined strata filled with cul_ 45
Playas Red II r8 37
tural trash, animal bones, and burned vegetable material. Corncobs from
Playas Red, cord marked I
near the bottom ofFeature r produced a ¡adiocarbon date ofggo I roo ep I
Playas Red, punctate varietY I
that calibrated to a two-sigma span ofao 98o rzgo (Beta 149237). This Reserve Black-on-Í,hite 5
5
date and its clear association with the carbon paint wâres indicate that the Reserve Indented Corrugated 6o 27 t44
midden began to form prior to eo rz9o. Reserve Plain 3 I 4

Fe¿ture z is in a roomblock on the southeastern crest ofthe site (Laum_ Rese e Plâin Corrugâted t2 7 22

Sal¡do Red 2 2
bach and Wakem¿n 2oor). Corncobs from the floor provide a radiocarbon
Salr Smudged 3
dâte of63o t 40 Bp that calibrates to a two-sigma span of to tzgo- t4ro Seco Corrugated r3
3
29
(Beta 4948). The ¿ssociated ceramics include carbon paint wa¡e and I
St. Johns Black-on-red
'White
Mountain Red Ware. Three Rivers Red-on-terrâcotta I
Feature 3, located oithe flât top of pinnacle Ruin, yielded a strati_ Too small to identify 2t 2Í
graphic sequence of White Mounrain Red Ware with carbon_painted Tula¡osa Black-on-white I I
Undifblack-on-¡ed I I
Magdalena Black-on-white associated with superimposed floors. Corn
Undifbrown smudged 99 25 22 149
cupules found on the upper floor produced â conventional radiocarbon r5 l2 r68
Undifb¡ownware r04
date ol74o øe that calibrates to a two-sigma spân ofAD r225-r3oo (Beta 58
Undifcorrugated 46 5 7
r8o685). UndifEl Paso IO 8 I 20
8
Undif El Paso Polychrome 7
Undif lillet ¡im 8 4 r5
The Geramic Types of pinnacle Ruin Undifred-slipped ware I I
Undif white rva¡e I I
Thirty-three ceramic types were identified in the assemblage (tables g.r- 2
White Mountain Red Ware 2
8+) Total 463 ft4 IIO 84 79r

Northern pueblo Ca¡bon paint Ware

Magdalena Black-on-white (ca. en rzoo-r35o) composes over
50 percent
of the painted-ware assemblage. Like McElmo/Mesa Verde Black,on_
white, Magdalena Black-on-white is characterized by a creamy white to
gray white slip thar frequenrly âppears crackled, an organic pigment, and
polishing over both slip and pigment. Stylisticall¡ the Magdalena Black_
:
on-white from Pinnacle Ruin looks like McElmo Black-on-white or Sânta
Fe Black-on-white (ca. to rt75-t425) from the central and northern Rio
Grande.
Although not yet named, Magdalena Black-on-white was first recog-
nized as a type with similarities to carbon paint ware of the "Mesa Verde

r44 / Toni S. Laumbach Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r45

 Table 8.3
LA 2292, Ieature 2, Celamic Types and Number of Shelds by Level

6
lorve¡

Ceramic TYPe 2345 6 j half Surface Tota!

Fria Glaze-on-red 52 f4
,A.gua
2
Chupadero Black-on-vhite
2
[arly El Paso PolYchrome
I I
El Paso Polychrome
Gìla PolYchrome 4
Heshotauthla Glaze PolYchrorne I¡
Magdalena Black-on-white 646934 34
f I
Pinedale Black-on-¡ed
III I 4
Pinedale Polychrome
23t2r 5 Í4
Playas Red
I I
Playas Red, incised varietY
Playas Red, punctate varietY 75 I t4
Ramos Polychrome
I I

Reserve lndented Corrugated 3 t 827 17 t5 r9 97

Reserve Plain 2ft2 6

Reserve Plain Corrugared zlllfr 8

Reserve/Tularosa
Corrugated series t4 Í4
Salado Red II
Seco Corrugated 9r7414rr3 20 8o

St. Johns Black-on-red r3 4

St. Johns Polychrome t2 3

Tularosa Patrerned Corrugated I I

Undif black-on-red I I
Undifbrown eñgY 3 3

Undif brown smudged 23to271316rg4 r4 tz6

Undifb¡own ware r9ro5166ro l2 8z

Undifcorrugated rrr325 t4
UndifEl Paso 42 4 II

Undif El Paso Polychrome I III 2 I II

Undiffrllet ¡im IIII I 5

Undifred-slipped ware 3 r3

Undif white ware I I

II 2
White Mountain Red Wa¡e
Total 7.j 52 57 6z ro3 7o 44 96 578
 Carbon-painted white ware is a phenomenon of the thirteenth cen-
tury in north-central New Mexico. McElmo Black-on-white and Mesa
Verde Black-on-white are produced in the Four Corners region. Sty-
listically similar, carbon-painted Santa Fe Black-on-white and Galisteo
Black-on-white are found in the upper central Rio Grande and Galisteo
Basin (Habicht-Mauche r993a; Honea 1968). In the Rio Abajo (Marshall
and W¿lt 1984) and on the Chupadero Mesa, ElmendorfBlack-on-white
is decidedly dissimilar in style from the northern carbon-painted wares. In
this distribution, Pinnacle Ruin is situated on the far southwestern fringe
ofthe carbon paint world and, other than Gallinas Springs, is distant from
those areas where Mesa Verde-tradition ceramics were commonly distrib-
uted. Mâgdalena Black-on-white is clearly an anomaly in the otherwise
mineral paint ceramic assemblage that charâcterizes the Cañada Alamos¿
sequence.

Glaze Wares

The glaze ware assemblage includes three groups, two of which are re-
lated. The related groups are the White Mountain Red Ware sequence
(Carlson r97o) and the early Zuni Glaze Ware types (Woodbury and
Woodbury 1966). The third group, numerically smallest, is made up of
early Rio Grande Glaze Ware.

White Mountøin RerJ l%are . Glazed, red, wâre ând the antecedent types from
the White Mountain Red Ware tradition dominate the red ware asscm-
blage. Post-AD rzoo White Mountain Red Ware (Carlson r97o) includes
St. Johns Black-on-red and St. Johns Polychrome (ao rr75-i3oo), Pine-
dale Black-on-red and Pinedale Polychrome (en rz75-r325), and Hesho-
tâuthlâ Glaze Polychrome (eo e75-ry25).

Earþt Zuni Gla.ze Wares- Kwakina Polychrome and Pinnawa Glaze-on-

white are typically associated with the Zuni and Acoma areas (Dittert
r95g; Woodburyand Woodbury r966). Temporal range for Kwakina Poly-
chrome is ca. ¡o rz75/4oo to 475and perhaps into the early r4oos. Dates
for Pinnawa range from ca. ¡o r3z5 to r4oo or later.

Eørly Rio GraruJe Gløze lløres.Two early Rio Grande glaze types, Agua
Fria Glaze-on-red and San Clemente Glaze Polychrome, occur in small
numbers. Agua Fria was made in the Albuquerque area and farther south
in the Rio Abajo (Shepherd r94z). Like Agua Fria Glaze-on-red, San Cle-

Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r49

 mente Glaze Polychrorne was also made in the central Rio Grande region.
gr¿phic record at Pinnacle Ruin, its debut was not much earlier than
Eckert (chap. 3, this vol.) provides an excellent discussion of glaze ware
AD r3oo, coinciding with the postulâted arrival ofthe immigrant popula-
production and the dynamics ofits exchange.
tion.
El paso polychrome Ceramic Types Found in Minor Quantities
El Paso Polychrome is associated with theJornada Mogollon culture area Ceramics associated with the eleventh and twelfth centuries are found
in south-central New Mexico. El Paso Poìychrome is temporally distin_
in small quantities. Early White Mountain Red Ware, Mimbres Classic
guished by early and late jar rim styles. Whalen (1978:58-7o) dares the
Black-on-white, Socorro Black-on-white, and Reserve Black-on-white
early rirn style, an expanded rim, to AD l2oo-r3oo. The late rim style has
may be intrusive into the Pinnacle Ruin assemblage from nearby sites or
an eve¡ted rim and dates to,{D r3oo r4oo. Both early and late rim styles
simply reflect the earliest Pueblo period use ofthe site.
ofEl Paso Polychrome are present ât Pinn¿cle Ruin.
The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries are rePresented by a number
The Corrugated Wares oftypes from neighboring regions to the south and east. Potential sources
ofthese sherds are theRio Grande pueblos south ofSocorrq New Mexico,
Reserve Indented Corrugated (Rinaldo and Bluhm r95ó), a brown ware, im-
and the adobe pueblos of the El Paso/Black Mountain Phase found
is the dominant corrugated utility ware. Reserve Indented Corrugated is mediately to the south ând east.
associated with the Tì¡larosa Phase (ca. eo rr75-r325).
Like Rio Grande Glaze Ware, limited quantities of carbon-painted
Next in number is Seco Corrugated. The regional origin ¿nd cultu¡al
ElmendorfBlack-on-white suggest some contact with Rio Grande popu-
affiliation of Seco Corrugated is problematic. Originally described byWil-
lations. Contact with the Rio Grande seems to have occurred on the cusp
son and Warren (rg73), the type is common on the large, fourteenth-
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries ifMarshall and Walt's (1984:95)
century adobe pueblos of south-central and southwestern New Mexico.
distinction between the early ElmendorfPhase (ao 95o-rroo) and the late
Usually found in association with the late variety ofEl paso polychrome,
ElmendorfPhase (AD r roo-r3oo) is correct. The post-l3oo Ancestral Piro
this type is often described as smudged obliterated or obliterated corru-
Phase on the Rio Grande begins with the emergence of the glaze ware
gated (Browning et al. rggz; Lekson and Rorex rg87:17; Nelson and Heg-
ceramic industry. After a period of transition thåt may have lasted into
mon rg93:88).
the fourteenth centurf Elmendorf Black-on-white is displaced by Rio
Seco Corrugated is similar to obliterated corrugated types found on
Grande gray ware and the Rio Grande Glaze Ware tradition (Marshall
Salado sites in the Mimbres and Gila drainages (Nelson and LeBlanc
and Walt 1984:r38). Other types associâted with this tr¿nsitional period
1986). There are also similarities with obliterated corrugated wares from
include Heshotauthla and Kwakina polychromes, both ofwhich are repre-
the northern Rio Grande. Perhaps significantly, the northern Rio Grande
sented in the Pinnacle Ruin assemblage.
obliterated corrugated wares are associated with Santa Fe Black_on-white
Mineral-painted Chupadero Black-on-white, found in very limited
(Honea 1968:rz6; Sudar-Murphy and Laumbach rg77:4). Santa Fe
quantities, is a widely traded type whose likely sources are the Salinas area
Black-on-white, like Magdalena Black-on-white, bears a marked resern_
and points eastward.
blance to Mes¿ Verde pottery styles and has been interpreted as indica-
Four ceramic types reflect contact to the south and west. Ramos
tive of imrnigration from the Mesa Verde culture area (Cordelt 1997:rgg,
Polychrorne and Playas Red represent northern Chihuahua ¿nd the
4o5; Mera rg35:12; Wendorf and Reed 1955:r3r-73); howeve¡ Habicht_ Casas Grandes culture area. Fourteenth-century Salado painted ware,
Mauche (r9g3a:89) maintains that,,Santa Fe Black-on-\^¡hire represents
Gila Polychrome and Maverick Mountain Polychrome, also occur Gila
a uniquely local ceramic development."
Polychrome, common in the Gila and Mimbres drainages (Nelson and
Based on ceramic cross-dating, Seco Corrugated is a fourteenth_
LeBlanc 1986), was widely traded to the eâst into El Paso Phase villages
century type. Associated with Reserve Indented Corrugated in the strati-
(Carmichael ry86 67-72;}{urrran Systems Research rg7 4:362-64; Leh-

r5o / Toni S. Laumbach

Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r5r
mer 1948; Lekson and Rorex i987:17-26; Whalen ry78:44). A sherd of
Maverick Mountain Polychrome, collected by Morrow in rg4o, was ob-
served in the Laboratory ofAnthropology collections from Pinnacle Ruin.
Not commonly found in southwestern New Mexico, this type is asso-
ciated with fourteenth-century Salado villages of southeastern Arizon¿.
Lindsay (t987:.tgz) has suggested that Maverick Mountain Polychrorne
is "stylistically analogous to types in the Kayenta are¿" of northeastern
A¡izona and that its presence in southe¡n Arizona is owing to â migration
of Kayenta Anasazi into southeastern Arizona. The fourteenth-century
pueblos oftheEl Paso/Black Mountain Phase found along the Rio Grande
and its Black Range tributaries are likely sources for all of these wares
(Laumbach and Kirkpatrick rg83; Lekson 1989; M. C. Nelson and Heg-
mon rgg3).
The Chronological Context for Pinnacle Ruin
Ceramic Assemblage
Magdalena Black-on-white is consistently found in the pre-AD t3oo con-
text of the lower levels of Feature r and Feature 3 (Lekson zoorb). In
thât context, Magdalena Black-on-white is associated with Reserve In-
dentèd Corrugated and small numbers of Tularosa Black-on-white and
St. Johns Polychrome. The fourteenth-century wares are significantly
absent. lJpper levels of Feature r have Magdalena Black-on-white and
Seco Corrugated, Rio Grande Glaze Ware, White Mountain Red Ware,
and early Zuni GlazeWare.
Magdalena Black-on-white and Reserve Indented Corrugated are
found throughout all levels of Feature z along with Seco Corrugated,
Agua Fria Glaze-on-red, Gila Polychrome, Playas Red, Pinedale Poly-
chrome, and Heshotauthla Polychrome. Corresponding to the ceramic as-
semblage from the upper levels of Feature r, the Feature z cer¿mics are
in a single dated context (AD r29o-r4ro). A few sherds ofTìrlarosa Black-
on-white and St. Johns Polychrome were found in Feature z.
Although Magdalena Black-on-white does occur throughout Fea-
ture 3, middle and late White Mountain Red Ware dominate the assem-
blage. Stratigraphically, fill and floors separate the middle and late White
Mountain Red Ware. The middle White Mountain Red Ware, St. Johns
Polychrome and late St. Johns Polychrome, distinguished by the distinc-
tive Pinedale style that lacks curvilinear elements, are found in association
with Magdalena Black-on-white on the floors and the fill immediately
r5z / Toni S. Laumbacb
above the floors. Corn found on the upper floor dates to AD 1225-r3oo at
two sigmas. Found in the trash in the upper fill ofthis feature are the latest
of theWhite Mountain Red Ware found at Pinnacle Ruin, including Pine-
dale Polychrorne and Heshotauthla Glaze Polychrome. Associated with
these later types are sherds ofHeshotâuthla Black-on-red and Agua Fria
Glaze-on-red.
Implications of Regional Associations
The Pinnacle Ruin ceramic assemblage indicates that the community
had connections with four âreâs: the Cibola culture area to the west,
the Gallina Springs Pueblo to the north, the central Rio Grande area to
the east, and the southern Rio Grande and its Black Range tributaries
to the south. To accurately evaluate the nature of those connecrions, we
must first know if the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century inhabitants of
Pinnacle Ruin were immigrants from the north as suggested by Lekson
(zoora) or a local population with roots in the Cañada Alamosa. If the
Pinnacle population stemmed from the Tìrlarosa Phase component at the
nearby Victorio site, then based on its precedent material culture, its con-
nections would be to thewest with the majority ofthe Tularosa Phase sites.
However, the dominance of McElmo-style Magdalena Black-on-white in
the Pinnacle Ruin assemblage, the compound masonry walls constructed
of shaped elements, the well-developed midden, and the defensive loca-
tion ofthe site are strong indications thatpopulations from the MesaVerde
culture area were integral to the occupation ofPinnacle Ruin.
The concept of migrant communities from the Mesa Verde cultur¿l
area has suffered from a lack of evidence on the northern Rio Grande
where much of the Mesa Verde population is assumed to have settled.
Habicht-Mauche ( ryg3a.87), in her report on the ceramics from Arroyo
Hondo, states that "not a single site has ever been identified in the north-
ern Rio Grande that contains an assemblage of features or artifacts that
can be interpreted as evidence of a wholly immigrant community. " Never-
theless, current data from Pinnacle Ruin suggest that migrants from the
MesaVerde culture area may have occupied all or part ofthis pueblo (Lek-
son zoora).
,When Did They Arrive?
Ifone accepts the data suggesting an immigrant population at Pinnacle,
then the question becomes, "when did they arrive?" Regardless of the
Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r53
 timing of their arrival, it seems logical that their primary outside connec_
tion would have been to the Gallinas Springs communiry located sixty
miles to the north. If the immigrants arrived while the Victorio site was
still occupied, then interaction with the Victorio site population would
have encouraged development of secondary connections with the wide-
spread ând relatively numerous Tìrlarosa Phase sites found to the west.
Conversely, if the immigranrs arrived ro find an abandoned valle¡ then
the system ofTùlarosa Phase pueblos would have been absent and contact
would have been necessarily limited to those few aggregated villages that
remained. These would have been limited to a few El paso/Black Moun-
tain phase sites in the Black Range drainages to the south (thirty miles),
the late Elmendorf/Ancestral Piro sites on the centr¿l Rio Grande south
ofSocorro (fifty miles), and the Gallinas Springs Pueblo (presumably the
"mother ship") loc¿ted some sixty miles to the north. To the west and
northwest, the nearest known sites ofthis period are eighty miles distant
as the crow flies.
Assuming that at least some of the Pinnacle Ruin inhabitants we¡e im-
migrants, whât does their ceramic assemblage tell us âbout when they
arrived? The dominant painted ware from the thirteenth- and early-
fourteenth-century contexts is Magdalena Bìack-on-white. The design
style of carbon-painted Magdalena Black-on-white at pinn¿cle Ruin is
primarily that of the temporally earlier McElmo Black-on-white and not
that of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. McElmo Black-on-whire began to be
made around Ao r roo, while Mesa Verde Black-on-white began one hun-
dred years later. Production of McElmo Black-on-white conrinued well
into the late thirteenth century, albeit in diminishing quantities (Breter-
nitz, Rohn, and Morris ry74 4r-43). To date, the majority of the Magda-
lena Black-on-white at Pinnacle Ruin is in the McElmo style, although a
few sherds have stylistic elements of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. Simi-
larly, only a few ofthe Magdalena Black-on-white sherds from the Galli-
nas Springs ceramic assemblage are in the Mesa Verde style (Knight
r98r: r5).
Based on the stratigraphic position of the McElmo-style Magdalena
Black-on-white and the associated radioc¿rbon dates, the dat¿ are am-
biguous and allow for two possibilities. One scenario has the immigrants
from the Mesa Verde culture area arriving in the early thirteenth century
and becoming isolated, thereby missing the transition from a McElmo de-
sign.style to a Mesa Verde design style (Laumbach and Laumbach zoor).
r54 / Toni S. Laumbach
This scenario is supported by a model proposed by Duffand Wilshusen
(zooo), which contends that the departure from the Mesa Verde cr¡lture
area began early in the rzoos. Tree-ring-based climatological
evidence
for h¿rsh winters during the early thirteenth century has led some re-
searchers to suggest that abandonment ofthe area began early
in the rzoos
(T. L. Jones et al. 1999; K. L. Peterson 1988; Salzer zooo) A second
scenario sees the Mesa Verde community arriving late in the
thirteenth
century refugees of the Great Drought or'perhaps as a splinter colony
as
from the larger Gallinas Springs colony. Each of these scenarios would
have presented the immigrants with a different distribution
of neighbor-
ing pueblos.
One factor affecting interpretation of pueblo relationships is that cur-
on
rent dating of many unexcavated or partially excavated sites is based
very limited data. Thus contemporaneity between sites is rarely demon-
srrable. This data set is no exception.
fhe Contact ImPtications of an
Earþ-Thirteenth-Century Alrival
An immigrant arrival in the early rzoos would have found the Victorio
site and neighboring Tularosa Phase pueblos occupied However, cerarnic
t Pin-
data suggesting contact between the two sites is currently limited A
nacle Ruin, only a few sherds of Tularosa Bl¿ck-on-white are found in
¿ssociation with the earliest levels containing Magdalena Black-on-white'
The most common ceramic links between Pinnacle Ruin and the Victorio
a few
site are Reserve Indented Corrugated, St. Johns Polychrome, and
sherds ofearly style El Paso Polychrome. Ifthe two sites were contempo-
rary, then there was little exchange during those early years' However, this
cannot be used as an effective argument against an early arrival, since
im-
migrant communities are often unwelcome and at a distinct disadvantage
in terms of access to optimâl agricultural land, often occupying defen-
sive locations like the Pinnacle (Clark zoor:9o-92) Migrant communi-
ties often become insular and maintain their old traditions (Kloberdanz
i975: zro-rr) until that time when local relationships allow exchange and
enculturation.
Interâction between the Pinnacle Ruin community and local Tularosa
Phase populations is suggested by the continued use ofReserve Indented
Corrugated after ao r3oo. A perhaps analogous situation is found at the
Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r55
 Point ofPines in eastern Arizona where Haury (1958) and lâter Lindsây
(r987) define the characteristics ofan immigrant group from the Kayenta
area of northern Arizona. At Point of Pines the immigrants are clearly
using local utility wares while producing their traditional decorated wares
with local resources (Haury ig58:416-17; Lindsay 1987:r94).
St. Johns Polychrome is found on both the Victorio and Pinnacle Ruin
sites, but the later White Mountain Red Ware types are found only on
Pinnacle Ruin. Whether or not the presence ofSt. Johns Polychrome and
Reserve Indented Corrugated at Pinnacle Ruin is indicative of contact
with local populations is not clear at this time.
Contact Implications of a Late-Thirteenth-Century Arrival
Given a late-thirteenth-century arrival with the Victorio site already aban-
doned, the nearest Pueblo neighbors are at some distance, as there are no
other occupied sites in the Rio Alamosa ar this time. Nepstad-Thornberry
(2oor) notes that the macrobotanical remains from thePinnacle Ruin mid-
den indicate widespread use ofall available plant communities, suggesting
that there was little competition for resource areas. The faunal data lend
support to this scenario. Large game is rare in the limited Victorio site
assemblage but plentiful in the Pinnacle Ruin deposits (Cain zooz).
Connection to the No¡th: Gallinas Springs Pueblo
Although Pinnacle Ruin is a much smaller pueblo, its ceramic assem-
blage leaves little doubt that it is related to Gallinas Springs Pueblo. Com-
paring the Gallinas Springs ceramics at the Laboratory ofAnthropology
(Santa Fe, New Mexico) with those from Pinnacle Ruin reveals a marked
similarity between the assemblages. Specifically, the Magdalena Black-
on-white from both collections has a "McElmo design style." Corrugated
wares in both collections include Seco and Reserve Indented Corrugated.
St. Johns Polychrome, Pinedale Black-on-red, and Heshotauthla Poly-
chrome are presentin both assemblages, although the Gallinas Springs St.
Johns Polychrome, Pinedale Polychrome, and Heshotauthla Glaze Poly-
chrome have been redefined as Magdalena Black-on-red and Magdalena
Polychrome (Gornolak and Knight rggo:8:18-25). If the immigrants at
Pinnacle Ruin were late ¿rrivals from Gallinas Springs, they would have
already begun to use St. Johns Polychrome and Reserve Indented Corru-
gated.
156 / Toni S. Laumbach
.l
ll
i¡
Connections to the West: The Cibola Area
Connections to the west appear to be strong both before and after the
arrival of the immigrants, as evidenced by the high numbers of White
Mountain Red W¿re in both the Victorio and Pinnacle assemblages and
the occurrence ofPinedale Polychrome and early Zuni Glaze Ware ¿t Pin-
n¿cle Ruin. It seems logical that relationships between the immigrants
and the local Tularos¿ Phase population during the thirteenth century
would have meant developing relationships with the Tularosa Phase sis-
ter communities to the west. However, relationships with the west during
the early fourteenth century could have developed independently, per-
haps through the northern connection with the Gallinas Springs Pueblo'
Alternatively, if Pinnacle Ruin was not an immigrant pueblo but was in-
steâd populated by the local antecedent Tularos¿ Phase population, then
a strong relâtionship to the west would not be surprising'
Interpreting relationships of the Pinnacle Ruin community with com-
munities to the west may be enhanced by examination of glaze paints and
sources ofraw materials used in making glaze paints. Recent preliminary
studies (Huntley, chap.6, this vol.) ofthirteenth- and fourteenth-century
pottery from the Zuni region have focused on cornpositional analysis of
glaze paints and isotopic sourcing of glaze paint resources Huntley (this
vol.) reports that lead and associated copper ores from different geologi-
cal resources can be distinguished. Lead ores from the Cerrillos Hills,
situated in the central Rio Grande region' were identified as a significant
source for Zìini potters making glaze Pâint wares. However, Huntley's
data further suggest thât for later glaze ware types' such as Heshotauthla
Glaze Polychrome and Kwakina Polychrome, the glaze paint composition
corresponds more frequently to ores recovered from the Magdalena and
Hansonburg areas ofsouth-central New Mexico. Huntley's research sug-
gests the possibility of local production for Pinnacle Ruin glaze wares,
pârticularly the later St. Johns, Heshotauthla, and Kwakina polychromes'
If these late Zuni types were not produced at Pinnacle Ruin, then it is
likely they were made at Gallinas Springs Pueblo.
Contact with the South-Central Rio Grande
Based on the occasional occurrence of Elmendorf Black-on-white, Chupa-
dero Black-on-white, Agua Fria Glaze-on-red, ¿nd San Clemente Glaze
Polychrome, it would appear that the Pinnacle Ruin community had a
Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r57
 the new hori-
much more limited relationship with Rio Grande populations near So- and architectural changes to the north and simply accepted
(Täinter n'd )'
corro and Albuquerque than it enjoyed with the Western Pueblos. zon, integrating the new styles into their existing traditions
Ruin as a local develop-
The second interpretation also sees Pinn¿cle
Connection with the Northern Fringe but one that has accepted a small number of immigrants' creadng
a
ment
of the Casas Grandes World site unit intrusion observ¿ble in the archaeological record
The intrusive
group may have provided the catalyst for adaptation ofthe incipient
glaze
The social connection to the southern adobe pueblos (in the Rio Grande
t.aditiot because of social ties with western pueblos that had also
and associated Black Range drainages) is interesting in that while those iair,i
pueblos are geographically the closest, the small nurnbers ofEl Paso, Gila, accepted immigrant groups (see Schachner' chap 7, this
vol') The third
of migrants
and Ramos polychromes appear to reflect limited interaction. Interest- interpretation is that Pinnacle Ruin is, indeed, a community
to have 'Tùla-
ingly, both the early (thirteenth century) and late (fourreenth cenrury) iar that either arrived early enough in the thirteenth century
rosa Phase ireighbors or who arrived late in the thirteenth
century to find
rims ofthe El Paso Polychrome are in evidence.
Although Seco Corrugated is ubiquitous in El Paso/Black Mounrain a deserted valleY
by
Phase sites to the south and east, its origins are unknown and problematic. Ifthe first scenario is correct ând Pinnacle Ruin was constructed
the descendants of the Tularosa Phase occupation' the
population appears
Nevertheless, its pr'esence at Pinnacle Ruin suggests some link to those
to have been much reduced in size given the number of sizable Tularosa
southern sites.
and Kirk-
Phase communities in the area (Laumbach r99z; Laumbach
patrick 1983). In addition, something must have forced them from the
Discussion
bro"d ,"r.".". to a defensive position on a rocky precipice Adaptation
from the
The Pinnacle Ruin ceramic assemblage seems most closely related to the of the glaze paint tradition would have been a natural evolution
is no ready
pueblos found to the north and west. Whether this was owing to anteced- longJi-ved use of White Mountain Red'Ware However, there
paint tradition'
ent relationships that began during the Tularosa Phase occupation ofthe expianation for the âdoption of an âlready dying carbon
'Th"
Cañada Alamosa or was born of the relationship between Pinnacle Ruin .""orrd .."r,"rio involving the addition of small immigrant family
north-
and Gallinas Springs Pueblo depends both on the validity of the immi- groups to â descendant Tularosa Phase pueblo population fits the
ã.n S"n ¡,lun pop.,lation change model proposed by Duffand
Wilshusen
grant hypothesis and, ifvalid, the arrival date and number ofthe migrants.
leaving the Four Corners early
What is significant is thât the western relationship remained strongest (zooo) wherein small farnily groups began
they
in the thirteenth century and joined populations with whom
were
even though the central Rio Grande, southern Rio Grande, and Black
social ties'
Range pueblos were geographically close. Thus the cultural identity ofthe familiar. Because they were srnall family groups with existing
these immigrants are virtually invisible on the northern
Rio Grande where
Pinnacle Ruin population appears closely linked to rhar of the Western
the primary evidence for migration is a dramatic increase
in population'
Pueblos. Further, it suggests that the recognition of significant cultural,
H¿bicht-Mauche (r993a:89) stâtes the case: "None of these
traits [pri-
political, and perhaps linguistic differences prevented closer relationships
in å con-
with neighbors to the east and south. This negative relationship seems marily MesaVertle-inspired architecture and ceramics] co-occur
from
text that can clearly be identified as a site unit intrusion'" The
data
to have been strongest with those adobe pueblos that ceramically and ar-
the north-
chitecturally represent the notthern edges of the Casas Grandes world Pinnacle Ruin appear to stand in marked contrast to that from
Fe Black-on-
(Hegmon et al. rygg:r5o-52). ern Rio Grande. Perhaps the similarities betrveen Santa
seamless in
The current data from Pinnacle Ruin present three possible interpre- white and McElmo Black-on-white made the rnerging more
the addition of
the northern Rio Grande, whereas on the Cañada Alamosa
I

tations. The first interpretation is that Pinnacle Ruin is not an immiBrant

out against
pueblo. Instead, it represents an in situ development oftheTirlarosa Phase carbon-painted ceramics and compound masonry walls stands
in a Tì:larosa de-
i population wherein the locals became aware of socially related ceramic a background of mineral-painted red and white wares

i
r58 / Toni S. Laumbach Social Relationships on the Rio Alamosa / r59

'il
 sign style and irregular cobble/clast wall construction. Low frequencies of
Tularosa Black-on-white from Pinnacle Ruin suggest that the immigrant
group joined the locals as they were abandoning production of Tularosa
Black-on-white in favor of the later White Mountain Red Ware.
The third scenario sees Pinnacle Ruin representing an immigrant com-
munity that arrived either in the eârly thirteenth century to find a large
community of Tularosa Phase neighbors or, alternatively, arrived late in
thq century, after the abandonment of the Victorio site. The first alter-
nâtive, the early ârrival, suBgests a parallel situation to that described
by Haury (1958) and Lindsay (1987) ar Point of Pines. In the point of
Pines scenario, immigrants were welcomed and utilized local utility wares
while maintaining their own decorated ceramic traditions and architec-
tural styles. Haury (1958) suggested rhat this relationship ended badly
with an intentional conflagration and subsequent defensive efforts by the
locals. Conversely, Lindsay implies that the fue was likely accitlental and
that the immigrants ag¿in reoccupied the pueblq only to move on after a
short period, leaving the indigenous population and their ceramic tradi-
tion to continue in place (Lindsay rg87; r95).
There are significant differences between the two situations. While the
Pinnacle Ruin scenario might have been similar to that at Point of pines
in terrirs of the immigrants using local utility ceramics while. maintaining
the use of cârbon paint wâres, it seems clear that White Mountain Red
Ware types were already a significant aspect ofborh the local and the im_
migrant assemblages. The proxemics also appear to have been different.
At Pinnacle Ruin, the immigrâ.nts were isolated on what Lekson refers
to as a "nasty knob," not welcomed into the structure ofthe nearby large
pueblos or free to build on one ofthe broad, level, and available terraces.
Given the number ofTularosa Phase villages, if anyone moved on, it was
the indigenous population, not the immigrants. Even after the Tìrlarosa
Phase villages were abandoned, the immigrants ståyed on their ,,knob" in
what seems to be a defensir.e position.
The early-thirteenth-century alternative suggests that the immigrants
ând the indigenous population may have gone through a separate but
similar transition from their respective thirteenth-century ceramic tra-
ditions of black-on-white decorated pottery to â near complete adoption
of the White Mountain Red Ware tradition (and thus into rhe western
glaze wares) during the early fourteenth century. The stratigraphy at pin-
nacle Ruin indicates th¿t the makers ofTirlarosa Black-on-white may have
róo / Toni S. Laumbach
undergone that transition slightly earlier than the immigrants, perhaps
because it was part of their own traiectory of m¿terial culture Magda-
lena Black-on-white, even in its by then archaic McElmo style' continues
into the upper levels, where it is associated with the lâter White Moun-
tain Red Ware, notably Pinedale Polychrome and Heshotauthla Poly-
chrome, neither of which have been found in clear temporal association
with Tularosa Black-on-white in the Cañada Alamosa. One implication is
that the immigrants maintained their own cultural identity well into the
fourteenth century and did not ioin the indigenous population in their
abandonment of the area. If that was the case, then the nearest pueblo
neighbors were miles away until the construction of twq possibly descen-
dant, glaze-tradition-period pueblos near the Ojo Caliente (Laumbach
rgg2'.7o).
Current data strongly support the late-thirteenth-century arrival ofan
immigrant group to a deserted valley. No carbon paint pottery has been
found on the Victorio site. Plant remains from the Pinnacle midden in-
dicate that there was little cornpetition for wild plant resources or wild
game. It is probable that Pinnacle Ruin was ancestral to two other pueblos
located three miles upstream near the Ojo Caliente. These late sites may
not have been abandoned until the fifteenth centur¡ as indicated in sur-
face collections that include later glazewares than those found on Pinnacle
Ruin. Neither site has been professionally excavated.
Thus, it seems that both the immigrants and the indigenous Tülarosa
Phase populations on the Rio Alamosa may have taken separate paths in
following the ceramic lead of the Western Pueblo world. Whether or not
that wâs the case, the makers of both the Tülaros¿ and Magdalena ce-
ramic traditions ultimately shared a common relâtionship manifested by
the production ofglaze paint ceramics. Following Schachner (chap. 7, this
vol.), this common relationship may well have been owing to a realign-
ment of social organization resulting from the influx of population into
the Western Pueblo world during the thirteenth century.
Chronological control is critical in order to confidently evaluate these
scenarios. Pinnacle Ruin and its associ¿ted sites provide us with an ideal
freld laboratory to assess models for recognizing immigrants in the ar-
chaeological record and for understânding the development and spread of
the glaze paint tradition.
Social Relationships orr the Rio Alamosa / 16r
 Acknowledgments
9
Several people helped to bring this chapter to fruition. Dr Dennis and
tudy O'Toole and the Cañada Alamosa Institute provided the opportu- Btack-on-\IVhite to Glaze-on-Red
nity to do research in one of the most fascinating areas of New Mexico.
The Adoption of Glaze Technology in the
Dr. Linda Cordell and Dr Stephen Lekson provided stimulating suggcs-
tions and editorial comment. Karl W Laumbach, director ofthe Cañada Cent¡al Rio Grande ValieY
Alamosa Project, provided guidance and disciplined attenrion to the dâra.
Suzanne L. Eckert

During the fourteenth century' the establishment and growth of large

towns in the central Rio Grande region (including the lower Rio Puerco
and Rio Grande Valleys from the Rio Chiquito in the north to the conflu-
ence ofthe Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in the south) resulted in a new so-
cial landscape that required navigation by various Pueblo groups (Eckert
and Cordell zoo). This demographic re-formation provided new arenas
in which transformations in group identity, social organization, and ritral
systems could be negotiated. During this period, new regional traditions
evident in decorated ceramic style, ceramic technology, and ¿rchitectural
designs developed. Howeveq the social processes that produced these new
traditions in the centrâl Rio Grande region remain a rnatter of debate'
The early Pueblo IV period (eo rz75-r4oo) in the central Rio Grande
region is generally defined by the appearance of red-slipped, glaze-
painted pottery apparently made in imitation of Western Pueblo Glaze
Ware. Early glaze paint manufacture occurred along the central and lower
Rio Grande from Cochiti south to Socorro (Eckert' chap 3, this vol;
Snow r98z). This nerv ceramic tradition has been associated rvith im-
migration of Western Pueblo groups into the area (Reed 1949:169-7o;
Shepard r94z:rg7-99; Warren 1976), the spread ofideology and its asso-
ciated rituals (Crown r994:ro8; Graves and Eckert r998:279; Spielmann
1998), and/or transformatioìs in exchange networks (Habicht-Mauche
rgg5; Herhahn, chap. ro, this vol.; Snow r98r).

