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'vo,76

OF
SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7: A CRITICAL EDITION AND STUDY

NORTHWESTERN GUATEMALA
SACRED PART MUSIC FROM COLONIAL

THESIS

of the
Presented to the Graduate Council
Partial
North Texas State University in

Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

MASTER OF MUSIC

By

E.
Sheila Raney Baird, B. M.

Denton, Texas

May, 1981
7: A Critical Edition
Baird, Sheila Raney, Santa Eulalia M. Md.
Guatemala.
and Study of Sacred Part Music from Colonial Northwestern
226 pages, 3 tables, 22 photo-
Master of Music (Musicology), May, 1981,
87 titles.
graphic plates, 21 figures, bibliography,
1600, is part of the
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, dated January 20,
northwestern high-
San Miguel Acatan Repertory ,which originated in the
the Lilly Library of Indi-
lands of Guatemala and is presently owned by

ana University. The manuscript contains thirty-four four-part songs


Christmas, Easter,
and dances, two thirds of which are villancicos for
and St. Michael. The re-
the Eucharist, and the feasts of All Saints
in either fabordon or
maining third consists of Latin biblical texts
texts, and an instru-
contrapuntal settings, three pieces with Nhuatl

mental pavana.
Eulalia M. Md. 7
The thesis contains a modern edition of Santa
of the pieces with
with critical notes and commentary, a comparison
and a survey of several
villancicos and fabordones of European origin,

aspects of Mayan culture.


O Copyright by

Sheila Raney Baird

1980

iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF FIGURES . . . ....................... vi

LIST OF PLATES.. ........................-.--...... vii

LIST OF TABLES.. ........................ viii

LIST OF TRANSCRIPTIONS..............................ix

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . .
...-.......-.-...-.-.-.-1

The San Miguel Acatan Repertory


Geography of Highland Guatemala
Religion and Government in the Cuchumatgn Region

II. STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE PIECES IN


SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

The Villancico
Formal Structure
Performance Practice
Fabord6n
Performance Practice

III. COMMENTARY. ....................... 86

Text Problems
Spanish and Latin
Nahuatl
Remarks on the Pieces

IV. EDITION OF SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7 . . .. . . . . . . . . 141

Editorial Procedures
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7

CRITICAL NOTES .. .. . ................-.-.-.-.-.--- 206

APPENDICES

A. INSCRIPTIONS: SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7, f. llr, 30v, 43v 211

B. SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 3, f. 9v... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215

iv
219
SOURCES OF FIGURES AND PLATES
. . . . . . . . .220
BIBLIOGRAPHY - . . . .- . .-.-. . '. . . . . ..

V
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Map of the northwestern highlands of Guatemala - . . . 52


2. "hoi nace la nueba estiella," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. 6 v (No. 7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. -.. 53
3. "Asi andando: El palto," Santa Eulalia M. Md.
7,
f. 10v (No. 11) . . . .........-.-.........-.- 54
4. "AquesEtan tonceriaJ," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. llr (No. 23-3); Inscription, Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. llr . . . . . . . . - -. . . . . . . . . - - -. - - - 55
5. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. 12v (No. 13) . . . ................-.-.-.-- 56
6. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto," Santa Eua7ia M. Md.
7,
f. 13r (No. 13) . . . .................-.-. 57
7. "Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri,"
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. l4v (No. 15) .-.-........
58
8. "Aquestan tonceria," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. 18r (No. 23-2) . . . .................-.-- 59
9. "Desde el gielo bajo Dios," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. 22v (No. 22)..............- - -.-... ... 60
10. "Aquestan tonceria," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,
f. 23v (No. 23-1); "favana/fahuana,t"
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 23v (No. 24) . . -...- . . . . . 61

11. "Donec ponam/Tecum prinipium/Dominus adextris/


De torente," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 25v (No. 26) . . . 62

12. "Maria magdalena," Santa Eula2ia M. Md. 7,


f. 35v (No. 31) . . . ................... 63
13. "magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus,"
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 41v (No. 36).......... 64
14. "magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus,"
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 4 2r (No. 36).-.-. . . .. -. . 65

vi
Page
Figure
69
estribillo............
15. [Villancico with a couplet
3 .... ........ . 70
16. Poetic and musical form of No.
72
of No. 21 .........-....
17. Poetic and musical form

estribillo and
18. [Villancico with a quatrain . 73
. . . .
asymmetrical vueltas].........-.-.-.-.---
. . ... . 73
of No. 16-1 ....
19. Poetic and musical form

and the huehuetl . - 78


20. Musicians playing the teponaztli

..-....... 78
21. Carved teponaztli.........

LIST OF PLATES
Page
Plate
highway
1. Rock formations on either side of the . . . . . . . 30
Ixcoy . .
which goes toward San Juan

. .......... 31
east
2. View from Santa Eulalia, looking
32
north .......-.-....
3. View from Santa Eulalia, looking
as seen
4. Ridge of the Cuchumatanes Mountains
,.- ..
.

from the south .-........-...

road, while Indian


5. Ladino houses front on the
fields. In the
houses are set back in the . . . . 34
Eulalia dance the Toro
foreground, men from Santa
to the plaza
6. Image of Santa Eulalia being carried
Saturday of Glory
amid clouds of incense during the . 35
. .- . . .-.- I-.-..
. .- . . . . .
procession . . .

returning from the


7. Saturday of Glory procession . . 6
the image of Santa Eulalia
plaza with a canopy above
being carried
8. Image of Our Lady of the Conception .. . . 37
procession . .
during the Saturday of Glory

front of the Santa Eulalia


9. Figure of Judas hanged in
the background are the
church on Good Friday. In 38
market buildings . .........-.-............

vii
Page
Plate
. . . . . . 39
10. Prayer in front of the church at Santa Eulalia

11. Morning prayer in front of the church at


4o
San Miguel Acatan .-..-....-.-.....-...-.-.-.-.-

of the
12. Principal men of the village in front
. . 41
Santa Eulalia juzgado
fountain in
13. Women drawing water from the public
....... 42
front of Santa Eulalia's municipal building
. . . . . .. . 43
14. Young Santa Eulalia woman in native dress

playing the flute


15. Santa Eulalia men in native dress 44
.. ........
and drum in the Saturday of Glory procession

...-..-.-... 45
16. Plaza and parish church in San Juan Ixcoy

..-..--.-.-.-.-.-. 46
17. Parish church in San Mateo Ixtatan

18. A different view of the San Mateo Ixtatan 47


parish church . . ........-.-.-.-....-.-....

48
19. Santa Eulalia church and juzgado ...............

20. Chapel of the Rosario, built by the principal


Indian of Santa Eulalia in the early twentieth
century . . - - .-.- - - - -
.-.-.- .-.- .
--
--.-.-

21. The calvario, an adobe chapel in Santa Eulalia


...........- 0
used only during Lent and Easter week.....

. . . . . . . 51
Parish church and market in Jacaltenango .
.
22.

LIST OF TABLES

Page
Table

I. Numbering Systems of the Lilly Library's


. . . . ..............
6
Guatemalan Manuscripts

II. Common Letter Substitutions Found in


86
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7...........-.-..-.-.-.-.-.

III. Catalog and Concordances for


135
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 . . . . .-.-.-.-...--..-

viii
LIST OF TRANSCRIPTIONS

Number
Page
I. victoria victoria quien a vengido . 145

.
2. yesuchristo nuestro dios . . . . . ....... .......... 147

.
3. Esta es gena de amor llena . . . . . . . . . . 149
4-1. llegaos al convido - - . - - . - .. - 151
5. Virgen madre de dios 153
6. De la sagrada maria....--.-.-.-. . - - - - . - . . - 154
7. hoi nace la nueba estiella 155
8. Dios es ya nacido.....--.-.-.-.-. 156
9. y technepa sacramento dios onclcama 158
10. Oy es dia de player . . . . . .... 159
11. Asi andando: El palto....-..-....-.. 16o

12. El fiel peso y medida ....--... 162

13. Sed miguel fuerza y escuto . . 164


.

14. principatus .......... . 167


.

15. Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri 168

16-i. muestre la tierra alegria....... 171

17. Dixit Dominus Efragment]- 173


-

18. jesucristo nuestro dios [fragment] - . . . . . . . . - 173

19. De la hermosa Rebeca . . . . . . . 174


.

20. forgado de amor de amores......... . . . . . . . . . . 175

21. Alegria pecadores .......... 176

ix
Number Page

22. Desde el gielo bajo Dios . ..-.-.-...-.-.-.. - - 177

.... -.- -a- - - 178


23- 1. Aquestan tonceria

-
2 favana/fahuana...-....-.-................... - - 179

25. Si tanta gloria se da . . . .. 0-0-a-0 - . - - - 180

#
2 ~6. Donec ponam/Tecum pringipium/Dominus a dextris/ - r%
182

-
De torente
-10r-
27--1. Surrexit dominus alleluya . . . . . . - -

.
-0--- 186 - -
-

28. 0 virgen maria .........................

29. Et misericordia/Deposuit potendes/Susgepit iisrael/


gloria patri.....-.................-.-.-.

30. Ne recorderis - - 0- 0- a- - 194

31. Maria magdalena...- - - o - - - 196

-00- -198 32--L. bay magalhi . . . . - - -.-0-0 - -,- - - -


- - -
-0- --199 . ..- - - - - -
33. textiless fragment]
-

tibi soli pecaui.....--.-.-.-.-.-.-.-. - - -0 -1 - . . 200


34 -1.
-

Abrase el reyno del cielo -- - a-0-0 - .202 - -


35.
-

203
36. magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus . .-

. .D.*-*-0-4 - -0-0-0-i - 205


37. miserere mei Deus
-

x
1

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

The San Miuel Acatn Repertory

The Lilly Library of Indiana University owns a group of late

sixteenth and early seventeenth-century Guatemalan music manuscripts con-

sisting of thirteen bound volumes and two fragments. They were copied

for use in the villages of Santa Eulalia, San Juan Ixcoy, and San Mateo

Ixtatan in the Department of Huehuetenango in northwest Guatemala. All.

are still encased in their original deerskin bindings, and some even have

the hair remaining on the hide.1 The first nine of these manuscripts

were designated by Robert Stevenson as the San Miguel Acatan Repertory

after the name of the village in Huehuetenango where they were assembled

2
in 1963 by two Maryknoll fathers, Edward F. Moore and Daniel P. Jensen.

The manuscripts have become known through Stevenson's writings by

the names of the villages from which they were gathered. Since the first

seven originated in Santa Eulalia, they were further identified by the

Fathers with the sigla M. Md. __. Hence the manuscript which is the

basis of this study is referred to as Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 or simply

as M. Md. 7. A complete list of the manuscripts can be found in Table I.

1. Information is from photocopy of Lilly catalog cards.

2. Robert Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the


Americas (Washington, D.C., 1970), 50.
2

choirbooks in his catalog,


Stevenson inventoried these nine
3 and according
Sources in the Americas,
Renaissance and Baroque Musical

to him,

manuscripts whose activities


The earliest.composers in the Alonso
. [are] Johannes Urrede,
can be traced in Spain .
de Escobar, Juan
de Avila, Franciscopde Pefialosa, Pedro
Matheo Fernandez,
Garcia de Basurto, Diego Fernandez,
de Pastrana. The earliest
Crist6bal de Morales, and Pedro
. Heinrich Isaac,
Flemings include . . . lXosquin,"
Jean Mouton, and Loyset Compere.4

codices, Maryknoll missioners


In addition to these polyphonic
numerous printed
surrounding San Miguel Acatan
gathered from the villages
Among the
manuscripts for safekeeping.5
liturgical books and plainchant
a Venetian Pro-
at San Miguel Acatan are
printed materials gathered
by
morem fratrum predicatorum printed
cessionarium secundum rituem et
local
in 1561 by the alcalde (chief
Antonio Junta in 1545 and purchased
and 1550 and
two missals printed in 1545
executive) of San Juan Ixcoy;
de Ocharte's
Processionarium; and Pedro
purchased soon after the
sancti Domini printed at
Psalterium Chorale secundum consuetudinem

Mexico City in 1563.6

6
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5 and M. Md.
3. Thid.,55-62. Due to his combining being "eight
nine manuscripts as
in the catalog, Stevenson refers to the
choirbooks" (P. 55, Renaissance and Baroque). The leaves of these two
with M. Md. 6 beginning at f.
manuscripts were numbered consecutively, is
and Baroque). However, M. Md. 6
33r of M. Md. 5 (p. 60, Renaissance of
with different foliation on p. 51
mentioned as a separate manuscript
the catalog.
The
Music in 16th-Century Guatemala,"
4. Robert Stevenson,, "European
345.
Musical Quarterly, L/3 (July 1964),

5. Tbid., 346.

6I. bid., 349.*


3

plainsong books
The earliest date in any of the hand-copied

seems to be the year 1570,which


in the San Miguel Acata'n collection

in the back of a 200-leaf


appears as part of a Spanish inscription
8
mutilated gradual.
7 This item is not owned by Lilly Library.

Codices M. Md. 1
According to their flyleaves, Santa Eulalia

manuscripts. Both
and 2 are the earliest dated of the polyphonic
de Len, who referred to
were copied and signed in 1582 by Francisco

1 as "maestro deste pueblo De sancta


himself on the title page of M. Md.
signature of
olaya" [Santa Eulalial.10 Codices M. Md. 5 and 7 bear the
1 1 who
a native Indian,
another local maestro de capilla Toma's Pascual,

Pascual was active as maestro in


may have been a pupil of de Leon.12

San Juan Ixcoy between 1595 and 1635.13


is an antipho-
Santa Eulalia M. G. 5, dated August 14, 1635,

Stevenson's catalog,15 but Santa


narium14 which is not inventoried in

7. Ibid., 349-51.
the Guatemalan Music MS. No. 8
8. Paul Borg, The European Repertoire of
1978), 4.
in the Lilly Library, Bloomington, Indiana (Bloomington,
351.
9. Stevenson, "European Music,"

10. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 57.


Territory (Berkeley and
11. Robert Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca
Los Angeles, 1968), 207.

12. Stevenson, "European Music," 351.

206.
13. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca,

14. Lilly catalog cards.


p. 63, n. 8. Although Stevenson
15. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque,
he did discuss its inscription.
did not inventory Santa Eulalia M. G. 5,
Eulalia M. G. 5 (= Lilly
There has been some confusion concerning Santa
Stevenson, Lilly
No. 13) due to a difference in foliation by Robert
4

Eulalia M. Md. 7 is included on PP. 58-59. At folio lr of the manu-

script, Pascual inserted a paragraph in Nhuatl, the trade language of

northern Guatemala during the Conquest century16 (Figure 4). Here he

described the manuscript as "a collection of original coplas and


villan-

cicos completed January 20, 1600, for use at San Juan Ixcoy, where he

was maestro de capilla." 17

The predominant language of the Lilly manuscripts is Latin,

often corrupt, but at least two-thirds of them contain texts and

inscriptions in Spanish, Nghuatl, or one of a variety of local Indian

languages--in all, at least six. Throughout are to be found songs in

Chuj, Kanjobal and Jaltec,1 and phrases and inscriptions in Cakchikel,

Quiche and corrupt Nahuatl.1 9

In addition to liturgical music, and sacred music in languages

other than Latin, the San Miguel Acatan Repertory also includes dance

music ,with and without textswhich has secular origins. For example,

M. Md. 7 contains several villancicos which are designed for dancing

at church festivals. Instrumental dances without text can be found in

M. Md. 7 (Figure 10), and in M. Md. 2, as well as in the manuscripts

Library, and Paul Borg. In his thesis (pp. 4-6) Borg wrote that
Stevenson's information concerning Santa Eulalia M. G. 5 did not
coincide with the contents of any of the Lilly Library manuscripts,
but has later acknowledged (letter dated 24 March, 1980) that the
signature, inscription and date in Lilly No. 3 are the same as
those described by Stevenson as being located in Santa Eulalia M. G. 5.

16. Stevenson, "European Music," 346-47.

17. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 51.

18. Ibid.

19. Lilly catalog cards.


5

When cataloging these instru-


San Juan Ixcoy, and San Mateo Ixtatnn.
them "the only purely secular
mental dances, Robert Stevenson proclaimed
Guatemalan manuscripts.
music thus far discovered in any sixteenth-century
by Stevenson as French chansons
Further secular pieces were identified
21
the San Mateo Ixtatan manuscript.
which had been contrafacted for use in
owned by Lilly Library that are
A brief discussion of the codices

can be found on pp. 4 and 6 of


not included in Stevenson's inventory
codices the
Paul Borg's thesis.22 Throughout the thesis he gives the

them with "Bloomington"


same numbers as does Lilly Library, but precedes
(See Table I for coordination of
or "Manuscript" rather than "Lilly."

by the Maryknoll Fathers, the Lilly


designations given to the codices

Library, and by Paul Borg.)

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 is a collection of thirty-four four-part

this manuscript are


songs and dances. The majority of the pieces in

to have been written by


viliancicos and most of them are thought
the Archangel Michael23 (Figure 4).
Tomas Pascual, who dedicated them to

two-thirds of the manuscript. The


The villancicos fill approximately
biblical texts in either fabord6n
remaining third consists of Latin
(Figure T), three pieces with
(Figure 11) or contrapuntal settings

Nahuatl texts (Figures 13,14). the instrumental dance piece previously

and several unidentified


meintioned, three pages with inscriptions,

fragments of music.

52.
20. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque,

21. Ibid., 61.

22. Borg, op. cit. , 4-6.

Baroque, 58.
23. Stevenson, Renaissance and
6

the
Table I. Numbering Systems of
Lilly Library's Guatemalan Manuscripts

Lilly Library Numbers** Borg Classification***


Maryknoll Numbers*

3 No. 1 Bloomington Manuscript 1


Santa Eulalia M. Md.