16z / Toni S. Laumbach

 This chapter briefly explores the adoption of glaze-painted porrery at
four fourteenth-century Rio Grande sites (see figs. r.r and i.z) by exam_
ining various decorative ¿nd technologicâl cerâmic attributes. To explore
which of the above social processes were related to the adoption of glaze
technology, I examine how quickly glaze-painted pottery was âdopted at
each site, the production source for glaze-painted pottery, and changes in
design style and iconography. I find that glaze ware production and distri_
bution among these four villages varied greatly, and cannot be explained
by a single social process.
Previous Explanations for the
Adoption of Glaze Technotogy
In the central Rio Grande region, the shift from carbon_painted, white_
slipped pottery to glaze-painted, red-slipped pottery was a dramadc ftan_
sition for potters in terrns of both production technology and decora_
tion. Decoratively, the contrast between slip colors is probably the most
visually striking difference. However, in many cases, the transition from
white- to red-slipped porrery was also accompanied by a change in de_
sign layout and motifs (Graves and Eckert r99g). Tèchnically, the switch
from carbon-rich paints to paints composed of lead_ and copper_bearing
minerals is most notâble. However, a switch from reducing atmosphere
to oxidizing atmosphere when firing pottery was also required. In some
âreas, the shift in paint composition is ¿lso associated with a shift in tem_
per choice (Warren r976). These decorâtive and rechnical shifts required
conscious choices on the part of Rio Grande potters.
The conscious adoption of glaze technology in the Rio Grande V¿l_
ley has most commonly been explained through immigration from the
Western Pueblo region (Reed r949:r69-7o; Shepard
ry42:rg7_gg;Wa:-
ren ry76), as a response to ritual developments sweeping over much of
the Pueblo Southwest during the r3oos (Graves and Eckert r99g; Spiel_
mann rggS), or as transformation in exchange networks (Habicht_Mauche
1995; Herhahn, chap. ro, rhis vol.; Snow t98r). Because glaze recipes
and
an oxidizing firing atmosphere must be le¿rned eirher through trial and
error or from ânother potter, the rapid appearance of glaze technology
throughout much of the Rio Grande region as an apparently fully de_
veloped technique led early researchers to hypothesize the presence of
Western Pueblo immigrants (Shepard r94z). More recent research has
164 / Suzanne L. Ecke¡t
shown that glâze technology is not as difficult to learn as originally sup-
posed (Herhahn 1995), and that massive immigration need not be used
to explain its rapid spread throughout the Rio Grande region (Herhahn,
chap. ro, this vol.).
Early glaze-painted vessels in the central Rio Grande region display
iconic representations and distinctive slip-color combinations associated
with the development ând spread ofa new ritual system in the eârly r3oos
throughout much ofthe Pueblo world (E. C. Adams r99r; Crown 1994).
Aspects of this new ritual system focused on fertility and community
well-being, and may have helped to integrate newly aggregated popula-
tions (Crown 1994). Spielmann (1998:r54) has argued that a new ideol-
ogy and ritual practices were adopted in much of the Rio Grande area
during this time and that large glaze-painted bowls were a necessary part
of the communal feâsting associâted with this new ritual system. Graves
and Eckert (rgg8) see the coinciding temporal and spatial distributions of
glaze-painted pottery and a new rock art style, as well as a shared iconog-
raphy between these materiâl traits, as indications that residents of the
central and lower Rio Grande regions were conveying messages concern-
ing their participation in a new belief system.
The presence ofglâze wares at some central Rio Grande sites may re-
flect the participation of villagers in regional and interregional exchange
netrvorks (Habicht-Mauche rgg5; Nelson and Habicht-Mauche, chap. rr,
this vol.; Snow r98r). Intervillage interâction established through ex-
change may have provided greater sociopolitical security during the mas-
ofthe rzoos and r3oos.
sive demographic upheaval (Braun and PIog r98z)
Participation in cert¿in exchange networks may have marked participa-
tion in regional alliances. Spielmann (1994) has suggested that regional
alliances, or clustered confederacies, developed in the protohistoric Rio
Grande region between politically equivalent villages for limited pur-
poses, such âs mutual defense (Spielmann 1994:5o-5r). However, re-
gional ties need not have been formal alliances between pueblos (Habicht-
Mauche 1995); rather, they may have been loose social relationships
between individuals from seParâte villages who were bound by kinship
ties, reciprocal social relations, recurring economic interactions, and/or
ritual obligations.
Immigration, new ritu¿l practice, and exchange are not mutìJålly ex-
clusive possibilities; as vessels may serve various utilitarian functions' so
may they also be used in various social contexts. For example, glaze tech-
Black-on-White to Glaze-on-Red / 165
 Santa Fe Wiyo Glaze
nology may have been associated with the adoption ofa new ritual system, Pit Room Rims
B/w B/w
but immigrants from the Western Pueblo region may have introduced that Number
ritual system. Similarly, glaze-painted, vessels may reflect participation
PH 269
in exchange networks between villagers who were bound .by similar be-
lief systems. It is this possibility ofglaze-painted pottery being associated
with multiple social processes that I explore in the next section.
PH 258
PH 140 I - I
PH 157 I -
n
Black-on-White to Glaze-on-Red: The Case Studies I
The Data Set
PH226
ll I
-
I examined data from three central Rio Grande sites (see fig. r.z): Pueblo
PH229
PH223 ll I
-
del Encierro (I-a 7o), Tijeras Pueblo (n 58r), and Hummingbird Pueblo
(r-e 578). For comparison, I also examined the northern Rio Grande site
PH 308 II
of Arroyo Hondo (n Iz). I relied on site reports from Pueblo del Encie- PH 293
'Warren
rro (Snow tg76;Warren r976), Tijeras (Cordell r975; rg8o), and earþ transition}, a{1ant'
Fig. 9.1. Seriation of glaze rirns {including
wares at
Arroyo Hondo (Habicht-Mauche rg93a; Lang igg3; Olinger I was *"i"r" Glaze A) and most common black-on-white
' -ir"tl-"t*Oa, and -
1993).
also able to personally examine the glaze ware assernblage frorn each of de1 Encierro, broken down by
pithouse (from Wanen 1976)'
these three sites. Data from Hummingbird Pueblo come entirely from my
own reseârch at that village (Eckert rggg, zoor). These sites were chosen
because they are contemporaneous, well repirrted, have well-defined ce-
nrorìucdonproveniences.Howeve¡differentarchaeologistswithdiffer-
site (Eckert zoor;
ramic seriations, and provided the data necessary for my analysis. :;;;;;il0*"ions analyzed the artifacts frorn each
Warren 1976, r98o)' As a result' the
datâ are
Although these sites all have complex occupation histories, it is the *rì0"*-"n"n.tt" r993a;
compatible. Fo' Helene Warren (1976) combined
late-thirteenth- and fourteenth-century occupâtion at each site that I am ,rot "*ollÌilt, A
"rrti..ty gl-. *u'",W"'t""' gl"" ware' and Rio- G¡ande
concerned with here. At this time, Pueblo del Encierro consisted of at ãrltiotni ,Gl¿ze
Judith Habichc
;;;;;"t"-i" counts from Puebio del Encierro' whilethese,
least seven pit rooms and an unknown number ofassociated surface rooms types from
M"".fr" itsn3r) and Richard Lang (1993) separated
(Snow 1976). Tijeras Pueblo was initially occupied in the late rzoos and when possible
grew by accretion, so that by the r36os this site consisted ofapproximately ,cr-uo Hi"¿á. r Ì,ave tried to contÃl for these differences
analysis'
;;-;i*r. such issues as they arise in the folìowing
two hundred rooms (Cordell i975)..Arroyo Hondo h¿d two fourteenth-
century occupations, with a hiatus between them (Creamer r9g3): Com- The White Ware to Glaze Ware Transition
ponent r (eo r3oo-r345) consisted oftwenty-four roomblocks organized
around ten plazas; Component 2 (AD r37o r4r5) consisted ofnine room- Thereisconsider¿blevari¿tioninhowrapidlytheglnewaretradition it ever
or
blocks organized around three plazas. This latter component is estimated ."or"J ,¡" *rrne ware tradition ar any parricular village, -if
for all four sites
to have had approximately two hundred rooms. Although Hummingbird r"ilr""ã t,. Examination of ceramic seriadons created the two tradi-
to discuss ho¡v much
Pueblo was occupied in the l¿te thirteenth century, the size and layout of suggest it may be more âppropriâte
to have quickly
this early structure is uncertain. In the fourteenth century, Hummingbird ìåiï"t"¡"no"u. o,,ce inirocluced, glaze w',e appears
pueblo del Encierro 9.r) and
(see frg.
Pueblo consisted ofapproximately two hundred rooms organized around ,"îä*U ,n"î*, *hite w¿re at both
and Tijeras' glaze
at least three plâzâs (Eckert rg99; Eckert and Cordell zoo4). ,tl--t"rbO¿ a"eblo (see fig' 9 z) At Arroyo Hondo eventually con-
ware
;;;" ;"á completely replaced white ware' Glaze
This study relies heavily on identifying decorative ceramic styles and

Black-on-White to Glaze-on-Red / 167

16ó / Suzanne L. Eckert
 Trash midden Loma Fr¡a
Western and
Glaze ware
levels B/w transitionâl
(Glaze A,
Local Nonlocal Western,
1-4
s-'t2 I
I
r
rI Component white
(137e-1415) I
il
ware white

II
ware transítional)

13-18 r I r(1300-1345) I r I
Fig. 9.2, Seriation of glaze wares and most common white wares Fig. 9.4. Seriation of Rio Grande glaze wares and white wares at
at Humrningbird pueblo (tA 578) (from Eckert 1999). AÍoyo Hondo (LA 12), btoken down by ternporal components
(adapted ftorn Lang 1993; Habicht-Mauche 1993a, 1995).

Trash level from Glaze White

Gr¡d Unit 100S/030E wares wares Production Sources for the Black-on-White Types
The two most common white wâres at Pueblo del Encier¡o were Sant¿
1A-24 II Fe Black-on-white and Wiyo Black-on-white (Warren 1976). Warren

28.2D II (1976:84$ argued that "the variety of temper types suggests that most

2E-2J I r
Fig. 9.3. Seriation of glaze wares (including Western qlaze
or all of Santa Fe Black-on-white vessels were intrusive to the pueblo"
(table 9.r). AlthoughWiyo Black-on-white was primarily produced in the
region north of the village, Warren argued that some ofit might havebeen
ware produced locally at Pueblo del Encierro (Warren 1976). This argument is
transitionat glaze ware, and Glaze A) and white wãres at
based on the presence in some sherds of a dark-colored pumice temper
fijeras Pueblo (LA 581) (adapted from Burtchard 1975).
sirnilar to pumice found in the surrounding area.
Santa Fe Black-on-white, Wiyo Black-on-white, and Galisteo Black-
on-white were all found at Tijeras Pueblo (Warren r98o). All of the Wiyo
stituted âpproximately 6r percent ofthe decorated pottery at Tijeras
(see Black-on-white, and the occasional Galisteo Black-on-white and Santa
fig. 9.3). At Arroyo Hondo, glaze ware ar irs peak made up
only about zo Fe Black-on-white (Warren did not provide exact numbers in her report),
percent ofthe decorated ceramic assemblage (see fig.
9.4). are thought to have been exchanged. The majority of the white wares-
Clearly, then, glaze technology was not wholeheartedly adopred
.introduced once Santa Fe Black-on-white and Galisteo Black-on-white- were produced
into the Rio Grande Valley. ,{s discussed above, the spread
of locally (Warren r98o). The predominant temper in these types is quartz
glaze technology has been explained as theresult ofwestern pueblo
immi_ mica schist, mineralogically similar to the schist that occurs about one
grants moving into the region (Reed rg49; r69-7o; Shepard
ry42:tg1-' gg; mile west of the site.
Warren 1976) or the adoption ofa new ritual system by Rio Gi"nde
.esi_ Only one common carbon-painted white ware, Loma Fria Black-on-
dents (Graves and Eckert r998:279; Spielmann rggg). Hotvever,
rhese ex_ white, was found at Hummingbird Pueblo. This type is almost exclu-
planations do not address why, at some sites, the local
white ware tradition sively tempered with sherd-tempered sherd and a combination ofigneous
was dropped quickly and completely, while at orher
sites the white ware and metamorphic rocks native to the clay (table 9.r) (Eckert zoor). The
tradition continued. Understanding the variation in this shift in
ceramic type shows a range of surface treâtments, including well-polished slip,
traditions requires closer scrutiny of the production and distribution
of washy slip, and selÊslip. Loma Fria Black-on-white is believed to have
the wares at each site.
been made either at the thirteenth-century component of Hummingbird
Pueblo, or at other nearby thirteenth-century sites.
ró8 / Suzanne L. Eckert
Black-on-White to Glaze-on-Red / 169
 Tabte 9.1 Habicht-Mauche (r993a) conducted an extensive study of the white
Percent Temper by Ceramic \rpe for Pueblo deL Encierro, wâres at Arroyo Hondo that can only be briefly touched on here. Based
Hurnmingbird Pueblo, and Arroyo Hondo
on petrography (Habicht-Mauche rgg3a) and x-ray fluorescence (Olinger

Tèmper
rg93), she has argued that two white ware types were being locally pro-
Ceramic Types
duced at Arroyo Hondo: Rowe Black-on-white, Pa'r. Poge, \\hich is lerr.-
fueblo del Encie[o
pered with lithic sand, and Santa Fe Black-on-white, oar- Pidi, which is
Santa Fe B /w Wiyo B/rv Glaze tempered with pumiceous ash (table 9.r). She argues that the presence
Siltstone 2f o o
of these two very different white ware traditions reflects the multiethnic
She¡d and siltstone f4 2 o composition of the population living within the village (Habicht-Mauche
Light pumice 34 o I r99g). Other variants of Santa Fe Black-on-white' as well as G¿listeo
Dark pumice (local?) I 97 o Black-on-white and Wiyo Black-on-white, found at Arroyo Hondo were
Sherd 27 I TI produced elsewhere in the northern and central Rio Grande regions'
Basalt (local) o 87
Othe¡ 3 o f Production Sources for the Early Glaze Paint Vessels
Hummingbûd Pueblo
Warren (1976) identified Rio Grande Glaze A (produced in the Rio
Weste¡n and t¡ansitional Grande region), Western Pueblo Glaze Ware (produced in the Western
Loma Fria B/w glaze wares Gl¡ze A Pueblo region), transitional glaze ware (produced in the Rio Grande re-
Olivine di¿base o o gion, but apparently copied from Western Pueblo Glaze Ware), and aber-
9
Mixed igneous rock o o 27 rant glaze ware (any glaze-painted sherd that does not fit into the recog-
Pumice o 4 I nized glaze wzre typologies) at Pueblo del Encierro. She argued that the
Lithic sand o appeararce of glaze paint ât the site wâs the Product of immigrants mov-
Sherd-tempered sherd f2 r9 5 ing into the area, and that the high number of aberrant glaze ware sherds
Sherd with mixed rocks (local) 88 78 45 probably represented experimentation by Western Pueblo potters with
Ànoyo Hondo local materials. In my reevaluation of glaze wares from the fourteenth-
Galisteo Fe
Sâûta Rorve Wiyo century pithouses at Pueblo del Encierro, I found only five sherds that
B/* B/w B/w B/w Glaze A could be classified as Western Pueblo Glaze Ware. Furthe¡ the classifi-
,A.shy clay o 23 t4 t4 cation of aberr¿nt glaze ware included sherds with unusual rim forms,
Lithic sand (local) o 8 57 o rims with no glaze decoration, misfrred glaze paint, and the occasional
Pumiceous ash (local) 3r o o truly aberrant or unusual glaze paint. Only these lattertwo categories sug-
Ash o o o 86 gest experimentation with new materials and, again, the number ofthese
sherds is very low (z = r3). The vast maiority of glaze wâres found in the
Basalt o o o o o
Latite o o o o 6
fourteenth-century component of Pueblo del Encierro are Rio Grande
Augite monzonit€ o o o 24
Wearhered igneous rocl o o o r9
Glaze A sherds that were locally produced with crushed basalt temper
43
Sherd-tempered sherd t4 r5 29 t6 (table 9. r).
Latite-tempered sherd o o t6 Warren (ig8o) found that Western Pueblo Glaze Ware and transitional
Basalt-tempered sherd o o r3 glaze ware make up approximately zo percent ofthe glaze-decorâted pot-
Othe¡ o o o 6 tery at Tijeras, with the remainder of the glaze wares being Rio Grande
S0rl.¿: Compiled fron WaÛen 1976, Eckert uoor, and Hâbichr-Mauche rqq3â Glaze A; my reevaluation ofthis assernblage confirms her findings Half
ofthe Rio Grande Glaze A, as well as the transitional glaze wâre) are tem-
Black-on-White to Glaze-on-Red / r7t
 pered with the same mica schist as the local white ware and assumed to
have been produced locally (Warren rg8o). (However, recenr pefographic
analysis by Habicht-Mauche and Ginn [zoo4] suggest that much of the
transitional glaze wãre at Tijeras may have been coming from the lower
Rio Puerco.) Most (Warren did not provide exact numbers in her report)
of the remainde¡ of the Rio Grande Glaze A are tempered with crushed
basalt that Warren (rg8o) believed was exchanged from pueblos located
inthe Albuquerque area. However, basalt tempers come from a variety of
locations, including the lower Rio Puerco around Hidden Mountain, the
Rio Àbajo south ofthe modern town ofBelen, around the modern town of
Bernalillo, and from the Cochiti area on the west side ofthe Rio Grande.
Western Pueblo Glaze Ware, transitional glaze ware, and Rio Grande
Glaze A have all been identified at Hummingbird Pueblo (Eckert zoo3).
The earliest glaze assemblage at Hummingbird Pueblo consists only of
Western Pueblo Glaze Wa¡e. The majority of transitional glaze ware and
almost h¿lf of the Rio Gr¿nde Glaze A are tempered with the same mâ-
terial as the carbon-painted white ware that they replace- a mix ofsherd-
tempered sherd and rock native to the clay (table 9.r). Furthe¡ these
locally produced glaze wares exhibit the same combination of surface
treatments the previously produced white ware
as
-that is, a combination
ofwell-polished slips, washy slips, and self-slips (Eckert zoor). This sug-
gests thât the indigenous potters adopted glaze ware technology, âs West-
ern Pueblo potters âlmost always produced their glaze ware with thick,
well-polished slips (Carlson r97o). Finally, the majority of nonlocal Rio
Grande Glaze A pottery is tempered with mixed igneous rock sourced
to Hidden Mountain and believed to have been exchanged from pot-
tery Mound, a village about twenty miles south of Hummingbird pueblo
(Eckert zoor).
The majority of glaze ware vessels from Arroyo Hondo are Rio Grande
Glaze A, although trace amounts of Western Pueblo Glaze Ware, tran-
sitional glaze ware, and Rio Grande Glaze B were also recovered from
the site (Habicht-Mauche rgg3a:zr). None ofthese recovered glaze wares
were produced ât the site, but instead were produced in at least three
archaeological districts south of Arroyo Hondo (Habicht-Mauche rg95).
Although changes in exchange networks are suggested by changes in both
nonlocal temper materials (table 9.r) and the percentage of glaze ware
coming into the site through time (Habicht-Mauche rg95), at no time did
the residents of Arroyo Hondo produce their own glaze waÍe-
I7z / Suzanne L. Eckert
Design StYle and Iconography
Design style and iconography have been centrâl in arguments for immi-
gration, as well as in interpretations in favor ofthe adoption ofa new ritual
system in the Rio Grânde region. Ceramic vessels identified as "Western
Pueblo copies" produced with local materials' or transitional glaze waÍe
âs discussed âbove, have been presented as evidence of immigrant
potters
living within Rio Grande villages. These "copies" often have a different
internal logic in terms of design layout, motif repetitions, and exterior
design elements when compared to the locally produced white ware that
they replace (Eckert zoo3). This argument extends from the assumption
that only immigrants familiar with western decorative techniques could
have successfully produced nearly identical copies of Western Pueblo pot-
tery (see chaps. 4 and ro, this volume, for expansions of this ârgument)'
The introduction ofan entirely new suite ofdecorative motifs, along with
glaze technology, has been used as evidence to supPort the notion that
glaze-painted pottery Y¡âs associated rvith a new ritual system (Eckert
zoo3; Graves and Eckert 1998)' The logic behind this argument lies in
the assumption that such icons were used either to signal participation in
a new ritual system, âs daily reminders to newly converted participants'
or both.
A systematic design analysis has been performed only on pottery
from Hummingbird Pueblo (Eckert zoo3) and Arroyo Hondo (Habicht-
Mauche rg93a). At Hummingbird Pueblo, locally produced white ware
was predominantly decorated with banded design layouts divided into
simple paneled sections. Geometric designs with solid filler were the most
common elements used to fill these sections. Although many ofthe glaze-
painted vessels were decorated with a layout similar to the black-on-white
vessels, a new suite of icons was detected on the Blaze-painted pottery'
These icons included eyes' serpents, clouds, lightning, birds, feathers, and
masked figures- all icons associated with new ideological developments
believed to be spreading across the Pueblo world at this time (E C Adams
rggi; Crown rgg4)
At Arroyo Hondo, white wares were predominantly decorated with
either banded designs or pendent figure layouts (Habicht-Mauche r993a:
hatched filler were the
47-53). Geometric designs with both solid and
rnost common design elements, although birds and eyes were present on
some black-on-white vessels. Glaze-painted sherds with identifiable de-
Black-on-White to Glaze-or-Red f r73
 Table 9.2
The Adoption of Glaze-Painted Poüery
Summary of Data Discussed in Chapter
in the Gentral Rio Grande Area
Pueblo del Tijeras Hummingbird Âûoyo production source'
Encierro The relationship between design style, technology'
Pueblo Pueblo Hondo Clearly' howeYet glaze tech-
unJ ro.i"t U"tt-ior is exceedingly cornplex'
the central Rio
rvu, uaop,"d differently at different villages withììr
Highest obtained
glaze percentage tooo/o 6¡0/o rooo/o zoo/o "otgy ,"gionìnd cannot be explained simply through the presence of
White wa¡e sou¡cc nonloc¿l ûostÌy local ûostly loc¿l mostly nonlocal
crniå"
ând-main-
Wesle¡n and ia-ig.un;, ,h" ,aoption ofa new ritual system, or the creation
transitional glaze t"n".i" of networks. Instead, the presence ofglaze technologyat
pfesent¡ "".h"nge result ofthe complex web ofsocial inter¿ctions that
w¿res trace amounts yes yes trace amoutts *"tiff"g"*u. the
source local 5oo/o local
"ny complex' and-often contra-
Glaze A
5oolo local nonlocal reflectetl villagers' attempts to negotiate the
nonlocal The data presénted
5o9o 5oolo nonlocal ãi.-r-y, art uåt". ofa newly formed social landscape
New suite oficons unknown unknown yes
ofthe association ofglaze technology with these
h"r" uilo*, fo,
"uulu¿tion
three interrelated social processes'

signs were râre atArroyo Hondo, but appear to have been most commonly Immigrants and Diverse Social Groups
¿ different combination
painted in a pendent design layout. Design elements seem to have been Each newly settled village must have comprised
similar to those on the white wares. and linguistic groups Evidence for diverse
populations
oirod"t,
",ttni", of the pueblos examined above For example' Habicht-
is found at each
vari-
Summary
ln"J" 1r9n,", 1999) argues that Arroyo Hondo was composed ofvillage
The patterning associated with the introduction of glaze technology at haigìíátt stooft tttoggti"g to frnd a compromise between
each examined village varies (table 9.2). Three ofthe four sites examined "".
Lì"rr",å" ""a -uint",t",t"" àf t"ltiethnic identities' I have argued else-
produced theirown glaze-decorated potterf rvhile the residents ofArroyo *fr"i" te"f."t, ,oo3) that the residents of Hummingbird Pueblo were im-
groups'
Hondo received all of their glaze-painted vessels through exchange. There the Western Pueblo region as well as indigenous
-igruntr from or technical similarities
is also no correlation between the transition to glaze technology at a site Baied on the finding that there are few decorâtive
and the continued production of white wares: the residents of Tijeras newly adopted glâze-painted
between the indigenous catbon-pai"ted and
Pueblo and Arroyo Hondo continued to produce white wares, while the traditionsatPueblodelEncierro,Warren(1976)arguedthatthepresence
of immigrants There are tech-
residents of Hummingbird Pueblo and Pueblo del Encierro stopped pro- of glaze wares at this village was the result
del Encierro
duction. All four sites had at least a few transitional glaze ware sherds niåt similarities between the glaze-painted pottery atPueblo
site (Warren
(or "copies" of Western Pueblo glaze ware); howeve¡ Tijeras pueblo and glor"-p"int.d pottery produced in the region south ofthe
"nd from outside
Hummingbird Pueblo had substantially more than rhe other two sires ìqzó. rttr., i it piaosibie that a ne* social group ofpotters
examined. The glaze ware vessels at Hummingbird pueblo appear to be ¿.ea moued into the pueblo during the
r3oos' bringing a
tíá i-*"aint"
decorated with a suite of icons not present on the previous local white nlo Grrrra" gUr" tradition with them' Although the question of
"eramic explored' the
ì
ware tradition, while few icons were recorded on the glaze w¿res from l-rnig.utionirrto fiieras Pueblo has not been systemâticâlly
of Western Pueblo and
Arroyo Hondo; unfortunately, similar data concerning ceramic decoration substãnti"l presence (zo percent of glaze wares)
copies) atthis
I
is currently unavailable from Tijeras Pueblo and pueblo del Encier¡¡.¡. toãty p.odu""a t.ansitional glazewares (orWestern Pueblo
living
ì.. ,i ,,rgg"*. ,tt" potential presence of Western Pueblo immigrants
j,, " ware-producing group.
l: within"tie village alongside an indigenous, white

i:
r74 / Suzanne L. Eckert Black-on-Whire ¡o Glaze-on-Red / t 75

Ritual practice
It appears that as immigrants and indigenous groups were moving over
the landscape, new ritual practices were rnoving with them (Eckert and
Cordell zoo4; Graves and Spielmann zooo; Spìelmann 1998). The glaze
ware vessels at Hummingbird Pueblo are decor¿ted with a suite oficons
not present on the previous local white ware. This suite oficons has been
rehted to a southwestern regional earth/fertility cult that coalesced from
earlier traditions during the large-scale migrations of the late rzoos and
early r3oos (Crown 1994). Whether this ritual system was adopted whole_
sale at Hummingbi¡d Pueblo from anorher region (possibly along with
immigrants moving into the village), or was the result ofresidents select_
ing aspects f¡om a broader suite of pan-Pueblo concepts, is difficult to
know without comparâtive datâ from other sites. The evidence suggests,
however, that both immigrants and indigenous residents of Humming-
bird Pueblo readily adopted aspecrs ofa new ritual system and that glaze-
decorâted pottery played a role in this new system.
There is no evidence for the introduction of a new suite of icons on
glaze warc bowls at Arroyo Hondo. Further, as discussed above, Spiel-
mann (rg98: r54) argues that an important aspect ofthe new ritual system
adopted in much of the central and lower Rio Grande regions included
communal feasting. She examined bowl rim sizes from six Rio Grande
sites, ârguing that Blaze-painted bowls should exhibit a bimodal distribu-
tion in size within villages where community feasting was practiced, wirh
larger bowls being the ones used in feasts. Arroyo Hondo is the only site in
her sample where glaze ware bowls do not exhibit a bimodal size distribu-
tion. This village seems ro have had only small glaze ware bowls, suggest_
ing that they did not parricipate in the feasting activiries in which large
glaze bowls were used (Spielmann rggS;257). Unfortunately, similar data
concerning ceramic decoration and bowl size is unavailable from pueblo
del Encierro and Tijeras Pueblo; howevet rhe dâtâ presented in this chap-
ter indicate that residents of these two villages adopted glaze wares diÊ
ferently than residents of Hummingbird Pueblo or Arroyo Hondq sug_
gesting that different social, and possibly ritual, processes were at work
in each village.
Exchange Networks
The exchange of glaze-painted vessels between villages suggests that
these vessels also played a role in intervillage social dynamìcs. Aggrcga_
176 / Suzanne L. Eckert
don into villages, along with immigration within and between regions'
would have had important consequences for intervillage social netwotks-
Immigrants would not have had as l¿rge a kin-based network available
to
them in their new residence as they once did in their traditional
homeland'
would have found
Similarly, local groups aggregated into large villages
fhan
thât âccess to some soci¿l networks required rnore time and effort
they once did.
Habicht-Mauche (r993a, 1995) has argued that the presence of glaze
wares at Arroyo Hondo, along with nonlocal white ware, was the result
of village residents pârticipating in regional and interregional exchange
networks. These networks were part of a broader system of interaction
that linked various villages in the northern and central Rio Grande valleys
and helped to stabilize intervillage relations. Although Arroyo Hondo
was the only site examined where glaze wares were acquired exclusively
three
through exchange, many of the glaze-painted vessels at the other
sites in this study were also acquired through participation in trade
net-
works. The data presented here cannot proYide detâils concerning the na-
ture of these trade networks; however, the different percentages of ex-
changed vessels, along with the variation in exchange partners' suggests
that iesidents at each village participated in regional and interregionâl
interactions both at different scales and intensities Further, as noted by
Nelson and Habicht-Mauche (chap. rr, this vol ), the nature ofsuch inter-
actions changed over time.
Conclusions
Glaze-decorated pottery in the early Pueblo IV period in the central Rio
Grande appears to have articulated with different, and multiple, social
processes at e¿ch village examined This period was marked by the move-
ment of different sociolinguistic groups between various villages, working
and reworking different asPects ofritual, social organization, and
political
structure. As a result, it was a period ofsocial, political, and ideologicalun-
certainty. It should not be surprising, then' that the articulâtion between
glaze-painted pottery and these various social processes was dynamic and
fluid. As a result, the ceramic dat¿ collected by archâeologists, ât best,
often seem to reflect multiple scales ofsocial processes and, at worst, seem
contradictory. This is because ceramic data reflect the struggle of each
potter on a daily basis to negotiate various social strategies concerning her
iamily, ethnic group, ritual society, and exchange networks within a socio-
Black-on-White to Glaze-ot-Red / r77
 religious system that was not stâtic but involved continued maintenance
and re-creation. 10

Acknowledgments Inferring Social Interactions

An earlier version of this chapter, entitled ,,Black-on-White to Glaze-
on-Red: Community Fomation and tansformation in the Middle Rio
Grande," was presented at the Sixty-seventh Annual Meeting for the So-
ciety for ,A.merican Archaeology in Denver, Colorado. The chapter has
benefited greatly from comments provided by various authors in this vol-
ume as well as several anonymous reviewers. I am most grateful to Debo-
rah Huntley, Judith Habicht-Mauche, and Linda Cordell for insightful
comments and discussion on issues pertaining directly to this chapter.
,{nthony Thibodeau ofthe Laboratory ofAnthropology in Santa Fe gra-
ciously provided access ro the Pueblo del Encier¡o collections despite my
request coming at the last minute. I âm also grateful to Michàel Lewis
of the Maxwell Museum for providing access to portions of the Tijeras
and Hummingbird Pueblo collections, as well as the School of American
Research for providing access to the Arroyo Hondo collection. Analysis
ofthe Hummingbird Pueblo data was funded by grants from the Arizona
State University Graduate College and the National Science Foundation,
whose support is gratefully acknowledged.
l
I diffusion through social interaction dominated the observed transfer of
':!
'j
from PotterY ReciPes
Rio Grande Glaze Paint Composition
and Cultural Transmission
Cynthia L. Herhahn
The development of Rio Grande glaze paint technology from the late
thirteenth to seventeenth century has intrigued southwestern archaeolo-
gists since the rgros. Part ofthe enduring interest stems from the crafts-
manship and artistry evident in the vessels, but a large part stems
lrom
tech-
the possibility of addressing broader anthropological questions of
nology tiansfer, sociâl interaction' migration' and the contexts in which
these occur. The spatial and temporal patterning in glaze paint "recipes"
holds clues to the nature of social interactions, the possibility of popula-
and
tion movements, ând the social and economic contexts ofproduction
consumption of glaze paint pottery. Fundamentally, the issues addressed
in this chapter include the hoary dichotorny of migration versus diffusion,
although more nuanced than the r95os version'
Here I will examine sirnilarities and differences in glaze paint prepara-
glaze
tion and frring techniques, which constitute recipes for producing a
vessel, to suggest which of the two related processes of migration
and
technology. In this chapter, I use compositional analysis of glaze paints
to trace the spread of glaze paint technology from west to east and then

follow the trajectory ofglaze paint recipe development in the Rio Gr¿nde
,li
,¡

Valley to its eventual establishment as a fixed recipe sometime after

l
AD

r45o. Based on the spatial and temporal structure ofthe changes in

,ìl glaze
:.ì

paint composition, which is the result ofinterplay ofpaint ingredients and

1
:i.
j,
l
ì

r78 / Suzanne L. Eckerr

 firing techniques, I argue that levels ofintergroup transmission ofknowl-
edge were high during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, suggesting
intense social interaction among glaze-paint-producing víllages. I will ar-
gue further that this inte¡action had much to do with the demographic
upheaval of the fourteenth century and that intergroup interaction was
both a necessary precondition to, and a consequence of, migration on a
household scale (cf. Cordell 1995; Duff 1998). After AD r45o the over-
whelming homogeneity in glaze paint recipes still indicates high inter-
group transmission, but the context of that transmission changes from
residential mobility and demographic fluidity to maintaining an economic
system based on specialization and intraregional trade operating within a
ritual context (Snow l98r; Spielmann rggS).
Cultu¡al Transmissíon, Intergroup Interaction,
and Migration
The late rzoos to the r6oos in the northern Southwest was ¿ time of sig-
nificant changes in demography social networks, and decorated ceramic
traditions. Technological aspects of ceramic traditions can be particularly
fruitful in tracking and understanding the more significant social changes
because the spread of glaze paint technology is a clear case of cultural
transmission oftechnology, or in Lemonnier's terms, ,,technical borrow-
ing" (Lemonnier 1993: zr). Technological artributes tend to have low visi-
bility (Carr r9g5) and are often directly observable only during the pro-
duction process, thus making it difficult to replicate the process without
some knowledge of it. This makes the study of technology transfer par-
ticularly useful for examining patterns of migration and intergroup inter-
action occurring within aritual oreconomic context. In theview presented
here, migration and interaction (or diffusion) are complementary rather
than contradictory processes. Clearly, as recent research on migration has
pointed out, mígrating groups do not choose to relocate to areas about
which they have no knowledge (Anthony rggo; Brown and Sanders rgSr;
Burmeister zooo; Cameron rg95; Cordell 1995; Duff r9g8). In general,
groups migrate to areas with which they are familiar either because some
members ofthe group have visited in the past or because they have contact
with groups or individuals living in the area from whom they can obtain
information. These two situations entail some degree ofsocial inte¡action
between resident groups and potential immigrant groups.
I8o / Cynthia L. Herhahn
This connection between sociâl interâction' which can engender diffu-
sion ofideas and technology, and immigration further blurs the distincdon
made between these two processes' and provides additional explanation
for the persistent problerns in identifying migrations in prehistory (Cor-
dell r9g5) aside from those identified as "site-unit intrusions " However,
as recent treatments of migration have argued, migrations are
quite com-
mon in human societies (Anthony r99o; Cameron 1995; Lekson 1996), an
observadon corroborated by modern Pueblo views on migration (Naranjo
1995). Thus, it is likely thât migrâtion wâs an important factor in the
spread of glaze paint technology, but perhaps not significantly more im-
portânt than diffusion, as migrâtion is unlikely to occur without social
interaction and information exchange, which are linchpins in the process
ofdiffusion. Because ofthe considerable overlap in the material reco¡d of
migration and diffusion, and the improbability that one would occur with-
out the other, my arguments for social interaction and diffusion do not
disrniss migration as one process by which glaze paint technology spread'
Evidence for diffusion of glaze paint technology supports the claim that
the preconditions for migration were in place (i.e., knowledge ofor
famil-
iarity with the area and current inhabitants), but the data are insufficient
to argue thât migration actually occurred.
Glaze Paint Pottery, Regional Cutts,
Migration, and f ransmission
Rio Grande Glaze Paint TechnologY
The Rio Grande glaze paints from central New Mexico âre not '(true
glazes" in that they do not constitute â coating of glass over the entire
surface ofthe vessel (Rice r987). These glaze pâints âre lead-based paints
that are applied as a decoration rather than a coating like Neâr Eastern
and Chinese glazes and frits (Biek and Bayley 1979; Hatcher et al' 1994;
Hedges and Moorey 1975; A. Larre ry47; Redford and Blackman rg97;
Shangraw rg77). This distinction is significant because the technology of
an allover glaze is more complex than that of decorative glaze paint and
requires â different kind ofrecipe. Glaze coatings have a specific range of
recipes that involve the addition of silica, which forms the network
of a
glaze; alumina, which strengthens the network, preventing it from run-
ning; and colorants, which add or change the colorofthe fired glaze These
mixtures are then fired in complex kilns under well-controlled firing con-
Inferring Social Interactions / r8r
 ditions. Based on observations on thin sections of Rio Grande glaze paint
pottery and replication and laboratory experiments (Herhahn and Blin-
man ry99),I argue that these paints were produced through a different,
less formal technology than glaze coatings, and that the technology was
a modification and recombination of techniques with a history of use by
Rio Grande potters. This is evident in the use of mineral pigments and
in some aspects of firing technology, both of which are explored briefly
following a description ofdecorative glaze paint production.
Based on experimental data, I believe Rio Grande glaze pâint rvas pro-
duced using a mixture of manganese, copper, or lead applied to slipped
vessels, then wood fired only once in a relatively informal pit or platform.
Firing temperatures are estimated to have ranged from approximately
Tooo to gooo centigrade (Shepard r956/r98o). At these temperatures, the
paintbegins to melt.This occurs because, in general, oxides ofmetals such
as manganese, copper, ând lead, melt at relatively low temperatures, and
the addition of these oxides to silica and alumina often lowers the melt-
ing points of these otherrvise refractory materials. Once a melt forms, the
liquid phase dissolves the underlying slip. This process is indicated by ex-
amination ofpetrographic thin sections in which the glaze/slip interface
is visible, and is supported by expedments (Herhahn and Blinman rggg)
conducted on test tiles painted with nothing more than powdered galena
(PbS) and water When analyzed for composition, the fired paints con-
tained silica, alumina, iron, and other elements not found in galena but
found in red-firing clays, suggesting that these constituents bec¿me in-
corporåted into the glaze during firing. Therefore, I believe that much of
the silica and alumina found in Rio Grande glaze paints is the ¡esult of
the interaction ofthese metallic colorants and the clay slip to which they
are applied. The implication is rhat the posrfiring glaze paint composi-
tion is likely to differ significantly in silica and alumina conrent from the
actual paint recipe applied to the prefired vessel, and that the ,,recipe',
to which I refer in this chapter is actually the outcome of a combination
of the paint mixture and choice of firing techniques, particularly those
influencing atmosphere, maximum temperature, and soak time.
Several steps in the production process described above have prece-
dents in earlier Rio Grande pottery production. In terms of materials,
mineral pigments were in use for centuries on types such as Lino Bl¿ck-
on-grayand Kwahe'e Black-on-white prior to the adoption ofcarbon paint
around A¡ rr5o with the advent of Santa Fe Black-on-white. Mineral-
r8z / Cynthia L. Herhahn
painted Chupadero Black-on-white continued to be produced in the Rio
Abajo as late as AD 1545 (Hayes, Young, and Warren r98r:72) Firing
technology for glaze-painted red wares differs from black-on-white tech-
nology only in firing atmosphere. Red wares were frred in a relatively oxy-
gen rich âtmosphere, while Rio Gr¿nde white wares were fired in a neu-
tral to oxygen-poor atmosPhere. However, the flring facilities appear to
be similar between Santa Fe Black-on-white and later glaze wares.
Excavated Santâ Fe Black-on-white pit kilns are "shallow, oval basins"
measuring approximately t6-t 7 m long by i.r m wide, with depth
ranging from 9 to 2ó cm (Post and Lakatos 1995:r45). Glaze ware firing
areas have been identified on the surface at the Galisteo Basin site of San
Lazaro, but these have not been excavated. Based on surface observations,
they are similar in size and shape, and differ only in depth and the lack ofa
"smothering layer" in the glaze ware firing areas (Eric Blinman, personal
communication zoo3). It is beyond the scope ofthis chapter to compare in
detallthe chøîne opérøtoire (Lernonnìer rgg3) ofblack-on-white and glaze
wares, but this brief discussion indicates that there are precedents in the
Rio Grande for several keyaspects ofglazeware production'This suggests
that the change in technology was an adaptation of existing techniques
rather than a dramatic change to an entirely different suite oftechniques.
The major changes involved the choice of particular mineral pigments,
the clays that would fire to the strong reds seen in early Rio Grande glaze
wares, and the combination of previously known techniques that would
produce the desired effect ofa vitreous black paint on a red background'
The point to be made here is that the transfer oftechnology among south-
western potters involved both aesthetics and knowledge of materials and
techniques. The particular suite oftechniques to produce black glaze on a
red vessel may have been developed in the Western Pueblo area and been
introdtced as ø sui¡s into the Rio Grande, but it was a suite that was com-
pâtible with exìsting production Processes and therefore relatively likely
to be adopted and adapted (cf. Lemonnier rgg3).
Spread of Glaze Paint TechnologY
Broad regional patterning in the composition ofsouthwestern glaze paints
was identified almost sixty years ago (Hawley 1938; Shepard r94z; Snow
rg8z), as copper glaze was produced in eastern Ârizona and western New
Mexico and lead glaze in central New Mexico (also see chaps. 4 and 6
in this vol.). The temporal and spatial patterning has been interpreted as
Inferring Social Interactions / r83
 evidence for technological transfer, and perhaps migration, from west to
ir
east. In many interpretations, glaze paint technology was discovered acci_
dentally and then developed into skilled artistry in eastern Arizona during
the thirteenth century (Carlson rgTo; De Atley 1986; Kidder r9r7a; Mera
1935). Rio Grande potters "learned" the technology from Zuni area pot_
ters (Shepard ry36, ry42; Warren rg8r; Wendorf and Reed 1955), who
learned it from the upper Little Colorado potters. In this scenario, Rio
Grande potters did not develop the technology on their own, but learned
it from others farther to the west through some kind of interaction. As
Huntley's (chap. 6, this vol.) lead isotope data and Eckert's (chap. this
9,
vol.) decorative and technological style data show, this scenario is overly
simplistic. It appears that glaze-paint-producing groups in the north_
ern Southwest were alternately innovators and recipients of technology
within a system of social interactions on both local and regional scales.
A possible context in which this interaction could hâve occurred is de_
veloped by Patricia Crown and involves the spread ofa regional cultrepre_
sented in ceramics by the spread ofthe Pinedale style (Crown rgg4). Im_
plicit in this model for the spread of red-slipped glaze-painted ceramics
is ¿ ce¡tain level of intergroup interaction on a pan-northern Southwest
scale. In Crown's formulation, the regional cult facilitated intraregìonal
migration by downplaying cultural differences between resident and im_
rnigrant groups. Crown's model is significant because it incorporates both
migration, which may have brought western potters to the Rio Grande,
and the social use of glaze paint pottery, the technology of which allows
exarnination of the different degrees to which the technological knowledge
was successfully transmitted among different pottery-producing commu_
nities in the Rio Grande Valley. Higher degrees of similarity are to be ex_
pected with migration, a situation in which interaction and cultural trans_
mission of technological knowledge are more direct than in a context of
1
occasional face-to-face interaction o¡ word-of-mouth transmission. The
data presented here are used to examine how successfully the technology
transferred, resuking in highly similar paint recipes suggestive of migra_
i
tion versus less direct transmission, resulting in highly variable recipes
suggestive ofless direct interaction or diffusion.
tVlahodology.The ceramic data used in this analysis come primarily from
earlier analyses on Rio Grande glaze paint pottery by Herhahn and Hunt_
ley (Herhahn 1995; Herhahn and Huntley 1996; Huntley and Herhahn
r84 / Cynthia L. Herhahn
1996). Suzânne De Atley's (1986) published glaze paint compositional
data of Fourmile Polychrome were also used in the current analysis. The
reader is referred to De Atley's pioneering study (De Atley 1986) for the
methodology by which those data were collected.
The Rio Grande Glaze Ware ceramics investigated by Herhahn and
Huntley and used in this study are from excavations conducted by Kath-
erine Spielrnann of Arizona State University at Gran Qrivira and Qrarai,
two pueblos in the Salinas area east of the Rio Grande Valley, NewMexico,
that were occupied from the r3oos to the late róoos. The Salinas area falls
outside of the Rio Grande Valley proper, but prehistoric populations are
affiliated culturally with theRio Grandebased on decorated ceramic types
and architectural layout and style. Petrographic analyses (Capone 1995;
Herhahn 1996; Warren rgSr) suggest that Qrarai was a significant pro-
ducer of glaze wares during the rsoos, but had access to glaze-decorated
ceramics produced in other Rio Grande pueblos throughout its occupa-
tion. Gran Q.rivira was never a major producer of glaze-decorated ceram-
ics, but did import large quantities of pottery from other pueblos (Her-
hahn 1996; Warren r98r). Thus, the sample of Rio Grande Glaze Ware
ceramics analyzed for this study represeqts ceramics produced through-
out the Rio Grande, although their archaeological provenance is limited
to the Salinâs ¿rea.
Because of the importance of the spatial and temporal variations in
glaze paint composition to understanding the spread of glaze paint tech-
nology, division ofthe sample by temporally diagnostic rim form and spa-
tially diagnostic paste/temper characteristics wâs cârried out prior to sam-
pling for compositional analysis. Thus, Spielmann's collections from the
Salinas area, which had been sorted by rim form into Rio Grande Glaze
'Ware
groups A through F (as defined by Mera 1933; see Eckert, chap. 3,
in this vol.), were sampled for compositional analysis. The provenance of
each rim sherd was determined th¡ough visual examination of tempering
materials, ìnformed and guided by ceramic petrography (Herhahn i995,
1996; D. L. Jones 1995). Examin¿tion ofthe ceramic paste allowed each
sherd to be related to a production ârea within the Rio Grande Valley by
referencing the materials observed to those observed by other research-
ers (Capone rg95; Habicht-Mauche rg93a; Shepard r94z; Warren 1979,
r g8o, r 98 r). The general locations of these production areas are indicated
in figures r.r and r.z. Grog temper is associated with the Albuquerque
and Acoma areas; augite latite (equivalent to Herhahn's "augite diorite"
Inferring Social Interactions / r85
 [1996]) with the Galisteo Basin, probably San Marcos; Tonque andesite
with Tonque Pueblo; vitric basalt with the Lower Rio Puerco; hornblende
diorite with Ábo and hornblende gneiss with Qrarai, both or which are
in the Salinas area (Capone rg95; Shepard rg4z;Warret ry7g, tgïl.
Although tempering material in Rio Grande Glaze Ware is generally
indicative ofproduction area, there are also temporal changes in temper-
ing material. For most Rio Grande glaze groups, the rim form itselfis the
most temporâlly diagnostic attribute. However, Glaze A, which falls at
the beginning ofthe Rio Grande Glaze Ware sequence and dates between
al r3r5 and 1425, a,lso shows temporal variation in tempering material.
Based on stylistic and stratigraphic information, grog temper appears in
the earliest glaze wares produced in the Rio Grande Valley, Los Padillas
Glaze Polychrome, which dates ro as earlyas ao r3oo (Sh epzrð, ry42;War-
ren r979). The use ofgrog temper continues with the production ofAgua
Frì¿ Glaze-on-red, which is also produced with mineral temper Other
Glaze A types (Cieneguilla Glaze-on-yellow, Pottery Mound Glaze Poly-
chrome, San Clemente Polychrome) are produced almost exclusively with
mineral temper, a trend that continues throughout the remainder of the
glaze sequence. As with most temporal transitions in any diagnostic at-
tribute, the transition from grog to mineral temper is not abrupt, and it
is not possible to distinguish unequivocally early and late Glaze A purely
on the basis of temper. However, because the initial production of Rio
Grande glaze wares is critical to the understanding ofthe development of
this technology, it is important ro consider them separately.
It should also be noted that only five Glaze B she¡ds were analyzed,,
owing to the rarity ofthis group in the collecrions we used. Glaze B data
are presented here, but are of little utility in making temporal inferences
about technological change. The potential problems associated with ex-
cluding Glaze B from a discussion oftemporal trends in glaze paint com-
position are mitigared by the more restricted geographical distribution
l and short duration of Glaze B production (Mera rg33; Eckert, chap. 3,
this vol.).
Following the characterization of Spielmann's collections ofglaze rim
sherds from Gran Quivira and Quarai (z = r,6oo) by rim fo¡m and tem-
per and paste charâcteristics, a sample of r43 Glaze A through F bowl
rim sherds tempered with six distinct mâterials v¡as selected for composi-
tional analysis ofthe glaze paint. The sample was ânâlyzed by the author
and Deborah Huntley for a number of studies conducted between 1994
and 1996 (Herhahn rg95; Herhahn and Huntley 1996; D L. Jones 1995).
186 / Cynthia L. Herhahn
Glaze composition was meâsured using an electron microprobe housed
in the Arizona State University Chemistry Department. The percent-
ages by weight often different glaze constituents, determined as mineral
oxides, were rneasured for each sample by wavelength dispersive spectro-
scopy (wos). wts was chosen over energy dispersive spectroscopy (els)
because rvns is able to distinguish between lead and sulfur, the two ele-
ments that combine to form galena, the likely material used in producing
paints. The disadvantâge of using wns is that the number of wns spec-
trometers on the ASU microprobe limited the number of elements that
could be analyzed at one time. Because of this limitation, several elements
that are sometimes present in small quantities were eliminated from the
analysis. The most not¿ble of these is zinc (Deborah Huntley, personal
communication, rgg5). The data collected by Herhahn and Huntley were
renormalized to be consistent with De Atley's (1986) data frorn Fourmile
Ruin, which did not include data for titanium dioxide (TiO) This was
done by eliminating the data for TiO2, then renormalizing to roo percent.
The weight percent data were then converted to molecular proportion to
eliminate the effect of different molecular weights. This conversion in-
volved dividing the normalized weight percent of each oxide by the mo-
lecular weight of that oxide, then normalizing to r. The effect of this con-
version gives each oxide equal weight in the analysis, rather than allowing
heavier oxides to dominâte.
Since multivariate ânalyses (Herhâhn 1995) showed that most of the
structure in the data was provided by lead oxide (PbO), copper oxide
(CuO), manganese oxide (MnO), and silicon dioxide (SiO), only the
oxides added as paint ingredients (PbO, CuO, MnO) are discussed here.
To examine the spatial and temporal Patterning in the various paint con-
stituents, a series oflog-log scale bivariate plots of molecular proportions
or ratios of molecular proportions were created. Ratios of PbO to MnO
and Pbô to CuO were chosen to plot so that the relationship among the
three variables could be represented in a bivariate plot, râther than a tri-
angular plot. The log-log scale was chosen to spread the data points out
more evenly along the axes to facilitate pattern identification. Additional
categorical variables were introduced into each plot by varying the plot
symbol ofeach datâ point to reflect provenance or temporal period.
Results.The first relationship explored is the âssociation, ifany, between
glaze paint tradition (e.g., Fourmile Polychrome, Zluni glazes, early Rio
Grande glazes, later Rio Grande glazes) and the choice of colorant. This
lnferring Social Interactions / r87
 later
used by a smaller proportion of the Glaze A potters and all of the
. Glaze A r 4 Mile E Later glazes A Zun¡ Glaze Rio Grantle glaze producers. This strategy involves the use ofmanganese
as a color¿nt and the near exclusion ofcopper'
At fust glance, it is tempting to interpret the use ofcopper as a colorant
by Rio Grande potters as evidence for a high level ofintergroup transmis-
sion betw"en *estern glaze producers here rePresented by a fewexamples
I of Zuni glaze warcs and Fourmile Polychrome. However, there is more to
glaze production that iust color¿nt. The fluxing agent is also extremely
important. I have arguecl elsewhere (Herhahn and Blinman 1999) that the
basic glaze recipe in Rio Grande glaze wares involves powdered
galena as
a Ör
al the flux, with an added colorant, either copper or manganese When the
oo
tr r flìix component ofthe glaze paint recipe is factored in' it is apparent that
"Ë*"ffi" a
n*. the recipe used to produce rnost Zuni and Rio Grande glaze wares
is dis-

tinct from Fourmile Polychromes. This is shown in a bivariate scatter Plot

ot 'r.tt (see fig. ro.z) ofthe ratio of manganese to lead versus the ratio ofcoPper
to lead on a log-log scale. The latter tend to be lower in lead than the Rio
ILl
3']!¡' I
Grande glaze paints (see Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins, chap 4, this vol )'
I
This suggests that âlthough the copper-rich colorant strategy apPears to
'ldott o"
aa derive from a far western model, early Rio Grande glaze producers use
a recipe more similar to that of Zuni glaze wares, although slightly
more
rich in lead (see Huntley, chap. 6, this vol ).
An additional deviation from the western colorant model and Zuni
0.0001
paint recipe is âlso seen in Glaze A paints on vessels with several different
0.000r 0.01
iypes of mineral tempet some from the Gâlisteo Basin and some from
CUO the central Rio Grande Valley. This deviation involves use ofmanganese-
Fig. 10.1. Mol propoltion of manganese oxide plotted against mol lead paint rather than copper-lead paint. This pâint recipe came into use
proportion of copper oxide, each on a log scale. Pottery types represented during the procluction of mineral-tempered Glaze A, which may place it
include Rio G¡ande Glaze A, Fourmile Polychrome, later Rio Grande slightiy later than sherd-tempered Glaze A, perhaps the later r3oos Fol-
Glaze Ware (B-F), and Zuni Glaze l¡Iare. lowing the invention ofmanganese-lead paints in the late r3oos, nearly all
areas, use
cases in our sample, which includes more than seven production
this basic recipe containing rnanganese and lead (see figs ro z and ro 3)'
was accomplished by means ofa bivariate plot (see fig. ro. r) ofthe molecu- This pattern suggests the rapid and complete adoption of the gen-
lar proportion ofMnO to CuQ with each data point plotted with a symbol eral PbO/MnO recipe. Figure ro.3 shows the temporal trends by pro-
indicating the group to which it belongs. De Atley's Fourmile Polychrome duction area. In this log-log plot of the râtio of MnO to PbO plotted
samples exhibit some variability, but mostly plot in the copper-rich part ¿gainst the râtio of CuO to PbO, the production areas thât engaged
in
ofthe graph (the right third ofthe plot). This colorant strategy is also used gl"ze prodrrction of more than two glaze rim forms ¿re shown The ini-
by a large proportion ofthe Glaze A paints in the sample, and by the small tials in pa.entheses after each glaze rim form indicate the production
ârea'
number of Zuni glaze wares in the sample. A second colorant strategy is "¡o" indicates likely production in the area of San Marcos Pueblo in the

I88 / Cynthia L. Herhahn Inferring Social Interactions / r89

 +claze A (m¡n) o clu="¡ (øog-) . zunictaã (grog) AGlazeA(AD) oGlazeB(AD)
+Glaze A
XGIâze B n Gfaze C-D o Glaze E-F (AD) tr Glaze D (AD) t¡ Glaze A (VB)
o Glaze C
¡ 4 Mile poly
claze C (vB) ¡r G¡aze D (VB)
>:{ Glaze A (TA)
. Glaze C (TA) I Glaze D (TA) a Glaze E (TA)
Xclaze F (TA)
I

r;!
o 1.000
t'++

f
¡t
q.
oc ^
= 0.100
i*.:.. f* n'g"' r ¿3

x+++â* I â#1" a ^x ,t
'f_
' --L
|

0.010 .¿r *
o
d I
'+
À *Æ^" lf+
r!
^ +
0.001 0.010 0.100 l.ooo 10.000 too.00o looo.ooo
CUO/pbO

fig. 10.2. The ¡atio of the mol proportion of manganese oxide

to lead
+* $*,#.
oxide plotted against the latio of mol proportion oi copper
oxide to tead
oxÍde, each on a log scale. pottery types represented include
Glaze A (mineral tempered), Rio G¡ande Glaze
Rio Grande
0.001 0.010 0.100 1.000 10.000
A (9rog tempered),
Rio Grande Glaze B, Rio Grande Glaze V/a¡e C_D, Fio CUO/PbO
Grande
Glaze Ware E-F, Iourmile polychrome, and Zuni
Glaze Wa¡e.
Fig. 10.3. The ratio of the mol proportion of manganese oxide to lead
oxide for Rio Grande Glaze Ware plotted by temper type against the latio
Galisteo Basin, "ve" indicates the Lower Rio puerco area, and ,,re,, indi_ of mol proportion of copper oxide to Lead oxide, each on a log scale.
cates the area of Tonque pueblo also in the Galisteo
Basin. Minor temper
types/production areas are nor included in this graph, in the glaze paint data
but their distribu_ In summary, there are two basic trends visible
tion is very similar This plot shows that all paints produced
after Glaze A, presented here. First, there appear to be similarities in glaze paint recipes
some paints on mineral-tempered Glaze A, plot in
1nd_ the manganese_ between early Rio G rande glzzes andZuni glazes. There is a basic,under-
lead region of the graph. This suggests that starting
sometime inihe late lying similarity between Zuni and Fourmile Polychrome glazes, but at a
r3oos, rapid and complete shift toward manganese and away from
a
copper coarser scale. Second, once glaze paint technology was established in the
as a colorant occurred.
Rio Grande Valley; Rio Grande potters developed a distinct recipe that
r9o / Cynthia L. Herhahn Inferring Social Interactions / rgr
 utilized manganese as a colorant over coppel as lryas used in the
initial Rio ern Southwest during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries occurred
Grande glaze paint producrion. The implications for the social
dynamics through intergroup social interactions that mây have also facilitated mi-
of the fourteenth through seventeenth centuries will now be disiussed. gration ofpeoples. In other words, more intergroup interaction ând trans-
mission occurred than actual migration, although migration almost cer-
Discussion tainly did occur (see in particular Eckert' chap. 9, this vol.). This is based
on (r) the improbability of migration without knowledge ofthe target area
The data presented here cover a span of three hundred years, f¡om gained through some kind ofinteraction, (z) the presence ofa moderately
the
r3oos to the r6oos in the Rio Grande Valley. This relatively
long timc span large population in the Rio Grande (Duff rgg8) at the time that this tech-
provides the opportunity ro explore rhe changing role
of glaze paint pot_ nology arrived, and (3) the access to Western Pueblo red wares through
tery during this dynamic period. First I will address the origin
and spread the Acoma and Laguna areâs that were not depopulated until after this
of this technolog¡ then turn ro the development of the tãchnology technological change was already well under way (Roney r996). Further-
fol_
lowing its establishment in the Rio Grande Valley.
more, there is evidence of experimentation with glaze paint recipes by
The first appearance ofpurposeful glaze paint pottery in the
northern fourteenth-century Rio Grande potters (seen in frg. ro.z by the wide range
Southwest corresponds to a time of demographic upheaval.
It has long ofvariation in recipes used), suggesting that this was an unfamiliar com-
been suggested that migrânts from the area that is now
eastern Arizona bination of techniques. The "experiments" to which I refer are not evi-
brought first glaze paint pottery, then the technology ro produce
ir, ro dent on the Braph shown here becausewhen subiected to analysis with the
Zuni. From there, the technology spread to the Rio Granàe
Valley. The electron microprobe they did not have an actual glaze layer. The paint ap-
compositional data discussed in this chapter support this general
traiec_ peared âs a very thin (about r ¡.i or less) layer. In three cases, the pâint was
tory, but also open the possibility that the spread may not
have been linear indistinguishable from the slip in cross-section and is probably manganese
from eastern A¡izona to Zuni to the Rio Grande, a possibility
raised also alone; the other cont¿ined some lead but was primarily composed ofiron'
by data presented by Huntley (chap. 6, this vol.). Zuni gìazes
and early Sherds in this group tend to be grog or sherd-tempered Glaze A, which is
Rio Grande glazes are similar in composition, and it is not clea¡
which thought to have been the earliest Glaze A produced (Warren ry76, t979)
area was using this particular recipe first.
Mineral-tempered Glaze A, thought to be somewhat lâter but still in the
Based on Huntley,s data (chap. ó, this vol.) showing
_ that St. John,s and r3oos, is also present in the grouP.
Zuní glazes used Rio Grande Valley ore sources, it
is pe.haps not su._ Once glaze paint pottery is Produced regularly in the Rio Grande V¿l-
prising that there is some similarity in the paint recipes.
In fact, Zuni ley, the recipe by which it is produced follows a unique traiectory not seen
glazes and early Rio Grande Glaze A are quite
simila¡ and the¡e is a in Ztni glaze wares, which fall out ofproduction relatively early (Schach-
notable deviation in Glazes B through
f; which is when Galisteo pot- ne5 chap.7, this vol.). Rio Grande glaze Paints, initially produced using
ters began to dominate glâze.rvare production in the east
and when Zuni copper as the primary colorant' becorne fixed on a manganese-lead mix-
potters shifted their lead ore procurement to the south.
The implication ture. The rapidity and completeness of this change to manganese-lead
maf be rhat the technology was introduced to the Rio Grande paints has implications for social interaction and cultural transmission
!er9 by
St.Johns/White Mountain Red Ware tradition glaze paint producers
who among groups in the region and for the social and economic organization
used Cerrillos lead in their paints. The potters \¡/ould
have had the oppor_ of the region on a more general level.
tunity to interact with both Zuni area groups, based on proximity,
and Rio
Grande groups, based on direct procurement ofore or through
trade, both Exchange of Knowledge or Trade of Materials?
of which would have engendered some contact. However, compositional
Following the initial production of glaze paints in the r3oos by several
data alone cannot resolve whether actual migration occurred.
villages in the Rio Grande Valley, that technological knowledge appears
Based on several lines ofevidence, I argue that most ofthe
technology to hâve been transmitted successfully throughout the area, suggesting in-
transfer that occurred arnong glaze-paint_producing groups
in the north_ tense intergroup interaction. However, it is less clear wh¿t precisely was