2 Bloomington Manuscript 2
Santa Eulalia M. Md. 24No.

5 No. 3 Bloomington Manuscript 3


Santa Eulalia M. Md.

6 Bloomington Manuscript 4
Santa Eulalia M. Ma.No.

No. 5 Bloomington Manuscript 5


Santa Eulalia M. Md.7

No. 6 Bloomington Manuscript 6


Santa Eulalia M. Md.

No. 9 Bloomington Manuscript 9


Santa Eulalia M. Md.

8 Bloomington Manuscript 8
San Juan IxcoiNo.

No.9 Bloomington Manuscript 9


San Mateo Ixtatan
No. 10 Bloomington Manuscript 10

G.No. 11 Bloomington Manuscript 11


StEaa
Bloomington Manuscript 12
. .No. 12
.

13
No. 13 Bloomington Manuscript
Santa Eulalia M. G.5

No. 14 Bloomington Manuscript 14


. . (fragment)

No. 15 Bloomington Manuscript 15


(fragment)

to ten of the manuscripts by


*These were the original numbers assigned in
were also used by Robert Stevenson
FathersJensen and Moore. They
Sources in the Americas.
Renaissance and Baroque Musical
manuscripts by Lilly Library. Their
**These numbers were assigned to the Mss. Nos.
American Mss. Guatemala, Music
complete catalog title is Latin
1-15.
The
assigned by Paul Borg in his thesis,
***These manuscript numbers were
Music Ms. No. 8 in the Lilly Library,
European Repertoire of the Guatematan
Bloomington, Indiana.
7

In order to give some idea of Pascual's duties at San Juan Ixcoy,

I refer to a general description given by Thomas Gage, an English Dominican


24
friar who traveled in Guatemala during Pascual's lifetime. Gage observed

that the maestro de capilla in Guatemalan Indian villages was called the

fiscal, and was the priest's officer over the singers, trumpets, and waits.

The fiscal was able to read and write, executed justice, and taught Christian

doctrine to the young youths and maids of the village at the church before

and after services. He directed the musicians at morning and evening Mass

in their use of organs and other musical instruments, attended important

visitors with waits and trumpets, and prepared arches with boughs and

flowers for their arrival. He attended the priest, carried out his errands,

and had more influence in the town than the mayors, jurats, and other

officers of justice. He was exempt from the service of the Spaniards,

from carrying burdens, and from acting as a guide for travelers.25 According

to Robert Stevenson, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Indian villages of

southern Mexico and Guatemala conferred more power and prestige on the

leading local musician than has ever been allowed by the social and

political system at any other time in American history.26 The authority

of the colonial maestro de capilla was inherited throughout the Mayan

area from the pre-conquest holpop, who was the principal musician of the

village and a greatly venerated man.27

24. Thomas Gage, Travels in the New World (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958), xxxi-
xxxii.

25. Ibid., 230-231.

26. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 63.

27'. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 108, n. 248.


8

Geography of Highland Guatemala

departamentos,
The Republic of Guatemala is divided into twenty-two
divisions within the republic and
units which are the largest political

The smallest political unit within


equivalent to states in other countries.
a
is similar to what we think of as
a departamento is the municipio, which
of a pueblo (village which is the
township.28 Each municipio is made up

or more aldeas (rural hamlet-like


capital of the municipio) and one
and a
settlements). The governmental capital of both a departamento

municipio is known as a cabecera. But, where the cabecera of a municipio

cabecera of a departamento fre-


is often named after the municipio, the

of the departamento. However, in the


quently does not share the name
the villages associated with Santa
Department of Huehuetenango, in which
of synonymous naming is
Eulalia M. Md. 7 are located, the tradition

followed.
on the Mexican border
The Department of Huehuetenango, located

2,859 square miles,which is


in northwestern Guatemala, has an area of
9 Within this departamento is
divided among thirty-one municipios.
range known as the Cuchuma-
found a portion of the main Andean mountain
which are considered to be
tanes Highlands or Los Altos Cuchumatanes,
of all Central America (Plates
the highest and most rugged mountains
the
1-4). With their main ridge running roughly southeast-northwest,

to 8,500 feet above sea level,


mountains usually have altitudes of 4,500

of a Cuchumatan Indian
28. Oliver La Farge, Santa Eulalia; The Religion
Town (Chicago, 1947), xv.

of Guatemala (Metuchen, N. J.,


29. Richard E. Moore, Historical Dictionary
1967), 7, 9, 26, 51, 72, 99.
9

but there are some peaks which rise to almost 12,000 feet. It is rare

to find level spots larger than an acre or two on these ravine-filled

steep mountain sides. There are two seasons in the Cuchumatan area: a

dry summer season lasting from November through April, and a wet winter

season during the remainder of the year. As is characteristic of tropical

highlands climates, the temperature varies more with the altitude than

with the season, plunging to 320F or below in the heights and rising to

90*F in protected valleys. The mean temperature for altitudes of 6,000

to 8,000 feet is 50'F - 65"F.30

As of 1950, 73.3% of the 200,101 inhabitants in the Department


31
of Huehuetenango were Indians, with the remainder of the population

consisting of Ladinos. The distinction between Indians and Ladinos is

cultural rather than physical. The name Ladino represents non-Indian

people of Spanish culture, often with a mixture of Spanish and Indian

blood. Ladinos speak Spanish, have Spanish surnames, wear shoes and

clothing in the European style, are usually literate, live in houses

with windows (Plate 5), and have a higher standard of living than do

most Indians. Indians are the pure-blooded descendants of the people

of pre-Columbian Guatemala. They speak Indian languages, wear Indian

costumes, have Indian surnames, and live according to traditional Indian


32
customs. Europeans, Negroes, and even Indians who adopt the dress

30. Charles Wagley, Economics of a Guatemalan Village (New York, 1969), 7.

31. Moore, op. cit., 72. Other population statistics given in this paper
are also from 1950.

32. Sol Tax, "The Municipios of the Midwestern Highlands of Guatemala,"


American Anthropologisb, n.s., XXXIX/3 (July-September 1937), 432.
10

and mannerisms associated with western culture can be loosely classified

as Ladinos. When an Indian takes on characteristics associated with

Spanish cultural traits, he is said to be ladinized.3 3

Distinct variance in religion and political organization exists

among the highland municipios. In addition to having their own patron

saint (Plates 6-8) and costume (Plates 5-15), the people of each muni-

cipio often have their own tradition of origin. The inhabitants of

each municipio share a common tribal name and are "'a people' distinct

from all others, even those speaking a mutually intelligible dialect." 35

Considerable variation on specialization of custom occurs from one

municipio to another, and the Indians are conscious of these differences

along with even minor dialectal differences.36 Therefore, a different

and relatively independent social organization exists in each municipio.37

The natives of the highlands all speak languages of the Kanhobal

group, with the exception of the two Mames municipios of San Martin

Cuchumatan (for which the area is named) and Todos Santos. The Kanhobal

group is "divided into two languages, Kanhobal and Chuj, with Jalteca as

a major dialect of the former." San Juan Ixcoy, Santa Eulalia, and

San Miguel Acatgn Indians all speak the Kanhobal language, while Chuj is

33. Moore, op. cit., 83.

34. Wagley, "Economics," 8.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid.

37. Tax, "Municipios,." 444.

38. La Farge, op. cit., vi-vii.


11

spoken in San Mateo Ixtatgn. Each municipio has minor variations when

the same basic language is involved. For example, the language of San

Miguel Acatan is basically true Kanhobal with Jaltecan influences. 39

Municipios vary in size from thirty to 1,000 square miles..4o

Those in the highlands are smaller in area and larger in population than

those of the lowlands. San Juan Ixcoy, with 5,310 inhabitants,4 2 is

one of the more densely populated municipios. It is in the east central

part of the departamento, with its cabecera located on the road north from

Huehuetenango (the capital city of the departamento) a distance of twenty-

one miles (Figure 1). Its main products are corn, wheat, beans, potatoes,

and woolen shirts and robes. In 1898 the Indians of San Juan Ixcoy, in

an attempt to prevent further immigration into their municipio,45 massacred

those Ladinos who were already living there. The government retaliated by

exterminating the inhabitants of the village, and it has been only recently,

with the construction of a new highway to the departmental cabecera, that

new life has come to the region. The pueblo has an old church which has

been repaired several times (Plate 16).46

39. Ibid., vii.

40. Moore, op. cit., 99.

41. Tax, "Municipios," 425.

42. Moore, op. cit., 138.

43. Adrian Recinos, Monografia del Departamento de Huehuetenango


(Guatemala, 1954), 361.

44. Moore, boc. cit.

45. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

46. Recinos, op. cit., 363-64.


12

is San Mateo Ixtatan,


Thirty-five miles north of Huehuetenango
48
of the departamento (Figure 1).
one of the most extensive municipios
9
astride a high ridge near the head of the Ixquiss River Valley
It lies
a population
an altitude of 8,540 feet with
in the northern Cuchumatanes at
wool, and wheat provide the
of 7,835. Salt production, sheep raising,
This Chuj-speaking area
main means of livelihood of the inhabitants.50
all of which treat San Mateo Ixtatn
is divided into three municipios,
ceremonial dependence upon it.The
as their central village and show
present condition
and by its architecture and
parish church is very old,
during
that was constructed in this area
appears to be one of the first
Early in the present century, the
the colonial epoch (Plates 17, 18).52
to
to perfecting an uprising similar
San Mateo Ixtatan Indians came close
53
previously described.
the 1898 San Juan Ixcoy massacre
is Santa Eulalia,
Between San Juan Ixcoy and San Mateo Ixtata'n

north of Huehuetenango (Figure 1).


which is about twenty-seven miles

of 8,300 feet on a westward-facing


This municipio sits at an altitude
6 n ridge. 4 As late as 1959,
shoulder of the main north-south Cuchumat

47. Moore, op. cit., 141.

48. Recinos, op. cit., 372.

49. La Farge, op. cit., viii.

50. Moore, loc. cit.

51. La Farge, loc. cit.

52. Recinos, op. cit., 375.

53. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

54. Ibid.,9 3.
13

the cabecera was not accessible by road.55 The population of the muni-

cipio is 8,273, and crops of corn, wheat, beans,


and potatoes are produced
in the area.56 Santa Eulalia was originally much larger than it
is at
present, but in 1889 and 1900, two other municipios
were shorn from it by
request of the Ladinos,who wished to develop that territory.
The Indians
of the two newer municipios are still considered
part of the Santa Eulalia

tribe, and they think of Santa Eulalia as their


ceremonial and commercial
capital. The parish church was constructed in 1884 (Plates 9, 10, 19).58

Of special interest in this municipio are the many


deep caverns
and caves which produce a thundering roar when the wind blows violently. 59

In the early twentieth century, a governor of the departamento


entered
Santa Eulalia's sacred cave of Yalan Na' and removed
from it a collection

of ancient idols which he took to Huehuetenango and


dispersed, much to the

horror and dismay of the I ndians.60 Highlands natives believe that the

spirits of their young people leave them and go to


this sacred cave twenty-

five days before the Mayan religious new year and


return twenty days later.

Adult spirits are believed to visit the cave during the


last five days

before the new year.


.61

55. Moore, op. cit., 3, 148.

56. ITbid. , 148


.

57. La Farge, op. cit., 3, 4.

58. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, p. 63, n. 6.

59. Recinos, op. cit., 368.

60. La Farge, op. cit., 5.


61. Morris Siegel, "Religion in Western Guatemala: A Product
of Accultura-
tion," American Anthropologist n. s., XLIII/l (January-March
1941), 73.
populated zones of
San Miguel Acatan is one of the most heavily

the Department of Huehuetenango.62 Its cabecera is also on a western

northwest of the capital city


slope of the mountains, twenty-nine miles

of the departamento (Figure 1). The elevation here is 6,020 feet above

by making hats and


sea level. The municipio's 10,446 inhabitants subsist

lead. They are dispersed over a wide


ropes, milling flour, and mining
64
seven surrounding aldeas. On the
area, occupying the pueblo center and
church and convent annex,
eastern side of the pueblo's plaza rises an old
and recently reconstructed
built by the Fathers of the Mercedarian Order

which administers the parish


by the Fathers of the Maryknoll society,
in San Miguel Acatan
(Plate ii).65 Ethnological field work was done

of Columbia University.
for ten months during 1938-1939 by Morris Siegel
representative of most Guatemalan
He later wrote that conditions there were

villages at that time, and on this basis I shall relate his description

and outlying area as an example of


of San Miguel Acatan's pueblo center
6
similar organization of San Juan Ixcoy, San MateoI xtat .n, and Santa
the

Eulalia.

described, the pueblo


Besides the church, which was previously

courthouse (Plate 12) around its


center had a school house, jail, and

62. Recinos, op. cit.5, 349.

63. Moore, op. cit.5, 141.

Culture Change in Western Guatemala,"


64. Morris Siegel, "Resistances to
1940-August 1941), 416.
Sociology and Social Research XXV (September

65. Recinos, op. cit., 350.

66. Siegel, "Resistances," 416.

See also Wagley, "Economics," 8.


67. La Farge, op. cit., xv, 3.
15

drawing water (Plate 13).


plaza, with a fountain in the middle for
administration and
This pueblo center was the focal point of civil

activities (Plates
the scene of most economic, social, and religious

9, 10, 13, 16, 22). Most of the houses in the pueblo center belonged
fields as
to Ladinos. The majority of the Indians lived near their

did their ancient ancestors.69 The Indian's single-room, rectangular

thatched roof and an


house was made of adobe bricks with a slanting

earthen floor (Plates 2, 5-7, 12, 21). Cooking and heating were done

or to one side of the


on an open hearth that was placed in the center
and some
room. Furnishings consisted of two or three tiny chairs,

plank beds.i7

Region
Religion and Government in the Cuchumatan

has also been


Great similarity in local government and religion

small differences
witnessed in highlands Indian villages, even though

make each municipio an individual society. These similarities can be

region.
seen through a glance at the history of the Cuchumatg'n
violent clashes
During the Period of Conquest (1524-1600) the

led to the decline of the


between the Spanish and Mayan Indian cultures

Indian way of life.71 Immediately after the Conquest, probably by mid-

group seem to
sixteenth century, the Indians of the Kanhobal-speaking

68. Siegel, "Resistances," 416.

69. Wagley, Loc. cit.

70. Siegel, "Resistances," 417.


1968), 250, 287-88.
71. Sol Tax, Heritage of Conquest (New York,
16

villages: San Juan Ixcoy, San Mateo


have been organized into six major

Acatin, Soloma, and Jacaltenango.


Ixtat6 Jn, Santa Eulalia, San Miguel
Order, Soloma and
Parishes of the Mercedarian
They were divided into two
these six
Jacaltenango (Plate 22). With the exception of Jacaltenango,
T2
importance.
with pre-Conquest ruins of some
main villages are associated
European music played a paramount
In these "outlying Indian districts
as is evidenced
the indigenous population,"
role in the evangelization of
contents.
of the San Miguel Acatan Repertory's
by the earlier description

flocked eagerly to learn


From the beginning, the indigenes
European music--so much that
everything possible concerning combined 0,
intricacies in the . . repertory such as the
preclara Mass clearly
C, and G mensurations in Isaac's 0
To say that they them-
gave them the delights of a puzzle.
is to deny the
selves did not marvel at Mouton and Morales
books were eagerly shared
evidence showing that these very that this
To claim
with maestros from Soloma to Chiantla.
native-language coplas
repertory did not join with their
their most prized personal
and villancicos to become
frequent petitions of co-
possession is to overlook the
until the end of the
fradas [religious cofraternities]abated, and that even hours
colony that choirs be in no way
polyphonic ly and with as
in small parish churches be sung
muster.
full solemnity as the village could

such travelers as Thomas Gage


Sufficient literary data survives from

interest in European music, even


to confirm the Guatemalan Indians' avid
75
without the evidence of these codices.

xi.
72. La Farge, op. cit., viii,
345.
73, Stevenson, "European Music,"

-(4. Ibid., 352.


the New World, ed. by
75. Ibid. , 346. See also Thomas Gage, Travels in 131-33, 160, 162, 172,
Oklahoma, 1958),
J. Eric S. Thompson (Norman, of the Indians' music in Guatemala
230,r231, 243-46 for descriptions
and Chiapas.
17

During the colonial period, the church was almost entirely

responsible for educational programs. Along with training in arts and

crafts, the clergy gave instruction in the catechism. To the children

of Spaniards and sons of principal Indians of the villages they offered

instruction in reading, writing, and other rudiments of knowledge.