rgz / Cynthia L. Herhahn Inferring Social Intemctions / r93

 being transmirred. It is possible that just the knowledge of the recipe and
the necessary raw mâterials were transmitted from Galisteo potters to
all other areas of the Rio Grande. Another possible mechanism is that
the Galisteo Basin Glaze A potters discovered a lead source with asso_
ciated manganese oxides (a common co-occurrence with lead ores) that
resulted in a superior glaze. If they were able to control access to this
source and produce it as a trade ,,commodity,,' they could have traded to
othôr Rio Grande potters. This would produce the partern rhat Nelson
and Habicht-Mauche (chap. rr, this vol.) clearly demonstrare, where the
same lead source, Cerrillos, was used to produce glaze paint on vessels
with varied production locales.
HoweveS even ifpotters in different areas were using the identical lead
ore or prepared paint, the major and minor element composition may vary
because of differences in knowledge of firing techniques. By combining
major and minor element compositional analysis offired glaze paints with
isotopic studies, it should be possible to examine rhe scale at which knowl_
edge of other steps in the production process was shared, such as firing
techniques. If the paints are isotopically identical, but compositionally
different, this would suggest that the glaze paint (either as raw materiâl
or prepared paint) rvas distributed within a netwo¡k that did not involve
transmission ofknowledge of other aspects of the production process.
Trade of glaze raw materials carries many of the same implications for
social interactions within the Rio Grande Valley as transfer ofknowledge,
although perhaps on differing scales, as Nelson and Habicht_Mauche
l.
(chap. rr, this vol.) poinr out. Tiade of materials does, however, carry
¡;
different economic implications, which are not discussed in depth here.
Whethe¡ the similarities in glaze paint composition in later glazes across
production areas are the result of intergroup transmission of knowledge
or intergroup exchange of materials, both susgest a high degree ofsocial
interaction among potters, ifnot larger communities.
The impetus and the context fo¡ this interaction and the production
of the pottery itself may come from the ritual use of glaze bowls, as sug_
gested by Spielmann (1998). As populations ,,settled in,', and the large_
scale population movements ofthe fourteenth century subsided, increas_
ingly large and long-occupied villages became widespread. This may have
fostered the development of intervillage dependencies (either economic
or ritual) that had the effecr of tying together villages with distinct com_
munity identities (perhaps Crown,s ,.sects" [r9g4]). These issues are not
r94 / Cynthia L. Herhahn
likely to be resolved with reference to glaze paint composition and isotopic
sigo"tu.es alone. However, the existing datâ suggest that the high
levels
of intergroup interaction evidenced by patterning in glaze paint compo-
sition had shifted from minimizing between-group differences and
facili-
tating demographic fluidity (cf. Crown 1994) to an increasingly economic
focus predicated on village specialization and local exchange (Snow r98z;
Spielmann rg98, cf. Ford r97z).
Conclusions
This study ofglaze paint recipes inferred from composition has identified
strong trends in recipe tlevelopment in the Rio Grande Valley' Early
in the
followed a western
glaze paint sequence (ca. en r3oo) potters generally
Ztni Gløze
lhze paint model exemplified by Fourmile Polychrome
anð
Ware. However, Rio Grande potters did not follow the model very
closely,
as is evident in the spread of Glaze A compositions, shown
in figures ro'z
and ro.3. I have argued here that this pattern is consistent with cultural
transmission of technology through indirect means such as occasional
interaction and word of mouth. Glaze A potters likely did not learn this
technology from western potters in the context ofproduction, precluding
migration as a primary mechanism ofglaze paint technology spread- The
cornpositions are too different and too variable'
Shortly after the advent of glaze paint technology in the Rio Grande
Valley, Galisteo Basin potters begân making glaze paint containing man-
to other
ganese instead ofcopper as a colorant. This recipe spread rapidly
glaze-producing villages, and the composition is remarkably similar re-
time period' This pattern is more sug-
lardless ofproduction location or
gestive of direct transmission of glaze paint technology or trade of
glaze
potters. Both scenarios suggest regular
f,aintmaterials among Rio Grande
interaction of potters from different communities Based on the conclu-
sions drawn by other rese¿rchers in the Rio Grande Valley regarding
the
development ofvillage specialization during the låtter part ofthe glaze se-
qo"rr"" 1sr,o* t98r; Spielmann r998), I suggest that the context in which
this regular interaction occurred was increasingly dominated by develop-
ing and maintaining economic interdependence among villages However,
paìnt composition alone cannot resolve whether the recipe or the paint as
commodity was transmitted
Regardless ofthe context within which interaction occurred among vil-
Inferring Social Interactions / rg5
lages in the Rio Grande Valley in the centuries followìng to rzT5,tracking
changes in glaze paint composition and leåd isotope signatu¡es will con-
tinue to provide information on the nature and spatial structure ofsocial
and economic interactions. Although the case presented here is particular
to southwestern glaze paints, the level of detail that is possible by com-
bining compositional analysis with isotopic srudies fâcilitates the study of
migrations in prehistory and allows questions of social interaction to be
addressed more convincingly. By examining trânsmission ofa technology
that has a social and economic function, it is possible to begin to examine
the role that artisans such as potters play in fostering social interaction,
as well as the benefir they reap from it.
Acknowledgments
This analysis would not have been possible without the support of Kath-
erine Spielmann, who provided access and the opportunity to analyze her
collections from the Salinas area. I also thank Deborah Huntley for years
of collaboration on Rio Grande glaze paints and access to her composi-
tional data from Glazes E and E Eric Blinman has also been a tremendous
source of insights on glaze paint production, and my thinking on glaze
paints has been enriched by our collaborations. Additional thanks go to
Judith Habicht-Mauche, SuzanneEckert, and Deborah Huntley fororga-
nizing such a productive and engâging saa symposium. I am also grateful
to Linda Cordell and Miriam Stark for their insightful commenrs and dis-
cussion on the original presentation. Rory Gauthier, Marianne Tyndall,
and th¡ee anonymous reviewers provided helpful comments on earlier
drafts of this chapter. .A.ny omissions or errors remain my responsibility.
196 / Cynthia L. Herhahn
1T
Lead, Paint, and Pots
Rio Grande Intercommunity Dynamics
from a Glaze Ware PersPective
Kit Nelson and Judith A. Habicht-Mauche
Intercommunity dynamics during the Pueblo IV period (el 13oo-16oo)
in the Rio Grande area of New Mexico have been portrâyed in terms
of discrete systems of sociopolitical and economic alliance (Snow r98r;
based'
Upham r98z; Upham and Reed 1989; Wilcox r98r, 1984) that âre
in part, on the geographic clustering of sites (Upham r98z; Upham and
need rqSq) in areas or districts that mhror historically defined ethnolin-
guistic provinces (Barrett 1997; Habicht-Mauche r993a) These models
have been vâriably interPreted as hierarchical polities
(Wilcox
ãf
"[ia.rce con-
rggr), complex tribes (Habicht-Mauche r993a, i993b), or clustered
based on the petro-
federacies (Spielmann 1994). However, our research,
graphic and lead isotope analyses of Rio Grande Glaze Ware pottery
and
interaction during the Pueblo IV
iair,ts, indicates that intercommunity
period in the central Rio Grande was much more dynamic and complex
than these alliance models would seem to suggest, especially when viewed
from the perspective ofindividual sites through time'
Results of these analyses show that while some goods, such as finished
glaze ware vessels, circulated largely within geographic clusters
or dis-
iricts, other materials, such as raw lead ores, were more widely distributed
âmong the Rio Grancle pueblos and beyond' The differential distribution
of these goods denotes the presence of multiple' crosscutting exchange
networks that functioned within different social and economic contexts
and at different geographic and social scâles For example, while
some
 exchange networks may have been focused on establishing and maintain-
ing close social ties between households within neighboring communitìes,
other exchanges may have linked individuals, households, and communi-
ties to larger networks ofinterregional interaction that extended through-
out the Rio Grande Glaze Ware area. We argue that alliance models that
focus on defining abstract organizational structures at a regional or inter-
regional scale have obscured the real multiscalar and contextual dimen-
sienality of intercommunity dynamics during the Pueblo IV period in the
Rio Grande area and should be replaced by models that focus on exam-
ining how exchange is mobilized by individuals and Broups in small- to
medium-scale societies to construct, maintain, and contest specific social
relationships and identities within various arenas ofinteraction.
Models of Pueblo IV Intercommunity Dynamics
Proposed models of Pueblo IV intercommunity dynamics in the Rio
Grande area have been based primarily on three lines ofevidence, includ-
ing the geographic clustering of sites, historic information on ethnolin-
guistic identities and boundaries, and the distribution ofspecific ceramic
styles or types. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries witnessed a major
restructuring of Rio Grande society âs rapidly growing local and immi-
grant populations became increasingly concentrated in large, nucleated
towns. In turn, these nucleated settlements tended to cluster geographi-
cally within specific river drainages or basins (see Mera rg4o). These
marked changes in settlement structure and distribution h¿ve led various
researchers to characterize the Pueblo IV period in the Rio Grande as one
of emerging intercommunity sociopolitical and economic alliances defined
by the patterning ofsettlements in geoglaphic space (E Plog rg79; Snow
rg8r; Upham rg82; Upham and Reed rg89; Wilcox r98r, rg84). Upham
(1982) and Upham and Reed (1989) argue that rhe uniform distribution
between site clusters reflects the maintenance ofregional systems as these
relate to the "management of human interaction."
These geographic settlement clusters tended to mirror ethnolinguis-
tic divisions or provinces identified by the earliest Spanish explorers and
colonial administrators during the sixteenth cenrury (Barrett rggT; Riley
1987). Such similarities have been used as evidence to suppoú the devel-
opment of ethnolinguistically based polities, tribes, and/or confederacies
in the Rio Grande area during late precontact times (Habicht-Mauche
r98 / Nelson and Habicht-Mauche
r993a; Spielmann igg4; Wilcox 1984). These researchers, however, dif-
fer markedly in their view ofthe organizational structure and complexity
of these ethnolinguistic clusters, with some favoring rnore hierarchical
models (e.g., Wilcox ig84, r99r) while others argue for more nonhier-
archical, segmental (e.g., Habicht-Mauche r993a, r993b), or sequenti¿l
models (e.g., Spielmann rgg4).
The distribution of locally distinctive ceramic styles, types, and tech-
'rir:. nologies has been used as suPPortive evidence for segmenting the
Pueblo IV Rio Grande landscape into a series of ethnolinguistic dis-
rricts or provinces (e.g., Habicht-Mauche r993a). At the same time, the
widespread exchange of various raw materials and frnished products has
been interpreted as evidence for the presence of larger and more inte-
grated networks of regional and interregional interaction thât crosscut
local ethnic boundaries (Habicht-Mauche r993a, 1998; Snow r98r; Wil-
cox rg8r, rg84). Studies ofthe production and distribution ofRio Grande
glaze-painted pottery have been central to rnany of these debates.
Earlier Studies of Rio Glande Gtaze Ware
Production and Exchange
Previous mineralogical characterization studies indicated that Rio Grande
Glaze Ware vessels \ryere exchanged widely throughout the Eastern Pueblo
area and beyond (Sheparð, rg4z, 1965; Warren 1969, rg7o, tg7g).ln addi-
tion, these datâ seemed to suggest that certain districts or even specific
sites dominated the Rio Grande Glaze Wâre industry at different times in
the past. According to Shepard (1942), the Galisteo district in the east-
central Rio Grande region (see fig. r.r) came to dominâte glaze ware Pro-
duction during the Intermediate Glaze Ware period (ao r45o-r5r5)' re-
placing earlier centers of production in the Albuquerque, Zia, and Santa
Domingo areas. By the Late Glaze Ware period (eo r5r5-r7oo), the Ga-
listeo district's dominance had waned, with a number of more localized
centers of production emerging throughout the Rio Grande area.
Later studies by Warren ftg6g, rg7o, 1979) appeared to confirm this
general pattern ofinterregional production ând exchânge. However, War-
ren's work also showed that the earliest red-slipped Rio Grande Glaze
'Ware
vessels (Los Padillas Polychrome and Agua Fria Glaze-on-red) were
produced at many more communities throughout the Rio Grande area
than Shepard initially identifred. Warren also argued that the pueblo of
Lead, Paint, and Pots / rg9
 San Marcos (re 98), in the Galisteo disrrict, was the primary producer of
early yellow-slipped glaze-painted pottery (Cieneguilla and Largo Glaze-
on-yellow), while Tonque Pueblo (r-e z4o), located iust ro the south and
west ofthe Galisteo district, was the predominant interregional supplier
of Intermediate Glaze Ware vessels (see Eckert, chap. 3, this volume, for
a detailed discussion of the Rio Grande Glaze Ware sequence).
These interpretations have been used by other researchers to sup-
pqrt the existence of a highly integrated interregional network of eco-
nomic interaction and sociopolitical alliance, supported by a system of
community-based craft specialization ând the widespread exchange of
raw materials and finished products (Habicht-Mauche r993a, 1998; Snow
rgSr; Wilcox rg8r, rg84). However, such systemic sociopolitical and eco-
nomic models fail to consider the dynamic and contingent nature of
exchange relationships as rhese are consriruted within shifting fields of
powet interest, and identity.
Shepard and Warren's merhodological approach to the study of Rio
Grande Glaze Ware production and exchange tended to reinfo¡ce these
generalized systemic models by focusing on reconstructing broad regional
patterns and temporal trends in the distribution oflocally distinctive tem-
per types. For example, although Shepard examined samples of glaze-
p¿inted pottery from over forty different sites locâred thronghout the Rio
Grande area (notes in Shepard Archives at University ofColoradq Boul-
der), her published repoft on this study (Shepard t94z) presents only
temper type distributions and percentages at the level of whole districts
or regions. Her unpublished notes also demonstrate that she was a very
skilled petrographer who recognized and recorded multiple and nuanced
petrographic differences among mineralogically similar materials. How-
ever, in her publicâtions she tended to lump similâr tempering materials
from the same geological region into very generalized categories. The best
example ofthis practice is her "andesite', temper group. This category en-
compasses a diverse mix ofintermediate volcanic rock tempers ofvarying
textures and compositions that can be âttributed to multiple production
sites throughout the Galisteo and eastern Santo Domingo basins.
Warren (1969, ry7o, rgTg) based her interpretâtions of regional pat-
terns of glaze ware production and exchange on the isoclinal distribu-
tion ofspecific temper types across broad regions ofthe Rio Grande cul-
ture area through time. She paid less âttention to the diversity of temper
types present ât any particular site. She also rarely examined permanent
zoo / Nelson and Habichr-Mauche
thin sections, making it difficult for her to make fine-grained distinctions
between mineralogically similar ternpering materials. In addition, both
Shepard and Warren worked primarily with relatively smâll, grab-bag-
selected su¡face collections, which limited theirability to examine smaller'
intradistr:ict or intrasite scales of diversity.
This broad regional approach to the study of Rio Grande Glaze W¿re
production and exchange tended to mask a great deal of local diversity
and complexity in resource selection, scales of production, and patterns
of intercommunity interaction, both through time and âcross space. As
a result, the organizational models developed to explain these data have
emphasized macroscale systemic processes whose coherence and integra-
tion may be more an artifact of the focus and scale of our analyses than
â true reflection of day-to-day social and economic practìces. In place of
these traditional macroscale approaches, we argue lhat Pueblo lV inter-
community dynamics in the Rio Grande area need to be examined from
the microscale perspective of daily household and community practices.
We begin that process by examining the diverse local, regional, and inter-
regional strategies of exchange reflected in the variable distributions of
finished Rio Grande Glaze Ware vessels âs compared to the lead ores
required for glaze pairlt production. Our results show that while glaze
wâre pots tended to c culate within netwoiks of interaction that tended
to reinforce local community and ethnolinguistic identities, specialized
raw materials such as lead ore moved through systems ofinterâctidn that
linked individuals and communities on a larger regional and interregional
scale.
Methodology
Our research comparatively examines the changing patterns of Rio
Grande Glaze Ware production and exchange using pottery from four
Pueblo IV archaeological sites loc¿ted in the central Rio Grande region
of New Mexico: San Marcos (I-e 98), Pueblo Blanco (r-,r 4o), Cieneguilla/
T2eguma (le 16), and Kuapa (r-a 3444) (see fig. i.z). This sample of Rio
Grande Glaze Ware pottery is drawn from stratified midden deposits ex-
cavated in 1988 by the Rio Grande Research Project, directed byWinifred
Creamer and Jonathan Haas.
The four sites used in this study are all located in or adjacent to the
Galisteo Basin, an area thât figures prominently in regional models of
Lead, Paint, and Pots / zor
Rio Grande Glaze Ware production and exchange. Both San Marcos and Tabte u.l
Pueblo Blanco are located within the Galisteo Basin proper (see figs. r.r Ceramic Sample by Site and Glaze Ware Period
and r.z) and are part of a geographic cluster of large, multi-roomblock
Laborâtory of
towns thât define this archaeological district during the Pueblo IV period.
Anthropology (u) Glaze Wa¡e Total Nunbe¡
Although these two sites are within the same archaeological district, eth-
Number Periods Represented of Samples
nohistoric evidence suggests that San Marcos may have contained a lin-
Kuapa 3444 Glaze Á., B, C, D, E, F 22
guistically and culturally mixed population (i.e., Keres and Tànos) (Bar-
San Marcos 98 Glaze A, B, C, D, E, F 6r
reta 1997). Therefore, one might expect this diversity to be reflected in
Pueblo Blaûco 4o Glaze A, B, C, D, E 4o
the structure ofthe community's external exchange relationships. Cieneguilla r6 Glaze Â, B, C, D 42
Cieneguilla (aka Tzeguma) Pueblo lies outside the Galisteo Basin, to Totâl r6s
the north along the Santa Fe River. Although not located within the
Galisteo Basin proper, it is often associated with the Galisteo cluster as
part of the Tano (Southern Tèwa) ethnolinguistic province (N. Nelson characterize ceramic ternpers and pastes. This analysis was used to iden-
tgt4, tgr6; Wendorf and Reed rg55). Kuapa, on the other hand, is part tify sources of vessel production ând to trace patterns of finished vessel
of a separate cluster of large Pueblo IV sites situated along the Rio exchânge. The locus of production for each temper type was deter-
Grande near the modern pueblo ofCochiti in the Santo Domingo Basin mined by comparison with previous petrographic work in the Rio Grande
district. This district lies within the historic homeland of the Keres- area (Habicht-Mauche r993a; Shepard rg4z; Warren rg7o, 1g7g' ry9t)
speaking Pueblos. As a result, it might be expected, based on ethnolin- (table rr.z).
guistic alliance models, that Kuapa would be outside the immediate social Arnold's (1985) ethnoarchaeological studies demonstrated that non-
and economic sphere ofthe predominantly Täno-speaking Galisteo Basin industrial potters typically procure tempering materials from sources lo-
pueblos, despite its geographic proximity to those communities. cated less than r km from the production site. Shepard's (rg4z) maps
Tho types of analyses, petrographic thin-section analysis of ceramic showing the geological distribution of the various tempering materials
pastes and lead isotopic analysis of glaze paints, were carried out on this used by Rio Grande Glaze Ware potters tend to supPort this assessment.
sample. The same sample ofsherds was used for both types ofanalyses to Rio Grande potters appear to have been extremely conservative in their
produce comparable results. One hundred and sixty-five bowl rim sherds use of highly specific, local tempering materials through time (Capone,
were chosen for analysis using a stratified random sampling procedure, chap. rz, this vol.; Habicht-Mauche r993a; Shepard r94z). As Capone ar-
which assured that sherds representing the entire glâze ware sequence ât gues in chapter rz of this volume, such patterning suggests that temper
each site were examined. We attempted, wherever possible, to sample at choice defined local "technological styles" (following Lechtman r977) of
least ten sherds from each glaze rim group (Glazes A-F) from each site. pottery production in the Rio Grande Valley and may have been used to
The Early (A and B) and Intermediate (C and D) Rio Grande Glaze Ware marJr the identity of specific, loc¿l "comrnunities of practice" within the
types were well represented at all four sites; howeve¡ the Late (E and F) region (see Stark, chap. z, this vol.). This conservatism in local tempering
Glaze Ware types were well represented only at San Marcos and Kuapa practices made it possible for us to petrographically source most of the
(table rr.r). As noted in chapter 3 ofthis volume, Glaze A rim forms were bowl rims we examined to a particular district, cluster ofsites, or, in some
produced throughout the Rio Grande Glaze Ware sequence, potentially instances, a specific manufacturing center. This level ofprecision allowed
complicating the interpretatìon ofthe Early Glaze Ware group. However, us to define regional and interregionâl networks of interaction based on
we attempted to mitigate this problem by selecting samples from strati- glaze ware production and exchange.
graphically excavated contexts. Isotopic analysis was conducted to establish the source oflead ores used
Petrographic thin-section analysis was carried out to mineralogically to produce glaze paints. Rio Grande glaze-pâinted pottery was decorated

zoz / Nelson and Habicht-Mauche Lead, Paint, and Pots / zo3

 ti Table 11.2 with a lead-based paint that vitrified upon firing. Leâd was critical to glâze
Source Location of Temper Types paint production becâuse it âcted as a flux, lowering the melting point of
]i
:;
silica and allowing glass to form at the low temperatures tyPicâl of the
TemperType Sou¡ce Loca¡ion Refe¡ence
open or pit firings used by Rio Grande Potters (see Herhahn, chap ro,
.,Ì

intergranular basalt (rco) Santo Domingo Basin Habicht-Mauche rgg3a; for more. detailed discussion of Rio Grande Blaze paint technology and
(Warren's San
firing). The lead needed to produce glaze paints was available from sur-
I
Shepard rg4z; Warren
l
Felìþe basab) rgSr
face veins of galena (lead sulfide ore) located throughout the Rio Grande
Rift Valley andadjacent highlands (see fig. r.z). Each of these deposits
rhfofte tutr(nH) Pajarito Plateau Shepard r94z; Warren
(S hep ard.\ deoi trì f ed tulf) tg7g, \g8t formed within a unique ând complex geological environment, character-
ized by temporâlly separated episodes of vulcanism and intrusion and
augite latite/monzonite San Ma¡cos Pueblo Habicht-Mauche r988, marked by its own distinct signature ofstable lead isotope ratios (Habicht-
(ruu) (Wørren's San rgg3a; Warren r979, r98r Mauche et al. zooo). Habicht-Mauche's laboratory has pioneered a tech-
Mørc a s I atit e ; S hep ønl's
nique for isotopically sourcing the lead in glaze paint using inductively
coupled plâsma mass spectroscopy (Icn-us) (Habicht-Mauche et al 2ooo'
various augite and/or Galisteo Basin Habicht-Mauche r993a; 2oo2). This technique âllowed us to trace the acquisition and exchange
homblende larite Warren 1979, r98r oflead ores used in glâze paint production, separâte from the production
porphories (HBr) ând exchange of finished glaze ware vessels.
(^uL) (IlE3\ 6heþa.rd.\
an¿esite, in þart) Results of Anaþsis

hornblende latite ash (HB2) Tonque Pueblo

Petrographic analysis revealed that all four sites have distinct glaze wãre
Habicht-Mauche r993a;
I ( Iïarren \ Tònque I atit e ; Warren 1969, rg79, rgSr temper profiles (table rr.3), indicating the presence of very diverse and
li Sheqørtl's andesite, in part) dynamic local strategies of intercommunity interaction and exchange' San
Marcos was clearly an important glaze ware production center. Between
sherd
'Ware
:il
A.lbuquerque area Habicht-Mauche r993a; one-third and one-half of the Rio Grande Glaze sherds sampled
rl Shepard r94z; Warren Marcos locally at the site during all time periods'
from San were made
r979, r98r
Similarly, Cienegullla/Tzegtma's glaze wåre assemblage is dominated by
:l
vitrophyric basalt BernalilÌo area and/o¡ Shepard rg4z
weathered augite monzonite temper throughout its sequence' suggesting
(vBr), (vB2) Cochiti area that the site had very close bilateral ties to the pueblo of S¿n Marcos'
,ll
San Marcos glaze ware pottery also is very common ât Pueblo Blanco, but
'Warren
syenite (sY) Est¿ncia Basin r98r this site had considerable amounts of glaze-painted pottery from other
(Abó Pueblo)
sites in the Galisteo Basin as rüell' suggesting thât its reladonship with
I
sandstone (ss) Pecos Pueblo
communities throughout the district were more broad based and com-
Habichr-Mauche r988;
Shepard r94z; Warren
plex, certåinly when compared to San Marcos or Cieneguilla' Like San
I98r Marcos, Pueblo Blanco had sorne glaze warevessels from Tonque, but this
source never eclipses the imPortance of the local Galisteo Basin sources
at the site.
The site of Kuapa revealed the most dynamic ând complex history of
shifting exchange relationships. The early glazes from the site were domi-

Lead, Paint, and Pots / zo5

 Table 11.3 7.0
o
Relative lrequenry of Glaze Ware pottery ftom Different Source Areas by
Site and by Glaze Period Based on petrographic Identification of Ternper I
ñl
16.5
ø-
Early lntermediate Late a
€'
Source ,{¡ea (Glaze A.-B) (Glaze C D) (Glaze E-F) -o t
Cieneguilla/ S¿n Ma¡cos
fL ¿r .v VXSEE
5u.u-lo not present a
"#F*
4t.zo/o NT
TLegurna Galisteo Basin z5.oo/o -o t5.c I a Cer¡llos Soulh
35.3o/,' not present fI O Cerillos Norlh
Santo Domingo Basin o.oo/o
s.go/o ûot present à II Placnas/Monlezuma
Bernalillo/Cochiti t t.8o/c¡ o.oo/o not present a Tieras
Estancia Basin (Abó) V ùragdalena
5.9o/o z5.oo/o not present No. Magdalena
^E Hansonburq
Kuapa San Marcos
5.2o/o 5.3o/o o.oo/o 14.5
Galisteo B¿sin 21 .O
t t.8o/o to.So/o 2o.oo/o 18.0
Santo Domingo Basin 23.5o/o o.oo/o o.oo/o 206Pb/204Pþ
Bernalillo/Cochiti 47.ro/o z640/o o.oo/o
Tonque isotope ratios for New Mexico lead ores'
5.zo/o 52.60/o 6o.o0/o Fig. 11.1. Stable Lead
,A.lbuquerqu e o.oo/o S.3o/,' o.oo/o
Pajarito Plateau 5.zo/o o.oo/.) 2o.oo/o
of inter-
strong ties to other Gaìisteo Bâsin sites, but the exact structure
Pueblo Blanco San Ma¡cos In contrast'
community relationships differed markedly âmong the sites'
83o/o 45.oo/o 16.70/o
Galis¡eo B¿sin 583o/o 3'.oo/o 66.70/o other sites in the
Bernalillo/Cochiti 83o/o
Kuapa's cl,osest exchange ties ¿ppear to have been \ryith
5.oo/o o.oo/o the orienta-
Tonque z5.oo/o r5.oo/o 16.70/o
Santo Domingo Basin throughout the sequence, although
time (from the
tion ofthose ties within the district shifted somewhat over
Ma¡cos the closest
S¡¡ Ma¡cos San 5o.oo/o 36.o0/o 28.60/o western to the eastern side of the district)' For all four sites'
Galisteo Basin 45.5o/o 6o.o0/o 42.9o/o ånd most sustained exchange relationships appear to have been with other
Santo Domingo Basin o.oo/o district'
Tonque
4.5o/o o.oo/o
communities in the same Seographic cluster or archaeological
o.oo/o 4.oo/o r4.3o/o fingerprinting oflead
Pajarico Plateau The patterns of exchange revealed by the isotopic
o.oo/o o.oo/o 1.to/o from those re-
Pecos o oo/n o.oo/o used in glaze paint production âre comPletely different
7.ro/o
of whole, finished ves-
vealed by petrographically tracing the exchange
sels. Despiie the presence of multiple geologicâllyand
isotopically distinct
nâted by a variety of bâsalt tempers rhar most probably have their origin sources ;flead ore in the central Rio Grânde Valley (see fig' rr'r)' ICP-MS
either locally in the western Santo Domingo Basin o5 further south, in anâlysis showed that glâze wâre potters in this region of
the valley \vere
paint production (see
the Bernalillo areâ. Horáever, the majority of the Intermediâte and Late extr;mely selectiYe in their use of lead for glâze
Period glazes from the site rvere probâbly manufâctured in the vicinity fig. rr.z). In particular, potters from production sites located through-
of Tonque Pueblo, in rhe easrern periphery of the Santo Domingo dis_ oit the cer,tral Rio Grantle Valley preferentially utilized lead ore from a
trict. San Marcos and the other Galisteo Basin communities, on the other even when other
single source area located in the southern Cerrillos Hills'
hand, never seem to have been particularly important sources of (Habicht-Mauche et al 2ooo;
Blaze sou-rces oflead were readily av¿ilable locâlly
ware pottery at Kuapa. see alsoHuntley' chap. 6). This dominance of the Cerrillos lead source is
Not surprisingly San Marcos, Pueblo Blanco, and Cieneguilla all had from its
evident throughout the entire Rio Grânde Glaze Wâre sequence'

zo6 / Nelson and Habichr,Mauche Lead, Paint, and Pots / zo7

 l

practice being alternately shared or guarded as these ideas moved through

I

multiple and intersectinB networks ofsocial interaction th¿t functioned at

a variety of local, regional, and interregional scales.
-o The introduction ofthe ceramic designs, painting techniques, and slip
ù
{o ro.o colors that characterize Rio Grande Glaze Ware has been associated with
(I the spread ofnew religious ideas and practices (E. C Adams r99r; Crown
& rs.s r9g4; Eckert zoo3; Spielrnann rggS). These new religious practices in-
cluded, but were not limited to, certain aspects of what has come to be
recognized ethnographically as Katsina ritualism. They involved public
feasts, dances, and ritual performances that provided contexts where new
ì social identities and roles were both constituted and contested. On the one

i hand, such practices may have been critical to the integration ofthe large
I
206PbFo4Pb nucleated towns and settlement clusters thât came to dominate the Rio
Grande landscape at this time. On the other hand, they created sites of
ì Fig. 11.2. Stable lead isotope ¡atios fo¡ Rio Grande glaze paints
by potential conflict and competition that reinforced certain social differ-
I temper type. Samples from all four sites and alt periocli
are represented. ences within and among these emergent communities
Shaded area shows distribution of measu¡ed lead
,i isotope iatios Nevertheless, evidence for the emergence of¿ new and widespread re-
for Ce¡rillos district ores. gional art style, as reflected in the distribution of shared design motifs
I
.l: and iconographic elements on Rio Grande glâze-painted pottery (Grâves
and Eckert r9g8; Morgan zooz), rock art (P Schaafsma rygz), and kiva
il beginnings around the rurn ofthe fourteenth century
through its demise murals (Brody Iggr), suggests that certâin religious ideas and practices
at the end ofthe seyenteenth century. There are no
appareit geological, transcended local household, community, and ethnolinguistic boundaries.
technological, or economic reasons why this lead source
shouldiave been Thus, these feasts and performances also may have served as impor-
preferred so strongly over other sources in the region.
Thus, we must look tant public and ceremonial arenas where broâder intercommunity and
to other social and cultural factors to explain rhis pâtrerning.
interregionâl networks of interaction and alliance were negotiated and
reaffirmed.
Rio Grande Intercommunity Dynamics Spielmann (r9g8) has demonstrated that relatively large bowls domi-
from a Glaze Ware perspective nated early Rio Grande Glaze Ware assemblages. This pâttern suggests
that glaze-painted vessels may have played an increasingly important role
Immigrants from the Zuni andf or Acoma area most
lìkely introduced in public rituals and feasts during the Pueblo IV period in the Rio Grande
glaze paint technology to the southern Rio
Grande Valley around the turn area. Kiva mural illustrations of polychrome bowls filled with food and
of the fourteenth century (Eckert zoo3, and chaps.
: and q in this vol_ other offerings, either placed on altars or associated with katsinas (e.g.'
ume; but see Herhahn, chap. ro, for an alternative perspective).
HoweveS Hibben 1975), also indicate that glaze-painted Pottery may have played
locallyproduced glaze-painted potrery did not becàmeìidelyiistributed
a prominent role in ceremonial contexts. However, the ubiquitous and
throughout the cent¡al Rio Grande until after AD r35o (Habicht_Mauche
widespread distribution ofglaze-painted vessels within southern and cen-
rg93a). As Herhahn (chap. ro) aptlypoinrs out,
rhe development ofthe Rio tral Rio Grande sites suggests that they also functioned routinely within
Grande glaze-painted pottery tradition involved a complex
mix ofinnova_ the more mundane domestic context of daily food Preparation' storage'
tion and borrowing, with specific aspects oftechnological
knowledge and and service. As a resuìt, glaze-painted vessels and the raw materials used

zo8 / Nelson and Habicht-Mauche

Lead, Paint, and Pots / zo9
 populations appear'
in their production may have circulated among households and cornmu- portant for communities, such as San Marcos, whose
(see Barrett 1997)' to have been
nities through a variety of diverse, yet intersecting, arenas of social, eco, ãn th" b"si" of ethnohistoric information
in their origins'
nomic, and/or ceremonial exchange. Thus, by tracing patterns of glaze actually quite ethnically and linguistically diverse
paint production and distribution, we can begin to model how various N"*.ih"l".r' the patterns of intercommunity glaze wate vessel ex-
change that were revealed by this petrographic
study varied.significantly
intercommunity netwo¡ks of interaction were constituted and sustained
in the same dis-
through exchange at a local, regional, and interregional scale. f.onisite to site and through time, both between sites
trictandbetweensitesinadjacentdistricts.Thesepatternssuggestthat
Ware vessel ex-
Examiníng Exchange at Multiple Scales social relationships associated with Rio Grande Glaze
ad hoc and dynamic nanner at
A comparison of the two data in the present study shows
sets examined change were probably negotiated in a fairly
segment'
that raw lead ore and finished glaze-painted vessels were each circulating the lJvel of hãusehold-to-householtl or social segment-to-social
times have extended be-
through distinct arenas of exchange that differed markedly in both orga- both within and across communities, and may at
examined from
nizational structure and geographic scale. Exchange is defined here as any yontl the boundaries of local settlement clusters When
the perspective ofindividual sites and their specific
histories ofglazeware
of a broad range of contexts or practices through which materiâl goods
or services are transferred among individuals or social groups, including, proän.,iot und there appears to be no credible evidence for the
"tchange, specific site or local
but not limited tq economic trade, gift giving, and ritual exchange. control ofglaze ware production and exchange by any
ethnolingùstic group or for the management of these exchange networks
The Local Prod.uction ønd Exchangeof Whole Pors. Finished glaze ware pors
by an overarching regìonal or interregional polity'
were produced and distributed within spheres of intercommunity inter-
The Regionøl Acquisition ønd, Circuløtion of Lead
Ore Tine widespread use
action in which no one site dominated production or distribution. This
the central Rio
study found no evidence to support Warren's (rg7o) argument for the of Ceriillos lead for glaze paint proiluction throughout
to maintaining
dominance of first San Marcos and later Tonque Pueblo as the primary Grande, as shown by lead isotope analysis, may be related
(chap 6' this
suppliers ofglaze-painted ceramics in the central Rio Grande Valley. Both much líger networks ofinterregional relationships Huntley
c€ntury 7'uni pot-
sites were clearly major centers of glaze ware production that exported vol.) hasãemonstrated that during the late thirteenth
large numbers ofceramics to other sites throughout the region and beyond ters also preferred the use oflead (and possibly copper) from the Cerrillos
lead drops
(see Leonard, chap. 13, this vol.). But, rather than shifting from one source Hills for glaze paint production. However, their use ofCerrillos
from sources
to anothet from San Marcos to Tonque, the individual sites examined off consiãerably in later periods as they switched to lead
near Socorro These
here âppear to have maintained strong exchange connections with either Iocated farther south in the Magclalena Mountains,
than the older Cerri-
San Marcos (e.9., Cieneguilla), Tonque (e.g., Kuapa), o¡ more rarely, with new lead sources were not particularly closer to Zuni
could be that
both communities (e.9., Pueblo Blanco), and these relationships appear llos source (see frg. r.z). One possible reason for this shift
to have remained fairly constant throughout the glaze ware sequence at Zuni's Cerrillos lead may have been curtailed by the rise oflocal
access to
centers of glaze ware production in the central Rio
Grande after around
each site.
that cross-
Our petrographic studies also seemed to suggest that, during the no ,3ro oiby changing patterns of interregional interaction
the isotopic data
Pueblo IV period in the Rio Grande, people were more likely to exchange cut tie late prehistoric Southwest ln contrast, however'
suggest tha; within the central Rio Grande region
itself access to lead
finished glaze ware vessels with other people within their local settlemenr
potters from any par-
cluster or district than with people from adjacent clusters or districts- frJÃ the Cerrillos Hills deposits was not limited to
in other words, with those people or groups with whom they may have or cluster of production sites' Thus, the use of Cerrillos
ticular district
lead linked these production centers in a large¡
regional "community of
shared a common language and/or a common sense oforigin and identity.
transcended local communities and
The development ofexchange relationshipS and contexts that constituted f.actice" that, unlike temper choice,
a simi-
and reinforced a common sense ofidentity may have been particularly im- settlement clusters. Herhahn (chap ro, this vol ) has demonstrâted

zro / Nelson and Habicht-Mauche Lead, Paint, and Pots / 2r¡

 lar pattern based on the distribution of glaze paint ,,recipes" in the Rio
Grande Valley.
Lead, for glaze paint production within the central Rio Grande could
have been acquired in any of the following four ways: open access direct
acquisition, controlled access direct acquisition, the exchange of raw ore,
or the exchange of premixed paint. In a system of open access direct ac_
quisition, individual potters or their assistants would have mined ¡aw lead
ore directly from surface deposits in the Cerrillos Hills, with no restric_
tion on their access to these deposits. Controlled access direct acquisition
would have been similar, but ownership or control of the Cerrillos lead
deposits by a specific community or lineage segment within a commu_
nity may have been acknowledged and respected by potters from other
communities who would have offered gifts or other goods in exchange for
The alternative to direct acquisition, either open or
access to the deposits.
controlled, would have been for lead to circulate through trade networks,
either in the form ofraw ore or premixed paìnt.
The lead isotope data tentatively supporr a model of direct acquisi_
tion rather than trade, sìnce the isotopic signatures of glaze paints on
pots manufactured at San Marcos are somewhat more homogeneous
than the glaze paints on pots produced ât other sites, suggesting that
the làtter paints were made using ores that came from a wide variety
of deposits within the Cerrillos Hills, and possibly reflect some mix_
ing of ores (Habicht-Mauche et al. zooo). In addition, rhe fâcr thât our
lab has sourced chunks ofgalena recovered from archaeological contexts
at Tonque Pueblo to the Cerrillos Hills (Habicht_Mauche zooz) also
strongly indicâtes that lead was being obtâined as raw ore and processed
into glaze paint pigmenrs by individual potters from rhe various potting
communities within the central Rio Grande.
The current data do not allow us to clearly distinguish between the
alternative models of open or controlled direct acquisition. However, the
process ofcontrolled direct acquisition is well attested ro ethnographically
among the Rio Grande Pueblos fora variety ofraw materials and resources
(Ellis r98r). The site of San Marcos Pueblo (r_e
9g), known to have been a
major producer ofglaze-painted potter¡ is located immediately adlacent
to the most important lead deposits in the southern Cerrìllos Hills. Its
location would have put it in an ideal position to control access to the min_
eral deposits ofthe Cerrillos Hills, which included ritually important de_
posits ofturquoise as well as lead. Nevertheless, ifsuch ownership or
con_
trol existed, San Marcos does not appear to have restricted access to the
zrz / Nelson and Habicht-Mauche
extent that central Rio Grande potters from other glu e-ware-producing
sites were compelled to develop new or alternative sources oflead.
Why the Cerrillos lead source should have dominated central Rio
Grande glaze ware production so completely is unclear and difficult to
determine archaeologically. Perhaps it was partly a by-product of the
technological conservatism that characterizes potters from nonindustrial,
nonmarket-based societies. Since early glaze ware potters had proven the
technological viability of Cerrillos lead as a flux, the policy of later pot-
ters in the centr¿l Rio Grande might have been to just "not mess with
success." Alternatively, the widespread preference for Cerrillos lead may
have been linked to its natural âssociation with and proximity to ritually
important deposits of turquoise, and in turn to the cosmological signifr-
cance of the Cerrillos Hills themselves. A third altern¿tive is that while
finished glaze ware vessels may have circulated through public or cere-
monial arenas that reinforced local and regional identities and relation-
ships, certain rare or highly specialized râw materi¿ls, such as lead ore,
may have moved through very different contexts of interaction. These
latter networks mây have functioned at a much broader regional or inter-
regional scale, linking households and lineage segments from more widely
dispersed and ethnically diverse communities through ties of complemen-
tarity and dependency that crosscut local settlement clusters and tran-
scended emerging local identities. The vâlue and signifìcance of Cerrillos
lead may have been defined reflexively within the context ofthe relation-
ships and interactions thât structured its acquisition and distribution on
a regional and interregional scale.
When viewed from a broad, interregional perspective, the end result
of such a process may resemble what Wilcox (1984) has called an "inter-
ethnic division oflabor." Howeve¡ when we examine the acquisition and
distribution ofCerrillos lead from the perspective ofindividual glaze ware
potters or potting Broups within communities, we see the result, nor ofân
abstract, overarching organizational system, but ofchoices and strategies
made in response to local needs and individual interests, âs constituted
within culturally defined realms of value and meaning.
Discussion and Conclusions
In this chapter we have explored some of the dynamics of intercommunity
interaction during the Pueblo IV period in the centr¿l Rio Grande from
the varying perspectives ofregional lead ore acquisition versus local glaze
Lead, Paint, and Pots / 2r3
 ware vessel production and exchange. We have examined these dynam-
ics by tracing the production and exchange offinished glaze ware vessels
usins petrogrâphic analysis and by identifying the source oflead ores used
in glaze paint production through isotopic analysis. These two data sets
revealed two very different patterns and contexts of exchange and inter-
action.
The petrographic data suggested thât finished glaze ware vessels circu-
latql through social and ceremonial arenas that tended to define emerging
local and regional identities. We see these exchanges as part ofboth con-
scious and unconscious practices that tended to reinforce the appearânce
of coherent identities and stable relationships thât were probably more
support of this research. This proiect would not have been possible with-
out the use of ceramic collections made av¿ilable by Winifred Creamer
(Northern Illinois University) and Jonathan Haas (Field Museum) and
additional ore samples provided by the New Mexico Mineral Museum
in Socorro and Dave Hill of Archaeological Research and Technology,
like to
Inc., in Austin. We thank them for their generosity' We would also
thank the administråtive ând curatorial staffat the University ofColorado
Museum in Boulder for their assistance in accessing and photographing
material from the Anna O. Shepard thin section archives' This material
was extremely useful for helping us clarify and standardize our
petro-
graphic identifications. Deirdre Morgan prepared the thin sections, under