Be-
fore the middle of the sixteenth century, monks were teaching Latin
in
Guatemala, considering it to be the foundation of all education.76

With the suppression of Indian traits and absorption of Spanish

traits during the Conquest, the Indian culture began its evolution

toward a culture which Oliver La Farge has labeled "Recent Indian,"

In a report concerning his 1932 field work in Santa Eulalia, he writes

that the church became less powerful and the control of the centralized

government became more lax after the initial Conquest years.. The

church lost even more power shortly after the time of Guatemala's

independence from Spain in 1817, when it "became involved in politics

and eventually lost, with subsequent curtailment of its power, its

right to hold property, its authority to make unrestricted appointments,

and its right to manage its own affairs." As soon as the Catholic

Church began to diminish in power, the Indians began to revive their

aboriginal practices.79 The religion that evolved during the succeeding

three centuries was a distinctively new one, with a fusion of Catholic

76. Nathan L. Whetten, Guatemala; The Land and the People (New Haven,
1961), 259.

77. La Farge, op. cit., xi, xv.

78. Whetten, op. cit., 305.

79. Tax, Heritage, 250, 288.


18

o
and ancient Mayan elements. Here Christianity and paganism became

element could not be separated


so thoroughly blended together that one
natives did
from the other. The integration was so complete that the
81
from two different sources.
not realize that their religion stemmed

consisted of God, several


They worshiped a sort of pantheon which
of saints. Every religious
mysterious supernatural beings, and a number
for the dead, loud
festival was celebrated with heavy drinking, mourning
8
to the music of marimbas. 2
wailing over past misfortunes, and dancing

any conflict between the most


The Indians had "not the faintest idea of
8
religious practice and the most orthodox Catholicism." 3
purely Mayan
this hybrid religion,
Each municipio had its own local adaptation of

prayers, supernaturals, and special


using its own set of legends, myths,
8
formulae for appeasing the gods. 4
the special cults
Differing from the community religion were
divina-
practiced by family units. Also important to these Indians was

economic, medical, and religious


tion, which played a large part in social,
they
problems and decisions. The natives dreaded sorcery, to which

untimely deaths, and practiced


attributed all illnesses, misfortunes and

had a spirit-counterpart
Nagualism with the belief that every individual
inseparably united with that of
that lived in an animal whose fate was

80. Siegel, "Religion," 64.

81. Whetten, op. cit., 287.

82. Siegel, "Resistances," 419.

83. La Farge, op. cit., 79.

84. Whetten, Loc. cit.


19

the human.85 There was a vigorous survival of parts of the Mayan

ceremonial calendar with simultaneous use of the Gregorian 6


3 5-day
calendar for fixing of the Christian festivals and
installation of
1 religious officers. 86
civil and This syncretism of aboriginal and

imported religious elements has been given the name


of "Folk Catholi-
7
cism."

Closely interwoven with "Folk Catholicism" is the


local
government structure of the municipios. June Nash, whose field work

in the western highlands was during 1953-1954 and


1956, explains the

system as follows:

. . . Throughout the region is found the ranked hierarchy


of civil and religious offices. Aided by their
families,
all townsmen are expected to hold a series of positions
within the official hierarchy of their township. As
an
individual advances in his career the offices that he
holds become progressively more responsible and deserving
of respect [Plate 12]. In this manner the communities
provide for the upkeep of their churches and other public
facilities, for the enforcement of law, the care of saints'
images, and the performance of rites appropriate to the
ritual calendar.08

85. Siegel, "Religion," 69-70.

86. La Farge, op. cit., 163, 165.

87. June Nash, "Protestantism in an Indian Village in the


Western High-
lands of Guatemala," Alpha Kappa DeZtan XXX (Winter
1960), 49-50.
88. Ibid., 49. For detailed explanations of the civil-religious
hierarchy,
see Wagley, Economics, 11-13; Charles Wagley, The Social and Religious
Life of a Guatemalan Village (1949), 79-104; Siegel,
"Religion," 67;
Siegel, "Resistances," 417-18; Tax, "Municipios," 442-44;
La Farge,
Santa Eulalia, 13, 19, 82-83, 112, 132, 134,
136, 141-42; Manning
Machine Age Maya; The Industrialization of a Guatemalan Community Nash,
(Chicago, 1967), 125-29.
20

As the hold of the Catholic Church was weakened, so was its

contact with the mountain villages, to the point that the only formal

tie consisted of biannual visits of a priest to the villages to par-

baptismal
ticipate in the celebration of Corpus Christi and perform

rites.89 Around 1920 the Diocese of Los Altos, which contains the

Parishes of Soloma and Jacaltenango, was merged with the Diocese of

Guatemala City, and until its restoration in 1931, there was no resident

priest at all in the highlands.90 During this long period of minimal

contact with the church, and especially during the time when there was

no resident priest, most religious functions were conducted by officers

of the hierarchy. The catechism and mass were unimportant, and con-

fession unknown. Marriages were performed according to aboriginal

tradition, rather than that of the church. Burials were directed by

their
cantores, Indian men who had learned Latin chants by rote from

9
predecessors. 1 The person in the hierarchy with qualifications

closest to those of a priest was the Maestro Cantor, who had the ability

burial
to write and to lead the cantores in chants for the wakes and
9
processions.

During this period of separation from the church the different

were
codices and liturgical books of the San Miguel Acatan Repertory

villages by chimanes
guarded in locked cupboards in their respective

89. Siegel, "Resistances," 419.

90. La Farge, op. cit., xii, 79.

91. Wagley, Economics, 16.

92. La Farge, op. cit., 82.


21

them out for only the


(soothsayers, sorcerers, and healers), who took

most important festivals. In his article entitled "European Music in

that
16th-Century Guatemala," Robert Stevenson tells us

. . .enough evidence is now at hand to give Guatemala a


annals of
proud place beside Mexico and Peru in the
Renaissance music. Ironically, it has been pure-blooded
Indians in Guatemala rather than ladinos and descendants
of conquistadores who most scrupulously respected the
treasure of European Renaissance music ,brought over by
Dominican colleagues of Las Casas. . . . Seen in this
to
light, the effort of some present-day folklorists
the indigenous Guatemalan heritage and the
dichotomize
each other
European tradition, and to pit them against
as irreconcilable opposites, betrays history. . .

.
Finally, to contend that the Indians did not continue
native
honoring this repertory three centuries after the
maestros de capilla created and copied it is to forget
that we today hail the preservation of this musical
San
treasure in so remote and unheard-of a hamlet as
continued for
Miguel Acatan because their descendants
as talismans of an
generations to secrete the9 books
3
unutterably precious past.

several
The religious wing of the hierarchy was organized into

cofraternities of laymen called cofradias. Each cofrada was in charge

arranging
of caring for and protecting the image of a particular saint and

6-8).94 The aboriginal pattern of


fiestas in honor of that saint (Plates
is still common in
religion combining secular and religious functions

Highland Guatemala.95 However, the hold of the religious organization

through
over the civil administration has been weakened in recent times

the national government


the Ladinos' success in obtaining a ruling from

93. Stevenson, "European Music," 351-52.

94. Whetten, op. cit., TO, 288, 321.

95. Tax, Heritage, 284-85.


22

which placed them in the highest-ranking, policy-controlling civil

offices of the municipios, causing a separation of church and state


96
at the municipio level. Also, there has been a recent lack of

participation in the civil-religious hierarchy by a number


of Indians,

due to a falling off of contributions from citizens with which to re-

imburse officers for the neglect of their own personal business during

terms of unpaid office.9 7

After completing his work in Santa Eulalia in 1932, Oliver

La Farge reported that the breakdown of the "Recent Indian" culture

with its heritage of Mayan survivals--the process of de-Indianization--

was still only beginning in most of the Cuchumatan villages. There had

only recently been a significant degree of change in that area, which

had long stood as a fortress against change.


98
In the late 1940's the

Viking Fund Seminar on Middle American Ethnology put together an index

of acculturation which showed retention of pre-Columbian traits in

twenty Mesoamerican areas. Of the twenty areas rated, northwestern

Guatemala, specifically the Department of Huehuetenango, was rated

second highest in retention of purely Indian elements. Members of the

Seminar, all specialists in the field of middle American ethnology,

agreed that approximately 80% of the Indian trait loss had probably

occurred in the sixteenth century during the period of the Conquest,

and the other 20% in the nineteenth century. 99

96. La Farge, op. cit., 13, 134.

97. Ibid.!, 132.

98. Ibid., xii, 1.

99. Tax, Heritage, 263-64.


23

Isolation has been the key deterrent to change in the highlands.

The area is boxed in on all sides by forbidding mountain walls or wild,

uninhabitable lowland jungles (Plates 1-4). During La Farge's stay in

Santa Eulalia "none of the area could be reached by wheeled vehicles,"

and he described the Heights of Cuchumatan as "an isolated region of

high ridges and precipitous valleys, hard to approach, hard to cross in

any direction, and, in the main, high, cool, fertile, and beautiful beyond

the possibility of expression. "100A travel guide published in 1949

confirms La Farge's report:

The massive bulk of the Cuchumatanes Mountains near Huehuetenango


[the city] is still isolated from the rest of Guatemala. Numerous
Indian villages hang onto the sides of the mountains . . . as
cut off from the outside world as they were before the Spaniards
invaded the new world. . . . As the crow flies some of the com-
munities are not far away from the highway. In terms of distances
over narrow footpaths or mule trains serpentining up and down
the high Cuchumatanes they might as well be in Tibet as far as
the average tourist is concerned. Among these secluded villages
are those of . . . San Juan Ixcoy, . . . Santa Eulalia, .
San Mateo Ixtat6'n, and San Miguel Acatan. 1 0 1

Santa Eulalia and its neighboring municipios were neglected for

perhaps two centuries by central authority and the outside world. This

happy isolation began to shatter in the last half of the nineteenth

century due to an influx of Ladinos and the development of coffee fincas

(plantations) on the Pacific slopes of the mountainswhose labor demands

could be filled only by drawing upon the population reservoirs of the

100. La Farge, op. cit., 1.

10 . Lyman Judson and Ellen Judson, Let's Go to Guatemala (New York, 1949),
226-27.
highlands.102 At the time of the Conquest the Spaniards had coerced

native labor through the encomienda system, changing in 1616 to the

mandamiento system which was abolished in 1894.103 The finca system

was also carried out by force at first, but was later changed to an

elaborate system of debts known as habilitaci6n, a form of the inden-

ture system which finally resulted in debt slavery.104 In 1934 the

system of debt peonage was abolished and replaced by a national vagrancy

law which remained in effect until the adoption of a new constitution in

1945, at which time forced labor in Guatemala virtually came to an end.

This "vagrancy law required any person not having a trade or profession

or not cultivating specified amounts of land to seek employment from

others for 100 or 150 days per year, depending on the amount of land

he farmed. . . . If the worker tilled less than these amounts he would

have to seek work on the plantations for specified periods of time

during the year. 105 The likelihood that most Indians would have to

work on plantations was great due to a reduction of the Indians' common

farm lands through early twentieth-century surveys of land and land

titles which had passed much valuable land into the hands of the
106
Ladinos. Through plantation labor, which required workers to be

absent from their own farms for months at a time, the Indians lost

102. La Farge, op. cit., xii, 4.

103. Whetten, op. cit., 116-123.

104. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

105. Whetten, op. cit., 121-22.

106. La Farge, op. cit., 4.


25

their economic independence. The cash wages they received caused a

in abandonment of some of the


surplus of cash among them, resulting
income since pre-
local crafts which had been a source of additional
erosion
Conquest times.10
7 These economic changes, along with excessive

continue working on planta-


of their land, have caused many Indians to

harvests, even though'


tions and also as migratory workers following the
108
forced labor came to an end in 1945.
among the
Plantation work has caused some important changes
on the coast
highlands Indians. According to La Farge, "Experiences

and desires; contacts with


and en route taught the natives new tastes
in native ways and all
more sophistocated people weakened their faith
began to invade even
religion. Through the finca system the Machine age

the continuing barriers of


this remote part of the highlands, despite

mountains and trails." 109


rates found in the
Guatemala has one of the highest illiteracy
Huehuetenango
Americas. In 1950 the illiteracy rate in the Department of

the most isolated highland areas


began at 70%, soaring to over 90% in
110
population in those areas.
due to a greater concentration of the Indian
the years to cause
There are several factors which have worked through

In the first place, Indian parents


illiteracy to reach these proportions.
and useless things," or to
do not want their children to learn "new ways

107. Ibid., xii, 5.

108. Whetten, op. cit., 123.

109. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

110. Whetten, op. cit., 261-63.


26

become like Ladinos, but rather to maintain the Indian way of life.

Relations between Ladinos and Indians seem peaceful and harmonious,

on
but there is actually an undercurrent of hostility and resentment

both sides. Natives express their hostilities toward Ladinos through

passive resistance to Ladino ways.il Parents see little use for the

there,
information taught at school and react against sending children

because the values taught are not consistent with those which prevail

at home.11 Literacy is considered to be of no value because the lack

of roads into mountain communities hinders progress, keeping Indians

society.1 1 3
who do not travel to plantations out of contact with cosmopolitan
not
Second, Indian children who attend school are handicapped by

and
knowing Spanish, which their parents discourage them from learning,
excel through their
appear backward and stupid to Ladino children,who

knowledge of Spanish. The teachers are always Spanish-speaking Ladinos

who cannot speak the native tongue. This language barrier has for some

are in-
time perpetuated the belief among Ladinos that Indian children

ferior and naturally stupid. Native children have learned to accept this

Ladino superiority.ll1
stigma through what has seemed to be daily proof of
always been
Even though the majority of the Guatemalan population has

Indian, they have long submitted to Ladino domination and accepted

ill. Siegel, "Resistances," 420, 424-25, 429-30.

112. Whetten, op. cit., 269.


(New York,
113. Waldemar R. Smith, The Fiesta System and Economic Change
1977), 57.

114. Siegel, "Resistances," 420, 423-25.


27

subordinate roles in economic and social spheres, making only rare


1 15
and feeble attempts to gain equal status with Ladinos.

A third factor contributing to illiteracy among Indians is that

Guatemala simply does not have enough schools to accomodate school-age

children even if they have the desire to attend. The facilities are far

from adequate to serve the needs, even though new educational programs
6
have been introduced at various times.11

This shortage of schools has been eased somewhat since the end

of Guatemala's 1944 Revolution, at which time Catholic and Protestant

missionaries were allowed into the country. Many Catholic missionaries

began working in mountain parishes which had had no resident priest for

decades. Strong efforts to reach even the most isolated villages have

been made by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries, and both groups

have actively promoted schools, cooperatives, and other social welfare

programs on a national level. Conversion from "Folk Catholicism" to

Orthodox Catholicism or to Protestantism is one of the most important

social movements in contemporary highlands communities, with religious


1 17
orthodoxy becoming a major institutional link with Guatemalan society.

There are several motives for conversion to Protestantism among Indians:

1) Heavy drinking is an essential part of ritual in "Folk


Catholicism," but is discouraged in Protestantism. There-
fore, Indians have a chance to break the vicious cycle of
drinking and poverty.

115. Ibid., 414-15.

116. Whetten, op. cit., 264.

117. Smith, op. cit., 52-3, 100.


28

are relieved of the


2) Indians who join Protestant sects
Catholic"
financial burden of participating in "Folk
brotherhoods (cofradfas).
oppor-
3) They can take advantage of better educational
tunities in Protestant schools.

been mentally stimulated and


Young members of Protestant sects have

ambitions increased through their


the possibilities of realizing their
conferences and being drawn
attending out-of-town boarding schools and

is national in scope.118 The


into a network of social relations that

summarized by June Nash,


effects of these missionary efforts have been

who reports that

particularly
in the highland villages organized religion,
may be the main agent of
but not exclusively Protestantism,
because it leads to
culture change at present.. Protestantism,
from different
literacy and through intervisiting units, converts
Because converts
towns, is slowly eroding municipio localism.
Protestantism is
withdraw from the age-grade cofradia system,
for traditional
slowly lessening deference to age and respect
to innovation. Finding
authority, thus increasing receptivity
turn is introducing
itself challenged, the Catholic church in
for the stricken,
changes in the form of social events, charity
11 9
and opposition to the cofrada system.

has also felt the effects


Since the 1944 Revolution the cofrad'a system

and programs of social


of the government's attempts to promote democracy

and economic reform. The rise of political parties, the enacting of

extending their
election laws, and the formation of national organizations
individual action by
influence into rural areas, have promoted emphasis on
120
cofradfas.
Indians rather than on group decisions made by

118. J. Nash, "Protestantism," 50, 52-3.

119. Tbid., 53.

120. Whetten, op. cit. , 321.


29

The 1949 Viking Seminar predicted that in just a few years


to
Indian culture would decline sharply due to government projects

better their way of life. Members of the Seminar credited this

acceleration in acculturation to the idea that relationships between

Ladinos and Indians become more pleasant when the government does

something constructive for the Indian rather than just exploiting

him.121 The truthfulness of their prediction has been made evident

According to his
by a statement published by Waldemar Smith in 1977.
in
findings, "political and social relations have . . . been altered

hidden in the
important ways, such that no Indian village, however
all villages
rugged sierras, is the folkish world-unto-itself that
22
were just a few decades ago."1

121. Tax, Heritage, 294, 288-89.

122. Smith, op. cit.., 43.


30

,RIM'

4F

side of the
Plate 1. Rock formations on either
San Juan [xcoy.
highway which goes toward
31

Plate 2. View from Santa Eulalia, looking east,


32

Plate 3. View from Santa Eulalia, looking north.


33

Plate 4. Ridge of the Cuchumatanes Mountains


as seen from the south,
34

Plate 5. Ladino houses front on the road, while Indian houses


are set back in the fields. In the foreground, men from
Santa Eulalia dance the Toro,
35

Plate 6. Image of Santa Eulalia being carried to the plaza amid


clouds of incense during the Saturday of Glory procession.
36

from the
Plate 7. Saturday of Glory procession returning
Eulalia,
plaza with a canopy above the image of Santa
37

Plate 8. Image of Our Lady of the Conception being


carried during the Saturday of Glory procession.
38

I
Plate 9. Figure of Judas hanged in front of the Santa Eulalia church
on Good Friday, In the background are the market buildings,
39

Plate 10. Prayer in front of the church at Santa Eulalia.


4o

Plate 11, Morning prayer in front of


the church at San Miguel Acatgn,
41

---------------
..
.

Plate 12, Principal men of the village in


front of the Santa Eulalia juzgado,
42

Plate 13, Women drawing water from the public fountain


in front of Santa Eulalia's municipal building,
43

Plate 14. Young Santa Eulalia woman in native dress,


44

J,01

Plate 15. Santa Eulalia men in native dress playing the


flute and drum in the Saturday of Glory procession,
45

Plate 16, Plaza and parish church in San Juan Ixcoy.


46

Plate 17.0 Parish church in San Mateo Ixtatan,


47

Plate 18. A different view of the San Mateo Ixtata'n parish church,
48

Plate 19, Santa Eulalia church and juzgado,


49

the principal
Plate 20, Chapel of the Rosario, built by
century,
Indian of Santa Eulalia in the early twentieth
50

4t

Eulalia
Plate 21. The calvario, an adobe chapel in Santa
used only during Lent and Easter week,
51

4w
'46,

Plate 22, Parish church and market in Jacaltenango,


52

Figure 1. Map of the northwestern highlands of Guatemala.

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66

Chapter II

STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE PIECES


IN SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7

The Villancico

A villancico may be considered both a musical and a poetic

form whose parts are often the work of one person. Structurally, "the

villancico belongs to that type of lyric poem which is characterized by

the repetition of an introductory refrain in combination with a stanza

or stanzas according to a recognized pattern." 1 The term "villancico"

is derived from the Spanish villano, which in the Middle Ages was the

official word denoting a serf, or individual of humble origin. In its

original sense the diminutive form "villancico" referred to songs com-

posed for and sung by the folk.2

The development of the villancico can be traced from as early

as the Middle Ages, as has been shown by Isabel Pope in her very thorough

article, "Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico. The villancico

appeared as one of the most important forms of secular music in Spain

during the Renaissance, the time of its most perfect flowering both

poetically and musically. While in its strictest sense the term refers

1. Isabel Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico; Notes on


Its Development and Its Role in Music and Literature in the Fifteenth
Century," Annales Musicologiques II (Paris, 1954), 190-92.

2. Ibid., 191. 3. Ibid., 189-214.


67

to a poetic and musical form intended to be sung with or without


in-
strumental accompaniment, the word was also frequently applied
in the
sixteenth century to purely instrumental pieces which were
variations

on the melody of a well-known villancico.

By the end of the sixteenth century villancicos with sacred

texts sung in Spanish were being performed in the churches by


the
faithful, especially at Christmas time and also on the
occasion of

other church festivals. Ecclesiastical authorities often frowned upon

their use, and royal decrees prohibited them at various times


because
of their secular origin. The custom, however, "continued in many churches

in Spain until the early years of the nineteenth century, and


until the

present day in some churches in Latin America. Villancicos were often


interpolated in the Offices and the Mass, and by the eighteenth
century
had developed into a type of cantata with an opening chorus,
interspersed

arias, and a choral ending.6

Formal Structure

As was mentioned earlier, about two-thirds of the pieces in

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 are considered to be villancicos. Musically and

4 bid. , 189q-5. Ibid. , 189-90


.

6. Juan Orrego-Salas, "Villancico," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cam-


bridge, Massachusetts, 1969), 903. See also the translations from
Isabel Pope's "Villancico," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart,
14 vols., ed. Fredrich Blume (Kassel, 1949-68), XIII, 1628-31, and
from Alfonso Mendez Plancarte's Villancicos y Letras Sacras, Vol. II
of Obras Completas de Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz (Mexico City, 1952)
xxx-xlv, in Robert Stevenson's Christmas Music, 3-5.
68

poetically they are similar to the secular villancicos


found in the

Cancionero Musical de Palacio7 which was the basis of Pope's


summary
of the form. Her outline of the formal patterns derived from the Can-

cionero, which was compiled in the late fifteenth through sixteenth

centuries, has provided the basic pattern for the following


discussion

of the villancicos in M. Md. 7.8

The spontaneous folk-like air of the villancico is conveyed


by
an introductory refrain referred to as the estribillo
(= refrain), which
sets the tone and theme for the whole piece. The estribillo is composed

of a couplet, tercet or quatrain, and is so indispensable


that it alone

was sometimes called a villancico. The poetic idea presented in the

estribillo is developed in succeeding stanzas called coplas.


A copla is

divided into two parts, the first being the mudanza (= change)
and the
second the vuelta (= return). The mudanza presents a new melody, and a

rhyme pattern which is independent from that of the estribillo.10 The


vuelta returns to the rhyme of the estribillo. If the estribillo is

not monorhymed, but has two rhymes, the vuelta often returns to the

second rhyme. The last verse or two verses of the vuelta may in some

cases repeat not only the rhyme of the last or last two verses of the

7. Higinio Angles, ed., Cancionero MusicaZ de Palacio, Vols.. V, X of


Monwnentos de la Misica Espanola (Barcelona, 1947, 1951).

8. Pope, "Metrical and Musical Form," 194-95.

9. Tbid., 193, 211. 10. bid., 193, 202.


69

estribillo, but may repeat them in whole or in part as a "true re-

frain."11 The melody of the vuelta repeats that of the estribillo

and is sung to the last verse of the independent rhyme and to the

verse or verses which rhyme with the estribillo or which are repeated

from the estribillo.12 In the following diagram of the simplest type

of villancico, that which has a couplet estribillo (Figure 15), it will

be observed that the repetition of the rhyme and music of the estribillo

are not simultaneous: 1 3

Figure 15.

Copla

Estribillo Mudanza Vuelta

Text:
I-E
a
-1 - I ]
a b b b a
Music: A B C C A B

Estribillo Mudanza Vuelta

Copla

This lack of concurrence between its musical and poetic repetitions

constitutes an asymmetrical vuelta and is an essential characteristic

common to all villancico types. By means of returning to the melody

of the estribillo while singing the last verse of the independent rhyme,

the copla is bound together as a unified whole instead of being stiffly

divided into two unrelated sections.l14

11. Ibid., 201-02. 12. Ibid., 202.

13. Ibid., 195-96. 14. Ibid., 197.


70

Although asymmetrical vueltas are typical in villancicos,

cases of perfect symmetry do occur. It is especially rare to find

parallel musical and poetic vueltas among villancicos with the couplet
15
estribillo, but such an arrangement is found in No. 3, "Esta es

gena de amor llena" (Figure 16). It is a variant of the simplest

villancico type diagrammed above (Figure 15), having a monorhymed tercet

in the mudanza of each copla, and vueltas which return to the second

rhyme or the actual words of the second verse of the estribillo.

Figure 16. Poetic and musical form of No. 3.

Text Music
a Esta es gena de amor llena A7
Estribillo Estribillo
b esta es gena de amor B

aquanto ay en esta gena C

Mudanza a es amor ya amor se ordena C Mudanza


Copla Copla
Ca gena de la gloria buena CC

Vuelta b esta es gena de amor BJVuelta

(c) gena de [a~mor quia junsta C

Mudanza c con el amate amato C Mudanza


Copla Copla
c de amor con amor ques sato C

Vuelta b y de amor a su sabor BJVuelta

15. Tbid., 197.


71

d que nagio tal gena diene C


Mudanza d aunque a totas las mandiene C Mudanza
Copla
Copla
od esta sola nos conviene C]
Vuelta Lb porque oncluye a su sator B] Vuelta

The diminutive No. 5, "Virgen madre de dios," is a


variant of this type
in that it consists of only a couplet in the introductory
estribillo.
Villancicos with tercet estribillos appear frequently in
Santa
Eulalia M. Md. 7. In the Cancionero Musical de Palacio the tercet

estribillo is by far the most usual and can be found in two


main types
of villancicos which differ only in the rhyme schemes of their
mudanzas.
Both tercet types have asymmetrical vueltas and use a middle
truncated
verse in the estribillo called a pie quebrado which allows greater
flexi-
bility in musical treatment as well as a more developed poetic
form than
the villancico introduced by a couplet estribillo. 16 In M. Md. 7, Nos.
10, 20 and 21 (Figure 17) exactly duplicate the musical and poetic form

of one of these two main types, and Nos. 6, 19 and 22 have only
slight
variances in the rhyme schemes within their mudanzas. Nos. 2, 3, 4-1
and 8 show less similarity to the main types of tercet estribillo vil-

lancicos, but can still be considered variants of those forms.

16. Ibid., 197-98.


72

Figure 17. Poetic and musical form of No. 21.

Text Music
a Alegria pecadores: A

Estribillo b ques nacida B Estribillo

b de quien naze nuestra vida c

c de la Real generacion D
Mudanza I
d de david y de juda

d naze otla que nos da D


Mudanza II Mudanza II
Copla, c Nuestra eterna redemcion E Copla

Fc maria consolacion A

Vuelta b escogida B Vuelta

I Lb de quien naze nuestra vida c

Villancicos with (uatrain estribillos were equally as popular as

the tercet type in M. Md. 7, but there is only a small group of the

quatrain type in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio. The majority of

those found in that collection have the typical asymmetrical vuelta, but

a few illustrate complete musical and poetic symmetry.1 7 One form of the

quatrain type with asymmetrical vueltas is illustrated in Figure 18:

17. Ibid., 199-200.


73

Figure 18.

Copla

Estribillo Mudanza I Mudanza II Vuelta


Text: a b a b c d c d :d b a b
Music: A B B A

Estribillo Mudanza I Mudanza II Vuelta

Copla

Of the villancicos with quatrain estribillos in our manuscript Nos. 1

and 25 have asymmetrical vueltas. However, their vueltas are unusual

in that the rhymes rather than the melodies of their estribillos return

first; this is opposed to the situation seen in the typical asymmetrical

vuelta diagrammed above (Figure 18). The estribillos and mudanzas in

these two villancicos are similar to those in the diagram.

Only one piece in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio duplicates

the form of the quatrain type of villancicos in M. Md. 7 which have

symmetrical vueltas. 18 These are Nos. 12, 13, 16-1 (Figure 19) and 35.

Of these, No. 35 has a shorter vuelta, but all four have a true refrain.

Figure 19. Poetic and musical form of No. 16-1.

Text Music
a muestre la tierra alegria A
b vistase de gloria el suelo B
Estribillo Estribillo
b Oy quel acorde del cielo C

a celebra su eterno dia D

18. Tid., 200.


c guarda el mundo la memoria E
Mudanza I Mudanza I
d El ser quel es dio en la tira F

dy alla en el cielo sencierraE


Mudanza IIjMudanza II
c La prezenciaa de su gloria F
Copla Copla
a vistase pues de alegria A

b E memoria desto el suelo B


Vuelta Vuelta
b Oy quel acorde del cielo C

a celebra su eterno dia D

Nos. 11, 28 and 31 have quatrain estribillos, but are variants of the

two forms discussed above (Figures 18, 19) with highly irregular rhyme

patterns.

There are two villancicos in the manuscript which have not been

included in the couplet, tercet or quatrain estribillo classifications.

The first is No. 27-1, whose estribillo and three coplas could each be

considered to contain either one verse or two, depending upon whether or

not the lines of verse are divided. The second is No. 36, whose corrupt

Nahuatl text obscures the poetic form, thus making classification difficult.

Performance Practice

Villancicos may vary in texture from one to twelve voices, and in

some several of the parts may be played by instruments rather than being
191
sung, but the villancicos in Santa Eulalia 1. Md. 7 are all of the four-

part variety. The estribillo of a villancico is conventionally sung by a

chorus, and the mudanzas of the coplas by a soloist or soloists. All or

19. Stevenson, Christmas MUSic, 3.


75

part of the vuelta is sung by the chorus, which reinforces


the refrain

-
stanza - refrain pattern of the villancico.20 Part-singing of the kind

practiced in Spain was unknown to the natives of Latin America


before
the Conquest, but their enthusiasm and aptitude for studying
European

music enabled them to sing polyphony reasonably, and in


some cases

amazingly well soon after their training began.2 1

In Spain, villancicos accompanied both religious and secular

dances.22 This use was particularly associated with pastoral plays and

autos sacramentales which ended with the singing and dancing of vil-

lancicos .23 By the mid-sixteenth century the enormous popularity of

the religious autos had spread to Latin America, where they were intro-

duced into the colonies by missionaries.24 Even though Christian men and

women no longer "danced promiscuously together," the composition of


dance

villancicos for church use gave Indian chapel masters the opportunity to

express themselves "in dance measures as vigorous as any that their an-

cestors may have known." 2 5

20. Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico; A Historical Survey (New


York,
1952), 139.

21. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 119, 154-66.

22. Isabel Pope, "Musical Development and Form of the Spanish Villancico,"
Papers of the American Musicological Society (New York, 1946), 13.

23. Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form," 192.

24. Juan Orrego-Salas, "Auto," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,


Massachusetts, 1969), 66. See also Stevenson, Christmas Music,
4, 5, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 58.

25. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 207.


76

Solving the problem of accompaniment of the villancicos of

M. Md. 7 requires knowledge of performance practice in Spain and the

New World during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This together

with some reports of musical activities in the Mayan area of Central

America at, the time of the manuscript's compilation will allow us to

deduce something of the instrumental practice.

Noncontinuo instruments were important in the villancicos of

Spain and the New World. In some instances these instruments had in-

dependent parts with running lines, and in other cases simply doubled
26
the vocal parts. There are several surviving reports of colla parte

accompaniment in the New World which describe non-liturgical occasions

requiring polyphony, such as outdoor processions and fiestas. These

occasions were the most relished by humbler classes and the most stimu-

lating to Indian composers. The processions and fiestas often included

a choir singing villancicos or other popularized polyphony with parts

doubled by a flute choir, trumpets, and chirimias (folk shawms). Addi-

tional accompaniment was provided by large and small bells, teponaztlis

(two-toned slit-drums), and other drums such as the huehueti (upright

three-legged cylindrical drum with a tuneable skin drumhead which produces

two pitches a fifth apart and is played with the hands) (Figure 20).

The teponaztli resembles an elaborately-carved wooden barrel enclosed

26. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 21, 36.

27. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 199-200.

28. Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 137, and Stevenson, Aztec and Inca,
41, 158-59, 162-63, 165, 199-200.
77

at both ends and lying on its side. Two tongues created by an 232

shaped incision sound different pitches ranging from a minor third to

a perfect fifth apart. On the bottom side of the hollow, resonant

drum is cut a rectangular opening which increases the volume. The drum

is placed on, a support or on the ground and is played with a pair of

mallets which are tipped with rubber (Figures 20, 21).29

Cathedral capitular acts and instrument inventories also name

noncontinuo instruments available for use with villancicos. Some of

these not mentioned above are the sackbut, cornett, violin, treble and

tenor viols, bassoon, rebeck, marine trumpet, and clarion.30

It was also common practice in Spain and parts of the New World

to use continuo instruments in villancico performance. Instruments in-

cluded in this category are the organ, portable organ, harp, guitar,

lute, cittern and bandore. 31 When present, the continuo part consisted

of an unfigured, textless line which merely duplicated the lowest vocal

part of the villancico, although in some cases it played a purely instru-

mental fourth part. Figured bass did not become common practice in Mexico

or Spain until the eighteenth century.3 2

29. Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 9-10. Marshall Saville's The Wood-


Carver's Art in Ancient Mexico (New York, 1925), contains numerous
drawings and photographs of teponaztlis and huehuetls.

30. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 28, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 148.

31. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 28, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 61,
148.

32. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 21-22, 36, and Stevenson, Music in


Mexico, 143.
78

Figure 20, Musicians playing the teponaztli and the huehuetl,

Figure 21. Carved teponaztli,

r7
79

In Latin America the Indians themselves played all of these

instruments. In part because of the local tax liability which musicians

were not subject to, the churches became overcrowded with singers and

instrumentalists to the point that in 1555 the First Mexican Council was

convened by Archbishop Alonso de Montifar to alleviate the problem. The

resulting edict banished many of the singers and all instruments from the

church except the organ. The banished instruments were to be reserved for

outdoor processions and festival days of patron saints, and could no longer

be used for accompanying the liturgy. This ruling was not severely en-

forced, however, and Indian participation continued to flourish in instru-


33
mental church music during the sixteenth century.

Some of the instruments mentioned above were introduced to the

New World by the Spaniards, but others were already present before the

conquerors' arrival. Reports written by Spaniards during the first half

of the sixteenth century tell us that, among other indigenous instruments,

the Mayas played vertical flutes made of reeds, long thin wooden trumpets

with long twisted gourds at their ends, and the tunkul, another name for

the Aztec teponaztli or slit-drum. This is still an indispensable Mayan

instrument. Among the tunkules still used in Guatemala in the twentieth

century is the one seen by Oliver La Farge during his stay in Santa

Eulalia. He wrote that it was kept in the church near the altar rail
35
and was brought out for important dances.

33. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 163, 167-70.

34. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 18, 69-71, 108. See also Saville,
op. cit., 59-60.

35. La Farge, op. cit., 82, 86, and Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 11, 25.
80

The Indians of Mexico became so skilled in the manufacture of

century it was
European instruments that by the end of the sixteenth

no longer necessary to import instruments from Spain. For example,

local
one of the instruments, the double-reed chirimla, was already in

manufacture by the mid-sixteenth century. It is possible that the-

least were able to


Mayas of Guatemala learned to make them also, or at

obtain chirimias from neighboring Mexico. The chirimia has long re-

mained one of their favorite instruments, and along with drums and

marimbas, it still provides music for dances, processions, burials, and

the fiestas of Lent and Holy Week in Santa Eulalia and San Miguel
38
Acata'n. Indians in the highlands of Guatemala may have continued to

own reed
build them since they are known to have also constructed their

tunkules in the present


pipes, six-stop wooden flutes, snare drums,and

century (Plate 15).

It seems likely that several of the noncontinuo instruments

listed in connection with sixteenth- and seventeenth-century villancico

to accompany the
performances in Spain and Mexico would have been used
in an
villancicos in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, either colla parte or

improvised style. One might conservatively suggest that the pre-Conquest

tunkul,and
Mayan trumpet and flute (or their European equivalents),
available.
other indigenous percussion instruments probably would have been

36. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 85, 172. 37. Tbid., 96, 158.

72-74.
38. La Farge, op. cit., 86-98, and Siegel, "Religion,"

39. La Farge, op. cit., 36.


81

The chirimla, on the basis of the Indians'


reported skill in building
copies of European instruments as well
as its present popularity in
highland Guatemala, may have also been used.