the guidance ofBruce Tänner in the Mineral Preparations Laboratory

imagined than real within the fractured, postmigration social landscape ât
of the Pueblo IV central Rio Grande. glaze
UCéC. The mettrodology used to fingerprint lead ores and source
with
The isotopic analyses indicated that potters in the central Rio Grande paints was originally developed by Habicht-Mauche, in collaboration
region favored the use ofthe Cerrillos Hills le¿d source near San Marcos A. Russell Flegal (Environmental Toxicology' UCSC), Homer Milford
Pueblo, even though other surface deposits of lead were readily available (formerlyof the New Mexico Department of Energ¡ Minerals, and
Natu-
in the area. This highly selective and specialized pattern of ra$¡ materiâl ral Resources Division), and Stephen Glenn (formerly of the Depârtment
Institute
acquisition linked households from diverse and widely scattered commu- of Anthropology, UCSC). Rob Franks of the Marine Sciences
nities into broader regional and interregional networks ofeconomic com- at UCSC provided invaluable technical assistance and support for the
plementarity and dependency. However, the value of the Cerrillos lead ,""-*, ulyr"r. Helen Cole of Graphic Services at UCSC redrafted the
source may have been based more on its social and symbolic significance "t
two frgures for this chaPter'
th¿n on the raw economics of supply and demand.
This evidence tends to challenge social organizational models that view
the Pueblo IV Rio Grande landscape as segmented into highly coher-
ent and well-bounded regional ¿lliances or ethnolinguistic polities (e.g.,
Upham and Reed r989; Wilcox rg8r). Nor do these data justify thinking
it about intercommunity interaction in terms of a highly integrated eco-
i
nomic system based on community specialization or ¿n interethnic divi-
I
sion of labor (e.9., Habicht-Mauche ryg3a, ryg3b; Wilcox rg84). Rather,
ir
l what is highlighted by the Rio Grande Glaze Ware data is that different
ìÌ
obiects and materials circulated through different arenas and contexts of
i
l!
interaction defining complementary and crosscutting social relationships
ll
ii.
and identities on a local, regional, and interregional scale.
ii

l
Acknowledgments
il

Special thanks go to the National Science Foundation (snn-96ozrz3), the

Clements Center for Southwest Studies of Southern Methodist Univer-
sity,.and the Social Sciences Division and Academic Senate at UCSC for

zr4 / Nelson and Habicht-Mauche Lead, Paint, and Pots / zr5


12
Rio Grande Glaze Ware
Technology and Production
[Iistoric Expediency
Patricia Capone
Rio Grande glaze ware technology and organization of production con-
tribute to a sense of technological style when examined through time.
Lechtman's notion of technological style submits that ,,technological be-
havior is characterized by the many elements that make up technological
activities . . . which are unified non-randomly in a complex of formal re-
lationships," and that "the format or package defined by these relation-
ships . . . is stylistic in nature" (Lechtman r977: ro). This notion artribures
elements ofstyle to any stage oftechnique ofmanufacture or technology.
Technological style, similar to decorative style, can be a window into cul-
ll ture and its associated behaviors, and can reflect trends in social dynamics
through time.
iÌ
t. Alongside the notion oftechnological style, this study employs historic,
ethnohistoric, and ethnographic analogy for reflecting on the organization
li
of production and social dynamics during preceding periods. Caution-
ary tales from various ethnoarchaeological situations indicate that analogy
should be employed mindfully to avoid pitfalls such as oversimplifica-
tion (as noted by Arnold rggr). With this in mind, some insights into the
organization of production and social dynamics are suggested in light of
historic, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic frameworks from Puebloan and
othercultures. Furthermore, such understanding may contribute to cross-
cultural generalizations in contexts, such as other mission or colonial con-
texts, that may have some analogous elements.
The implications of glaze ware technology and its stylistic attributes
offer understanding of social dynamics and of technology and culture
morebroadly.The relationships are explored within the theoretic¿l frame-
work of the social potential of things, as advocated by Appadurai (1986).
Within this framework, Puebloan ceramic technological style is envi-
sioned as representing an initial step in imbuing glaze wares with social
potential. Ceramic technology then forms a baseline in the social history
of ceramic items. Cultural biographies of glaze wares in the specific set-
tings considered here set the stage for understanding the social history of
glaze wares. Two key themes of this study are the social potential of tech-
nological choice and producer-consumer relations as they are represented
through aspects of glaze wares.
Puebloan Ceramic TechnologY:
Durability and Ftexibitity of Style
Puebloan ceramic technological style is envisioned here as a set of ap-
proaches to ceramic technology and manipulations of that technology
that are "manifest expressions ofculturâl patterning" (Lechtman r977:4)'
This study explores elements ofdur¿bility and flexibility within the style'
For example, a particular set of techniques within this style is maintained
over eight hundred years, from the thirteenth century through the pres-
ent. These maintained techniques may be viewed as a core ensemble of
techniques.The core ensemble oftechniques reflects durability within the
style as well as the aspects ofculture that contribute to their maintenânce,
while other techniques and their concomitant behavioral patterns appear
more flexible to change. The idea that "technological performance is sup-
ported by a set of underlying values" guides this approach (Lechtman
1977: ro). While glaze wares were not produced after the historic period,
certain âspects oftheir technology are emphasized even into present-day
twenty-first-century Puebloan ceramics. Aspects subiect to change dur-
ing the Mission and Revolt periods are revealed in this study. What factors
contribute to maintaining some aspects of Puebloan ceramic technology
and to developing a sense of durability within the style of Puebloan ce-
'What
ramic technologyl are factors of change?
Technology, Production, and Historic Expedietcy / zr7
 Table 12.1 Table 12.2
Aspects of Technology and Their Associated Petrographic Number of Samples ftom the Salinas Area
Characteristics Used in This Study
Salinas.A.¡ea Pueblo leNumber NumberofSamPles
Aspect ofTechnology Petrographic Characteristic
Abó 97 /3933 9o
processing ofrarv malerial or average grain size of large fracrion Gran Qrivira t20 r6
choice of¡aw mare¡ial sou¡ce 95 29
coarseräre distribution (C:f ) Qrarai
Tenabo 240 z6
inclusion grain size frequency
Total r6r
choice of raw material6ring inclusion (temper) composition
o¡ ¡aw mate¡ìal source oPtic st¿te
colo¡ (oxidation/¡eduction) four pueblos: Abó, Gran Qrivira, Qrarai, and Tènabo (table rz.z) (see
fig. r.z). The samples derive from various projects, all ofwhich are curâted
consrruction technique birefringence by the Laboratory of Anthropology. Most of the samPles derive from
void frequency
excavations by Toulouse (rg49) and Dutton (r98r, 1985) at Abó; Bald-
win (1988) at Tènabo; and Spielmann (1993) at Quarai. The remainder
are from surface surveys by Dutton ât Abó; Mera (r94o) at Abó, Gran
Measuring Pattetns in Glaze Ware Technology:
Methodology and Sampling Strategy Qrivira, and Qnrai; and Warren at Abó and Gran Qrivira. The sherds
were selected by means ofa iudgmental sample for represent¿tion ofboth
Petrographic ânâlysis was chosen for its utility in exploring production pre-Mission and Mission periods and spâtial variety within each pueblo'
location and technology. This petrographic study explores evidence for The Kotyiti dâtâ set consists of rrz sherds from Nels Nelson's rgrz ex-
the following technological behaviors: processing of raw materials, con- cavations curâted at the American Museum of Natural History. These
struction technique, firing behavio¡ and choice of raw materials. The sherds were collected from numbered rooms by means of â judgmental
petrographic characteristics that contribute especiâlly to understanding sample.
these for glaze wâres are grain size, frequency, relative proportions of Each sample was examined in thin section under a petrographic micro-
coarse to fine material, optical activity and birefringence (or brightness scope. The system ofPetrographic description used here follows that de-
and light patterning ofthe micromass), and patterning ofvoids and color veloped by Whitbread (r989). The system includes châr¿cte.ristics offab-
(table rz.r). ric texture ând raw material composition, both of which are explored in
These petrographic analyses offer detailed view ofthe final periods of
a this study for their utility in understânding production location and tech-
glaze ware manufacture in two areâs in the Rio Grande region: the Salinas nology of glaze wares (table r2.r). Fabric rcfers to the arrângement' size,
area ând the Cochiti area (see fig. r.r). These analyses relate technological shape, frequency and composition of its three main components - micro-
behavior over the pre-Mission period (ca. r49o-165o) through the Revolt mâss, inclusions, and voids. Micromass is often regarded as the fired-
and post-Revolt periods (câ. 168o-17oo). The aspect of this study in the clay mâtrix ând comprises Particles smaller than about r5 p lnclusions
Salinas area ofthe south-central Rio Grande spans the earlier ofthe peri- âre frequently thought of âs temper added by the potte¡ but may also
ods: pre-Mission period (approximately r49o-r65o, Glaze D-E samples) be naturally occurring particles in the clay, which lack plasticity and are
through the Mission period (approximately r65o-8ò, Glaze F). The sub- usuâlly lârger thân r5 ir¿. They serve to inhibit cracking ofthe fabric'Voids
sequent Revolt and post-Revolt periods (ca. 168o-17oo) form the focus are open vesicles in the fabric, which may exhibit distinguishing arrange-
on Kot]¿iti Pueblo in the Cochiti area of the northern Rio Grande. ments, size, or shape. Each of these three components provides insight
The data set from the Salinas area consists of 16r sherd samples from into geographic location and technology of ceramic production'

zr8 Technolog¡ Production, and Histodc Expediency / zr9

/ Patricia Capone
 Table 12.3
Resulting Patterns in Glaze l¡Vare Technology:
Summary of Technologically Informative Petrographic
Expediency and Standardization
charactedstics of Pre-Mission Period and Mission Period Sherds from the
Tèchnological style of glaze wâres tends toward increasing expediency Salinas Area and Revolt-Reconquest Period Shelds from Kotyiti
when examined from pre-Mission through the Revolt and post-Revolt
periods (ca. ao r4go-r7oo). Some aspects of glaze ware technology con- Salinas Salinas Koryiti Revolt-
Petrographic Pre-Mission Mission-Pe¡iod Reconquest- Technological
tinue through time, while others change. In particular, petrographic evi- She¡ds Pe¡iod Sherds Signifrcance
Cheråcteristic PeriodShe¡ds
dence illustrates a tendency toward continuity in aspects of temper ma-
ave¡åge grain 4oo It 6oo-8oo ¡r 7oo-goo p diachronic
terial choice and a trend towârd a rnore expedient version of a core change in
size oflarge
ensemble of ceramic techniques, whose basic elements âre maintained processing of
f¡åction
throughout glaze ware history. ¡aw mate¡i¿l o¡
choice of
. Pre-Mission and Mission Periods: SaLinas A¡ea Results material

!. Petrographic characteristics of Sali¡as area glaze wares reveal marked

coarse:6¡e single-spaced close-spaced or close-spaced or same as above
trends toward ceramics that are more expediently produced ¿nd less stan-
distribution (c:f) single-spaced single-spaced
I dardized frorn the pre-Mission to the Mission period. The characteristics
of grain size, frequency, relative proportions of coarse to fine material, inclusion grain 50:50 6o:4o 6o:4o same as ¿bove
optical activity and birefringence (or brightness and light patrerning ofthe size frequency
micromass), patterning ofvoids, and color are important for unde¡stand- (c:f ro p)
ing trends in glaze ware technology (table rz.r).
Although raw materials appear to remain constant, they undergo less inclusion Abó and Tcnabo: same as not applicable diach¡onic
hornblendedio¡ite pre-mission continuity of
Gempe¡)
processing through time. This is especìally evident through the larger choice of ¡aw
composition Gran Q.rivira:
overall grain size and higher frequency of large grains in Mission-period biotite felsite material
glaze wares (table rz.3). Construction technique becomes more expedi- Qrarai:
ent, with less compaction of the body coils. Less compaction results in hornblende gneiss
characteristic patterns of large voids and characteristic affanBements of
clay particles. Similarly, more expedient Mission-period firings produced optlc slate slightly active moderately mode¡atelv diachronic
active active to active change in firing
more varied results. Results include the presence of higher optical ac- o¡ choice ofr¿w
tivity overall and increased variation in color (less consistent oxidation). material
Together these suggest expediencf less standardization, and perhaps re-
organization of firing behavior (Capone r995:258). Figure rz. r illustrates color oxidation/ mo¡e consistent not consiste¡t not consistent diach¡onic
change in Êring
characteristics ofa typical pre-Mission glaze ware, while figure rz.z high- reduction)
or raw material
lights changes in Mission-period glaze wares. It is notable, however, that
these shifts occur with the sâme core ensemble of technology: the sâme undiffe¡entiated undiffe¡entiated diachronic
birefringence undilTerentiâted
basic techniques of construction (srnoothed coils) and firing (open, non- continuity of
kiln format), which endure throughour Pueblo ceramic history. consftuction
In sum, prominent pâtterns for the pre-Mission- and Mission-period technique

Salinas area are (r) trend toward more expedient technology, (z) conti-

zzo / Patricia Capote

 Table 12.3
Continued

Salinas Salinas Kotyiti Revolt-

Petrographic P¡e-Mission Mission-Period Reconquest- Technological
Ch¿¡acteristic PeriodShe¡ds She¡ds Period She¡ds Significance
void f¡equency 4o/o 7-roo/o 7 t oo/o diachronic
(average)
change in
construction
technique

nuity in temper choice, and (3) continuity of core ensemble of ceramic

technology.

Revolt and Post-Revolt periods: Kotyiti Area Results

Late¡ in the subsequent Revolt and post-Revolr periods (âpproximarely
l 168o-17oo) at Kotyiri Pueblo in the Cochiti area of rhe northern Rio
:tj
,l
Grande, petrographic signs of expedient technology in glaze wares ap_
peâr to contìnue. Even within expediency, a uniform temper material
is
adopted at Kotyiti as the standard selection, while other suitable materi-
als are readily available. Study by Robert preucel (Capone and preucel
2oo2) ând myselfsuggests thar this uniformity of temper type at Kotyiti
. is similar to a pre-Revok pattern ofvillage-based uniformity in glaze ware
temper type. This uniformity is especially interesting at Kotyiti because
Kotyiti was formed by representatives of three previously separate vil_
lages coming together Auring the Pueblo Revolt. Their unired âdoprion
ofone new material as standard may suggest some degree ofsociâl unity.
Social unity also is suggested by residential inregration at Kotyiti (Capone
and Preucel zooz).

Implications for 0rganization of production

These elements oftechnology reflect on organization ofproduction when
Fiq. 12.1. Petrographic thin section of pre-Mission-period glaze wale'
they are examined within Costin,s framework (rg9r:9). Costin's frame_
work for understanding organization of production is pârticulârly suited
to understanding Pueblo culture because it allows explorâtion ofnuânces
between dispersed and nucleated settlement production systems and vâri_
ous levels of specialists. Archaeological and historical .rrgg".,,
"uid"rr..

zzz / Patricia Capone

 frame-
these for Pueblo culture (summarized in Capone 1995)' Costin's
work offers four Parameters:

Clntext refers to the "affiliation of producers," which is likely

to
t.
have been independent in pre-Mission Pueblo culture
given current

understanding.
z. ConcenÍration refers to "geographic organization of production"'
which has been shown to be dispersed or present in most Pre-
Mission communities in the Rio Grande' Nucle¿tion has been sug-
gested for certain locâtions, most notably the Galisteo Basin for
êl"zes C-D (Shepard r94z; Warren 1969) and Abó Pueblo for
Mission-period glaze war.es (Capone 1995)
3- Scale referslo"composition
ofproduction unit," which is difficult to
assess for glaze ware production owing to the paucity
ofevidence for
¡¡,ork areas. Based on ethnohistoric and ethnographic information'
such
coll¿boration among Potters may have played an importantrole'
as in kin-based group firing, raw måterial collection,
or in forming
and painting a piece (Capone i999; Guthe r9z5; Wyckoff 1985)'

4- Intensity rcfers to the "amount

of time spent on craft," which is in-
glaze
ferred to have been seasonal and part-dme for pre-Mission
waresbased on ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological analogy
(Ar-
nold rggr; Dittert and Plog r98o).

Factors Relating to Organization of Production

and
Trends in Mission-period technology' reflecting greater expediency
less standardiz¿tion, taken together with Mission-period
fâctors poten-
in
tially relevant to the organization of production, suggest that shifts
the Lrganization of production begin to emerge Review
of literature on
protoiistoric Pueblo culture (archaeological' ethnohistorical, and histori-
the
cal) identifies a number of common factors thât could have affected
organization of ceramic production:
Íí9. 72.2, Petrographic thin section of lvlission-period glaze ware.
r. introduction ofnew political officers and associâted transforrnations
of sociopolitical organization;
2. transformâtion of âspects of prestige associated with feasting
and

giftingi
associated with the control of marriage;
3. transformation of prestige
and civil personnel;
4. demands on Pueblo labor by mission

Technology, Production, and Historic Expedietcy f zz5

 5. mission supply networks âs an exchange-structuring factor among Mission glaze ware technology bâsed on the understanding of Mission-
mission pueblos; period technology suggested by Salinas areâ dat¿ A more secure compari-
6. demand for certain ceramics owing to changes in their use; styles of pre-Revolt
son for future study would explore the technological
7. the mission program goal of producing mission pueblo economic glaze wares at the three villages whose populations are believed to have
and San
âutonomy; Iontributed to the formation of Kotyiti: Cochiti, San Felipe,
8. creation of new social alliances (e.g., traditionalist and progressive throughout
Marcos. Notably, the core ensemble of techniques continues
factionalism). occupation of Kotyiti from the Revolt period until residents left in ap-
proximately r7oo.
These factors suggest potential shifts in the context ofproduction to_
ward â more attached brand ofproduction, shifts in concentr¿tion toward
less nucleation and. increased åutonomy, and reduction in scale toward Temper Ghoice: A Measure of the Social
degradation of collaborative groups. Given that demand probably in- potential of Glaze l¡Vares?
creased, intensity may have increased to meet it. The historically known in the Sali-
The Mission-period continuity of temper types at Abó Pueblo
factors most relevant for these changes may include demands on pueblo toward increased expe-
nas area is especially striking in light ofthe trend
labor by missions and potential transformations in the structure ofpres- The chosen horn-
dience. The material is not the most reâdily available'
tige associated with feasting, gift giving, and control of rnarriage into material
blende diorite occurs r-5 km from the village, while suitable
which mission personnel attempted insertion. These fâctors likely influ- wares This
abounds within the village ¿nd is used in the nondecorated
enced context ofproduction toward a slightly more attached brand ofspe- of temper
pattern suggests that there is a shared conception of the type
cialization where mission personnel were owed ceramics by puebloan vil_ by the
ih"t i. uppãpri"t" for use in glaze wares This idea is supported
lagers in a patron¿ge or tribute-style relationship. That relationship may
rock types thât are used consistently as glâze ware tempers ât
distinctive
have been based partially in preexisting Puebloan notions ofprestige and
numerous villages (Sheparcl r94z). The regionwide pattern oftechnology
gifting (Gutiérrez rggr). Lastly, mission goals of village economic au- of temper' This is an
suggests that there may be a regionwide conception
tonomy likely contributed to more dispersed concentration ofproduction studied here'
ioip-o.tant aspect in the cultural biography ofthe glazewares
(Capone r995).
To.o-" d"gr"", social identity, such as village identity, may be signaled
ân aspect of
The Interpretation of Expediency Resuits through te;per. Possible village identity in temper suggests
1l
th" so'"ialpoiential of glaze wares and merits further study-for example'
of dis-
iÌ.
The expediency of glaze ware technological style, which is seen to con- exploringihe producer-consumer relations and the implications
tinue into the Rëvolt period ar Kotyiti, likely relares to factors known identity and
tributions of glaze wares across space and time with village
l about this tumultuous period. Historically known factors such as popu- temper in mind.
with
lation relocation, limitations .on travel, and potential effects of these on Át Kotyiti, temper rnaterial of Tshirege tuffis adopted uniformly
previous interaction relationships (Preucel zooz) could have impacted among num-
the founding of the village. This specific materiâl' which
is a
mesâ top' is
concentration, scale, and intensity of production. Concentration could ber of poteitial temper materials readily available on the
have changed because of the shift in settlement pattern toward mesâ- produced at the village
used in the vast majority of glaze wares that were
top stronghold loc¿tions. Lirnitations on travel could have affected scale (Capone and Preucel zooz). Notably' the same material is
present in all
by encouraging village self-sufficiency. Both factors could h¿ve affected ."-pt". pilot study of utility wares from the village The Kotyiti
of-y
intensity through the disruption of travel patterns and interaction rela- pl-u pn"Uto ut.o conveys a theme of uniformity, as it was planned and
tionships. In the absence of a pre-Revolt sample at Kotyiti, one can only .or,rt*"t"d u. I suggest thât these expressions of unity at a village'
".,r,it. are notable'
suBgest that Revolt-period technological style is more expedient than pre- which was composed ofrefugees from three previous villages'

zz6 / Patricia Capone Tèchnolog¡ Production, and Historic Expediercy / zz7

 These patterns of uniformity may reflect a social identity of broader
unity than suggested here for villages prior to the Revolt period. In other
words, they may reflect less emphasis on expression of intervillage dif-
ference and more emphasis on pan-Puebloan commonalities during the
Revolt and post-Revolt periods.
Continuity in temper materìal and its possible role in maintenance of
village identity suggests that village identity was important during the
lateprehistoric and Mission periods, but perhaps less emphasized dur-
ing the Revolt and post-Revolt periods. Today, village and family are em-
phasized as important social units by many Puebloan potters. This is evi-
denced by adherence to identifiable family styles and village styles, which
play prominent roles in the contemporary ceramic market (Dillingham
tggÐ.
Cross-Cultural Interest: Cultures in Contact
Understanding these factors contributes to exploring meanings of ce-
ramic technology across cultures. The roles of traditionalism, producer-
consumer relations, individual artist choice, and pragmatism have poten-
tial for interest across cultures. Situations of culture contact such âs
missions or other colonial structures that involve domination, resistance,
and challenges to preexisting behaviors, may be especially conducive to
exploring these themes.
Tèchnological choices ofcontemporary and past Puebloan potters shed
light on how behavior influences technology. The adoption of expedient
technology during the Mission period can beviewed as a pragmatic choice
based in the Mission-period factors described above. The stresses on con-
text ofproduction, scale, and intensity were likely to have been important
in the pragmatic choice of expediency. Contemporary Puebloan potters
identify particular aspects oftechnology as subject to pragmatic techno-
logical choices. Some aspects oftechnologyare open to compromise, while
others are not. Further exploration ofthis may offer insight into past cul-
tures and across cultures and in particular whether generalized patterns
develop across other situations ofculture contact where stresses ofcontrol
of production, scale, and intensity may have been active factors. Among
factors ofculture contact that may be affecting today's potters is the de-
mand of a market economy, which emphasizes a degree of dependability.
Pragmatic choices for today's Pueblo potters include use ofmodern tech-
zz\ f Patricia Capone
nology, such as an electric kiln if the vagaries of an outdoor fire Present
too great a risk (Capone rggg:52).
Traditionalism may be defined as adherence to prescribed bebavior
rooted in the past. Emphasis on aspects of traditionalism in contemporary
Puebloan ceramic technology is suggestive ofa cultural/technological in-
surance policy for a successful product. Some aspects of technology are
treated with reverence as unchangeable tradition. Initial discussions with
contemporary potters highlight aspects of technique that are considered
traditional and an essential element of their work along with individual
expression (Capone rg98, 1999). Choice of raw material, including tem-
pe5 is suggested by contemPorâry potters to be a particularly important
quality to maintain (Capone 1998). Some potters say their understanding
ofthe meanings oftemper material is important to their selection Fo¡ ex-
ample, Acoma potters'use ofsherd temper symbolizes the support ofthe
ancestors for the pot through the addition of the ancestral spirit, which
is in turn symbolized by the pot as it embarks on its social life (Lewìs,
Lewis Mitchell, and Lewis Garcia r99o). This area of inquiry would be
interesting to pursue given the diachronic emphasis on inclusion mareri¿l
choice discussed here and the demonstration that this choice is imbued
with meaning for contemporary potters. Sân Ildefonso potters ground
temper on their metates earlier this century (Guthe ry25'.zt) One won-
ders if the grinding of temper mirrored the grinding of corn to Pueblo
people and if some symbolism ofcorn grinding was attributed to temper'
This analogy is further supported by the fact that the unusual type ofrock
used for temper ât Abó is present ât the village in only one other form,
as manos. This line ofinquiry could be explored further through discus-
sion with contemporary potters and additional research in ethnohistoric
accounts,
Issues of social identity in the choice of raw material are interesting
for cross-cultural study. Arnold has also suggested cultural significance
in temper chbice among contemporâry Maya potters (Arnold 1967) He
recounts how Shepard questioned the connection and suggested he was
attributing rnineralogical knowledge to the potters (Arnold r99r:33o)'
Study of Neolithic stone axes in Britain, which explores the "social and
material conditions under which those obiects \ryere originally produced"
suggests thât raw m¿terial and its association with the place the material
originatecl is pivotal in understanding the "changing character and social
context of axe circulation and deposition âcross the country as a whole"
TÞchnology, Production, and Historic Expediency f zzg
 (Bradley and Edmonds rg93). These studies indicate that the degree to
which choice ofraw material and technology play a role in initially imbu_
ing an object with social potential is a rich avenue for study.
The trend toward â more expedient style of technology combines
with ethnohistoric and ethnographic information to suggest new types
of alliances between social groups within the village of ,{bó, or shifts in
producer-consumer relations. One new alliance may result from the in_
corporâtion ofmission personnel into the system of supply and consumer
demand for ceramics. Another may form along the lines of traditionalist/
progressive sodalities thât have been described for historic and modern
pueblos (Titiev 1944; Wyckoff 1985). The change in technological style
within the continuâtion of the major theme (or core ensemble of tech-
niques) suggests active transformation of technolog¡ which is rooted in
pre-Mission identity. Emphasis on elements of pre-Mission identity sug-
gests that chânges in consumer demand may have been the most potent
factor in developing expediency. Changes in demand, and their social con-
sequences, also may be informative for cross-cultural studies.
(Stark rg99: 4z). The emerging patterns in glaze ware technology and
their implications for other ceramic types may support the idea that tech-
nology is a fruitful areâ for future study of social dynamics and ways ìn
which the creation of things imbues them with social potential.
Acknowledgments
I thank Robert Preucel for direction of the Kotyiti Project and support
of my petrographic study of Kotyiti wares within the project through
the University of Pennsylvania Museum and the University Research
Foundation; Katherine Spielmann for her direction ofrelated projects in
the Salinas area; the American Museum of Natural History for loan of
ceramics from Kotyiti; the Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New
Mexicq Santa Fe, for loan ofceramics from Kotyiti and the Salinas area;
and the University Museum ât the University of Colorado for access to
the Shepard petrographic reference collection.

Conclusions
ìl
rl Arnold's approach of ceramic ethnoarchaeology suggests that the best
;j broad theo¡ies will be those based on the unique physical and chemi_
lì cal chârâcteristics of ceramics themselves. Along those lines, I suggest
that exploring conservatism in technology, such as that seen here in the
core ensemble oftechniques, and the aspects ofthat technology that con_
tinue into today's market economy may be interesting and may shed light
on technological choices and socioeconomic strategies across cultures.
Market economy and demand for traditional goods can confound the eth-
noarchaeology ìn prehistoric analogy. However, understanding what is
emphasized as traditional may be enlightening. Two lessons are clear for
interpreting the pâst: awareness of the ever-changing nature of tradition
over the past century, and identification ofessentialist qualities that are so
linked to Pueblo culture that their compromise would be untenable today.
Exploration of meanings of tempe¡ a seemingly immutable category of
material in Puebloan ceramics, and exploration of what constitutes core
technologies may be informative inquiries and lead to additional thcory.
Stark suggests that these areas, technological styles, ,,provide
more stable
and resilient patterning ofsocial boundaries than does iconological style"

z3o / Patricia Capone Technolog¡ Production, and Historic Expediency / z3r


13
Directionality and Exclusivity of
Plains-Pueblo Exchange during the
Protohistoric period, AD t45O_t7OO
a network ofindependent, long-terrn, and socially embedded interethnic
trade ties.
'While
ecological and economic considerations must have factored into
the various Plains and Pueblo groups' decisions to engage in the com-
plementary exchange of corn and bison products, I argue that it was not
rnerely the demand for material objects, but also the social relationships,
that mâintained the system as a whole. While the precise social mecha-

j
" nisms that linked Plains individuals with their Pueblo peers eludes ar-
Kathryn Leonard chaeological discussion, this study represents ân attempt to better char-
acter;e the structure, or "rules and resources" (following Giddens r984),
{
]rl within which the social agents of Plains and Pueblo exchange operated.
rl
,t In grounding this research in an explicit structure and âgency-based per-
spective, it becomes possible to recast Plâins-Pueblo exchange as a dy-
namic force, shaping not only the economic but also the social realm of
interethnic relations.
Much archaeological ¡esearch has been directed toward understand_
ing the economic and ecological character of plains_pueblo interacdon Protohisto¡ic Occupation of the Rio Grande
(Baugh rg84, r99r; Habicht-Mauche rggg; Speth rggr; and the Llano Estacado
Spielmann rggz,
tggta, tggtb, r9g4; Wilcox rggr). Building on this previous research,
this The Rio Grande region (see fig. r.r), in comparison with other areas of
study utilizes Rio Grande Glaze Ware ceramic temper data to elucidate
the Greater Southwest, experienced â relatively late florescence of cul-
the geographical directionality of plains-pueblo trade ties and evaluate tural activity. However, by the tirne of Coronado's r54o entradø ínto the
the level ofexclusivity with which these ties were maintained
during the South\ryest, the population of the Rio Grande was organized into a series
Protohistoric period (an r45o-r7oo). Drawing on available ethnographic
of large, often multistoried pueblo villages bound together by a complex
dâta on hunter-gatherer and horticulturist exchange and Spanish
iristori_ series ofritual and economic relationships. Glaze ware ceramics have been
cal descriptions of Plains-Pueblo inreracrion, I further explore
the like_ frequently cited as evidence for this complex system ofintraregional ex-
lìhood of individuals, participation in interethnic politicai alliances
and change emerging in the protohistoric Rio Grande. It is also about this time
inherited rade partnerships.
that many of the large border pueblos, such as Pecos and Gran Qrivira,
Iexamine Plains-Pueblo exchange using a macroscopic technique
of. intensified exchange relations with the Plains.
temper identification on glaze ware sherds recovered from sixty_three
ar_ The Llano Estacado (see fig. i.r) represents â vast track ofarid "haunt-
chaeological sites located on the Llano Estacado escarpment
ofthe Texas ingly flat" grassland that extends east of the Rio Grande into whât is
Panhandle. Although designated generally as protohistoric plains.
these familiarly known as the Texas Panhandle (Kessell r987:zz). Although
sites constitute two separâte geographìc areas commonly associated
with much archaeological attention has been directed toward ân understand-
two distinct archaeological complexes: Tierra Blanca and Garza (Hughes
ing of Plains hunter-gatherers, the Llano Estacado may be geographi-
i989). The ¡esults of this analysis suggest that while plains ¡esidential
cally conceived as the "crossroads" of the southwestern and Plains cul-
groups maintained highly exclusive trâde ties with specific pueblos,
the tural adaptations. While the historic inhâbitants of the Llano Estacado
geographical direcrionaliry ofrhese des varied berween
complexes. Thus, are typically portrayed as nomadic bison hunters (i.e., Apache, Coman-
thevision ofPlains-Pueblo exchange that emerges f¡om my study
is one of che), a substantial semisedentary population of Caddoan horticulturists