Although Pope Paul III's bull of January


15, 1534,allowed for
the employment of an organist who would
play every feast day at the

Guatemala Cathedral, it does not seem likely that so sophisticated


a
continuo instrument as the organ would
have made its way into the iso-

lated highlands by the year 1600. All bass parts in M. Md. 7 are texted
and there are no instrumental instructions
written in the music, which
makes any use of continuo instruments
even less likely. It would have
been more likely that groups of flutes playing
in harmony were used to

replace the sound of a pipe organ, as was done in some


areas of Mexico.41

Fabord6n

Four of the pieces in Santa Eulalia


M. Md. 7, Nos. 9, 26 (Figure
11), 34-1 and 37, have fabord6n settings. Fabord6n is the Spanish equiva-
lent of the Italian term falsobordone,which
is used to denote simple
homophonic settings in four parts of the
psalm tones and other liturgical
recitatives. h2 Both words are derived from the French fauxbourdon,
but
their differing musical style is evident
even though the definitions of
the terms became blurred during the sixteenth
century. From their first

40. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 50.

hl. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 158.

42. Willi Apel, "Fabord6n," Harvard


Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1969), 304. See also "Falsobordone,"
305-06.
82

appearance in the fifteenth century, fabordones were written for four

mixed voices (soprano, tenor, alto and bass) instead of three, used

five-three instead of six-three triads, and had all of their parts

written out with none left for the performers to add by rule, although

it did become popular to improvise cadences according to the musical

cliches of the day. In his study entitled The Falsobordone, Murray

Bradshaw discusses several theories of the origin of the fabord6n and

its possible historical connection with fauxbourdon.4

Fabordones originated in Spain, Portugal and Italy, and were

most commonly used for the singing of psalms at Sunday Vespers.45 A

Gregorian psalm tone was placed in the soprano, tenor, or occasionally

the bass voice as a cantus firmus. The whole piece followed the form

of the psalm tone, dividing the psalm verse into two parts, then further

dividing these halves into two smaller sections known as the recitation

and the cadence. These were strophic compositions with the same music

sung to different verses, just as is done in psalmody. A single chord

was repeated as many times as necessary during the recitation section,

and clarity of text was given first priority along with good accentua-

tion. Near the end of the sixteenth century, some composers discarded

43. Murray Bradshaw, The Falsobordone: A Study in Renaissance and


Baroque Music (Stuttgart, 1978), 19, 21, 32, 34-35, 43.

44. ibid., 31-33. See also Ernest Trumble, "The Contratenors of


Fauxbourdon," Journal of the American Musicological Society
VIII/l (Spring 1955), 71-72.

45. Bradshaw, op. cit.., 20, 50.

46. Ibid., 21, 23-24.


83

the psalm tone cantus firmus, but retained the essence of the style,

that is, the declamatory repeated chords followed by a cadence.h4

There was a great growth in popularity of the fabord6n between

1580 and 1620. This style of composition found its way not only into

cathedrals and princely establishments, but also into village and parish

churches, monasteries,and convents as well.


h8 The growing trend toward

singing in parts at the end of the century, the need for simple music

that could be quickly mastered by any church choir, the simplicity of

the genre itself which made it easily adaptable to other mediums, and

the demand for clarity of text by the Council of Trent (1545-1563) are

all reasons that gave impetus to its widespread adoption. The require-

ments of the Council were inherent to fabord6n, which was

the most explicit, and perhaps most perfect musical reflec-


tion of ecclesiastical thinking on music: a completely
sacred orientation, clarity of text declamation, and sim-
plicity of musical style.h9

The end of the sixteenth century was the golden age of the fabord6n,

and by 1613 it was reported that "in these kingdoms of Spain the

singing of psalms in figured music is not customary except in falso-

bordone ,50

47. Ibid.,, 58.

48. ibid., 72-73.

49. Ibid., 46-48.

50. Pietro Cerone, El Melopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613); facsimile ed.


"Bibliotheca Musica Bonolensis," 11/25 (Bologna, 1969), Vol. II,
689, cited in Bradshaw, op. cit., 51.
84

The fabordones in M. Md. 7 have many characteristics in common

with those composed in Spain, including the basic features of four-

part texture and root-position triads with the third usually present.

The melodic movement of the upper three voices is primarily by step,

with their ranges not exceeding an octave. The bass usually moves by

leaps of fourths and fifths, although some movement by steps and thirds

does occur in M. Md. 7.51 As in the Spanish settings, those in M. Md. 7

begin with the reciting tone rather than the intonation, generally use

notes of only one or two rhythmic values and have more melodic motion
52
toward the cadence. The cantus firmus of each piece is unembellished,

though the other voices are often decorated at the cadences. 53 An attempt

has been made in these settings to properly accentuate the text, but an

accurate result was not achieved, especially in No. 26.

As was mentioned earlier, the singing of fabordones was asso-

ciated with Sunday Vespers. One of the most commonly set psalms in

this style was the first one of that office, Psalm 109, of which No. 26

is an example. Fabordones were also used in the Offices of Matins, Lauds,

Terce,and Compline, in the Office of the Dead, and as settings for li-

tanies. The remarks for No. 9 in Chapter III discuss its possible use

as a litany. The texts of Nos. 34-1 and 37 both come from Psalm 50,

and are discussed in Chapter III in connection with the Burial Service.

Fabord6n settings of the Miserere psalm were also traditionally used in

the service of Tenebrae.54

51. Bradshaw, op. cit., 27. 52. Ibid., 24-25.

53. Ibid., 54. 54. Ibid., 68-73.


85

Performance Practice

Fabordones were sung a cappella, with either several singers to

a part, or a soloist on each part. An alternatim performance was usually

called for, in which the fabord6n verses were alternated with plainsong

verses.

The manner of singing the recitations is not at all certain,

and Bradshaw offers three known possibilities:

1) equal note values allotted to all syllables with attention


given to the natural accentuation of the words.

2) the strict use of two note values within a regular metrical


system.

3) beginning with the first, lengthening the alternate


and the final vowel of a word or phrase in a gracefulsyllables56
manner.

In all cases the cadences are exceptional. The regular use of meter

signatures and notated long and short values in M. Md. 7 points to a

variation of the second of these practices.

55. Ibid., 24-27, 66.

56. Tbid., 24-25, 105, 109-110.


86

Chapter III

COMMENTARY

Text Problems

Spani~sh and Latin

The spelling and usage of Spanish and Latin and the manuscript

style in which they are written in Santa Eulalia M. Md. ? together

produce problems sufficiently complex in scope to merit a separate

study. Since that is not possible in this project, I shall only

briefly discuss each type of problem encountered while dealing with

the texts of M. Md. 7.

The most evident problem, quite likely attributable to phonetic

spellings, is the continual interchange of alphabetic characters. After

dealing with the texts for a while this becomes less of a problem, be-

cause many of the spelling errors are consistent enough to make the

intended spelling obvious. Following is a list of the most common

substitutions, with an example of each:

Table II., Common Letter Substitutions


Found in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7

b used for v: nueba = nueva r used for 1: angericar = angelical


c used for s: venerig = veneris s used for c: asercando = acercando
d used for t: lesdar5 = restart" t used for d: comita = comida
f used for p: favana = pavana x used for c: plaxer = placer
i used for r: estiella = estrella x used for E: confrexit = confregit
1 used for r: otla = otra z used for c: hazer = hacer
m used for n: redemgion = redenci6n z used for I: bazo = baj6
p used for f_: Luciperum = Luciferum
87

Not all of the letter substitutions in M. Md. 7 can be attributed

to phonetic or poor spelling. Certain situations are due to the "Old

Spanish" script style, in which the letter i stood not only for the

vowel i, but also for y and j.1 Initial V was usually written as u2

(uida = vida), and frequently phonetically confused with b3 (bida =

vida) (Figure 2). The differentiation between i and j, and between u

and v took place after the invention of printing, when Antonio de Nebrija

published his 1517 spelling book, Reglas de orthographia. During the


first thirty years of the sixteenth century, under the influence of

humanistic ideas and classical studies, "Spanish was stripped of much

of its ancient costume and began to emerge as the language of the present

day. "5 It was during the latter part of this period of change that Spain

conquered Guatemala (1524), and the conquerors began teaching the tran-

sitional Spanish to the Indians. Thus it seems likely that the condition

of the Spanish language and the script style were in part responsible

for the spelling problems encountered in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

Omitted letters and syllables are to blame for some of the most

troublesome areas of the texts. When a word begins with the same letter

or syllable that ends the word immediately preceding it, that letter or

syllable is often elided. For example, sien doncella = siendo doncella

1. Jeremiah Denis Matthias Ford, Old Spanish Readings (New York, 1967),
239.

2. Tbid., 304.

3. Robert K. Spaulding, How Spanish Grew (Berkeley and Los Angeles,


1948), 79-80.

4. Ibid., 76, 137. 5. Ibid., 136.


88

(Figure 2), dios incorrompimiento = dios sincorrompimiento, and sum

altura = suma altura (Figure 9).

Reversed letters also appear in several instances, such as

garn = gran, and palcer = placer. The confusion between b and V com-

bined with a letter reversal results in bre = ver.

In this edition I have, with one exception, left all spellings

of Spanish and Latin texts as they were originally written. In situations

where omitted letters result in the absence of a whole syllable, most of

a syllable or the only vowel in a syllable, I have replaced the missing

letters, enclosed in brackets, in order to allow the text to fit the

music. I have also attempted to show upper and lower case letters as

they are in the manuscript, but it has been difficult to differentiate

between them in many cases, especially the letters D (Figure 12), E

(Figures 6, 7), L (Figure 11), S (Figures 6, 7, 9), and Y (Figures 11, 12).

In addition, it was difficult to differentiate between g and q in

M. Md. 7, because they were often made alike in the sixteenth century

(Figures 5, 6).6

Abbreviations common to the Spanish and Latin of the time are

numerous in the manuscript. In this edition I have spelled out all

abbreviations which are present in the Spanish and Latin texts of the

Original manuscript to allow facility in reading and singing. The most

common method of abbreviation omitted the letters i, n, m, or r, but

any number of letters might have been dropped from a word as long as

the context enabled the reader to guess what word was meant. A straight,

6. See, for example, Samuel A. Tannenbaum, The Handwriting of the


Renaissance (New York, 1930), 44, 64.
89

curvedor looped horizontal flourish above all or part of the abbreviated

word indicates a contraction. This flourish written above a vowel shows

the omission of a succeeding m or n (Figures 3-12), as in c tto = con-

tento, and c'dtar = cantar. The syllable que (Figures 4-6, 8, 10) is

represented by , or q. h, omission of larger groups of letters


T,
The

can be seen in Dus = Dominus, espiv = espiritu (Figure 13), glIa or =

gloria, gr = gracia, and n 2r = nuestra or nostra (Figure 2).

A second type of abbreviation frequently, encountered in M. Md. 7

uses superior letters to denote the omission of one or more letters or

syllables within a word. The titles Se~ior and Se5iora are written -S-

(Figure 3) and 'Sra respectively, while San is simply -S- (Figures 4,


to = sancto(a) or
11) with no superior letter. The abbreviation -S-

santo(a) is used a number of times (Figure 13). Proper names abbreviated

with superior letters in this manuscript are Maria and Juan, represented

by m 9 and Ju0 (Figure 4) or Zu 0 (from English Jn0 = John). 7

Brevigraphs form the third type of abbreviation used in the

manuscript. These are special symbols that are used to take the place

of whole syllables. According to Tannenbaum, they are derived. by modi-

fying an ordinary letter. These symbols occur infrequently in M. Md. 7,

and are as follows:: 0 = et used as the Latin word et; f = por used as

the Spanish word por (Figure 2);2. = rum as used in sancto= sanctorum

(Figure 11); 9 = us as used in splendorib = spiendoribus (Figure 11);

and '&= vir as used in'gen = virgen (Figures 2, 3, 10). The symbol

7. Tbid.1, 134. 8 . bid.,5 125.


90

Xpo = Christo or Cristo appears only once, and is related to the

9
chrismon, the Greek monogram of the word Christ.

Several symbols are used in the manuscript to indicate repe-

tition of the text: 1)" (Figures 5, 6, 10), 2)-Z. (Figures T, 9),

3) j (Figures 13, 14), ) // and 5)*1. Symbols similar to these are

often found in Continental manuscripts, but in M. Md. 7 they often

have variant meanings. Number five, for example, can be considered a

text repeat sign in M. Md. 7 only when it does not correspond with a

rest or congruence sign (.C) in the music; where it does appear with a

rest or the sign it shows congruence between the text and the music

(Figure 2).

The versions of the Spanish and Latin texts given later in this

chapter include footnotes which contain the following information:

1) corrected spellings of words whose identities are obvious


(based on Table II).

2) modern spellings (ex: coragon = modern corazz6n; Spanish


sancto(a) = modern santo(a); ygual = modern igual).

3) suggestions for possible orthography where words are un-


readable or unidentifiable (based on Table II and abbrevia-
tions).10

4) spellings in the different voice parts (represented by S, A,


T and B) which vary from the typewritten version (such as AB:
mercio; S: melecio).

When sources for Latin texts are cited, Liber Usualis is

abbreviated as LU.

9. Ibid., 85-86.

10. Assistance in reading the Spanish texts was given by Profs.


Malena Kuss and Philip Sn'yth. A few emendations were made after
Paul Borg's catalog of the manuscript.
91

Nghuatl

The highland villages of Guatemala have continuously


used
mutually unintelligible dialects within the Kanhobal
group of the
Mayan language, even into the present century (see p.
4). During
the sixteenth century, the Aztec Nhuatl was used
as a means of com-

munication in carrying on trade in the region. In time its use was

also extended to some of the musical texts of


the San Miguel Acatgn

repertory to facilitate the exchange of the manuscripts


among the

villages.

The language seen in these texts is not the elegant,


classical
Nghuatl of the early Aztecs. The corruption of the Nhuatl language

in Guatemala may have occurred in the same manner


that it occurred in

New Spain (Mexico),where the Indians imitated the


Spaniards' incorrect
pronunciation of the Aztec tongue. Because of this, only a general

sense translation of the texts and Pascual's inscription


(f. llr) can
be given without the aid of Nhuatl dictionaries contemporary
with

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

The translations of" this inscription and the three


Nghuatl
song texts, and suggestions for their word and
syllable divisions were

made by Dr. Dow Robinson of Wycliffe Bible Translators,


Inc. His re-
marks concerning each text are contained in the commentaries
for those
songs. A few suggestions regarding Pascual's dedication
were offered
by Mr. Earl Brockway, also of Wycliffe Bible Translators.
I am
responsible for the treatment of the Spanish words in
this inscription.

11. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 100.


92

There are several abbreviations in the three


songs (Nos. 9,
32-1, and 36) and in Pascual's inscription which
are similar in appear-

ance to those seen in the Spanish and Latin texts


(Figures 4, 13, 14).
Since the particular abbreviations used (the straight,
curved,and looped
flourishes) can represent many different letters
and groups of letters,

I have not attempted to interpret them unless the


word in question

happens to be written out in one of the voice parts.


A few abbreviated
Spanish words are used in the Nahuatl songs and inscription.
They are
included in the previous discussion of Spanish and
Latin abbreviations,

and interpreted in the same manner as abbreviated words


found in the

Spanish and Latin texts.

Remarks on the Texts and Music

1. "Victoria victoria quien a vencido" (f. lv-2r).


This villan-
cico for the feast of St. Michael describes Michael
in one of the roles

given to him by Christian tradition, that of a special


protector against

the attacks of Satan (Luzbel). Michael is traditionally regarded as the

chief of the archangels, and in the Western church


has two feasts . The
May 8 feast commemorates his alleged fifth-century appearance
at Monte
Gargano in Italy and his victory over Greek pirates
at Manfredonia. His
September 29 feast celebrates the anniversary of the
sixth-century dedi-
cation of his most ancient church, located on the Salarian Way
at Rome.13

(See also remarks for Nos. 12 and 13.)

12. Donald Attwater, A Dictionary of Saints (London, 1958),


189.
13. Frederick Holweck, A Bioqraphical Dictionary of the Saints
(Detroit, 1969), T
.
93

Robert Stevenson has published a transcription of this piece

in which measures 9-14 have become two nearly identical musical periods

of two short phrases each, through alteration of several rests and note

values
.

Este canto para fiesta de San miguel a 4 vozes [voces]

[Estribillo]: Victoria quien a15 vencido

el gran16 miguel que vengio

A luzbel17 el18 atrevido 1 9

y vengiendo del triunpho 20

copla: con zusto21 titulo dan

a miguel por la victoria

Contucta22 de capitan23

y premio eterna de gloria


24 .25
pues fue tan exclaregido

que al profundo deslibo2 6

[Repeat Estribillo]

14. Stevenson, "European Music," 347.

J
I
A
Arjr

19 rr v r rr r r

15. [h]a 16. ATB: gra 17. Luzbel 18. el

19. S: atrebido 20. triunfo; B: triPho 21. justo

22. conducta 23. capitn 24. or fru 25. esclarecido

26. most likely derrib6, but possibly desterro, desvi6, deshizo, or


desdijo.
94

2. "yesuchristo nuestro dios" (f. 2v-3r). The Eucharist is

described as a sacrament in the text of this villancico. A piece has

been torn from the middle of the second stanza of the coplas, making

it difficult to understand the text.

The soprano part has been raised a minor third throughout the

piece because the C clef was incorrectly placed in the manuscript.

[Estribillol: yesuchristo27 nuestro dios28


30
por nos tar2 9 contento y uita
31 32 comita3 3
dasenos oy en cmt

34 ques pan te 35 selapinas


. 36
[Coplas]: 1) el
. .3738 .39
tiuino3 7 y angericar ali
40 4l . . 4
se ta yal hombre mortic~inlo

car[i]t[ad] mui caritat

[Repeat Estribillo]

2) es tiuino sangramento 4 5

Ly] comita supriL ]nate


46 47'
y siento onprem[ ] prata
48 ] uita
.30
con ello ser ota [

[Repeat Estribillo]

27. Jesucristo 28. Dios 29. dar 30. vida

31. dasenos; T: tasenos 32. Chloy 33. comida

34. 35. quejie]s pan de, or quejie]spante 36. serafinas

37. divine 38. angelical 39. alli 40. da

41. yal, or yajra]l 42. mortecino 43. caridad 44. muy

45. sacramento 46. siendo 47. hombre, or un premio 48. ot[r~a


95

3. "Esta es gena de amor liena" (f. 3v-4r). This villancico

is designated "for the feast of holy sacrament," which it describes as

the "supper full of love."