Directionality of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / 233

has been both ethnohistorically and archaeologically documented (Baugh
r99r).
In much ofthe literature onWest Texas archaeolog¡ sites ofthe Proto-
historic period are ascribed to one of two culture complexes (see fig. r.z).
Sites ascribed to the Tierra Blanca Complex (en 145o-165o) are situated
in the canyons ofthe Red River drainage system, primarily in the vicinity
of Palo Duro and Tierra Blanca Creek. Sites ¿scribed to the Garza Com-
plex (au 145o-165o) fall within a broader geographical area, located in
the Caprock Canyons north of the Brazos River and arguably extending
into western Oklahoma. In addition to the obvious geographical differ-
ences, these sites ¿lso possess mere subtle differences in terms of lithic
technology and subsistence.
While the ethnic distinctions drawn by Coronado's chroniclers (Casta-
ñeda r99o) suggest the existence of two contemporaneous, yet ethnically
distinct, groups ofPlains peoples, attempts to link the Tierra Blanca ¿nd
Garza complexes definitively to the ethnohistoric Qrerecho and Tèya are
tenuous, ât best. My reluctance to ascribe ethnicity to these sites involves
the potential hazard of reifying archaeological constructs that, although
generally useful, have been alternately qualified as "ill-defined," "mis-
understood," and "vague" in the literature of West Texas archaeology
(Boyd r997:368, 38o). Nevertheless, while the archaeological basis ofthe
Garzaf TierraBlanca distinction bears consideration, the almost two hun-
dred kilometer distance between the two sets ofsites remains a clear point
ofseparation. Thus, for the purposes ofthis analysis, sites from these two
areas are considered as two sepârâte archaeological entities that I will refer
to as "complexes."
Plains-Pueblo Exchange:
Archaeological and Historical Studies
The ecological aspect of Plains-Pueblo exchange has been most thor-
oughly addressed by Spielmann (rg9z, tggra, r99rb) and Speth (r99r).
In addition, Baugh (1984, rggr) employed a world systems approach to
an understanding ofPlains-Pueblo relations. Although these studies have
taken an ecological perspective on horticulturist/hunter-gatherer inter-
action, they also lay the groundwork for analyses focused on the social dy-
narnics ofPlains-Pueblo exchange. The consequent vision oftrade emerg-
ing from these studies involves the nutritionally complementary exchange
234 / Kathryt Leorrard
of bison me¿t for corn. However, as later work by Spielmann, Schoe-
ninge¡ and Moore (rg9o) suggests, Plains-Pueblo mutualisrn may have
also had a nondietary dimension. Spielmann (r989) has subsequently sug-
gested that a portion of Pueblo exchange with Plains hunter-gatherers
rnay have stemmed from the demand for bison hides, which may have
been used as garments. This suggestion of interethnic trâde for items of
essentially nonsubsistence value lays the groundwork for further studies
into the social dimensions ofPlains-Pueblo exchange.
Several other archaeologists have integrated the social component of
Plains-Pueblo interaction into their research. Drawing on ethnographic
analogy, Speth (1991) hypothesizes that Pueblo-Plains mutualistic ex-
change may have been intensified through the process of hypergyny, the
exogamous marriage of hunter-gatherer women into Pueblo households.
Such marital patterns, Speth argues, intensified the degree of competi-
tion among Plains men for mates. This competition) in turn, "fostered
increasing economic specialization and encouraged or reinforced mutual-
istic exchange relationships between the two systems" (Speth r99r:zz).
Speth's suggestion ofhypergynous marriage on the p¿rt ofPlains women
is countered by the work of Judith Habicht-Mauche (1988). She in-
terprets the adoption of a new technology for manufacturing culinary
ware in Pl¿ins archaeological assemblages as indicative ofthe marriage of
Pueblo potters (i.e., women) into Plains groups, a pattern not typically ob-
served among ethnographic populations of f¿rrners and hunters. Regard-
less of whether such mârriâge patterns can be archaeologically elucidated,
Habicht-Mauche argues that the Plains adoption of this new technologi-
cal style would necessitate prolonged interethnic contactbet\ryeen women.
The intensity of interethnic contact portrâyed in her study would have
to be m¿intained through the exchange of technological information via
learning frameworks (i.e., long-term observation).
Numerous historical documents also preserve a record of Plains-
Pueblo interaction. During Coronado's initial forây into the Rio Grande
area in r54o, the Spanish chronicler Castâñedâ noted the presence of
nomadic peoples wintering outside "under the eaves" of Pecos Pueblo
(Winship 1896). Fray Alonso de Benavides describes Indians, "includ-
ing their women and children," traveling to Pecos Pueblo for trade dur-
ing the late summer months until mid-October (Benavides i954). Simi-
lar descriptions of Plains encampments for the purpose of exchange are
recorded by DeSosa for Taos and Picuris pueblos (Hammond and Rey
Directionaliry ofPlains-Pueblo Exchange / 235
 1966). The Chamuscado-Rodriguez expedition (r58r) also received re-
ports offrequent exchange with Plains hunter-gatherers from informants
at San Marcos Pueblo in the Galisteo Basin (Hammond and Rey 19ó6).
The observations prese¡ved in these historicâl accounts thus suggest that
Plains-Pueblo exchange did not occur on an ad hoc "encounter', basis.
Rathe¡ trade involved the movement of entire Plains social units to the
pueblo locality. Despite the equivocal evidence ofseasonality ofexchange,
the documentary records consistently suggest that trâde occurred over
sustained periods.
While historical accounts provide some hints of the seasonal timing
and general organization ofthe Plains-Pueblo exchange event, the sociâl
dynamics of such exchange are not âs clearly manifest. In other words,
it is unclear whether specific residential groups of Plains people repeat-
edly traveled to the sâme pueblos for trade or instead maintained trade
relations with rnultiple pueblos. Nevertheless, historical records do docu-
ment what appear to be strong interethnic relationships between various
j Rio Grande pueblos and distìnct Plains hunrer-garherers. The Teyas-
Jumanos and Seven Rivers Apaches are often linked to the Tompiro-
speaking pueblos of the Salinas district (Benavides rg54; Scholes rg37),
while the Faraones Apaches are commonly associated in trade with Pecos
Pueblo (.{. B. Thomas r93S). Bandelier (1892), Hickerson (1994), and
Riley (1997) link Piro-speaking pueblos with the nomadic Manso and
Suma populations of the El Paso area. Conversely, relations of enmity
are recorded between the Tiwa-speaking pueblo of Qu¿rai and the Seven
Rivers Apaches, as well as between the Tewa and the Faraones Apaches
(Hackett 1937; A. B. Thomas 1935).
Archaeolo gical Expectations
The periodic encampment of hunter-gatherers in proximity to seden-
tary pueblos, coupled with the long-term, seasonal nature ofthe exchange
event, undoubtedly involved the negotiation of social relationships be-
tween the Plains people and Pueblo Indians on both an individual and
group basis.While the resolution ofthe archaeological record prohibits an
appreciation ofthe precisenature ofexchange ties between the actuâl indi-
viduals participating in the exchange event, the âggregate âctions ofsuch
individuals may be gleaned by examining exchange ties at the group level.
For purposes ofthis analysis, I define the hunter-gatherer group as a resi-
236 / Kathryn Leonard
dential unit comprising multiple, and likely related, families. Where nec-
essar¡ I have atternpted to distinguish my use ofthe residential "group" âs
the analytical unit responsible for site-specific archaeological phenomena
from other uses of grouþ to rcfel To broader arch¿eological complexes or
hunter-gatherer ethnic distinctions (e.g., Qrerechos vs. Tèyas) writ lørge
The social dynamics of Plains-Pueblo exchange may be elucidated
through archaeological investigations of the intensity of hunter-gatherer
ties to the various Rio Grande pueblos. Specifically, it may be possible to
determine archaeologically whether a Plains group that repeatedly occu-
pied the same Plains village consistently traded with a single pueblo or
pueblo cluster. If, as the historical accounts suggest, Plains groups repeat-
edly traveled to the same pueblos for exchange, one would expect sherds
recovered from Plains sites on the Llano Estacado to be dominated by
a single source. Apparently exclusive exchange ties would also corrobo-
rate Spielmann's characteriz¿tion of"trade partners" as the institudonal-
ized set ofsocial relationships through which interethnic exchange occurs
(Spielmann rggra).
While a frnding ol exclusiai4r supports the characterization of trade
partnerships as the social mechanism structuring Plains-Pueblo exchange,
such findings would not conform to known hunter-gatherer strategies of
risk minimization. Assuming that Plains groups had knowledge of the
variable productivity of different areas of the Rio Grande, the desire to
avoid agricultural shortfalls would be reflected in the maintenance of mul-
tiple trade partnerships. This strategy-in ecological terms referred to
as "buffering"-has been thoroughly documented by Spielmann (r99ra)
for a variety of ethnographic groups. The microclimatic shifts and cor-
responding variability in agricultural production documented by Raut-
man (1993) for prehistoric central Nerv Mexico suggests that a buffering
strategy involving the maintenance of extensive trade ties presents itself
as a viable model for Plains-Pueblo interaction. Such a buffering strategy
in which a Plains group's decision is based solely on economic exigency
and the presence of ¿ reliable agricultural surplus would find archaeo-
logical expression in a Plains ceramic assemblage with multiple Puebloan
temper types.
In defining the research problem, I examine social relationships in
terms oftwo analytical variables: exclusivity and directionality. In choos-
ing these variables, I hope to quantitatively ascertain the intensity ofrela-
tions engendered between specific groups ofPlains hunter-gatherers and
Directionality of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / 237
 Pueblo communities. Exclusiaity is defined here as the degree to which
one group's tuade ofa complex of goods is with a single other group. In-
vestigations of the degree of exclusivity of Plains-Pueblo exchangc can
provide insight into the social preferences of trade in the context of other
risk-minimizing strategies, such as buffering, that may favor trade with
multiple groups.
While I use the concept of exclusiviry ro gauge the intensity of ex-
change ties at the level of the residential group, such a concept does not
fully address the question ofwhether such trade preferences occur at the
level ofthe mobile residential group, or whether the decision with whom
to conduct trade is ¡ooted in a broader cubural preference in interethnic so-
cial relations. ,4.s such, I use the concept ofdirectionality to Bauge whether
residential Sroups that share some level ofsocial identification also share
trade relations with the same external groups. Thus, the term tlirection*
ali.ty is defrrcd here as the degree to which groups that share a common
culturâl tradition also share â common focus of long-distance exchange.
As the archaeological distinctions between the Garza and, Tie¡ra Blanca
complexes have often been cited as evidence for the existence of contem-
porary, yet ethnically distinct, Broups of Plains hunter-gatherers, I use
these categories as a comparative frâmework for evaluating the degree of
directionality within these ru o regions.
It is important to note that while I discuss the concepts of direction-
ality and exclusivity âs they apply ro the interethnic social relationships
generated by long-distance exchange, my data address only a single side
of the exchange equation. That is, even if Plains trade relations with the
Rio Grande pueblos may be characterized as highly directional and highly
exclusive, the same may not be true for the Pueblos themselves. It seems
plausible that a Plains residential group might trade exclusively with a
single pueblo, while a Pueblo household might maintain trade ties with a
variety of groups. Furthermore, regionally (and perhaps ethnically) dis-
tinct Plains complexes may have had a highly directional trade focus on a
single pueblo or pueblo cluster, while the pueblo itselfhad a more diffuse
trade focus on multiple complexes. While the nature ofthe data prohibits
further elucidation of thís problem, the question of symmetry in the so-
cial dynamics ofPlains-Pueblo exchange remains a provocative topic for
future research.
In this study, both directionality and exclusivity will be assessed
throughanexamination ofthevarious rempertypes (indicatingthepueblo
cluster ofproduction) represented in the glaze ware ceramic assemblages
238 / K4thryn Leonard
from Plains sites. Exclusivity can be gauged through an exâmination of
the relative homogeneity of temper types represented at a single site Di-
rectionality, on the other hand, can only be ascertained through an ex-
amination of the glaze wâre temper data at the level of the archaeologi-
cal complex. As such, a high degree of directionality will result in a high
degree of temper homogeneity between sites identified as Tierra Blanca
Complex and those identified as Garza Complex.
Data and Methods
While the majority of Tierra Blanca Complex and Gatza Complex sites
sampled in this study are known only by surface observation, excava-
tion data ¿re available for several sites Blackburn (4rnozo) and Tierra
Blanca (4rlr3) represent well-documented Tierra Blanca Complex sites,
and Montgomery (4rrI-r7), Floydada Country Club (4rrI-r)' Bridwell
(4tcaz), Headstream (4rxr5r), and Longhorn (4rKr53) represent well-
documented Garza Complex sites. All of these sites may be considered
residential base camps, with ephernerâl structures defined by rock rings'
However, there are qualitative differences both in location and in scale'
First, while Tierra Blanca encampments âre located on the actual T'lano
Plain, broadly distributed along tributaries ofthe Tierra Blanca and Cana-
dian River drainages, sites of the Garza Complex are generally found
in more protective confines and riparian environments, such as Blanco
Canyon (Boyd r9g7). Second, while Tierra Blanca Complex sites such
as Blackburn and Tierra Blanca may have at leâst two components
of
occupâtion, the extremely large size and multicomponent nature ofGarza
Complex sites appear to reflect not only an areâlly extensive occupation,
but also an occupation that mây have extended over several hundred years
(Boyd r997:395).
A total of z,o5o glaze ware sherds from sixty-three sites ascribed to
either the Tierra Blanca or Garza complexes were analyzed in this study
(Leonard zooo). The bulk of these materials represent multiple episodes
of surface collection by amateur archaeologists on highly deflated sites'
Thus, with the exception ofsites az64 and er5z (excavated by Spielrnann
1982), intrâsite provenience data are nonexistent. Several sites exarnined
in this study (4rn r, +rcB27' and 4rn-r7) were excavated by amâteur ar-
chaeological groups (Parker r98z; Word 1963, 1965) However, prove-
nience data from these excâvations were not preserved'
For purposes ofthis analysis, sites were divided into three tiers accord-
Directionalit¡ of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / 239
 ing to sample size.The first tier includes sites with glaze ware sample sizes
of eighty sherds or more. The second tier includes sites with glaze ware
sarnple sizes of fifty to eighty sherds. The third tier comprises sites with
glaze ware assemblages offewer than ten sherds. The grouping ofsites ìn
tiers was designed to prevent sites with smaller sample sizes from having
a disproporrionate influence on pa¡terning.
.
fxclusivity of Trarle Ties
The homogeneity of temper types present in each Plains site's glaze ware
ceramic assemblage can be used to evaluate the exclusivity of that site's
trade ties with Rio Grande pueblo clusters. Glâze ware âssemblages from
sites ofboth the Tierra Blanca and Garza complexes are characterized by
the presence ofrelatively few temper types. More importantly, these tem-
per types can often be linked to single area ofproduction. Multiple tem-
a
per types are associated with glaze ware production in the Galisteo Basin
(augite latite and hornblende andesite) and the Salinas area (hornblende
diorite, hornblende gneiss, biotite diorite, and sherd). For purposes of
analysis, these temper types have been collapsed into a single source area.
Source distributions indicative of high levels of exclusivity are found
in a preponderance of sites ascribed to the Tierra Blânca Complex. The
three sites with the largest ceramic assemblages have temper sources
represented in very similar proportions (see fig. r3. r). The Galisteo Basin
tempers âugite latite (San Marcos) and hornblende andesite (Tonque)
predominate, constitutins between 78.7 percent and 88.o percent of the
total ceramic assemblage. Hornblende diorite (Abó), sherd, and sand-
stone (Qrarai) temper indicative oftrade with the Salinas pueblos are also
present in almost identical proportions. This same pattern is also present
amongthe "second tier" sites examined, with Galisteo Basin tempers con-
stituting between 62.2 percent and too percent ofthe ceramic assemblages
(see fig. 13.r). Älthough the glaze ware assemblages ofthese second-tier
sites do not precisely mirror those ofthe first-tier sites, the smaller sample
sizes ofthese sites are expected to somewhat skew the various proportions
of tempers represented.
Despite the obvious differences among the specific tempers repre-
sented at individual sites, glaze ware ceramic assemblages of Garza Com-
plex sites are also dominated by a single source (see fig. 13.z). This is most
dramatically apparent âr the Bridwell site (4rcez7), where go.o percent
z4o / Kathryn Leonard
First-Tier Sites Second-T¡er S¡tes
A264 A152 4296 A3OO 1983.69 A451 4151 4575
n=389 n=315 n=211 n=53 î=37 n=35 n=23 n=15
I=Galisteo K =Satinas E=Pecos n=other
Fig. 13.1. Glaze ware soùce areas for first-
and second-tier Tieûa BLanca sites.
of the glaze ware sherds sampled are sourced to the Galisteo Basin At
the Montgomery site (4rrI-r7), 68.2 percent of the sherds sampled de-
rive from the Salinas district. At the Floydada Country Club site (4IFLr)
and site 4ruvr, 8r.3 percent and ó6.8 percent of the sherds sampled are
sandstone tempered, interpreted âs trade with Pecos Pueblo' This same
pattern ofsite-level exclusivity is also evident among the second-tier sites
sampled (see fig. r3.z).
As the bar charts do not imrnediately convey a high degree of trade
exclusivity among Garza Complex sites,I have furtheranalyzed the distri-
bution ofglaze ware source âreas for the Garza Conplex using Simpson's
C statistic. Simpson's C is typically employed as a measure of concentra-
tion, or dominance, ofa particular type within a population (Pielou r975)'
The measure has values ranging from o (minimal dominance) to r (per-
fect dominance) that represent the probability that any t¡vo items selected
from a distribution (with replacement) will be of the same type or class
(Kintigh zooz; Pielou 1975). As the concept of exclusivity, in operâtional
terms, refers to the dominance ofa single source area for sherds within an
individual glaze ware assemblage, this measure is particularly well suited
to address this question.
Directionality of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / z4I
 First-Tier Sites Second-Tier S¡tes Table 13.1
Simpson's C Values Generated fol Garza CompLex SÍtes

Source Areas

SamPle Simpson's
Salinas Galisteo Pecos Other Size C p Value

Population rgo/o 53o/" zzo/o o.37

Garza Complex Site

4tcB2j to/o gro/o to/o 8o/o 4rg o.83 < o.oor

4rFLI tto/o So/o 8ro/o 3o/o 273 o.68 < o.oor

4rlLt1' 73o/o 8o/o 3o/" t6o/o 9t 0.56 < o.oor

4rMYr 33ok' oo/o 670/o oo/o 8r 0.56 < o.oor

4tcBj¡ oo/o oo/o rooo/o oo/o 49 r.oo < o,oor

ur¡ No ro* 8oo/o r89o zo/o oo/o 49 o.6j < o.oor

4',tcB27 41Fll 41FLt7 41i\4Yl 41C874 i\4LE 41Kr53 41C878 o.5 r
n=273 n=91 n=81 n=49 t1=44 n=29
Sand Hill
n=21 4rKr53 43"/" oo/ct 57o/o oo/o 44 < o.ol9

4rcB?8 z8o/o 66o/o jo/o oo/o 29 o.5r < o.o64

l=Galisteo & =Salinas B=Pecos n=Other Sand Hill z4o/o 5zo/o S"/" rgo/o 2r o.37 < o.6o4

Fig. 13.2. Glaze ware source areas for first-
and second-tie¡ Garza Complex sites.
*.MLE'refers to an unprovenìenced collection ât the Mûseum of the Llano Estâcado in Plainview,
Tex¡s. "No ID" refe¡s to coltections that are not Provcnienced to a specifrc site but
for rvhich the
general location of recovery is known

Using Kintigh's (zooz) nvx,c proglam, a Simpson's C is first calcu-

lated for an actual assemblage with its specified type proportions. Using
the sample sizes of the actual assemblages, a large number of Monte
Carlo samples are then randomly generated using proportions in an ob-
served population.The distribution of Simpson,s C values for the random
samples is used to estimate the probâbility of obtaining a C value greater
than or equal to the C value ofthe original sample. A low probability as-
sociated with obtaining an observed C value as high or higher than the
original C value suggests that the observed concentration in the sample
is unlikely to occur by chance.
To generate the reference population, I averaged the proportions of
glaze ware source areas for all Tierra Blanca and Garza Complex sites to
createmodel population against which the observed populations' (Garza
a tence of interethnic trade ties, an evaluation of the directionality of these
Complex sites) C values can be compared. This model population was
intended to simulate a scenario of minim¿l exclusivity, in which a plains
group's trade occurred with all three pueblo clusters in roughly similar
proportions. A Monte Carlo simulation of ro,ooo runs was employed for
the evaluation ofeach assemblage. As presented in table 13.r, with the ex-
ception ofsand Hill, all ofthe Garza Complex sites' C vâlues were greâter
than the original "model" population's C value ofo.3T These values sug-
gest that, with the possible exceptions of4rce78 and Sand Hill, the results
âre highly significant. Furthermore, the extremely low ? values suggest
that the probability ofobtaining concentrations this high is unlikely to be
the result of sampling error
DirectionalitY of Trade Ties
While the shared degree of exclusivity suggests that the overâll system
of Plains-Pueblo exchange was châracterized by the long-term persis-
ties suggests that geographically distinct groups (i'e , Garza and Tierra
Blanca peoples) may have possessed very different ways of orgânizing
long-distance exchange. Sites ofthe more northerly Tierra Blanca Com-
plex have a strong directionâl focus of exchange with the pueblos of the
Galisteo Basin. Evidence of this relationship is borne out of the consis-

z4z f Kathtyr, Leonarð, Dhectionaliry ofPlains-Pueblo Exchange / 243

 tently high percentage of glaze ware ceramics at Tierra Blanca Complex
sites with tempers indicative ofproduction at the Galisteo Basin pueblos ^=
a Garza sites
=
of San Marcos and Tonque.
In contrast to the Tierra Blanca pattern, sites of the more southerly
Garza Complex have a small degree of geographical directionality. Not
only do sites of the Garza Complex have ceramic assemblages with tem_
pers indicative of production areas other than the Galisteo Basin, these
si¿es also appear to have exchange ries that are differentially distributed
among the other Rio Grande pueblos. The presence ofwhat appears to be
a diverse set oftrade ties within the Garza Complex is particularly inter_
esting in terms of the extreme geographic proximity of these sìtes. For Pecos 1
example, the Bridwell site, Floydada Country Club site, and Monrgomery
Salinas
site are all located within approximately two kilometers of one another, ware source areas'
Fig. 13.3. Triangular coordinate plot of gLaze
within the protected confines ofBlanco Canyon.
Not only do the Garza sites possess a low overall directional focus of
to the
exchange, they also seem to reflect a different pattern of exchange al_ Thus, it is necessary to address what role, if any, time contributes
together. Thât is, while theTierra Blanca sites form a cohesive unit, Garza observed Patterning.
problem of
sites appear to be distinguished from one another in terms of their ex_ Texas Panhandle archaeologists have long lamented the
Where pos-
change ties. The differences in the geographic directionality ofexchange dating protohistoric sites ofthe Southern Plains (Boyd r9g7)
helped by the
ties among sites of the Tierra Blanca and Garza complexes are particu_ sible, iating of Tierra Blanca and Garza sites has been
larly evident when the percent contributions of each of the three known .-"ll "-orr-nt, ofglazewarebowl rims recovered through excavation (e g '
recorded for
production âreas are plotted against one another. As the resultant triangu_ Spielmann r99rb; Boyd et al. 1993) Eleven bowl rims were
lar plot demonstrates (see fig. r3.3), sites of rhe Tierra Blanca Complex sites of the Tierra Blanca Complex, while thirty-two
bo¡vl rirns rvere re-
corded for sites ofthe Garza Complex (table 13 z) Both
cluster tightly together ât a sinBle vertex, reflecting ceramic assemblages the Garza sites
indicative of exchange with the Galisteo Basin, while sites of the Garza and the Tierra Blanca sites have Glaze C and D bowl
rims; however' the
Complex are loc¿ted near all three of the vertices of the plot, reflecting Garza sites are distinguished by the presence of Glaze
E and F bowl rims
(see fig. r3.4). The co-occurrence of Glaze C and D indicates
ceramic assemblages indicative of exchange with all three of the major a chrono-
production areas. logic"i interp.et"tion ofthe Tierra Blanc¿ sites as dating between AD r425
urr"a ,5r5. Tt" additional presence of Glaze
E and F at the Garza Com-
pl"" .ìtJ, their occupation further into the historic period' dating
Considerations fol Interpreting Results ""t"rd. amounts of
through the end of the r6oos. However, the presence ofsizable
While the contrasts between the glaze ware assemblages of sites of the sites suggests
GlazJC and D bo¡vl rims on both Tierra Blanca and Garzâ
Tierra Blanca and Garza complexes are readily apparent, the interpretâ_ these two complexes'
a substantial amount oftemporal overlap between
(com-
tion ofthis contrâst is less straightforward. On the one hand, the observed This pattern is also borne out by the available radiocarbon datâ
differences in the degree of directionality may be the product of differ- 88) Although there are clearly more radio-
piled by-Boyd r99 7:372,383
ences in the structure oftrade relations by two contemporary plains popu- ."rborrdut"r.".oneredfromGarzasitecontexts(n=53)thanfromtlierra
(see
lations. On the otherhand, these differences could also reflect a shìft in the Blanca site contexts (t = 8), some clear Påtterns may be discerned
data suggest åt
foci ofPueblo trade ove¡ time. The issue here is one of contemporaneity. fig. ,:.S). Like the glaze bowl rim data, the radiocarbon

244 / Karhryn Leonard Directionality of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / 245

 Table 13.2
Total Bowl Rims Recorded fo¡ Tierra Blanca and Garza Complex Sites O = Garza complex

Bowl Rìm Form À = Tierra Blanca ComPlex

ii'Tl
Site C/D
ìÀ,

Tiefa Blanca Sites

i.
Ar52 o o I ooo OI
Az6+ o o50 o7
,{ro6 o o oto OI
A+l+ o I ooo OT
A4r9 o I ooo OI
Toral o o 5 o60 O II

Garza Complex Sites

4IMYI o 5 oo 2 2g Glaze C Glaze D Glaze E Glaze F

4tcB27 2 o 2 o3 I o8
4I FLI o Fig. 13.4. Distribution of glaze ware rims by rim forrn:
qcn64
o 33
o o o oo Garza Complex and fielra Blanca Complex sites.
Word No r¡' o o oo I 23
4rKT53 o IO o \2
Lynn No IDb o o ¡ oo o OI
MLE No rD" o o I o2 o I4
O = Garza complex
Total o 9 4 \t 32 A = Tiena Blanca Complex
Nr¡¿: "NoÌD" refe¡s tocoll€ctions thårâre nôr provcnienced to â specìficsire
bìrr for which thc gencral
Iocation of recovcry is knorvn.
""Wo¡d" ¡efers to the collecdon ofJim Word.
b"Lynn" to the collecrion ofAlvin Lynn.
'"MLE" refers ro an unprovenicnced co ecrion ¿t rhe Museum of rhe Llano Esracado in nainvìcr¡
Texas.

least partial contemporaneity between sites ofthese two complexes,

with
the bulk of dates falling in the AD r4oo ro r55o range. However,
Garza
Complex sites have also yielded radiocarbon dates from the mid_r6oos as
wellas a smaller cluster ofdates from the early rgoos (see fig. r3.5).
The hypothesized long-term occupation ofGarza Complex sites, when
compared to Tierra Blanca sites, is particularly inreresting in lighr ofrhe
exclusivity of glaze ware sources observed among the Garza Complex Fig. 13.5. Radiocarbon intercept dates:
sites. It suggests that certain hunter-gâtherer groups may have Garza and Tier¡a Blanca Complex sites.
maintained
trade ties with specific pueblos or pueblo clusters for extended periods.
Two of the three sites that have rims indic¿tive of Middle Glaze_ (C and
D) and Late Glaze- (E and F) period occupations also exhibit continuity

246 / Kathryr' LeorLatd

 Table 13.3 relations ¿nd current ethnographic literature on hunter-gâtherer and agri-
Garza Complex Rims by Time Period and Source culturist interaction. In so doing, I hope to explore the means by which
exchânge operated in the construction of meaningful social relations be-
tween Plains and Pueblo communities, as well as individuals.
Middle Lare Middle Late Middle Late
Glaze Glaz e Glaze Glaze Glaze Glaze Directionality and the Development
Occupation Site (c/D) (E/F) (c/D) (E/F) (c/D) (E/F) Total of Interethnic Social Alliances
Early * 4tcBz7 The distribution of glaze ware temper types on Plains sites suggests that
the Tie¡¡¿ Blanc¿ and Garza complexes possessed a different degree of
Early MLI No ID"
directional focus in terms oftheir exchange ties with Rio Grânde Pueblos'
and Late 4rMYr
The pattern observed âmong the Garza sites ofBlânco Canyon is parricu-
4rKr53
larly interesting, because despite theìr close proximity, the Montgorner¡
Late 4rFLr 3
Bridwell, and Floydada Country Club sites all have radically different
4rcB64 2 glazeware sources.This pattern suggests that extended families or smaller
Word No ¡ob 3 bands that identified with one another in terms of subsistence lifestyle,
and perhaps even ethnicity, may have independently constructed external
Total f2 z2z8
relations of exchange.
Nrtr: "No ÌD" refers to coll€ctions that are not provenienced to â spcciäc sitc, but for which the general Alternatively, the high degree of site level exclusivity and lack of re-
location of recovery is known.
""ùrLE' rcfcrs to ân unprovenienced colÌectìon ât thc Museum of the Llano Estâcado in Pl¡inview, Texas.
gional directionality evident in the Pueblo trade ties ofsites in the Rlanco
b
"Word" refers to the collection ofJim Word. Canyon area may stem from the particular environmental setting With its
perennial water sourcq lush veget¿tion, abundant fauna, and protected
environs, Blanco Canyon provided a temporary haven for groups seek-
in the source of glâze ware ceramics (table r3.3). For example, at 4rMyr, ing to avoid the harsh winters ofthe Llano Historicall¡ the area around
there are five Middle Glaze ând two Late Glaze rims indicative of ex- Blanco Canyon was known as Qtitaque, a rendezvous point for highly
change with the Salinas pueblos. The addition of two Late Glaze rims mobile bands of Apache, Wichita' and Comanche (Loomis and Nasatir
sourced to Pecos Pueblo suggests that although the inhabitants ofthis site 1967). If each of these groups possessed trade ties with different pueblos
may have expanded trade to include another pueblo, they still maintained but repeatedly wintered at the sâme Blanco Canyon encâmpment' the
their established trade ties with the Salinas district. archaeological signature would be one of geographically proximate sites
with very different glaze ware sources. Thus, the low degree of regional
directionality evident in this area may be owing to the particular context
Discussion
of repeated seasonal reoccupation by multiple, far-ranging groups, each
On a broad level, I have attempted to evaluate the general structure of with støble tade ties, rather than the presence of multiple trade ties within
Plains-Pueblo exchange by assessing the degree of directionality and ex- a single "territory" of hunter-gatherers.
clusivity manifested in ties of exchange. However, on a more theoreti- While there are no data to suggest that the groups residing within the
cal level, I believe this study may also approach the "precise nature" of confines ofBlanco Canyon were politically aligned against one anothet the
the social relationships engendered through interethnic exchange (Boyd independence oftheir trade ties with the Pueblos does suggest that they
tggT:¡tg).In the following discussion, I evaluate the results ofthe tem- did not operate as a cohesiYe unit in terms oflong-distance exchange The
per distribution data in terms ofthe ethiohistoric record ofPlains-Pueblo high degree of directionâlity and uniform trade ties apparent among sites
l

248 / Kathryn Leonard Directionality of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / 249

 of the Tierra Blanca Complex, on the other hand, suggests that groups
in this area shared a common conception of not only hoø long-dístance
trade should be conducted but also with øhom it shottld be conducted.
If the Tierra Blanca Complex indeed represents the prehistoric equiva-
lent of the historic Qrerecho, then the highly dìrectional narure of these
sites' trade ties with the Galisteo Basin may reflect durable bonds between
ethnically distinct Plains and Pueblo households or residential units.
n Spanish colonial records lend some support to this interpretâtion ofthe
existence ofstrong social, and perhaps political, alliances between the Rio
Grande pueblos and ethnically distinct bands ofPlains hunter-gatherers
(4. B. Thomas r935). Spanish attempts at managing rhe plains trade fairs
at Pecos Pueblo repeatedly stress the long-term, intensive nâture of ties
between the Pecos and the Faraones Apaches, ,,who are accustomed to
come to their pueblo most years" (Governor Panuela, in Kessell rg87).1
Similar observations of Plains-Pueblo co-residence have been preserved
in early Spanish accounts oftrade occurring at Gran euivira, a largeTom-
piro pueblo in the Salinas district. In fact, it seems likely that the early
Spanish name for Gran Qrivira, "Las Humanas," was used to distin-
guish the "ethnically Plains" character ofthe Pueblo (Hammond and Rey
1945:66). While Fray Alonso de Benavides' description of Gran
euivira
stresses its role as a center ofPlâins-Pueblo trâde, other âccounts further
suggest the pueblo was home to a considerable population of ethnically
Plains people.
Exclusivity of Ëxchange and Inhedted Trade partnerships
While the results of this study suggest rhe presence of highly exclusive
and highly persistent trade ties between specific groups ofpueblo villagers
and specific Aroups ofPlains hunter-gatherers, the question still remains:
how, precisely, were such strong interethnic ties maintained? In their
cross-cultural study of hunter-gatherer/horticulturist interaction, Spiel-
mann and Eder (r994:3o8) cite inherited trade partnerships as a com-
mon means by which such groups "maintain predictable economic ties."
Ethnographic examples of exclusive and inherited trade-pârtnerships be-
tween agriculturists and hunter-gatherers have been documented be-
tween adult males in numerous ethnographic groups (Gubser r965; Hard-
ing r967;J. T. Peterson r978), including the Tèwa and theJicarilla Apache
of the North .A.merican Southwest (Ford ry72).
The social and economic linkage ofhouseholds is a common result of
such trade partnerships. Household bonds are strengthened not only by
z5o / Kathryn Leonard
wife sharing, but also by child fostering and inherited dyadic relationships
between males (Harding r967). Among the Tèwâ and theJicarilla Apache,
Ford observed inherited trade partnerships linking families for over three
generations. These families would spend major holidays, such as Christ-
mas ¿nd feast dåys, together each year (Ford r97z:33). The almost "fa-
milial" quality ofthese interethnic relations of exchange may be ascribed,
in part, to the inherited nature ofthe trade partnership. However, in a very
real sense, such trade partnerships between unrelated individuals may
ultimately be responsible for the activation ofkin-based relations (Gubser
r965; Healey r99o)
While my discussion of hunter-gatherer agriculturist trade partner-
ships has focused on relationships between adult males' such partnerships
may have also been forrned by Plains and Pucblo women.Wiessner (1997)
has previously noted the construction offictive kin relationships between
lKung San women who p¿rticipate in the hrcûr| Tr?Lde partnership (Wiess-
ner rg97: r20). The presence of such relationships between protohistoric
Plains and Pueblo women may have provided the long-term, intensive so-
cial context Habicht-Mauche (rg88) identifies as critical for the trânsfer
of cer¿mic technological knowledge.
Gonclusion
The capacity for exchange to construct meaningful social relationships
between individuals may elude archaeological discussion. However' the
reflexive monitoring of âction by indiaùtuøls is the essential generadve
component of social systems (Giddens 1984). In order to explore the
means by which "social systems are produced as trânsactions between
agents," we must frrst examine the system that structures such interaction
(Giddens 1984:95); this is a task to which archaeological investigations
are particularly well suited. While ethnohistoric documents and ethno-
graphic modeling may provide us with gleanings into the more emic ar;.d,
furthermore, microscâle, social constructions of Plains-Pueblo exchange,
archaeological analyses directed at evaluating the geographical direction-
ality and exclusivity of trade ties more precisely approach the rules ¿nd
resources that make such constructions possible.
The rules and resources ofPlains-Pueblo exchange were characterized
by both rigidity and diversity in social relations. The high degree of ex-
clusivity apparent in the glaze ware assemblages of almost all Plains sites
sampled implies the existence of relatively formal ties of exchange be-
Directionality of Plains-Pueblo Exchange / z5r
 tween individual Pl¿ins and Pueblo communities. The long_term persis_
tence ofthese ties may, in turn, have been maintained through such social
14
institutions as marriage (Speth r99i) or the inherited trade partnership.
The apparent differences in the degree of direcdonality evident in Rio Grande Glaze Paint Ware in
Garza Complex and Tierra Blanca Complex long-distance trade ties fur_
ther suggest that, on a systemic level, the soci¿l framework of plains_ Southwestern ArchaeologY
Pueblo exchange was also characterized by a high degree of social flexi_
bifity. As the Garza Complex sites of Blanco Canyon most dramatically Linda S. Cordell
indicate, Plains hunter-gatherers possessed trade ties with various Rio
Grande pueblos independent ofthe trade ries maintained by their neigh_
bors. However, as the more northerly Tierra Bl¿nca sites suggest, other
sets of Plains groups focused their energies on long-distance exchange
with a single pueblo or pueblo cluster.
As Ford (1972:43) exhorts, ,,regional trade is a form offoreign policy',
in which "each society interacts on different terms." While our under_
standing of Plains-Pueblo trade is far from complete, this study has
contributed a fuller appreciation of the archaeological variability and
The methods ofstudying pottery get better all the time' but the
concomitant complexity of social interaction involved in intersocietal
Pottery stays about the same.
exchange. Furthermore, this study has raised questions regarding the
E Burgh (r959:4o)
manner by which individuals, through the construction and maintenance -R.
of meaningful social relationships, shape the structure of the exchange
This volume is particularly timely because after a very long hiatus in
system.
technological analyses of Rio Grande glaze pâint wâre, there is a greât
deal ofsophisticated new research being carried out by ceramic technolo-
Acknowledgments
gists, archaeologists, and anthropologists. Additionally' although much
This chapter is based on research conducted for my master's thesis at
Ari_ of the seminal work in southwestern archaeology took place at large
zona State lJniversiry. Thanks to my M.A. committee, co_chairs Michelle Pueblo IV sites of the late pre-Hispanic period (Kidder rqrTb; Kroeber
Hegmon and Kate Spielmann, Keith Kintigh, and Arleyn Simon, for
1916; N. Nelson r9r4) where glaze paint ware was used, there have been
their guidance and insightful comments. Thânks to rhe staffof rhe pan_
decades of neglect of that era that is only now being remedied (E C
handle Plains Historical Museum, the Crosby County pioneer Memorial
Adams and Duffzoo4; Spielmann, ed., rg98). This new research encour-
Museum, the Floyd County Historical Museum, the Museum at .lexas
ages a fuller understanding ofthe production, use, and movement ofglaze
Tèch, and the Museum of the Llano Estacado for facilitating access to
paint ware within diverse social contexts.
their collections. Alvin Lynn and the late Jim Word also generously pro_ I first briefly and broadly
This chapter is composed of four sections.
vided me with access to their private collections. This chapter has also contributors to this
characterize the Pueblo IV period, as defined by the
benefited f¡om conversations with Douglas Boyd,
Jack Hughes, Christo_ volume, and the kinds of questions ârchaeologists have brought to their
pher Lintz, Leslie Nogue, Regge Wiseman, and the editors of this vol_
research on this time in Pueblo history. I then discuss the early history
ume. This research was conducted duringmy tenure as a National Science
of technological analysis of Rio Grande glaze paint ware, especially the
Foundation graduate fellow. Funding was also provided by the Graduate
pioneering work of Anna O shepard (Kidder and Shepard 1936; Shep-
College and Department ofAnthropology at Arizona Srate University.
ard rg4z). While she wâs not the first to examine thin sections of ancient