Measures 1-6 of the soprano voice have been raised a major

third, because the C clef in the manuscript was incorrectly placed for

the estribillo.

Este canto para fiesta de santo saclamento [sacramento]


a 4 vozes [voces]

[Estribillo]: Esta es gena de amor llena

esta es gena de amor

copla: 1) quanto50 ay en esta Qena

es amor ya amor51 se ordena

Qena de la gloria buena

esta es gena de amor

53
2) gena de mor5 2 quia junsta

con el amate amato54


55
de amor con amor ques sato

y de amor a su sabor

49. B: mormor in the repeat of this line

50. cuanto 51. y amor 52. Calmor

53. quien junta, or que junta

54. ama[nlte y amado, or amaEn~te el amado

55. quedIels saEn~to


96

3) que nagio5 6 tal gena diene 5 7

aunque a totas58 las mandiene59

esta sola nos conviene

porque oncluye6o a su sator61

4-1. "llegaos al convido" (f. 4 v).


Here is yet another

villancico for the Eucharist, this time describing the sacrament as

a "divine" or "holy supper full of mysteries."

[Estribillo]: llegaos al convido

desta
62
sancta
63
cena

de misterios llena

[Coplas]: 1) llegaos a comer


64
pues que dios os llama

lleno a de plaxer65

en divina cena

llegaos al convite

desta cta cena

de misterios llena

2) no tengays lecelo

veni
.69 peccadores 70

gusta7 1 estos savores 7 2

56. nacio 57. tiene 58. todas 59. mantiene

6a. incluye 61. sabor 62. de-Eeista 63. santa

64. Dios 65. placer 66. Esanlcta =Esan]ta

67. tengais 68. recelo 69. veni[d] 70. pecadores

71. :usta[d] 72. sabores


97

venidos del ciello7 3

pues alla
74 en e75 ciello
. T
T3

esta gracia plena

de misterios llena

4-2. (f. 13v). At the top is the soprano voice of No. 4-1,

defaced and with incomplete text.

5. "Virgen madre de dios" (f. 5r). Robert Stevenson calls

this piece, which begins "Virgin mother of God," a Christmas villancico.

Since the folio containing the soprano and tenor parts is missing, it is

impossible to know if this song originally included coplas. Without

coplas it could have been sung as a hymn consisting of two stanzas, but

if there had been coplas, the first of these stanzas would have served

as an estribillo, and the second (both verses or only the last one) as

a vuelta at the end of each copla.

Virgen madre de dios7 8

Virgen senora vos7 9

[Virgen madre de Dios]

Cosa soberana

6. "De la sagrada maria" (f. 5v-6r). The Christmas text found

in No. 6 describes Christ as "the Sun who expels the darkness by His

birth," and is one of six villancico texts set to this piece of music

7. cielo P74. al 75. eEl] 76. esta Cestal

77. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 9. 78. Dios

79. possibly senora&a] vos


98

(cf. Nos. 10, 19, 20, 21, 22). The main differences among the six

versions of the music in M. Md. 7 are some rhythmic accomodations for

the text in No. 20, and an independent tenor part in measure 5 of

Nos. 6 and 10; the four other settings duplicate the alto part at this

point.

[Estribillo]: De la sagrada maria80


.81 . 82
que oi nacio
. 82 .83 .814
nagio el sol que dios embio

Copla: el sol en su nacimiento

la tiniebla85 expelio8
.80 87
maria que lo pario

que dios in corompimiento 8 8

de la que gano89 el contento


.81 . 82
que oi nacio

nacio el sol que dios embio

7. "hoi nace la nueba estiella" (f. 6v-Tr). In this Christmas

text we find God described as "the true Sun and the Star that shines

upon us," and Mary as the "mother and virgin [who] has God as her son."

80. Maria 81. [hloy; A: i in repeat of this line

82. nacio; A: naci in repeat of this word 83. Dios

84. envi6 85. la[s] tinieblaEs] 86. expeli6

7. paro 88. DiosaAs ]in corrompimiento

39. gan 6
99

The song consists of four stanzas,


each consisting of four
verses, and was probably sung in the
manner of a strophic hymn. The
poetic form of the text is not immediately
clear in the manuscript,
because the first two verses of the third stanza were initially
omitted
and later added following the fourth
stanza. The practice of writing
two verses per line of text has also
obscured the form to some extent,
although each line is divided into two
verses by the sign fl which
corresponds with a congruence sign
in the music (Figure 2). After the
verses are put in their correct order,
the stanzas all follow the rhyme

pattern A B A B.

Robert Stevenson couples this Christmas


song with the Christmas
villancico which immediately precedes it in the manuscript
(No. 6).90
In this, he may consider the hymn-like
No. 7 to be a romance, since it
has several characteristics in common
with that form.91 The custom of
appending a villancico (No. 6) to a romance (No. 7) as a deshecha (poetic
conclusion) was common during the Conquest
century. 9 2 The metrical rela-
tionship of the two pieces follows the
general rule for the romance-

villancico combination: a duple- or common-meter romance combined


with
a villancico in triple meter;93 however, the
different keys of the two
pieces make it less likely that they were
used together.

90. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 9. See Table III for Stevenson's


foliation of these two pieces.

91. Miguel Querol Galvadg, "El romance polifonico


en el siglo XVII"
Anuario Musical X (1965), 111-20.

92. Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form," 205-06.

93. Querol Galvad6, op. cit., 120. See also Stevenson, Christmas
Music, 12.
100

1) hoi nace la95 nueba96 estiella9

que por lumbre tiene a dios98

Refrujente99 pura y bella100


101 . 102
virxen sancta que sois vos

2) dios98 es el sol berdaderol 0 3

y la estiella 9 7 que nos claca

es del mar norte y luzerol0 5

3) maria10 madre y doncella

por [sul hijo tiene a dios98


f108 .0109
nacio y sien doncella
110 .98
querida eposa de dios

111 112.
4) co la reyna esclarecida
3
y luna respalndescientel1

Remedio de nuestra bida114

la que nasce115 del oriente

94. hoy 95. AT: la omitted 96. nueva

97. estrella 98, Dios 99. refulgente; S: refujente

100. B: pu lla 101. virgen santa 102. ATB: bos

103. verdadero 104. [alclara 105. lucero

io6. all 6 107. Marfa 108. naci6

109. sien[do] 110. e[s]posa 111. co[n]

112. reina 113. resplandeciente 114. vida

115. nace
101

8. "Dios es ya nagido" (f. Tv-8r). The text of this Christmas

villancico speaks of the "God of Israel" being born among us of a virgin.

[Estribillo]: Dios es ya nagido

entre nosotros aca116

dios "17. es nagido ya

[C]opla: 1) Dios de ysrael1 8

que jamas119 abra20

Dios es nagido ya

[Repeat Estribillol

2) mas121 lindo estrellas1 2 2

23
A nagido el'.

De virgen doncella

[Repeat Estribillo]

3) [mas121 lindo estrellas1 2 2

23
A nagido el]l

Es mas linda y bella

[Repeat Estribillo]
9. "fy technepa sacramento dios" (f. 8v-9r).
This text is

"fairly obvious 'trade' Nhuatl of 1 6 th-century Middle America; syllable

breaks follow regular phonemic rules for Nhuatl. Some word meanings

116. aca 117. Dios 118. Israel

119. jams 120. abrg. 121. mgs

122. [quel-.estrellas 123. el


102

[are] clear--others [are] confused by orthography or local 'idioms.'1,l24

Due to the corrupted condition of the language, word division throughout

the song is only approximate.

Several features in the text and music may classify this piece

as a litany. The text is a supplication addressed to God at the exposi-

tion of the Blessed Sacrament, and is sung in the simple chordal style

(fabord6n) that is sometimes used when a litany is sung by an entire

church congregation.12 5

The last eleven notes of the tenor part were missing from the

manuscript because of a torn folio. This and the several other missing

notes within the other three parts caused difficulty in the reconstruction.

Only the first stanza was underlaid, and care needs to be taken in setting

the remainder of the stanzas because of their differing lengths. Recon-

struction was made more complex by the following pitch problems (see

critical notes):

Soprano: Notes 1-7, 9 and 10 of section 1 were originally written


one step too high. Notes 11-13 and all of section 2 re-
turn to correct pitch.

Alto: Notes 12-14 of section 1, and notes 1, 2, 4 and 5 of


section 2 were originally written one step too low, with
the correct pitch returning on the final note of section 2.

Bass: Notes 1-8 of section 1 were originally written one step


too high. Notes 9-13 of section 1 and notes 1-4 of section
2 return to correct pitch,

124. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12, 1980.

125. Willi Apel, "Litany," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,


1969), 485-86.
103

With the raising and lowering of pitches in the appropriate

sections and the filling in of missing notes, this piece can be recon-

structed in a manner which suggests that the bass line may have originally

been similar to the formula for Tone I.

Text of No. 9: General sense of text:

1) y technepa sacramento 1) And on that sacrament of


dios oncicama God sing

val tic tlatlaul tic912 6 come, we pray to Him

2) ceca y tevel y tech yal 2) [ ] and strengthen


chicavo our hearts

val tic tlatlaul tic6 come, we pray to Him

3) to naca yo quichipava 3) cleansed our body

val tic tlatlaul tic'E come, we pray to Him

4) no ch ne miliz melavac 4) [ ] straighten

val tic tlatlaul tic? come, we pray to Him

5) y tlas cali nepaca 5) and [E ] home there

val tic tlatlaul ticg come, we pray to Him

6) hostica y tech ano ne qui 6) we want the Host in us


val tic tlatlaul tics come, we pray to Him

7) y nixquixtiz ne qui 7) and I want to be saved

val tlie tlatlaul tic9 come, we pray to Him

126. According to Dr. Robinson, tic9 is an honorific.


10. "Qy es dia de placer" (f. 9v-10r). Robert Stevenson

published this piece as a Christmas villancico.127 The text invites


everyone to sing, dance and rejoice on this
"day of pleasure'" and see
the "mysteries of great ecstacy" (cf. No. 6).
[Estribillo]: Oy128 es dia29 de plager:130

y de cantar

via.131 todos 132 a bailar1 333

[Copla]: Regozaemos34 este dia1 29

por ser: de tan135 palcer136


137 138 139 140
Pus en el tenemas: que bre

misterios de garn 141 alegria 142

comengemos con melodialh3

y de cantar

via1 3 1 todos 3 2
a bailar1 3 3

127. Robert Stevenson, "European Music," 348. See also hi:s Christmas
MusiC, 9.

128. [H]oy 129. dia 130. 5: palmer

131. venid; AT: bia in repetion of this word

13. S: dodo, in repetition of this word

133. AB: baylar 134. Regocijamos 135. tan[toI, or tal


136. placer 137. Pu[e]s 138. el
139. tenemos 140. ver 141. gran

142. alegria 143. melodfa


105

11. "Asi andando: El palto" (f. lOv). The story of Christ's

birth is told by Mary in this Christmas villancico. She tells us that

He was conceived inside her in Nazareth while the world awaited


Him in
Bethlehem, and says that she "gave birth without pain [and] with
much

ecstasy."

The copla music uses a four-fold repetition of its one phrase

in order to accomodate the four verses of the stanza, but its repeats

are not written into the manuscript (Figure 3).

[Estribillo]: Asi14 4 andando: El paltol4 5

se me va asercandol1 6

andando asi quedando

virgen pario148

copla: Sin dolor pari149 con mucha alegria150

15115
y en agareth al Senor que de los gielos venia 1 5 2
153 dial15 4
fue mi vientre concebido este dia

el mundo lesta1 5 5 esparandol56 E157 bethlenl5 8

[Repeat Estribillo]

12. "El fiel peso y medida" (f. llv-12r). Here is another

text for the celebration of St. Michael's feast. It concerns an

144. Asi 145. parto; T: pardo 146. acercando

147. S: andado 148. pari6 149. par

150. alegria 151. [Nlazareth 152. vena

153. fuejen] 154. dia 155. le[elst6.

156. esperando 157. en 158. Beln, or Bethlehem


106

additional office given to him by Christian tradition, that is, the

calling from earth of meri's souls for judgment. 159 (See also remarks

for Nos. 1 and 13.)

Measure 7 contains one of the few examples of coloration in

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

Este canto para fiesta de San miguel A 4 vozes [voces]

[Estribillo]: El fiel peso y medida:


i6o 161 .162
que en el uivir dios nos dio
. 163 164
En vos miguel 10 dexo

para medir nuestra vida

[Coplas]: Es peso que solo a diosl6 1

que avita165 en el alto gielo

Se le humille gielo y suelo:


. 163
Y ese miguel
.166 vos
teneis

pues ese peso y medida:

que vida y muerte causo:


. 163 lo dexo 164
En vos miguel

para medir nuestra vida

13. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto" (f. 12v-13r). As in Nos.

1 and 12, this text deals with Michael the archangel. It describes

159. Holweck, op. cit., 710. 160. vivir

161. Dios 162. di6 163. Miguel

164. dejo, or dej6 165. [habita

166. tennis 167. caus6, or causa


107

his role as our protector against Satan, calling him the "strength

and shield of the sinner in death, . . . who always breaks the head

of the demon and deceives him." (See also remarks for Nos. 1 and 12.)

Measures 7, 14 and 30 contain examples of coloration.

One of the most clearly marked repeat systems in M. Md. 7 is

found in No. 13. The combination of congruence signs, custos marks,

and the first few words of the text to be repeated, along with the

rests placed after the soprano and alto parts of the estribillo, show

clearly that the last half of the estribillo is to be repeated following

the copla (Figures 5, 6).

este canto para fiesta de San miguel a 4 vozes [voces]

[Estribillo]: Sed migue 168 fuerza69 y escutol70

del pecador en la muerte:

que quien ay17 1 que sea tan172 fuerte


. 173 l74
que ante dios este seguro

coplas: Sois miguel1 6 8 tal fortalegal 7 5

y de tan alto valor:

que al demonio enganador:

quebrais siempre la cavega


178
y asi de quien sois el muro

168. Miguel .169. SAT: fuerga 170. escudo

171. [h]ay 172. SB: ta 173. est6

11. TB: scuro; A: sequro 175. fortaleza

176. enganador 177. cabeza 178. asi


108

segura lleua1 ' 9


la fuertel8 o

que quien ay que sea tan1 7 2 fuerte

que ante dios estelT3 seguro174

14. "1principatuSY" (f. 13v-14r). This piece appears three times

in the San Miguel Acat6'n repertory. The Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 copy has

the title or text incipit "principatus." The San Juan Ixcoy copy (See

Table III for the location of this and the following citations.) is en-

titled "0 gran principe," while the San Mateo Ixtata'n copy is without

title or text incipit. The harmonization of the former varies somewhat

from the copy in M. Md. 7, while that of the latter is quite different.

Both concordances have a written out repeat of measures 5-10, but M. Md. 7

does not. The San Mateo Ixtatan copy has a flat before e in measure 9 of

the bass voice, which I have added to both the bass and alto voices of

that measure in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

Neither of the concordance manuscripts is dated, but the San Juan

Ixcoy manuscript is thought to date from about 1585 and to have many

characteristics similar to Francisco de Leon's work in Santa Eulalia

M. Md. 1 (dated 1582).18a This composition could therefore predate

Pascual's known term of activity in the area (1595-1635).182

15. "Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri" (f. 14 v-15r). This text

consists of the second half of Psalm 69:2 plus the lesser doxology,

Gloria Patri. I t is the response to the versicle "Deus in adjutorium

179. lleva 180. or suerte 181. Lilly catalog cards.

182. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 206.


109

meum intende," which is the beginning of Psalm 69:2. In the Roman

Catholic service, this versicle and response is sung at the beginning

of each Office (LU, pp. 250-51, 263-64).183

Sections 3 through 5 of the music contain some of the rare

instances of contrapuntal writing in M. Md. 7 (Figure 7).


184 185
Domine ad ajuvando me festina:

gloria patri et filio:1 86


187 ... 188
E spiritui sancto:

Sicut erat in pringipio18 9

et nunc et seper:190

Et in secula1 9 1 seculorum1 9 2

Amen: Alleluya 1 9 3

16-1, 16-4. "muestre la tierra alegria" (f. 16 v-17r, 18v).

The estribillo of this villancico is complete only in No. 16-i. Its

copla has been defaced and was recopied later in the manuscript where

it is now designated as No. 16-4. These have been combined in the

transcription in order to complete the piece.

No. 16-1 is designated "for the feast of All Saints," which is

183. Willi Apel, "Versicle," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,


1969), 899.

184. S: Domjne 185. aEdijuvandum; T: aiuva ndo

186. Gloria Patri, et Filio 187. e[tl


188. Spiritui Sancto: A: spiritu sancto

189. A: pincipio 190. se~miper 191. s[aJecu la


192. slaleculorum 193. Alleluia
110

solemnly celebrated on November 1. All those martyrs, confessors and

virgins who have been formally beatified and canonized by the Church,

those whose names are entered in the various martyrologies or whose

cultus is of local observance, and all those known to man or only to

God who have contended manfully in this life in whatever circumstances

and states of life and now enjoy the blissful vision of God forever in
19 (Cf. Nos. 16-2, 16-3.)
Heaven are commemorated on this day. 4

para fiesda [fiesta] de toto [todos] sancto [santos]


A 4 vozes [voces]
195 196 197 . 198
[Estribillo]: muestre la tierra alegria
200
199 suel
vistase de gloria el suelo
203
201 202 ciel
Oy quel acorde del cielo
20
celebra2o su eterno dia 5

cobla: guarda el mundo la memoria

El ser quel es dio206 en la tira207

8 2 09
y alla2 en el cielo sencierra

194. Alban Butler, Butler's Lives of the Saints, 4 vols., ed. Herbert
Thuxrston, S. J. and Donald Attwater (New York, 1956), IV, 232.

195. A: mustre 196. B: rra 197. S: tiera

198. alegr1a 199. vistase, or vlsta[n]se; S: vistas

200. : sulo 201. [H]oy, or Y

202, que ,E]l acorde, or que la corte; AB: corte

204. celebre 205. dia


2 03. A: cilo

206. quej61 es dio[s], or que les di6

207. ti[erira 208. alla 209. se-e]ncierra


111

. 210.
La prezenciaa de su gloria
. 199 .198
vistase pues de alegria
21 2
211 .
E memoria desto el suelo
201 4202 . 203
Oy2 quel acorde del cielo
204.25
celebra su eterno dia2 0 5

16-2. (f. i6r). Alto and bass voices of No. 16-1, scratched

out and textless.

16-3. (f. 17v). Alto voice of No. 16-1, scratched out and

textiess.

16-4. (f. 18v). See remarks for No. 16-1.

17. (f. 16r). Fragment with the text "Dixit Dominus platess"

18. (f. 17v). Fragment entitled "jesucristo nuestro dios."

19. "De la hermosa Rebeca" (f. 19v-20r). The Old Testament

book of Genesis (Chapters 25, 27, 28 and 32) is the source for this

villancico text which moralizes on Rebekah's choice of Jacob to receive

Isaac's blessing. (Cf. No. 6.)

[Estribillo]: De la hermosa Rebeca

ha escogido

nuestro zacob213 el214 su vestido

Copla: Alegria2l5 pues que bes2l 6


21 7
pecador lo que Res
218
pues lo que eres se hizo
.

210. presencia 211. E[n] 212. de-elste

213. Jacob 214. possibly el 215. Alegria

216. ves 217. Le]res 218. te


112

7
y te hizo lo que les2

De esau siendo219 quienes

ha escogido
213 21h
nuestro zacob el su vestido

20. "forgado de amor de amores" (f. 20v-21r). It is likely

The
that this piece was meant to be another Christmas villancico.
pure
text tells how God, "compelled by love," chose Mary, "completely
made Himself
[arid] more beautiful than the lily or rose, and through her

human." (Cf. No. 6.)

[Estribillo]: forgado220 d.e amor de amores


221 .22
dios embia22 2

2
llena de gracia a maria

225
copla: escogio224 la soberrando

today limpia toda hermosa


226 . . 227
mas que lirio ni que Rosa

y en ella se hizo humano

es dios221 y nuestro hermano


228 . 222
el que embia
3
1-ena de gracia a maria

21. "Alegria pecadores" (f. 21v-22r). Here is another

In it, sinners
villancico text that was probably sung at Christmas.

or De esa siendo, or Des haciendo


219. De Esau siendo,

221. Dios 222. enva


220. forzado

224. escogo 225. soberana


223. Maria

227. or m[ 6 ]s 228. 61
226. ms
113

of David
are urged to be happy because, "from the royal generation

and Juda is born Another, who gives us our eternal redemption."

(Cf. No. 6.)

[Estribillo]: Alegria229 pecadores:

ques230 nagida
231-
de quien naze nuestra vida

.232
Copla: de la Real generation
233 . 23k
de david y de juda

naze231 otla235 que nos da


6
nuestra eterna redemgion23
8
maria 237 consolagion23

escogida
231.
de quien naze23 nuestra vida

22. "Desde el gielo bajo Dios" (f. 22v-23r). Another Christmas

heaven through
villancico, this text tells us that the descent of God from

us life always." (Figure


the pure Virgin Mary "was for the sake of giving

9; cf. No. 6.)


239 .2k0
Desde el gielo bajo Dios
[Estribillo]:

su veniDa241
242.
fue por danos siempre vida

230. que-els 231. nace


229. Alegr a

233. David 234. Juda'


232. generacion
6
236. redenci n 237. Maria
235. otra

239. A: cilo 240. baj6; A: bazo


238. consolacion

: [::. vinida 242. da~r]nos


114

copla: bazo d e la sumaltura

por hazerse245 ygual246 a nos

el eterno y sacro dios247

hizose248 hombre en su natura


2)49
en maria virgen pura

su venida

fue por danos242 siempre vida

23-1. "Aquestan tonceria" (f. 23v-24r). This song is marked

"for the feast of Christmas." The text is quite corrupt. It has been

reconstructed on the basis of No. 23-2 which, though also corrupt, has

the abbreviations written out (Figures 8, 10). It says that the "mother,

being [a] virgin, gave birth to more than she has looked on or heard."

Robert Stevenson's opinion that this villancico was clearly

designed for dancing because of its reiterated rhythm J J, * J


20
is questionable.2 Its thirteen measure length and phrasing of 3 plus

2 plus 3 plus V- measures does not seem to lend it to that purpose.

There are no coplas given for it in the manuscript.

Este canto para fiesta te [de] navitat [navidad]


251
Aquestan tonceria
252 . 253.
mate siento virgen
.25)4 255 256 257
pario mas que a mira que oyo

243. baj6 244. suma-ja]ltura 245. hacerse

246. igual 247. Dios 248. hizose 249. Maria

250. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.

251. AquE[l-estanEdo] doncella 252. madre 253. siendo

254. pari6 255. mats; B: ma 256. [hla miraLdo] 257. oy6


115

23-2. (f. 18r). At the top is the text for No. 23-1. The

bottom half contains dates and scribbles.

23-3. (f. lir). At the top are text and music incipits for

the alto voice of No. 23-1.

24. (f. 23v-24 r). This instrumental pavana in duple meter

is titled both "favana" and "fahuana" in the manuscript (Figure 10),

and its three strains, each repeated, do indeed fit the form of that

dignified dance. It is the only complete piece in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7

that is without text or text incipit.

25. "Si tanta gloria se da" (f. 24 v-25r). The feast of All

Saints may have been the occasion for singing this text which exclaims,

"If such glory is given to the bodies on the earth, what glory remains

for the souls in heaven."

Robert Stevenson says this villancico in quick triple meter

serves as a Nachtanz to the slower duple-meter pavana that immediately

precedes it, and "conjures up the still prevalent scene of Chuj- and

Mam-speaking I ndians stamping out their costume dances in Guatemalan

church festivities, to the clatter of drums and other percussion."258

He has published a transcription of it which does not include the bass

voice in measures 22-45.259

[Estribillo]: Si tanta26o gloria se da:

A los261 cuerpos en el suelo:

258. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.

259. Stevenson, "European Music," 350.

260. TB: tanda 261. S: loos


116

6
que gloria se lestara:2 2

A las almas en el gielo

coplas: Si por las pobres casillas:

dondel263 os sandos264 moraron:

los Angeles abajaron:

de los soberanos265 sillas:

Higiendo266 mil maravillas:

Cum gloria de Hommano267 buelo268

[Repeat Estribillo]

26. "Donec ponam/Tecum pringipium/Dominus a dextris/De torente"

from
(f. 25v-27r). The text for this Tone VIII fabord~n setting comes

Psalm 109, verses 1, 3, 5 and 7 (LU, p. 133, verses 2, 4, 6 and 8).

and bass
The three incorrect spellings of "bibet" in the alto, tenor
b and V
voices of this psalm show not only the confusion between initial

at this time, but also the common use of initial u for v.


has been
If Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 dates from about 1585 as

for No. 26 would


suggested,269 then the concordance in that manuscript

activity as maestro de
predate the period of Tomas Pascual's known

capilla (1595-1635).270 This would, of course, make the possibility

Pascual may
of his being the composer of this psalm setting unlikely.

262. restart; B: Lesdara 263. A: Dondes

265. las soberanas 266. Haciendo


264. santos; B: sanctos

or deo mano; A: de ommano 268. vuelo


267. de Humano;

269. Lilly cat. alog cards.

20. Otevensorn, Aztec and Inca, 206.


117

have been responsible for the occasional differences in pitch and

duration, and the numerous faintly visible added notes in the M. Md. 7

copy which can be seen when comparing it with the copy in M. Md. 3.

Several of these added notes appear in Figure 11 in the "ex utero"

section of both the soprano and tenor parts.

Donec ponam inimicos tuos:

Scaberum271 pedum272 tuorun

Tecum pringipium in die virtutis tue :273


n274 . 275 276
in splentoribus sanctorum:
277
Ex utero ante lugiferum genui te

Dominus a dextris tuis:


.d279ere 280 sue 281
278 in die
Confrexit reges

282 ? 83 28)4
De torente in via bibet:
285 .286
Propterea exaldauit caput

27-1. "Surrexit dominus alleluya" (f. 2Tv-28r). This villancico

was no doubt used for Easter or within the octave. There is also a

271. scabellum 272. ST: pedu 273. tutale

274. SAT: y 275. splendoribus 276. T: sanctuorum

277. S: luciperum 278. Confregit 279. AB: di

280. irlale 281. su~ae; A: suae omitted

282. tor r ]ente 283. SAB: uia

284. A: bibit; T: vibit; B: uibit

285. A: Probterea 286. exaltavit


p
118

Quem
possibility of its having been incorporated into the traditional

quaeritis Easter drama (see remarks for No. 31). Two complete copies

of the text and music appear in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 (cf. No. 27-2).

The text of the first stanza of the coplas is based on Mark 16:6-7,

in which the angel at Christ's empty tomb announced to Mary Magdalene,

and gone
Mary the mother of James, and Salome that the Lord had risen

to Galilee, just as he had promised.

The text of the second stanza is based on Luke 24:34. Cleopas

and another follower of Jesus returned to Jerusalem after having met

Him on the road to Emmaus. The two then found the disciples and other

followers who were saying that the Lord had risen indeed and had appeared

to Simon. The subject of this text suggests use in the simpler type of
287
to Enmaus.
Peregrinus dramas which deal with the incidents on the road

The third stanza text is a portion of the alleluia verse follow-

790), and states


ing the gradual for the Easter Tuesday Mass (LU, p.

that the Lord has risen from the grave.

cuilancicos [villancicos] de pascua Resureccion [Resurreccidn]

No. 27-1 No. 27-2

[Estribillo]: [Estribillo]:
288 . 289 .295 . 289
Surrexit dominus Surexit dominus
290
I1 290 alleluya
-leluya

287. William L. Smoldon, "Liturgical Music-Drama," Grove's Dictionary


(London,
of Music and Musicians, 5th ed., 10 vols., ed. Eric Blom
1954-61), V, 327-28.

LSrexit 289. Dominus 290. alleluia


288. JB:
119

coplas: coplas:
291 . . .291.
1) Sicut dixi vobis 1) Sicut dixi vobis
290
alleluya290 alleluya

[Repeat Estribillo] [Repeat Estribillo]

292 293 292 . 0293


2) et paluit simonis 2) et paluit simonis
290
allaluya290 alleluya

[Repeat Estribillo] [Repeat Estribillol

289 296
dominus
289 te 297
3) Surrexit dominus de 3) Surxit
294 290 294 290
sepulchro alleluya sepulgra alleluya

[Repeat Estribiilo] [Repeat Estribillo]

27-2. (f . 34v-35r). See remarks for No. 27-1L

28. "0 virgen maria" (f. 29v-30r). Christmas is again the

theme in this villancico. The text first addresses Mary saying, "Oh,

Virgin Mary who gave birth to God, there is not another like you in the

world," and then describes Christ as "the gentle Lamb who is the son of

God [and the] light of my life."

The music for the soprano and tenor parts in No. 28 is identical

to the music for those two parts in No. 31 (the alto and bass parts are

missing from No. 31). In the transcriptions the soprano line was raised

a minor third because of the incorrectly placed C clef in the manuscript,

and the flat in the tenor key signature was moved to b from the original

291. dixilt] 292. paruit 293. Simonis

294. sepulcro 295. SurErlexit 296. Sur[re]xit 297. de


120

No. 28. The


d'. Although No. 31 includes coplas, there are none for

would require a sub-


adaptation of the coplas of No. 31 to this piece

stitution for their Easter text.

The final note of the bass part is the only use of a ledger

line in the manuscript. Beneath it is written "vasco" (= basso).


9
1) 0 virgen maria
299 . 300
que paristes a dios:

no ay301 en el mundo

odra302 como vos

2) el cortelor303 manso
304 . 300
que es hijo de dios:

30
lumbre de mi vida 5
306
dulce coragon

3) [el cortelor303 manso


30)4 . 300
que es hijo- de dios: ]

8
el es mi visita3

con mucha razon309

israel/gloria
29. "Et misericordia/Deposuit potendes/Susgepit

patri" (f. 31r-33r). This Tone VI setting of the even-numbered verses

299. pariste 300. Dios


298. Mar'

302. otra 303. cordero


301. Eh]ay

305. A: vi 306. coraz 6 n


304. STB: hiio

308. S: vesta; AB: vesida


307. el
6 ragon
309. raz n; ATB:
121

of the Magnificat (Luke 1:46-55; LU, p. 207) was probably performed

in the traditional style which juxtaposed them with the plainsong odd-

numbered verses. The Tone VI formula can be seen in its entirety in

the tenor voice of the doxology, and in part in the tenor and bass

voices of "Suscepit israel."

The Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 setting of the Magnificat includes

verses 50, 52 and 54, but its concordance in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5

also includes verses 46 and 48.310 Our version was undoubtedly con-

sidered complete by its compiler since it, like the M. Md. 5 setting

ends with the doxology. The only verses in both versions that exist

in four parts are the "Suscepit israel" and "gloria patri" of M. Md. 7.

In all other verses only two of the four voices remain (soprano and

tenor, or alto and bass) depending upon which folio is missing.311

No. 29 is one of the few examples of contrapuntal writing in

M. Md. 7; as with similar pieces in this compilation, it was apparently

borrowed from one of the earlier manuscripts, in this case M. Md. 5

which contains the date 1 589 .312 Hence Pascual, who is thought to be

the composer of the villancicos in our manuscript, was probably not the

composer of this piece.

310. A transcription of verses 46 and 48 from M. Md. 5 may be found in


the Appendix.

311. The transcription of No. 29 in this edition was completed with


the aid of a version prepared by Paul Borg.

312. Lilly catalog cards.


122

[Magnificat] Anima mea dominum 313

Quia respexit humilitatem angille314 sue315


6
Ecge enim Ex hoc beatam me dicent omnes generationes31

Et misericordia ejus a progienie


317
in progenies
318
timentibus eum

Deposuit potendes31 9 de3 20 sede

et exaldauit3 21 humilles3 2 2

. 323 puerum 3214 suum 325


Susgepit israel
.326 327
recordatus misericordie sue

gloria patri et filio

et spiritui sancto32 8

30. "Ne recorderis" (f. 33v-34r). This text is the third

response of the second nocturn within the Office for the Dead which is

sung during Matins. The plainsong texts and music in the transcription

have been adapted from the Liber Usualis and the Roman Gradual, but the

313. Dominum 314. ancill ale 315. suCale

316. S: generagiones; T: generaciones in first statement of this word

317. progenie 318. A: timendibus in first statement of this line

319. potentes; A: podendes 320. B: te 321. exaltavit

322. humiles 323.1 srael 324. A: puerrum

325. A: suum ommitted 326. misericordiCale; ST: miserricordie

327. su~ale 328. Gloria Patri et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto


123

appear to be
polyphonic sections are as found in the manuscript and

harmonizations based on the sixth tone (LU, p. 1792. and GR, p. 94).

Paul Borg has found two published transcriptions and eight

manuscript concordances of the polyphonic setting of this Ne recorderis


9 Most of these concordances
response (see Table III for concordances).32

credit Crist6bal de Morales as the composer of the setting, but the two

Tarazona manuscript sources cite it as the work of Francisco de la Torre.


an
The Morales setting, as published by Pedrell,330 specifies

is sung
alternatim performance for the response, in which the polyphony

by four cantors and the plainsong by a chorus. The text, but not the

music, of the plainsong is included in that edition.

The Pedrell edition repeats the "Dum veneris" section immediately

before "Kyrie eleison," and repeats the 'kyrie" section following "Christe

eleison." "Dum veneris" is also repeated in the Liber Usualis, but is

followed by "Requiem aeternam" rather than by 'Vyrie," "Christe," 'Iyrie."

The M. Md. 7 copy does not indicate repetition of any of the sections.

Although much similarity exists between the Pedrell edition and

the copy in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, several differences are immediately

The most
noticeable when comparing these two versions of the setting.

Music Manu-
329. Paul W. Borg, "The Polyphonic Music in the Guatemalan
scripts of the Lilly Library." Dissertation in progressIndiana
University. Four of these manuscript concordances are discussed
in Robert Stevenson's Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), 13, 107-08, 127 n. 270.
I of Hispaniae
330. Crist6bal de Morales, Officium defunctorum in Vol.
Schola Musica Sacra, 8 vols., ed. Felipe Pedrell (Barcelona, 1894),
reprinted in 4 vols. (New York, 1971), 1-19.
124

extensive pitch differences occur in the first few measures of the

"Ne recorderis" section in all four voices. Most rhythmic differences

involve the unequal division of a larger note value, in either of the

versions, into two smaller note values in the other version to create a

repeated note or a passing tone (a becomes J# J). The only textual

differences are the text repeats within most polyphonic sections of the

M, Md. 7 version, none of which occur in the Pedrell edition. Another

difference is the tying of repeated notes in Pedrell's edition, while

there is no indication of this in M. Md. 7. Perhaps the repetition of a

pitch without a change of syllable in M. Md. 7 indicates the reemphasis

of that pitch rather than merely a long duration which could have been

shown just as easily through use of a larger note value.