z5z / Kathtyn Leol;rrd

 pottery, Shepard was the first archaeologìst to use thin sections and other
analytical techniques systematically, and she developed rigorous meth-
ods to study ceramic technology in the U.S. Southwest and Mesoamerica
(Bishop and Lange rggr; Cordell r99r). I describe the context of Shep-
ard's work on the glaze paint wares in order to explicate why the many
leads she offered were ignored by southwestern archaeologists until quite
recently. The discussion of Shepard,s work provides a framework within
which I then focus, in the third section, on some of the contributions in
this volume. I conclude with lingering questions and suggest directions
for future research.
Pueblo IV: Prelude to the pueblos Today
The Pueblo IV period is generally dated AD r3oo to r5oo. As a develop_
mental stage in the original Pecos Classification (Kidder r9z7), pueblo IV
refers to the time when much ofthe Pueblo area, especially the San
Juan
region, was depopulated and ends with the Spanish entrad&s jnto the
Southwest in 1539 and r54o. Reflecting recent refinements in dating as
well as inform¿tion about the archaeological chronology ofthe Mogollon
Mountains, Pueblo IV is variously dated by the authors in this volume to
rz5oft3oo to r54of úoof ryoo. The earlier beginning date is the result of
new information about the timing ofdepopulation ofmuch ofthe north_
ern portion ofthe Ancestral Pueblo homeland (Duffand Wilshusen zooo).
The later ending date of 1600 or rToo for Pueblo IV, used by some ofthe
authors, incorporates a Protohistoric period during which pueblos and
other indigenous peoples were only loosely tied to European polities and
economies (Adams and Duffzoo4; Wilcox r98r). In any case, pueblo IV
was a dynamic period in the cultural history ofAncestral pueblo peoples.
It was the time during which Pueblo peoples moved away from the Colo-
rado Plateau and SanJuan River drainage, and when settlement also con-
.i
tracted dramatically in much oftraditional Mogollon territory. It was also
a time when very large settlemenß were established in the Rio Grande
I
a
iil
drainage, in the ancestral Zttni and Hopi regions, in the Salinas area of
¡
east-central New Mexicq and in northern Chihuahua, Mexico. Some of
these new and large settlements were deserted in the fifteenth and six_
teenth centuries, rvhile others continue to be occupied by pueblo peoples
today. In addition to the pre-Hispanic depopulation ofenormous areas of
Ancestral Pueblo homeland, the expanded chronology ofpueblo IV used
zq4 / Linda S. Cordell
by authors in this volume includes the trauma ofthe Spanish entradas, di-
verse responses to European conquest, subsequent Spanish colonization,
the Pueblo Revolt of 168o, and the reconquest of 169z 96 (Cordell 1989;
Preucel zooz). I was particularly pleased to have been asked to discuss the
chapters in this book, because having spent my field career investigadng
Pueblo IV sites in the Rio Grande region and having thought about the
broader issues raised by that work (Cordell, Doyel, and Kintigh 1994)' I
ofthe cultural dynam-
'rvanted to learn how archaeological understânding
ics of that period has been improved by the renewed study of glaze paint
pottery.
Archaeologists who have tried to understand the events and processes
ofthe Pueblo IV period have tended to approach them either looking for-
ward from the regional depopulations and migrations of the late rzoos or
backward from today as the basis ofmodern Pueblo sociolinguistic distri-
butions that were severely disturbed by the Spanish Conquest (Eckef ând
Cordell zoo4; Habicht-Mauche, chap. r, this vol.; Whiteley zoo4) Look-
ing forward from the massive migrations of the late thirteenth centttry'
many archaeologists (e.g.' Hâbicht-Mauche, chap. r, this vol; Eckert,
chap. 3, this vol.; Huntley, chap ó, this vol.) focus on the dramatic color
schemes of glaze paint ware and the novelty ofthe colors, since previous
painted wâres among Ancestral Pueblos rvere largely black-on-white, as
a method of signaling affiliation in pan-regional ritual systems that could
have united people from different regions and cultural backgrounds- At
the end of this chapter, I note some diffrculties I have with this interpre-
tâtion.
Looking backward frorn ethnographic portrayals of Pueblo villages,
and the modern political designations of most individual Pueblo villages as
federally recognized tribes, has encouraged some scholars to project po-
litical, economic, and social autonomy ofsingle villages into the Pueblo IV
period. Linguistic and ethnohistorical discussions, however, focus on in-
teractions among villages within clìisters that share a common language,
such as Tèwa or Keres. From an ¿rchaeological perspective' either one
that looks forward from the rzoos or back from tdda¡ no model of au-
tonomous, independent Pueblo IV villages makes sense. Rather, regional
depopulations and subsequent population aggregation would have inte-
grated people with diverse histories into single settlements' Each settle-
ment would therefore include groups who had historic ties to different
settlements (Duff zooz; Eckert, chap. 3, this vol.; Nelson and Habicht-
Glaze Paint Ware in Southwestern Archaeology / 255
 Mauche, chap. rr, this vol.). Settlement instability at various times dur_
ing Pueblo IV would have lowered single village population levels below
those needed to sustain ceremonial life or ensure demographic continuity
(Zt*:row rg74).The clustered linguistic groupings of villages today and
ethnohistoric âccounts also encourage us to doubt that pueblo IV villages
were autonomous in social, ritual, and political terms. For these reasons,
crucial issues for Pueblo IV are understanding how and in what ways An_
cçstral Pueblo communities were organized beyond the village level, and
how they were linked through exchange, leadership, and/or shared belief
systems (e.g., E. C. Adams zooz;8. C. Adams ¿nd Duff zoo4; Cordell
1989, rgg7; Cordell, Doyel, and Kintigh 1994; Crown tgg4; Duff zooz;
Habicht-Mauche, chap. r, this vol.; Mills zooo; Spielmann rggS).
The contributors to this volume use pottery, specifically glaze pâinr
ware, as a means toward understanding the nature and dynamics of the
organization and interactions among Pueblo IV settlements at the dis_
trict and regional levels. These discussions are not examples of ,,pots are
people." Rather, the chapters focus on exploring the ways in.which pot_
tery technology, decoration, and exchange inform us about dynamic social
interactions. The reasons why glaze paint ware technology and pueblo IV
socioreligious and political organization are linked topics âre embedded
in the history of southwesrern archaeology. Although thar history is nor
discussed in the chapters in this volume, I believe it is importânt to under_
stand why some research topics have long been neglected while others
have not. I discuss some of that history to elucidate the maior strengths,
weaknesses, and implications of the present volume for increased under_
standing of some ofthe dynamics ofPueblo IV organization.
Miss Shepard.s Bombshell
The Rio Grande Glaze Ware sequence was first established by Alfred
Vincent Kidder, the acknowledged dean of modern southwestern ar_
chaeology, through his excavations at Pecos Pueblq New Mexico. pecos
Pueblo, occupied berween abour r3oo and r838, was the largest ofthe late
pre-Hispanic to Historic period pueblos (Kidder r9z4; Kidder and Shep_
ard 1936). Kidder selected Pecos for excavation, he tells us in his charac_
teristically explicit fashion, because it had the longest documented history
of continuous occupation of the Rio Grande Pueblo ruins, had been de_
scribed in Spanish documentary history, had a known abandonment date,
256 / Linda S. Cordell
and had very deep trash deposits that promised (although in fact did not
yield) materials of considerable ¿ntiquity (Kidder r9z4).
Kidder worked in the days before tree-ring and radiocarbon dating.
Excavation at Pecos Pueblo provided an excellent opportunity to demon-
strate the utility of the then new techniques of stratigraphic excavation
and ceramic seriation to chronicle change over time. In additionto proving
the usefulness ofstratigraph¡ another of Kidder's objectives in excâYating
Pecos Pueblo was to write a history ofthe development ofa local, house-
hold, decorative art bâsed on the supposition that the pottery at Pecos had
been locally produced (Kidder r936:xxiii). Shepard conducted her study
of petrographic thin sections of the pottery of Pecos long after Kidder's
excavation had ended and Kidder's manuscript on the glaze paint pottery
was nearing completion. As is well known, Shepard demonstr¿ted that
huge quantities of pottery found at Pecos h¿d not been m¿de there Kid-
der (r936:xxiii) rvrote of the "bombshell Miss Shepard's findings have
thro\ryn into the research":
It has always been âssumed that potting was one ofthe regular house-
hold tasks of every Pueblo woman; thât each town was in this regard
self-sufficient. But if whole classes ofpottery, such as Glaze I and Bis-
cuit, were imported, we must postulate an extraordinary volume of
trade and allow for a compensating outward flow of other commodi-
ties. Furthermo¡e, we must believe that the production of vessels at
the source ofsupply was much greater than was needed for home con-
sumption, in other words, that rudimentary commercial manufacturing
was practiced. (Kidder r936:xxiii)
Yet, Shepard's findings, especially the implications of her frndings at
Pecos and much ofher later work, were ignored by southwestern ârchae-
ologists for more than forty years. Southwestern ârchaeologists could not
give up the idea ofautonomous villages that were in all importânt respects
analogous to ethnographically known pueblos. As I have elaborated else-
where (Cordell rggr), accepting the implication of Shepard's work th¿t
in at least some respects, such as craft production and exchange, mod-
ern pueblos are not analogs for ancient Pueblo villages, even those like
Pecos that had a known documentary history, would have undermined the
direct historical approach and much of the theoretical structure of U.S.
culture-historical archaeology. To allow for disjunction between the late
pre-Hispanic era and the period ofethnographic observation would open
Gl¿ze Paint Ware in Southwestern Archaeology / 257
 ((coniectural
the door to the history" of Adolph F. Bandelier and Lewis
Henry Morgan. Continuity from present to past was considered necessary
for the development ofa science ofhuman culture. Shepard's notion that
with the development of Rio Grande glaze paint ware there seemed to
have been rudimentary commercial production for market exchange was
antithetical to scholars who believed thatall Pueblo communities, past and
present, were economically and socially independent and autonomous.
Nlany archaeologists writing about the Rio Grande region acknowl-
edged that Pecos Pueblo had been a major center for trade between the
Pueblos and Plains groups (Riley 1987:278-79; Schroeder rgTg: +35-
36), but there wâs no discussion ofhow production and exchange among
Pueblo communities might have been organized at the village or regional
level, nor how glaze paint production technology might have been dif-
ferentially distributed among Rio Grande pueblos. Shepard's work sug-
gested economic ties among villages. Kidder's work continued to assume
village-level economic autonom¡ because his science required continuity
in organization and structure from the present to the past. Kidder's (rgz4,
rgz7, 1958) broad understanding of the chronology of southwestern cul-
I ture history placed the origin ofPecos Pueblo in the r3oos. It was a town
âmong many that would have been influenced by the major social up-
heavals ànd migrâtions that trânspired
in the Southwest between about
rz5o and r54o. Yet, Kidder did not develop a social history of this era,
let alone one that included discussion of craft specialization and regional
exchange. Although Pecos, like other large Pueblo IV towns, would have
been influenced by major social upheavals and migrations, Kidder con-
tinued to view Pecos as economically and socially autonomous.
In r94z Shepard published Rio Grand.e Gløze Paint I[øre: A Stutly
Illuvrøting the Place of Ceramic Technologicøl Anølysis in Archaeologicøl Re-
sea.rch, awork thafis cited by manyofthe authors in this volume. I provide
the full title here, because it describes her intent so well. Shepard did not
use her work on the Pecos pottery to rewrite Rio Grânde archaeology, but
to provide a case study in ceramic technology in which she argues that
the ceramic technologist and archaeologist need to work together. Sadly,
however, the monogrâph is another example ofthe many ways in which
technologist and archaeologist seem only to talk past each other As Ray-
mond H. Thompson (rggr) points out, Shepard's explicitly stated goal for
the Ceramic Technology Project that she directed for the Carnegie Insti-
tution was to conduct basic research-that is, to do the crucial system-
258 / Linda S. Cordell
âtic investigâtion that would apply to a variety of problems' "rather than
to provide facilities analysis to be used for miscell¿neous and unrelated
identifications" (Shepard rg38: 2+).
Shepard's approach, though perhaps essential from the perspective of
the development ofthe science of ceramic technolog$ discouraged close
collaborations with field archaeologists who would have brought their
in-
terpredve problerns, problbly often as miscellaneous identiflcations, to
Shepard's attention. I think that it is often rvithin the context generated
by largely mundane and routine field identifications that coll¿borative re-
in the
search develops and is sustained. It is of particular interest to me,
context ofthe development ofarchaeology, that the authors in the present
volume are not solely or specifically ceramic technologists' Rather they
are archaeologists who have developed expertise in cerâmic technological
inter-
analysis in order to assist them in resolving questions about soci¿l
actiáns and social change. Nevertheless, the incomplete integration
ofce-
ramic technology and anthropological archaeology is a matter that con-
tinues to haunt us and to \Ã/hich I return later in this châpter
Kidcler's (1942) foreword to Shepard's (rg4z) glaze paint ware study
acknowledges the implications of Shepard's study, but then moves away
from them, unlike several chapters in this volume First, Kidder com-
ments on Shepard's findings:
But that thousands of vessels were transported many miles and evi-
dently exchanged lor some product not possessed by their makers seri-
ously modifies our previous conception of Pueblo economics; and the
making of a few vessels of foreign types in villages which already had
well-standardized wares is perhaps eaidence of ø willingnes to experi-
ment 0r þerho'þs 0fthe marrying into these ctmmunities ofpottersfrt'n
other
toøns-in either event, importânt new problems are raised' (Kidder
rg4z:i, emphasis mine)
The contexts and means ofwhat todây would be termed technology trans-
fer are at the core of contributions to this volume by Fenn, Mills, and
Hopkins, by Leonard, by Schachne¡ and by Herhahn Kidder believed
thai traditional potters were willing to experiment, rather than mechani-
cally follow custom. This raises questions about the contexts in which
in this
experimentation is encouraged, and it resonates with the chapters
volume by Huntley and by Van Keuren. Although Kidder himself was not
ready to address these matters in the r94os, he chided archaeologists
for
Glaze Paint Wa¡e in Southwestern Archaeology / z5g
 not more closely associating with ceramic technologists, who lìke Shep-
ard, exemplified the methods ofscience.
According to Kidde¡ (rg4z:i1), "archaeologists . . . are scandalously
looseand reckless thinkers" bec¿use they attempt to reconstruct the work-
ings of man's mind from woefully fragmentary dâta. ,,And by inference
from such inferences we [archaeologists] strive to trâ.ce the complex series
of events-the migrâtions, the wars, the developments and clashes ofsoci-
edf:s and cults-tvhich took place throughout the millennia ofprehistoric
time" (Kidder r94z:ii).
Kidder (i942) then, both sagaciously and despairingly, explains what
was needed in his day:
The trouble, I think, lies in over-eagerness to jusrify our [archaeologi-
cal] existence by producing historical results when our purely archaeo-
logical data are as yet entirely insufficient for that purpose-at a time
when research in ethnology, on the psychology of preliterate peoples,
and upon the multitudinous environmental and physiological factors
which have shaped the course ofhumân events has not gone far enough
to allow us safely to draw any but the most tentâtive conclusions.
(Kid-
der r94::ii)
Kidder l¿mented not only the imperfection of archaeological data but
also a lack ofanthropological or psychological theory that would allorv de-
veloping robust, or even perhaps just plausible, inferences about human
history. At the same time, he notes that ,,until more is known as to how
far research ín ceramic technology should be carried in any given case,
the work itself must to a consider¿ble extent be experimental and explora-
tory" (Kidder rg4z:iv). Conducting ceramic technological analyses was
also relatively expensive and required many well-trained individuals like
Shepard, and then as now did not offer or assure regular employment.
Finally, Kidder noted that encouraBing teamwork in ceramic technology
and archaeology would be difficult, because .,the type ofindividual inter-
ested in mastering the physical and chemical sciences upon which re-
seârch in ceramic technology is based, is unlikely to be attracted to the
archaeological field" (Kidder r94z:iv).
Times have changed and ârchaeologists are no longer-if they ever
were-solely those with strong backs. I would note, of course, that Kid-
der wrote ât â time when, according to him, archaeologists rvere of two
(¡the
sorts: hairy-chested and hairy-chinned" (Kidder 1949:xi). Today, I
z6o / Linda S. Cordell
suspect that the greater number of women in archaeology' neither hairy-
chested nor hairy-chinned, mây lead to more ârchâeological research
using the methods of the physical and chemical sciences However, I
also believe that the high-tech equipment of current ceramic technology
(microprobes, mass spectrometers, and lasers) aPpeals to archaeologists
regardless of their gender.
In surn, Shepard's discovery that there was a signifrcant amount of
trade within the Rio Grande glaze paint ¿rea wâs underappreciated in her
day. The notion ofvillage economic and social autonomy prevailed' Shep-
ard was always concerned âbout the adequacy of her samples, potential
problems with geological maps, and the lack of precision in some of her
measurements given the instrumentation available to her (Shepard r94z)'
Properly cautious, Shepard (rg4z:r39) noted that it was possible that r¿w
materials, rather than vessels, were being exchanged and that systematic
geologic mapping might not have been accomplished at the appropriate
scale to reveal local sources for materials thought to have been imported'
It would require major changes in American archaeology for Shepard's
work to be rediscovered, reevaluâted, and accepted. Beginning lvith Wal-
ter W Täylor (rg48), of course, and the formulators ând proponents of
processual archaeology (e.g.' Binford r g\z;Longaue tgTo) archaeologists
refused to accept the limited nature of archaeological data as an excuse
for a failure to do anthropology or ât least address sorne anthropological
issues, such as postmarital residence patterns and potentially including
matters such as Kidder's clashes of societies and cults. I believe it is also
significant that when southwestern archaeologists did rediscover Shep-
ard's work after nearly halfa century, it was not her work on the pottery of
Pecos that drew their ¿ttention Rather, they focused on her 1939 study in
which she identified the temper in cooking vessels excavated from Pueblo
Bonito in Chaco Canyon sanidine basalt that originated at sources some
as
eighty kilometers from Chaco Canyon. This work suggested that there
was widespread trade or exchange ofvessels and that such movement in-
cluded huge quantities of common, unpainted cooking wares Archaeolo-
gists would evaluate ând reconfirm Shepard's discovery in the context of
new excâvation and analysis of what has come to be understood as a re-
gionally organized system centered in Chaco Canyon (Toll zoor) It has
been easier to accept "rudimentary commercial manufacturing" (Kidder
1936:xxiii) in the situation of a temporally remote, regionally organized
polity centered in Chaco Canyon than it has been to question the status
Glaze Paint Ware in Southwestern A¡chaeology / z6t
 of the inhabitants of Pecos, who were described in Spanìsh and English
chronicles as being decidedly Pueblo Indians living in a politically and
economically autonomous village and whose descendants live in pueblo
villages today.
Glaze paint l¡ìIare Reappraiseal
In the reappraisal ofher r94z study, Shepard (1965) presented rhree un_
resolved questions and a hypothetical reconstruction for the introduction
of gbze paint wa¡e. The first two questions involved the paint. Had the
first Rio Grande potters to use glaze paint secured raw ores from Western
Pueblos, or had they developed a local source? How many sources oflead
ore did the Rio Grande potters have when production ofglaze paint ware
flourished? The final question was whether in the later glaze period pot-
ters $.ere intentionally modifying the recipe of the glaze paint in order to
produce a glaze that became runny and overflowed lines, or ifthat effect
rellected a lack oftechnological control.Without the technical instrumcn_
tation to use lead isotopes to determine the source of the lead ore used in
the paint, as Huntley (chap. 6, this vol.) and Nelson and Habicht-Mauche
(chap. rr, this vol.) do, Shepard relied on copper contenr as reported for
Western Pueblo glaze paint ware and Rio Grande glaze paint rv¿Íe to sug-
gest source areas. While copper and lead may occur together geologically
(Huntley, chap. 6, this yol.), the copper content Shepard examined can
result from the glaze recipe and not necessarily reflect the source of the
ìead ore.
There are two fascinating results ofshepard's approach, one prescient
and the other possibly misleading. Shepard,s chemical analyses suggested
that the glaze paint used on early glaze-painted ware made in the Rio
Grande area had high copper content that matched the glaze paint recipes
determined spectrographically on Western Pueblo glaze-painted pottery
sherds from the Zuni region. This led Shepard ro rhe insight rhât it had
been the paint or ores rather than the pots that were exchanged (Shepard
r965:79). This conclusion matches Huntley's (chap. 6, this vol.) discovery
th¿t the isotope signature of glaze paint on early (ao rzTS To
4z.5) Zuni
glaze-paint-decorated wares, from the Zuni regìon, matches the Cerrillos
lead source near Sânta Fe some two hundred miles distant. What is pos-
sibly misleading is rhar the ânalysis that Shepard relied on as â srandârd
for Weste¡n Pueblo glaze paint ware was derived from archaeological ma_
z6z / Linda S. Cordell
terials from the Zuni region that may have been decorated with pigment
made from ores from Cerrillos or another Rio Grande region source or,
as likely, with pigment in which the glaze paint recipe was
modified by
the addition of copper. Shepard's analysis of glâze paint recipe or com-
position reveâled that the western sherds either could have been p¿inted
*i h pig-"nt mâde from ores from the Rio Grande region or that the
glaze recipe for these sherds included abundant copper'The kind ofanaly-
iis Shep"rd rlsed to infer a Zuni or western origin for Rio Grande glaze
paint cannot discriminate ore sources. Geological sources must be deter-
mined through analysis ofisotopes (Habicht-Mauche et al zooo; Huntley,
chap. 6, this vol.).
In either case, Shepard's hypothetical ïeconstruction has "a frìendly
trader" agreeing to bringthe potters ofthe Rio Grande "a little ofthe rnys-
terious paint" (Shepard I965:8o). Hence, as Shepard noted prophetically,
it is the paint, and not the pot, that is the commodity Shepard continues:
[The Rio Grande] hunters had noticed patches of
various colored
dur-
earths in the Ortiz Mountains, which had been used as body paint
ing ceremonials and for Kiva frescoes. Potters now tried these colored
earths. After a number of triåls, they were again successful These
people of the Albuquerque district now had pottery to trade They
con-
sought tr"de especially with the people ofthe Galisteo Basin who
trolled the turquoise mines, but their ware also passed into all parts of
the valley. (ShePard r94z:8o)
Shepard, in her narrative reconstruction' ties the acquisition of glaze
paint to knowledge of pigments related to kiva rituals and body paint' The
idea that glaze paint ware functioned in rituâl contexts or was associated
with kiva murals and body decoration is also suggested by Spielmann
(1998), by Eckert (chap. 3, this vol.), and byVan Keuren (chap 5, this
vol )
However, as Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins (chap 4, this vol ) remind us, it may
be a logical leap to suggest that Ancestral Pueblo potters were motivated
au-
to produce a shiny black pigment. Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins and other
thárs in this volume, especially Eckert and Herhahn, emphasize that prior
to the develoPment ofthe glaze paint series ofwares, most Pâinted
pottery
in the northern Southwest was black-on-white The black-on-white color
scheme is achieved by firing pottery in a neutral to reducing atmosphere'
allow-
The glaze-painted wares fire to a red background color achieved by
ing air to circulate tluring firing, an oxidizing atmosphere Potters needed
Glaze Paint Wa¡e in Southwestern A¡ch¿eology / 263
 a paint composition thât would remain black when the pot was fired in an
of ceramic technology were still considered experirnental. Second, there
oxidizing atmosphere. Otherwise they might have produced red_on_red,
were no data from ethnography and paleoenvironmental reconstructions
which lvould not have been visually successful. Rather than âttempting
or theory from ethnology or psychology that would encourage him to re-
to produce shiny or glassy painted designs, it is at least as likely that they
construct past behavior Later in his career, Kidder (r958 : zq -zB) berated
werc simply rrying ro produce red porrer) wirh black painr jecoration.
himself for having written a potsherd-centered history of Pecos Pueblo
Herhahn's (chap. ro, this vol.) warning that we recognize glaze paint as
and attempted to remedy this by exploring the geographic and linguistic
þøint, aîd r:lot as incipient overall glazing technology, is crucial. origins ofTänoan speakers in general and specifically ofthe Pecos Indians.
tie Huntley (chap. 6, this vol.) makes bet\ryeen the Cerrillos mines
"The This he believed could be explored through locating the source of mi-
as an ore sou¡ce and the early Zuni glaze paint wares is both intriguing
grants to Pecos who could have introduced glaze paint technology (Kid-
and potentially misleading. The selection of Cerrillos is fascinating be_
der 1958:256). Because Shepard (tg4z, 196) argued that glaze-painted
cause âs Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins (chap. 4, this vol.) and Herhahn (chap.
ware had reached Pecos most immediately and directly from the relatively
ro, this vol.) point out, a variety of more readily available materials could
proximate Galisteo Basin but earlier on from much farther west in the
have been used for pigment. Cerrillos ìs intriguing because, as Shepard
Zuni region, Kidder argued th¿t Tànoan speakers migrated into the Rio
(r965) notes, it is a source ofturquoise, ând likely the source for turquoise
Grande and Upper Pecos valleys from the region of the Western Pueblos
found at the Great Houses ofChaco Canyon (Mathien rggó). It is fasci_
of Zuni and Acoma. Hence, Kidder accepted Shepard's conclusion that
nating to speculate and wonder if the ores from Cerrillos were valued and
production of glaze paint wâre was a Western Pueblo invention. Nelson
widely exchanged becâuse they came from a sacred place where one also
and Habicht-Mauche (chap. ir, this vol.) indicate that Shepard (1942)
found the blue green stone thât had been known to people throughout the
presented her d¿t¿ for glaze production areas in a generalized way that
Southwest from the time ofthe ascendancy of Chaco Canyon. Use ofthe
homogenized sources ofraw materials. This has led to interpretations that
Cerrillos source by the potters at Zuni may have been ¿ continuation of
suggest more specialization at the village or district level, and her con-
their use of the Cerrillos mines for turquoise when their ancesto¡s were
clusion is open to question. Because Kidder did not accept the implica-
part ofa netlvork centered ât Châco Canyon. On the other hand, this sce_
tions ofShepard's suggestion that enormous quantities ofglaze paint ware
nario is potentially misleading if the earliest glaze paint wâre wâs being
had been exchanged óver long distances, he focused on the possible di-
made in the Rio Grande or in several areas including the Rio Grande, and
rections of miBration. Kidder also did not incorporare Shepard's findings
was valued because the ore pigment was available and fired black on a red
thât, in some cases, pigment ores were being distributed independently
background and not bec¿use the pigment was associated with a ritually
of the pots. That too might have suggested production in contexts that
important source. The assumed temporal priority of western glaze paint
transcended household or r. illage organization.
ware is something I address briefly again below.
In sum, the châpters in this volume derive from and reflect on a com-
Finally, Shepard (rg4z:zr8) investigated the runny characrer ofrhe lâte
plicated set ofdebâtes about Ancestral Pueblo culture history. These de-
glaze paint. She concluded th¿t the fluid late glazes were a product
ofdiË bates involve judgments about whether or not Ancestral Pueblo com-
ferent glaze recipes rhat included more lead, and did not signal a lack of munities in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were economicall¡
manuâl control over the pâinr (Sheparð, tg4z:ztg). Shepard did not sug_
soci¿lly, ând politically independent of one another and wherher or nor
gest what may have motivated potters to produce runny paints.
Recently, Ancestral Pueblos had "rudimentary commercial manufacturing" (Kid-
Spielmann, Mobley-Tanaka, and Potter (rgg9) have proposed that use of
'runny paints deliberately hid design der 1936:xxiii) ofglaze paint wares. The arguments were not resolved in
elements from Spânish missionaries Kidder and Shepard's time and are only now being resumed. In Kidder's
and colonists.
day, there was concern about the reliability of Shepard's analytical meth-
Kidder's (1942) reluctânce to wrire culture history on the basis ofpot_
ods as well as whether there was good "theory" for inferring social organi-
tery technology tvas based on two considerations. First, the techniques
zation and chânge from material culture (Kidder r94z:ii). The production

z6+ / Linda S. Co¡dell Glaze Paint Ware in Southwestern Archaeology / 265

 and distribution of glaze-paint-decorated ware were not debated within
the context of events, people, or processes of Ancestral Pueblo culture
history.
Fast Forward
Kidder's (r942:ii) concerns ¿bout the reliability oftechnological analyses
and the process of inference in archaeology have substantially been al-
layed in modern archaeology. As amply demonstrated by all the contri-
butions to this volume, technological analysis of ceramics, if not routine,
has certainly moved far beyond the experimental stage. Analytical tech-
niques and instrumentation provide quantitative, as well as qualitative,
data. The number of ceramic analytic studies gives us much better cover-
âge thân we had in the past. Also heartening are the instances, such as
Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins (chap. 4, this vol.), Herhahn (chap. ro, this vol.),
and Leonard (chap. 13, this vol.) in which ¿uthors incorporâte the re-
sults ofprevious analyses, demonstrating that we can and do build on past
research. The paleoenvironmentâl reconstructions that Kidder (r94z:ii)
wished to include, while never as detailed as one would wish, are per-
haps better documented than they are for any other part of the world,
largely because of the remarkable work of the Laboratory of Tree-Ring
Research at the University of Arizona (J. S. Dean 1996; Dean and Van
West 2oo2; Rose, Dean, and Robinson r98r). Finally, modern survey and
excavation have once again focused on the Pueblo IV period, yielding very
high quality contextual information (e.9., as reported in E. C. Adams and
Duffzoo4; Duffzooz;Habicht-Mauche r993a; Mills, ed., zooo; Mills and
Herr 1999; Nelson and Schachner zooz; Spielmann, ed., 1998; and the
chapters in this book). Änd yet, we have not written the culture history
that would "tr¿ce the complex series ofevents the migrations, the wars,
ri the developments and clashes of societies and cults" (Kidder ry42:ü)-
ri nor have we precisely described the social lives of glaze paint ware for
ii which Habicht-Mauche (chap. r, this vol.) encourâges us to sftive.
I
In our comments at the symposium from which this volume derives,
ir
Miriam Stark and I called for the specification oftheory to guide interpre-
ji
tation. In this volume, Habicht-Mauche and Stark draw on the perspec-
tives offered by practice theory (Bourdieu ryV). Stark (chap. 2, this vol.)
also calls on the anthropology of technology (Lemonnier 1986) and the
luse ol chøîne opérøtoire as at analytic research tool (Dobres zooo; Leroi-
266 / Linda S. Cordell
Gourhan 1993, Stark rg98 and chap. z, this vol.). I agree that all ofthese
sources offer useful perspectives, as demonstrated by many of the con-
tributors to this volume. Nevertheless, I also frnd that there seems to be
something missing within these theoretical constructs that is necessary
in order to link them to archaeological data and to develop confidence in
our infe¡ences about dynamic culture history. One problem derives from
the focus on production afforded by ceramic technological analysis, rather
than what we see archaeologically, which is the distribution of pottery
from contexts of production to their locations of use, final discard, and
eventual recovery. If we are to explore the social lives ofpots, we will need
to address their complete life histories. Another problem relates to the
scale and precision offocus on individual agents, be they mindful or un-
âware âctors, and the aggregate nature of archaeological data. I explore
each of these briefly within the context of questions about the ultimate
source of glaze paint ware technolosy and the mechanisms of transfer of
that technology. Finally, I comment briefly on one general challenge of
integrating anthropology and archaeology.
Ceramic technology focuses our attention on the geological prove-
nance of materials and on, in the câse before us in this volume, pre-
Hispanic rnethods ofproduction. Archaeologists find ceramics most often
in the context oftheir final use and discard. Especially for the glâze-paint-
decorated wares, we ânticipate that the loci of production and archaeo-
logical recovery were not the same. We seem to lack theory that focuses on
distribution and the consumer end of the pottery life cycle. The studies
that hâve used a chaîne opératoire approach have so far focused on pro-
duction rather than distribution ând consumption. I realize this is not a
fâult ofthe chaîne opératoire perspective itself. Rather, the approach re-
quires expansion. In this volume, the chapters by Capone, Van Keuren,
and Leonard call for such a change in vântâge point toward understand-
ing distribution and consumption. For Capone, expedient production, as
she defines it, was a response to the demands for quantity by the Span-
ish consumers of the pottery in the Mission period. Theory relating to
the influence of consumer demands on production could be expanded
using comparative ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological data, such as
that provided by Arnold's (r99g) study ofmodern Maya tourist pottery
and Stark's (r999) study ofKalinga pottery. A different perspective on re-
lationships between producers and consumers of Rio Grande Glaze Ware
is given by Spielmann, Mobley-Tänanka, and Potter (1999), who argue
Glaze Paint Wa¡e in Southweste¡n Archaeology / 267
 that the runny quality of seventeenth-century glaze wale can be inter-
preted as an âct of resistance in which Pueblo potters obscured indige-
nous designs from the Spanish. For Van Keuren, it becornes important
to understand what is "acceptable" to the eventual users or viewers of
Fourmile Polychrome vessels. Whether or not, or in what ways, the de-
sign errors Van Keuren notes in the copies of White Mountain Red Ware
were acceptable to the eventual populations in which they were adopted
requires an understanding both of consumer demands ¿nd what I think
of as literacy in the semantics of design. The latter is also an issue that
requires a larger theoretical and comparative perspective. For example,
similar problems arise, although in a very different context, in the study
literacy among some classes of Maya scribes (Houston rgg3). Leonard's
concern is also with the distribution, not the production, of glaze paint
wâre on the southern Great Plains. While the technoloBical aspects of the
ceramics she is dealing with allow her to specify production source loca-
tions, the mechanisms that operated to distribute the wares on the plains
remain difficult to discern. In addition, while Leonard is appropriately
concerned about the nature ofher sample, the broad geographic and tem-
poral frameworks within which her datâ are situâted suggest any number
of distribution scenarios. This might be a situation in which compurer
simulation is a useful tool for further analysis.
The very complicated issues surrounding the origins of glaze paint
technology in the Zuni and Rio Grande regions (Huntley, chap. 6, this
vol.; Herhahn, chap. ro, this vol.) involve problems of definition, of dis-
tribution, and ofscale. Huntley finds one variety ofSr. Johns Polychrome
at Zuni that is painted with a glaze paìnt the ore sou¡ce for which is most
likely Cerrillos. St. Johns Polychrome is one ofthe most widely distributed
ofâll southwestern pottery types with no concentration oftree-ring dates
(Breternitz rg66; Hawley r936); although Breternitz (r966:93) gives best
dates ofbetween rzoo ând about r3oo. St. Johns is considered indigenous
to sites in the upper Little Colorado and is present at pecos, at Albu-
querque âreâ sites, in Chaco Canyon, at Kinishba, on the pajarito plateau,
in the Jeddito area, and elsewhere (Breternitz 1966:93). At how many of
these locations and occurrences is the variety ofSt. Johns decorâted with
glaze paintl Among those that are decorated with glaze paint, what are
the sources ofthe pigment oresl Huntley also found Cerrillos lead/copper
ore in Heshotauthla Polychrome, â type thar is also very widely distrib-
uted and about which the same questions need to be asked. Kwakina, the
268 / Linda S. Cordell
third Zuni glaze type that Huntley (chap. 6, this vol.) examined is not as
widely distributed as the other two tyPes.
Huntley (chap. ó, this vol.) notes thât the St. Johns Polychrome she
studied from the Zuniregion shows intraregional vâriation in clay sources.
Schachner (chap. 7, this vol.) cites work from the Silver Creek area indi-
cåting a restricted suite ofclays for the type. At this point, we do not know
how many sources ofproduction ofthe clay body there were for St. Johns
Polychrome and how variable they might have been from one district or
site cluster to another St. Johns Polychrome is predominantly sherd tem-
pered, although sand may also be included. For this reason' petrographic
of identifrcation of ternper will not be sufrcient to determine the locations
in which the type was mânufactured; chemical characterization of clays
will be required.
Although Shepard's (r965) work, discussed above, and Huntley's work
in this volume provide strong evidence that the glaze paint used in St.
we do
Johns Polychrome was exchanged independently of the clay body,
not at this point know how many different sources ofthe paint there were.
Our only inforrnation on the geological provenance ofthe St. Johns Poly-
chrome glaze pigment lead ore comes from pottery from sites at Zuni
and Huntley's sample, indicating the Cerrillos ores as source. We do not
know wh¿t was being exchanged in all cases, whether ore' paint, finished
vessels, or clay bodies. I believe that future research needs be directed
toward a reexamination and reevaluation of variability within St. Johns
Polychrome and other early Western Pueblo glaze types, such as Hesho-
tauthla; however, that research alone will not be sufficient to understand
the potential sociâl contexts ofthe use-and discard of these types. Re-
search must also focus on the archaeological contexts within which these
glaze-painted types and variants occu¡. Where and when does the glaze
variety, for example, constitute more than a small percentage ofthe deco-
rated wares at specific sitesl Until we understand how St. Johns Poly-
chrome and its physical constituents (clays, temper, pigment ores) were
distributed, the ultimate source of the type is just one of many queries.
While we may be able to describe the context of St. Johns Polychrome
in Huntley's sample from Zuni, we need a large geographic area and a
statistically reliable sâmple ofcontexts to begin to define the social fabric
within u hich this pottery moved.
A number of the chapters in this volume, specifically contributions by
Nelson and Habicht-Mauche, Laumbach, and Schachner, and Eckert's
Glaze Paint Ware in Southwestern Archaeology / z69
discussion ofblack-on-white to glaze-on-red, describe social networks at
¿ regional scâle from the perspective of predominantly site-specific or
site cluster contexts. Although the contributors to this volume accept the
notion that pre-Hispanic Pueblo villages were not economically and so-
cially autonomous, they nevertheless vary in their scrutiny of issues of
simultaneous occupâtions among sites. It makes a big difference in all
discussions of social networks that the communities involved be demon-
strahly contemporary. How sure are we that neighboring sites were par-
ticipating in different social networks rather than being chronologically
separated? Are we, in some cases, describing a sociål network when the
behavior might have been a relocation ofthe same people from one settle-
ment to ânother? Laumbach's very careful analysis ofthe context ofPin-
nacle Ruin is amodel for the inquiry that is required. As Laumbach shows,
different scenarios for the establishment ofPinnacle Ruin and the ceramic
assemblage at that site depend on the size ofthe immigrant group and the
occupational status ofneighboring communities. This is not easy, because
we know from excav¿tions that Pueblo IV sites frequently were occupied
either for relatively short periods or often have lacunae in theiroccupation
histories.
All of our discussions of social networks call for further development
of theory. It seems unlikely that networks of economic exchange are the
equivâlents ofethnic or linguistic groups, although it is often difficult for
us to sepâÍâte these conceptually. As we know, group affili¿tions and their
tangible markers are mutable, contextual, and may not be visible in aggre-
gated archaeological data (Cordell and Yannie rggr; Preucel in press). We
need more studies like that of James Skibo, Michael Schiffe¡ and Nancy
Kowalski (r989) that go back to archaeological data to reevaluate previous
inferences about postmarital residence that were based on distributions of
pottery design elements in Ancestral Pueblo sites.We need to worry about
whether or not the scale ofour observations fits the scale ofour interprc-
tations. I suspect that one reason that so mâny authors rely on Pâüicia
Crown's (1994) conclusion that the Salado Polychromes represent â re-
gional cult is thât the scale of Crown's analysis is appropriate to the kinds
ofnetworks they have in rnind. Yet, Crown was, correctl¡ looking at ico-
nography. She was not describing a regional cult on rhe basis of details
ofthe technology ofproduction, many ofwhich, such as variation in clay
bodies or ore sources, may not be visible in the finished products. The
invisible details may indeed reflect habitus and may have much more to
z7o / Linda S. Cordell
do with networks of learning and enculturation than rvith shared rituals
or ideologies. We need to know more about the contexts of distribution
and especially of use to begin to develop bridging arguments that assign
social meaninB to technologically distinct wares. We need more studies
like Crown's (1994) study of iconography, and the study by Spielmann,
Mobley-Tanaka, and Potter (1999) of style and social resistance. We also
need more studies like Spielmann's (1998) comparison of Rio Grande
WhiteWare bowl sizes and Rio Grande GlazeWare bowl sizes. She argues
that the large bowls that are prominent in early Rio Grande glaze assem-
blages signal large numbers of consumers and a different, more public,
ritual context of use. These studies focus on markedly visible attributes
of pottery that ârguably display information about affiliation.
None of us underestimates the dimculty of moving from archaeologi-
cal data to anthropological interpretations, from pots and potsherds to
interactions among people over time. I have suggested thât we need more
analyses at scales appropriate to the ¿ggregate nature of much archaeo-
logical data thât âre the products of cultural and natural formation pro-
cesses (Schiffer 1987). I believe that ethnoarchaeological and ethnohis-
toric research, ceramic life-history studies, and computer simul¿tions will
be useful in this endeavor. Shepard's work (Kidder and Shepard 1936;
Shepard Ig4z) showed us the ways that technological analysis ofarchaeo-
logical ceramics could illuminate social interaction and social change The
contributors to this volume follow her direction and move us forward
with studies that enhance our understanding of the culture history of
the Southwest, add to anthropological studies of material culture, and,
not incidentall¡ provide a better understânding ofthe diverse social lives
of pots.
Acknowledgments
I thank the editors of this volume for inviting my particip¿tion and for
their fine editorial suggestions. This chapter has benefited from comments
from the archaeology lunch group at the University of Colorado, Boul-
der: Douglas Bamforth, Catherine Cameron, ArthurJoyce' Steve Lekson'
Payson Sheets, ând especially Rich¿rd Wilshusen. I gratefully acknowl-
edge, although I did not always follow, excellent editorial advice from Nor-
man Yoffee. None ofthese gracious individuals is responsible for the final
product.
Glaze Paint Ware in Southwestern Archaeology f z7t
 Notes

Chapter 5. Decorating Glaze-Painted Pottery

in East-Central Arizona
r. Fourteenth-century White Mountâin Red Ware types rarely exhibit a full glaze'
¡s other authors in this volume point out (see Fenn, Mills, and Hopkins, chap 4'
this vol.).

ChaPter 6. From ReciPe to ldentitY:

Exploring Zuni Glaze Ware Communities of Practice
r- Based on recent ceramic seriation (Huntley zoo4; Huntley and Kintigh zoo4)'
¿
and Pueblo de
excavated assemblages from Heshotauthla' Cienega, Mirabal, Atsinna,
from Box Pueblo can be classifred as relatively
los Muertos and surface collections S
Village
early and late components within the Pueblo IV period The Lower Pescado
in the seriation but appeârs to fall within the late portion
collection was not included
of the Pueblo IV Period.
z. Herhahn (chap ro, this vol.) identifles lead-manganese glaze paints as
char-
A glazes While the glazes discussed in this
acteristic of ce¡tain Rio Grande Glaze
chapter a¡e on grog-tempered sherds and thus likely made in the Zuni region' the
paints may indicate close ties with early Rio G¡ande potters'
high-manganese
-3.
r-t"rt. *"r" u."dto evaluate the statistical signifrcance ofdifle¡e¡ces betveen
the groups (see Huntley zoo4:table 7.4).
to com-
;. Fisher's Exact test is commonly used instead ofthe chi-square statistic
pute exact probabilities for 2 x 2 contjngency hbles involving relatively smallsample
sizes H. Thomas 1986:z9r). For a given z x z table, Fisher's Exact probability in-
1D
dicates the likelihood ofobtaining result where the obse¡ved cell frequencies deviate
a of the earliest occur¡ences of Harvikuh types in the Halvikku rrench as well (levels
as much o¡ more thaû the expecled cell f¡equencies ifthe variables being examined 5 through 8). Mixirg in the Hawikku trench is attested to by the presence of small
are truly independent. I used rhe FISHER program available in Kintigh's (2oo2) Tlols amounts ofBlack-on-¡ed ceramics throughout, acalego¡yHodge aPparently reserved
for Pueblo III types (Smith, Woodbury, and Woodbury 1966: r7r).
fù Qøntitatioe Archaeology to compute probabilities.
5. See Hundey (2oo4) for sample proveniences, as rvell as a complete discussion 4. Note that thesc results derive frorn post-ao r4oo examples, thus yielding a dif-
of sample preparation and analysis procedures. fe¡ent result f¡o¡n studies by Duff(zooz) orHuntley (chap.6, this vol.) that focused on
6. A regression line is defined as the best-6t strâight line between data points on pot¡ery produced during the fourteenth century and identifred a diversity of sources
a biva¡iâre sc¿tter plot (Shen¡an r997:r36-37). for Zuni GlazeWare.This change may relate to dramatic shifts in settlcment location
7.flerhahn (chap. ro, this vol.) reports that Rio Grande Glaze A paints are com- discussed later in rhis chapter
positionally similar to Zuni glazes, but that post-ao r4oo glazes diffe¡ in overall lead
contentandùse ofcoloranrs. Mo¡eover, glaze replication experirnents (Herhahn r995, Chapter 13. Directionality and Exclusivity of Plains-Pueblo
chap. ro, this vol.; Herhahn and Blinman rg99) suggest that Rio Grande glazes can
Exchange during the Protohistoric Period
be made using a simple mixlu¡e ofpowdered ore and water. Thus, Rio Grande glaze
technology did not necessarily involve the use ofglaze recipes requiring multiple raw r. The relarionship between the Faraones Ápaches and the prehistoric archaeo-
materials in specifrc p¡opoÍtions. logical complexes oftheTèxas P¿nhandle is not cle¿¡. In the ethnohistoric literatu¡e,
the Fârâones are repeatedly distinguished from theJumâno and Tèya. Howeve¡ they
are often confl¿ted with the Qrerecho.
Chapter 7. The DecLine of Zuni Glaze Ware Production
in the Tumultuous Fifteenth Century
r. For the purposes of this chapter, when using the term Zuni Glaze Ware, I arn
referring to Krvakina Polychrome, Heshotauthl¿ Black-on-red ând Polychrome, Pin-
n¿wa Glaze-on-white, and Kechiparvan Polychrome. In some cases, Krvakina and
Heshotauthla are grouped with White Mountain Red Ware (see Carlson rgTo).
z. Another glaze-painted ceramic type is found at Zuni, but its relâtionship to the
Zuni Glaze Ware sequence discussed here is questionable. Hawikuh Polychrorne rvas
produced after the construction ofmissions atHalona:wa (ZuniPueblo) and Hawikku
in 16z9 and ceased production during the Pueblo Revol¡ of 168o. A break ofapproxi-
mâtely roo-r75 years occu¡red between the production ofthis type and the primary
Zuni Glaze Ware sequence. Hawikuh Polychrome is quite different in form and style
from earlier Zuni types (Mills rgg5, zooza; Woodbury and Woodbury r966:33r-34),
suggesting little continuity in ceramic traditions. Va¡ious authors have suggested its
mârufacture was spurred on by missionization and probably the movement of Rio
Grande or Acoma potters to the Zuni ¿reÈ (Mills rg95, 2oo2a; Seventh Southwestern
Ceramic Seminar r 965; Woodbury and \ ooJbury r9ó6:334).Thus while thìs chapter
refers to the demise ofZuni Glaze Ware production, readers might also be interested
in exploring references discussing its "revival" and subseqùent decline over a short
span almost two certuries ìater (Mills rgg5, zooza).
3. Sherds from some glaze-painted Hawikuh types are presentin level6 and above
ât Zuri Middle Village. This could be interpreted âs eviderce for continuity in the
glaze ware sequence, but I would suggest thât their p¡esence is most likely the result
of minor mixing ofdeposits. Only forty-two sherds of Hawikuh types rvere identifred
in the exc¡vation unit (levels 6 through ro). For comparison, forty-nine definitively
post-Pueblo Revolt matte-paintcd polychrome sherds (see Mills zooza) were found
in the same levels (Mills zoozb). A similar explanation probably accounts for some

274 / Notes Notes / 275

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Judith A. Habicht-Mau€he. Department of Anthropology, University of

California, rr56 HiBh Street, Santa Cruz, CA 95oó4. judith@ucsc.edu

Cynthia L. Herhahn. Bandelier National Monument, rS Entrânce Road,

Los Alamos, NM 87544. cynthia-herhahn@nps.gov

Maren Hopkins. Depârtment of Anthropology, University of Arizona, PO.

Box zroo3o, Tucson, AZ 87 S2r-oo3o. mhopkins@northlandresearch com

Deborah L. Huntley. Southwest Archaeological Consultants, Inc., PO.

Box 86r7, Santa Fe, NM 875o4-86r7. debhuntley@aol.com

314 / Bibliography
Toni S. Laumbach. New Mexico Farm and Ranch Heritage Museum,
4roo Dripping Springs Road, Las Cruces, NM, 88orr. toni.laumbach@
state.nm.us
About the Editors
Kathryn Leonard. Arizona State Historic Preservation Office, Arizona
State Parks, r3oo W. Washington St., Phoenix, AZ. Kleonard@pr.state
.az.us

Barbara J. Mills. Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona,

PO. Box zroo3o, Tucson, AZ 8752r-oogo. bmills@email.arizona.edu

Kit Nelson. Department of Anthropology, Tülane University, rozr Audu-

bon Street, New Orleans, LA 7orr8. knelsonr@tulane.edu
Gregson Schachner. School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Ari-
zona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-z4oz. schachner@asu.edu
Miria¡n T. Stark. Department of Anthropology, University of Hawai'i,
z4z4 Malle Way, Saunders 346, Honolulu, Hl 968zz. miriams@hawaii
Judith A. Ilabicht-Mauche is chair of the Depârtment of Anthropology
.edu
at the University ofCalifornia, Santa Cruz. Professor Habicht-Mauche's
Scott Van Keuren, Natural History Museum ofLos Angeles County, 9oo research interests include the study ofthe organization ofproduction and
Exposition Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA gooo7. svankeur@nhm.org exchange ofancient pottery from the American Southwest and Southern
Plains. She received her doctorate in anthropology from Harvard Uni-
versity in 1988. Her dissertation on interaction between Pueblo farmers
ofthe Southwest and bison-hunting nomads ofthe Southern Plains won
the rg88 Society for American Archaeology Dissertation Prize. In 1993,
she published The Pottery from Arroyo Hond,o Pueblo, Neø A4exico: Tì'ibal-
izøtion Tiade in the Northern Rio Grande with the School of Ameri-
a.nd.

can Research Press in Santa Fe. In rg97, Professor Habicht-Mauche was

awarded an Nsr grant, with geochemist A. Russell Flegal, to explore the
application oflead isotope analysis, using rcr-lrs, to the sourcing ofslaze-
painted ceramics from the Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico. A poster
based on early results of this collaborative research won the Outstand-
ing Poster Award (Profession¿l Category) at the rggT Annual Meeting of
the Society for American Archaeology in Nashville, Tennessee. She has
published articles in various regional, national, and international iournals,
ircluding Plains Anthroþologist àrrd rhe Journøl of Archøeologicøl Sc ience.

Suzanne L. Eckert has studied how pre-Hispanic Pueblo social dynam-

ics articulate with material culture (especially pottery) for the past fifteen

316 / Contdbutors
years. She hâs worked primarily in the Zuni, upper Little Colorado River,
and central Rio Grande regions. She has ex¿mined the relationship be-
tween ritual organization and village size, how disease ¿ffected protohis-
toric demographic patterns, and the development and spread ofritual sys- Index
tems. Her dissertation work focused on how fourteenth-century Pueblo
potters decorated their vessels to signal multiple, and often contradictory,
aspects of their social identity. Recently graduated from Arizona State
Unive¡sity with a PhD in anthropology, she taught ât the University of
California at Santa Cruz and the University of Utah before joining Texas
A&M as assistant professor ofanthropology. Her current research focuses
on the spread of glaze technology into the Rio Grande region and the
development and decline of ceramic technology in pre-colonial Samoa.

Deborah L. Huntley has spent more than a decade studying pre-

Columbian social organization, ceramic exchange, craft specialization,
and intraregional interaction in the American Southwest. She has con-
ducted archaeological research in the central Rio Grande Valley and the Abô Preblo, zo4, zz5, zz7
Zuni region of New Mexico, as well as the southern coastal and desert Acoma Glaze Ware, series of tyPes ot
areas ofCalifornia. Her current research interests include understanding
Acoma region: experimentarion in, 5;
howancestral Pueblo populations used technological and decorative styles
glaze lrare rechnologes ìn, z7; rechno-
of material culture to express multiple social identities and create social logical practices in, t8
boundaries. She received her PhD from Arizona State IJniversity and is aesthetics: pottery and, ix, r83
a project director for Southwest Archaeological Consultants in Santa Fe. agercy theory,zr zz
Ame¡ican Southwest: state of archaeology
in,3z
anâlytical techniques designared, 6
Appadurai, Arjun, 7, ro
archaeological sites, 8-9
archaeologists: and anthropology of
rechnology approach. r8 zo; archaeo-
logical ceramicists, 3z; and chaîne
opératoire appto cí, ro, ¡9; ¡s con-
sume¡s ofexlern¿l theory 32; ¿nd the
French approach. r9-zo; and practice
theory, 19-23
,A.¡izona. S¿¿ east-cent¡al A¡izona
Arroyo Hondo, 53-54, r53, 166-78
Bailey Ruin site, 62, 64, 66-84, ro3
black-on-white ¿rr. glaze-painred ceram-
ics: in central Rio Grande Valley,
13 r4; in lower Rio Puerco region,
f3 14
Bouidieu, Pierre, rr, zo-zr
brushstroke sequences, 24, 94-97, 99,
ror, ro3-4
Bryant Ranch Pueblo site, 6z-85; feasting
at, 83
carbon paint wares, 15, zg; in Rio Alamosa
rcgior, 14z-46, r49, r5r, r54, I59-6o;
in Rio Grande Valley region, 164, 169,
t72, \75,182
Casas Grandes, r58; glaze-painted vesseìs
in,34,38, r5r
Cedar Creek Polychrome potterf 35,
38 39,64-65
cent¡al Rio G¡ande Valley region, 13,
r5; black-on-white os. glaze-painted
ceramics in, r3-r4; composirional
analyses ofceramics in, 25; contac!
with Zuni region, r5; glaze lvares in,
r63-78: interacrion, inlegration in, ¡4i
óigrations and, r75-76; pottery types
in, r66-74; white wa¡e production in,
29-30
ceramics: ethnoa¡chaeological research

318 / About the Editors

 on, 32; materiâl characterization, tools
for, ix. Sae a/sa technological practices
rhaî e o!énttoûe to, tg
^pptoach,
Chodistaas Pueblo, 66
Cibola White 1Vare, 37, 95; compositional
analysis oÇ 66-83; replaced by red
ware, zg; in Silver Creek area, 63-66
Cieneguilla (aka T2eguma) Pueblq zoz,
communities ofpractice, z5-27; in east-
central .{-rizona, 9r-94, 99-ro3; future
research in, 31 3z; geographic clus-
ters and, z6-27; glaze wares and, rz;
p¡actice theory and, 23; ií Zuni Gløze
Ware, ro5 z3
compositional analysis: of cent¡al Rio
Grande ceramics, z5; of Cibola White
Ware, 66 8z; ofRio Grande Valley
glaze wares, r84-gz, zor-8, zr8-23,
zz7-28; of White Mountain Red Ware,
66-82; of Zuni Glaze Ware, ro9-zo
copper-based pigments: experimentation
with, 5; migrations and, r8; and shift
to low-copper paints, 29
Cordell, Linda S., x
cultu¡al biography of thiûgs, ro
cultural transmission, 3o-3r
difusion and cultur¿l transmission, 3o-3r
Early Contact Period, ix, x; glaze wares
and, ro
east-central Arizonq 26; glaze wares in,
86 ro4
electron microprobe, ix
ethûoarchaeologists, 3r-32
exch¿nge networks: culturâl preference
and, 238; directionality o( 238-39; in
east-central Arizona, 86 ro4; exclu-
sivity and, 237-39; expansion of 34;
in Rio Grande Valley region, 54-55,
163 66, r7z, 175-77, 197-98, zro-r3
feasLing: at Bryant Ranch Pueblo site,
84; in east-cenrral Arizona) IoI; pots
32o
used in, 5, r3; in Rio Grande Valley re-
gton, 165, 176, zog,zz5-26; in Silver
Creek region, 6,2-63. 8,2-85; in Zuni
region, ro7
formulas. Sae glaze paint recipes
Four Corners region: early use ofglaze in,
r7; experimentation in, 12; glâze wares
in, 34, 6o
Fourmile Polychrome ponery, 35, 38-
4o, 59, 64 65, 84-85; in e¿st-central
,{rizona, 87-88, 9o-9r, 95-99, ror-4;
as element in Zuni Glaze Ware) r28;
miscoding of, r3; painring style of. 95-
99; in Rio Grande Valley region, r85,
r87-9r, r95,268
Fourmile Pueblo, 63
Fourmile Ruin site, 62, 66 67,7r, 78-8o,
89, gt, gg
Fourmile-style pors, 13
Galisteo Pueblq 53
Gallinas Springs Pueblo, r4z, 146, t53-
54, r56-58
Garza Complex sires, z3z, 234, 48 39;
glaze wares at, z3g-49, z5z
geochemical analysis, ix, 6
geographic clusters, 26-27
glâze paint recipes: colorants for, 5; and
copper-based pigments, 5; in east-
central ,{rizona, 87, roz; fluxes fo5
5-6; high-lead, low-copper paints, z9;
and lead-based pigments, 5; low-lead,
high-copper paints, zg; in Mogollon
Rim area, z9; in Mogollon Rim region,
z8; in Rio Grande Valley region, 29,
164, r7g-Bz, û4, r8g, rgr-95, z6z-
64; in Silver Creek ¡egion, 13, 6o-6r,
fu, 66, 7r, 14-75, 78-79, 8r, 84 85;
in Zuni region, r4,28, ro5, ro8, rro,
tl2-f3, t2r 22
glaze wares: in ,{coma region, z7; and
anthropology of technology approach,
rg-zo; and brushstroke sequences,
83- z4; and thøîne olératoire approach, ro,
r9-zo; changes in timing nature, and
/ t¡dex
conterrs of, 27 -Jo: Cibola Whi¡e Ware, Heshotauthla Pueblq r13
zg; and comrnunities ofpractice, rz; High Plains. .Sd¿ southern High Plains
cultu¡al transmission of, 3o-3I; design region
sryles, 39, 58-59; distribution, 34- Hummingbird Pueblo, 3I, 48, 166-7o,
35; in east-central Atizona, 86 ro4; r7z-76, r78
cxchange patterns foç 6: in Four Cor-
ners region, ,7. J4; at Garza Complex ICP-MS analysis, ix, 6
siæs, z3g 49, z5z;lCP-MS analysis ideologies: pottery and, ix
of 6; INAÄ analysis of, 6; indigenous IN.{,{ analysis, ix, 6
developmenr of,5; innovarions in, z7- inducrively coupled plasma mass spectro-
3o; in Little Colorado rcg¡otr, z7 , 4o, scopy, ix, 6
58,65, rz8, r35, I39, r84,268; and insrrume¡tal neutron activation analysis,
local systems, lócal settlement clùs- ix, 6
ters, 26; map ofp¡oduction a¡eas, 36; Isleta Pueblq ro7
meaning of, as things, 7, ro; migration
effecl on, 3, 5; in Mogollon Rim re- Kotyiti Pueblo, 2r8
gion. ,27-28: optical petrography of, 6;
origins of. 3o; paint combinations. 57- Late Precontact Period, ix, x, 3, 5; glaze
58; petrographic analysis of 15; and wares ard, ro. ,S¿¿ dfu¿ Pueblo IV
Pl¿ins-Pueblo exchanges, 232-52; period
^nd
prâct¡ce lheory ìn archaeology. rO-23; leâd-based pigments: experimentation
and producer-consumer relationships, with, 5; migmtions aûd, 18; and shift
z4; productioo, 34-35; and Pueblo to high-lead paints, z9; Zuni potters
social life, 6; red ware, zg; and regional and, z4
systemq 26; resource acquisition for, Little Colorado region. Sø¿ upper Little
ó, r5i in Rio Alamosa regìon, r4z 6z; Colorado region
in Rio Crande Valley region.:7. r63- Llano Estacado escarpme\\ 232-34
.23 r, 253-7r: series of rypes of 35-56; local systems, local settlement cÌuslers, 26
in Silver Creel. area. 6o 85: slip color Lower Rio Pue¡co ofthe East Glaze Ware,
våriations, 56-57; soci¿l contexts of ,¡8
changes in, z8 3o; social history of, lower Rio Puerco regton,6, 14,47,46,
ro-rr) r2-I6; ¡nd social lives ofPots, 163, r7z, rgo; black-on-white ¿rs.
z3-25; stylistic analyses of, 6; tech- glaze-painted ceramics in, 13-r4
nology adoption, z7; at Tiera Blaûc¡
Complex siles, 23q 5o.,r5z; typologi- macrogrouPs) 26
cal analysis o(
6, 35-55; in western Matsaki Buff Ware, 25 , t24, 129-33,
Mexicq 34; White Mountain Red r38-4r
Ware, z4; Zutri Glaze Ware, ro5-4r; Mesa Verde, 14z-46, r48-5o, 153-55;
ir Zrni rcgion, z7 culture area of r4z-43; immigrant
Gran Q¡rivira Pueblo, 136, r85, 186, zr9, community in, 15
233,250 Mexico. Scc western Mexico
Grasshopper Pueblq 89,95, 97, tot microprobe, ix
migrations: ard ceDtral Rio Grande Valley
habitus, rt, zr-zz: rnd commr¡nities of region, r75-76; cultural ûansmission
pfâctice) 25 and, 3o 3r; efect of, 3, 5; efect on
frÅex / 3zr

Rìo Alamosa region. t4z 6z: and Pot-
tery production, 34; series of r7 18;
tracking by ceramics, r8
mineral paints, zg
Mogollon Rim region, r3; Cibola White
Ware replâced bj red ware in' zg; ex-
perimentation in, z8 29; g]^ze P irrt
produttion in, 6o; glaze wa¡e tech-
nologies in, z7-28; migrants from, 28'
3r; pottery Production grouPs in, z5;
Silver Creek area of 6o-85
New ,{rchaeology, zz, z5
nucleated pueblos, 106, lo9, r22
Nuestra Señora de Dolores Pueblo, 54-55
optical petrograPhy of glaze wares, 6
ore sources, 8-9; for Rio Grande Glaze
Ware, rgz,263-64,268, z7o; in Silver
Creek region, 85; for Zuni Glaze Ware,
tt2-r4, 6, ü8-2o
Pecos and Rio Gr¿nde Glaze Ware, series
of types of
49-56
Pecos Pueblo, 49, 55, 2o4,235-36, z4t,
248,25o, 256-58, 265
petrographic analysis, t5,r7z, t&z, t85,
tg7 1 2OO' 202-31 205-7, 2ro \ t' 21
zt8-24, z3r' 257, z69
Picuris Pueblo, 235
Pindi Pueblo, 53
Pinedale Black-on-¡ed and Polychrome
in.{coma
Potte¡Y, 35, 37-39, 58-59;
Glaze ware, 44; in east-centlal Ari-
zona, 87-88, 9o, 95 96, 99, Ior 3; at
Pinnacle Ruin site, rqz-53,46-57,
r6I; ìn Rio Alamosa region' t47-49;
in Rio Grande ValleY region' r84; in
Silver Creek region, 6 4-65,7\78-
79, 8rl in Zunì Glaze Ware. 40-42;
Zuni region, rz8
Pinedale Pueblq 38
Pinnâcle Ruin site, 15; Pottery rypes at'
r44-\3
Plains-Pueblo relation s, 25, z7; arl,d glaze
ware exchangq z3z-52
Point ofPines Pueblq 89-9o, 97
pottery design styles, 39; in €ast-central
Arizona, 86 ro4; Painting Fourmile
style,95-98
The Pouerl from Ano1,o Hondo Pueblo,
Neø Metico (Habrcht-Mauche),
Ponery Hill site, 6z-63, 8z-83
pottery lypes: in central Rio Crande Val-
ley region, 166-74; at Pinnacle Ruin
site, 144-53; in Silver Creek area'
63-66, 7z; typological analYsis of, 6,
35-55; in Zuni vill¡ges, ro5-4I
pr¡ctice theory iû archaeology, z3; corn-
birred *ití c haîne op érø toire appr oach,
20; f¡amewo¡k) 19; and habitus,zr
producer-consumer telationshiPs, 24, 2t?,
227, 23O
Pueblo Blanco, 53, zor-3, 2o5-6, 2\o
Pueblo del Encierrq 5 S, ú6
67, r69-7t,
q4-76, r78
Pueblo IV Period,3, 254 56. See also
Late Precontact Pe¡iod
Qrarai Pueblq ro7
4) Rattlesnake Point Pueblo, 4o, 4z
red va¡e: Cibola White Ware replaced by
along Mogollon Rim regìon, zg. See
White Mountain Red Ware
¿/s¿
regional systems, 26
resou¡ce ecquisition, 6; by Zuni potters,
r5
Rio Alamosa region, glaze wares in, r4z
6z
Rio Crande Glaze Paint Ware (Shepard)'
ix, 258
Rio G¡ande Glaze Ware: Kidder's work
¡n on, 256-58, 264-65; series of tYPes of,
49-56; ShePa¡d's wo¡k on, 255-66
Rio Grande Valley region: central, r3-r5,
r63-78; compositional analysis of glaze
wares in, r84-gz, zor-8, zt8-23, zz7-
3zz f Itdex
28; cultùral transmlsslon trl' 30-3r; southern Rio Grande V¿lle¡ r3; contact
with Zuni region, 15
emulatlon ofglaze wares bY Zunis,
n, z6-27; southw€stern Americâ: state of a¡chae-
27; geographic clusters
in, 49-56, r63-23t,253- ology in, 3z
glaze wares
Stark, Miriam T-, x
?r; and migrations betweet Western
stylistic analys€s ofgl¿ze wares, 6
Pueblos, r7-r8; multiple snategies of
production in, 29; and Plains-Pueblo
technological changes: adoPtion of' 27;
relatiors, z\,27, z3z-52; southern) r3'
3 17
scope oE 28; social contexts of) 28 30
15; technology adoPtion in, 27; trade
technological pracrices: adoption of, r8;
in, z9
and anthropology of technology ap-
ritual practices, 13, 63,82-85, Ior 2,
p¡oach, r8-2o; and communities of
rz6, r4o, 233; diversifrcation of, 3I;
practice, 25; as culturally embedded,
migrents and) ßg,t63' 116 77;mt-
I; geochemical ânalysis tools and' i¡;
gration effect on, 3, 5; nerv sYsrems o( r
6, 16,34,59-6o,87, rc1 8, t64-66, local Practices, z9-3o; Pottery end,
ix; and technological styles, 20; and
168, r73, r75; Pots used in, 13; PotterY
and, ix; ritùâl exchånge and, zro; and technology of pracrice approach, rr
temper, 2q. .S¿¿ ¿¡Á0 compositional analysìs
ritual functions of glaze ware vessels,
Tierra Blanca Complex sites, z3z,234,
tzr, rg4, zog,255,263-64, z7Y ar'd
tu¡quoise depositq 2r2-r3 238-39; glaze wares at' 239-50' 252
Tijeras Pueblo, 53, r66, ó8-69, t74,46
Tonque Pueblo, 54-55, t86, tgo,2oo,2o4,
St. Johns Polychrome Pottery, 35-36, 38;
2c,6,2ro,2t2
at Pinnacle Ruin site, I52, 155-57; in
Tonto Basin, z6
Rio Alamosa region, 145-49; in Rio
towns: growth of, 17
Grande ValleY region, ry2, 268-69;,
in Sìlver Creck region. ó4-65,7r.76' Tùla¡ose style decorations, 35, 39
ro7, rypological analysis: of Acoma Glaze Wåre
78; and Zuni Glaze Wares' 40'
rz7, 44; 1t Ztni region, ro9-ro) Ir2' series, 43-47; difering traditions of,
r¡6 r8 35; at Garza ComPlex
sites, 239-49,
zo4-6,ztz, zr4, z5z; ofLower Rio Puerco of lhe East
San Marcos Pueblo, t9g,
Glaze rvare series, 48; ofPecos aûd
46
Silver C¡eek A¡chaeological Research Rio G¡ande Glaze Ware series, 49
a! Tier¿ Blanca
Project (SCARP), 6z 55; techniques for, 6;
Complex sites, z3q-5o, z5z; of White
Silver Creek region' lJ.6oi gl¿ze wâres
in,60-85 Mountain Red W¡¡e series, 35-4o; of
Zuni Glaze Ware series, 4o-43
slip colors: in Acoma Glaze Wa¡e series.
Wa¡e
43-47; in White Mountain Red
upper LiEtle Colorado ¡egion: adoptìon
series, 35 4o; in Zuni Glaze Ware
series,40-43 of glaze vare technologies in, 18, z7;
adoprìon ofrechnologl in, t8; expcri-
"The Social Life ofPots" (symposium), x
mentâtion in, r'z; glø:ze warcs irt, z1 ,
social networks: mig¡ation effecr on, 3, 5
ø/so exchange networks 4o,58,65, rz8, r35, I39, r84,268; and
^See
Rio Crande ValleY region, r84, zo8l
southerfl High Pleins region, 15; and
;rnd Zuni Glaze wares, Iz8, r35, t39
Plains-Pueblo relations, 251 27 232-52
'
lr.dex / 723
western Mexico: gl¿ze-pâiûted poly-
chrome wa¡€ in) 34; glaze ware tradi-
tioûs in, 17
Western Pueblo regron: glaze ware tech-
nology adoption in, z7; migrations
and, r7-r8; and Plains-Pueblo rela-
tior\s,25, 27, 232 52
Western Pueblos, r5
WJrite Mounrain Red Ware, z5; and
brushstroke sequences, 24; compo-
sitional analysis of, 66 8z; series of
types of, 35-40; in Silver Creek area,
$66
white ware production: continuance o¡
replacement of z9 3o. See also Cibola
Whire Wåre
324
Zuni Glaze Wa¡e: communicies ofprac-
tic€, ro5 23j compositional analysis
of rog-zo; decline in production of,
rz4-4r; decline of, 14; series oftypes
of, 4o-42; technology adoprion in, z7;
tr¿dition abandonment, z8; and tran-
sition to Matsaki Buf Wñq25, t24,
rzg-33,48-4r
Zuni potters: and lead-based Blazes, 24;
Rio Grande glaze wares emulated b¡
27
Zuni Pueblo, 47, rz8-29, 136
Zuni region: adoption of technologies in,
18; glaze ware technology adoption
in, 27; migrations to,28,3r; social
dynamics in, r4 r5
/ lndet.