Ne recorderis3 31

[peccata mea, Domine,]


.332
D veneris

[judicare saeculum per ignem.]

Dirige

[Domine Deus meus,

in conspectu tuo viam meam.]

Kyrie eleyson 3 3 3

[Christe eleison.]

331. T: Recorderig

332. S: Dun verig, dun veneris in repeats of these words; B: Dum neris
in repeat of these words

333. eleison; S: Kirie leyson; AB: Kyrie leyson


125

31. "Maria magdalena" (f. 35v). Although there are numerous

evident that it contains


unsolved problems remaining in this text, it is

on Easter morning.
the story of the three Marys at the tomb of Christ

magdalena"), while the


The estribillo concerns Mary Magdalene ("Maria
Mary the mother of Jesus
first and second stanzas of the copla mention

("et altera maria"). This


("la matre te Dios") and the other Mary
Dominus") may have been used
villancico, along with No. 27-1 ("Surrexit
trope Quem quaeritis
in an Easter drama stemming from the tenth-century
of the Mass for Easter.
which was customarily prefixed to the Introit
into a number of dramas
Through the centuries this trope was extended
The trope originally
with added scenes, additional music, and new text.

the three Marys at


covered the resurrection story from the arrival of

the angel and their declara-


Christ's tomb, through their encounter with

tion that the resurrection had occurred. The elements of the story

can be seen in the text of No. 31 as follows.


to the actual cross
In the estribillo, "cruz" could refer not only

the cross which was wrapped in


on which Christ was crucified, but also to

tomb to symbolize Christ's death


grave cloths and placed in an artificial
In the Quem quaeritis
and resurrection in ancient Easter ceremonies.

that the cross is no longer in


trope, the angel shows the three Marys

Lhe tomb.35

Ages (New York, 1940), 194-95.


334, Gustave Reese, Music in the Middle of the Easter drama in
See also the discussion of the development
Smoldon, op. cit.,, 318-27.

335. Smoldon, op. cit., 321.


126

One of the suggested readings for the letters "az," which

begin line two of the estribillo, is [h3az (= right side, or outside

of cloth). This word, when combined with "cama" (= piece of cloth

which is part of a cloak) at the end of the same line of text, may

refer to the grave cloths which the Marys hold up before the eyes of
6
the clergy as proof of Christ's resurrection.3

In the first stanza of the coplas, "amanece" (= dawn) gives

the time of the Marys' arrival at the tomb.

The third line of the second stanza, all of which was written

in a different hand (Figure 12), refers to Christ's tomb ("at monumento"

= ad monumentun, or a monumento = at the tomb). These words are in-

cluded in numerous versions of the Easter play, and introduce a section

sung by the three Marys in which they relate how they came mournfully to
337
the tomb and found that the Lord had risen.

The final line of the second stanza is "isus quen geris ti"

(= Jests quEilen qEuiieres tl, or Jesum quem qualeritis = Jesus whom

you seek). These words originate in Matthew 28:5 and Mark 16:6, in the

dialogue between the angel and the women at the tomb, and are the opening

words for the Quem quaeritis trope.

The "Surrexit Dominus" villancico (No. 27-1) also contains

elements of the Easter drama. The estribillo corresponds to the part

336. bid.

337. Ibid., 322. An eleventh-century version of Quem quaeritis is


printed in Arnold Schering's Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen
(Wiesbaden, 1959), 5.
127

choir, "Alleluia!
of the dialogue in which the three Marys say to the

resurrexit Dominus! ," immediately after receiving the news from the

that is sung
angel. The third stanza of the coplas contains the text

cloths. The first stanza


by the Marys after displaying the grave
resurrection. The text
is part of the angel's announcement of Christ's
in the remarks for
of No. 27-1 and its other possible uses are discussed

that villancico.
dramatic
Since the story of the three Marys was a favorite

3 3 9 the tradition of the Easter drama was probably


subject in Spain,
making the use
carried on in the Spanish colonies of the New World,

of these two villancicos in such a drama a distinct possibility.


is identical
The music for the soprano and tenor parts in No. 31

clef and key


to the music for those two parts in No. 28, including the

No. 28. The alto and bass


signature errors discussed in the remarks for

replaced by their correspond-


parts are missing from No. 31, but have been

ing parts from No. 28. No. 31 has a soprano copla which is not present
scratched
in No. 28. This copla has a portion which appears to have been

out in the manuscript (Figure 12). The transcription omits this portion

melismatic than
because its use results in a style which is much more

tht of the other villancicos in Santa Eulatia M. Md. 7.

338. Reese, op. cit., 194.

339. Ibid., 195.


128

[Estribillol: Maria magdalena 34o

quen bi3jDelya342 cruz

azel Deiya cama


.344 345 346
qui nino Jesus

coplas: 1) ya canta ya canta

el calloasc amanece:

8
asta qui sopblece
3149 te
350.
Dios
la matre

[Repeat Estribillo]

2) et altera maria3 5
'

352 .353 3514


ibat ti lucolo

at355 monumento

isus35 quen quieris ti

[Repeat Estribillo3

340. Marfa Magdalena 341. quejlen vi, queje]nv , or qu[ien vi

342. della = deje]la 343. [hlaz 61, [hiacer, or [h]aceJI6]l

344. camalalquii 345. nin'o; S: niyo 346. Jesu's

347. or casloasc; possibly carrasca, or carraca

348. [h]astaja]qu sopblece, [hasta quiso pblece, or [hZasta quiso,.


_)o]frece

349. madre 350. de 351. Maria

352. possibly ipan, iban, or ibas

353. t1, or t' 354. possibly luctuoso, or luctum

355. a, or ad 356. Jesus

357. quEiJen quieres ti, quilen quieres t, or quem quaeritis


129

32-1. "bay magalhi" (f. 36v-37r). Since the entire tenor part

and all but a fragment of the soprano part of this song have been torn

from the manuscript, it is likely that there are several portions of

their texts missing in measures 1-5 where the alto and bass parts have

rests. About one half of the text is also missing from measures 10-14

of the bass part. The word order in measures 12 and 13 of the alto part

is also conjectural due to both this lack of text in the corresponding

bass area and the complete absence of text in the concordance (No. 32-2).

The syllabification of this text is normal for Nchuati, but the

word meanings are tricky. More comparative materials are needed in order
358
to make a complete translation.

Text of No. 32-1: Partial translation:

C I [

bay magalhi F ] my house

C I [F I

tzet yechel magalhi I Imy house

nima xpuuh magalhi soon/quickly F I my house

yban ypat hata magalhi and on/in F I my house

zachol dios F IGod

hagan cazcahol dios F IGod

mag yu neneh that He us

ztoh quinal draw near

ma 359 .E IHoly Mary


go poh *S ta

358. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12, 1980.

359. Santa Maria


130

32-2. (f. 40r). Alto and bass voices of No. 32-1, textless.

33. (f. 37v). Textiess fragment.

34-1. "tibi solid pecaui" (f. 38v-39r). The text for this

fabord6n setting is Psalm 50:6 (see remarks for No. 37). The spellings

in the different copies of this text within Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 (cf.

Nos. 34-2 and 34-3, which are the only other two of the five versions of

this piece that have texts) are a good example of the interchangeability

between u and V and between i and j in Latin at the time this manuscript

was copied.

No. 34-1 No. 34-2

tibi soli pecaui36o tibi soli pecaui36o

et malum coram te fecit


361
et malum coran
367 te fecit'361
362 .363 36)4 368 . 369
ut justifigeris jn vt3 iustificeris in

sermonibus tuis sermonibus tuis

et uineas 365 cum juticaris


.. 366 et vincas 370ccm luticaris
. . 371

No. 34-3 No. 34-4

tibi soli pecaui 36o textless


. 361
367 te fecit
et malum coran
368 .. 0369
vt Iustificeris [in No, 34-5

sermonibus tuis textless

et vincas] cum juticaris

360. peccavi 361. feci 362. SAB: vt

363. T: justifigerris 364. in 365. vincas

366. judicar'is; A: juticalis 367. coram 368. ut

369. justificerils 370. A: uIncas 371. judicaris


131

34-2. (f. 39v). Soprano and alto voices of No. 34-1 with text.

34-3. (f. 42v-43r). Tenor and. bass voices of No. 34-1 with text.

34-4. (f. 37v). Soprano voice of No. 34-1, defaced and textless.

34-5. (f. 38r). Soprano voice of No. 34-1, textless.

35. "Abrase el reyno del cielo" (f. 40v-41r). The Immaculate

Conception is the subject of this villancico text which describes the

crowning victory of "mercy here on the earth" through the espousal of

"the King of heaven Eand] the Queen of glory." The description in the

copla of the angels carrying Mary in victory and triumph to be presented

to her Son "today" may indicate that this text was sung at Christmas.

The music of No. 35 appears three other places in the San Miguel

Acatasn repertory (see Table III for concordances). The text of the con-

cordance in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 is written in one of the native Indian

languages, and a large portion of it is given in Stevenson's catalog of

that manuscript. 3 7 2 Those in Santa Eula ia M. Md. 1 and 5 both contain

a text commemorating the feast of the virgin martyr Saint Eulalia of

Merida (born c. 292 A.D., died 304 A.D.), which is celebrated December

10.373

Pascual may have borrowed this music from Francisco de Len,

because M. Md. 1, dated 1582, contains a signed statement from de Len

saying that he "made this book of songs." M. Md. 3 and 5 are also

372. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 62.

373. Butler, op. cit., 530, and Berchmans Bittle, A Saint a Day According
to the Liturgical Calendar of the Church (Milwaukee, 1958), 323.
132

and
thought to predate M. Md. 7 (1600), possibly dating from 1585

1589 respectively.374
375 376 377 378.
[Estribillo]: Abrase el reyno del cielo
379.
a la reyna de la gloria
380 381
pues mercio aca en el suelo

tal corona de victoria

copla: oy382 los angeles3


8 la lleva38 4

zunto385l 386caer con el alma

lleua victoria de palma

y a su hizo la presentan
380 381
pues mercio aca en el suelo

tal corona de victoria

36. "magalhi vinac Dios" (f. 41v-42r). According to Dow

Robinson this text is the most understandable of the three Nchuatl


of
texts in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, and is about the redemptive life
Luke. It
Christ according to the final chapters of Matthew, Mark and
the mass.389
is apparently a worship or praise song used along with

375. Abra[nlse
'74. Lilly catalog cards.

376. AB: el omitted 377. 1reino; AB: reyna

378. B: tel 379. reina; A: rena

381. ac4
380. mer[e]eci; AB: mercio; S: melecio

382. [h]oy 383. ngeles 384. lleva~n]

386. al 387. lleva[nJ 388. hijo


385. junto
1980.
389. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12,
133

The musical form of this piece is confusing because of the

ambiguity of the custos marks following the soprano, alto and bass

parts. No rests are included for the alto, tenor and bass parts during

the soprano copla, and no text incipits are given to show what part of

the estribillo is to be repeated. Congruence signs (Q) usually precede

the custos marks in instructions for repetition in M. Md. 7, but in this

case the two are reversed, with the custos marks appearing first (Figures

13, 14). Due to this reversal, it appears that the repeat begins with

the first occurrence of the pitches corresponding with the custos marks

which immediately precedes a congruence sign in the music. This suggestion

results in a complete da capo of the estribillo following the soprano copla.

Text of No. 36: General sense of text:

[EstribilloJ: [Estribillol:

magalhi vinac dios a tu belen God made His house in Bethlehem


hiyuus

yus macoz cole locyuhul zcab coming from far away His inner
self/heart pierced

oxla hutex [along] His rough/difficult


road/trail

valnima valnima come quickly, come quickly,

valnima valnima come quickly, come quickly

[Coplal: [Coplal:

ma gii cobac chil that He bought [with] red [blood]

max vas hivinac that coming to be shamed/made


guilty

coc bues chicani vagil nos nac well, really He was dried out/
killed in His flesh
.134

despu -Sto 390 ca nisoe haq the Holy Spirit, on our behalf,
zcani will appear from nowhere

kamac yzmul vas kamac yzmul sing His glory, come, sing His
glory

ma ii cobac chil that He bought [with] red


[blood]

max vaz hiuinac that coming He was shamed/made


guilty

[Repeat Estribillo]

37. "miserere mei Deus" (f. 42v-43r). Psalm 50 is included

in the Burial Service of the Roman Catholic Church (LU, pp. 1763-64).

The first half of verse three, "Miserere mei Deus," is intoned by the

cantors, after which two alternating choirs continue with "secuntum

magnam misericordiam tuam" and sing Psalm 50 in its entirety as the

corpse is borne from the house to the church. Following the psalm, the

versicle "Requiem aeternam dona ei Domine" is said.

Since Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 includes fabord6n settings of both

verses 3 and 6 of Psalm 50 (verses 1 and 5 in the Liber Usualis, with

different division of verses), an alternatim setting using polyphony and

plainsong may have been intended for the whole psalm (see remarks for

No. 34-1).

miserere mei Deus

Secuntum391 magnam misericortiam392 tuan393

390. deLe spirit santo, or de spiritu sancto

391. secundum 392. misericordiam 393. tuam


135

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$ 4

C
&
Chapter IV

EDITION OF SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7

Editorial Procedures

The four voice parts in the pieces have been designated as

soprano, alto, tenor and bass in order to make use of the abbreviations

S, A, T and B in the critical notes and concordance table. The highest

voice is actually labeled tiple in the manuscript, but an abbreviation

of this would result in confusion with the tenor. The spellings of part

designations vary in the manuscript:

Soprano: tiple, tible


Alto: altus, alto
Tenor: tenor, denor
Bass: cvasus, baxo, vaxo, vasc

The missing material in pieces that are lacking a portion or

all of a voice part has been replaced. In only one piece, No. 31-1,

has this procedure been excepted; here the soprano and tenor parts

evidently contained some duetting section with additional text.

Accidentals have not been added to the voice parts except in

some obvious cases where they were needed to correct an octave. These

have been cited in the critical notes.

The congruence signs and ffrom the manuscript are shown as

in this edition and fulfill one of the following purposes according

to the context of their use:


142

1) to show congruence among voice parts (Figures 3, 5, 6).

2) to show congruence between the music and text when the


sign appears in both (Figure 13).

when used
3) to show congruence between the music and text
in conjunction with the signs i , , or..in the text
(Figure 2).

such are
4) to mark a dal segno repeat when directions for
in com-
given following a copla (Figures 5, 6), usually
bination with number one.

5) to signify a sectional repeat (Figure 10).

6) to mark the beginning of a new stanza.

The signs U and : in the text can also show congruence between the

(Figure
text and music when either is combined with a rest in the music

no rest or sign in
3). Occasionally, a * in the text corresponds with
12). If
the music, but simply divides one word from another (Figure

either of the signs U or I/ is used alone in the text with no corres-

is intended.
ponding mark in the music, only a text repeat
tenor
G clefs have been substituted for the C clefs in the alto,

In No. 1, a
and soprano parts except where they were already present.

bass part. In
G clef was substituted for the original alto clef in the
of
most cases there has been no change of pitch with the substitution

clefs. Exceptions are recorded in the critical notes.


of the
Rests have been added to the alto, tenor and bass parts

by a soprano soloist. Ex-


coplas in villancicos whose coplas are sung

ceptions to this procedure are as follows:


and bass
1) the coplas of Nos. 12 and 13 are sung by tenor
soloists; rests for the soprano and alto parts were pre-
and partially present
sent for those measures in No. 13,
in No. 12.
143

2) the copla of No. 16-1 is sung by a tenor soloist; rests


have been added in the soprano, alto and bass parts for
those measures

.
3) the copla of No. 25 is sung by alto and bass soloists;
rests have been added in the soprano and tenor parts
for those measures.

Rests have also been added to the first three measures of the bass

voice
parts in Nos. 6, 19 and 20, and to measures 46-73 of the same

in No. 29.
144

SANTA EULALIA M, MD, 7


145
I

- o- r a ic- o iw aen a ven-cz- d el gran 7nt-gu

V)ic-to - ria vic-i - im quien a ven-g91- do el gma mi-

V ic- to - ria vic-o- rtaquien a ven-p - doe gra ,m--gvez

V-o- rnivt -o-ra uma e-fe e - -CIO - -eloY ramig

J
u-beA
1e4i
o e W- , I
4

-quo venm-9to ot hi-bel el a -- re- v - do Ve-

ei I j Ipi

9 endo d trin-14

qw
I
8
wn - do del ttun~-Po
146

I I N L

lo clan a mi-gueLorlaCvie- o-ria . CO7- iuc- fa, ce

'I
1,0

9
I . eoo*"t*l-N

v Ir I V r -7-

I '1e-m-er'-naAc. 510-- ' w ues fuefan ev-

IE~ZQL
CL
13

FD.C. al Fim

'I r F I I I I I

cia - re- f i do 47e zdprofun -do des- U- bo


-

16
Iw

r8

A
147
2
- --- --- - I-1IIl li 1 1 1 . .

MP

4
iS7 - w Uis- Iro cl- 05s por nos
e- s-

1 e - s- wis - o nues - fra ciz- os por -nos


A II* I

6jrj
F f m I IOp' I
su- s- chris - -1o Taws - tro cli - 05 yor ws

e- sw- Arts - Io nues- -fro 052 en p l-s

J 111 1P - E Finel

SWrco-n ciwz- i c ise-- tos dz- 05 co 0 tn - 0


far con-n-?oy i- -ca, se--nos oy en co - ins- k

IA
6

xz con-*n-oa u . - a ela-Se--nos o en co - tin - a

el es pan se - -pw- nas i- -i - noqf an- q

1i .m --- -- - I

Ii

F II
148

A
z- C" ase ay or-re mr-.

19

A"

c g0 ca,- --- (Anu ca - - tat

24

ax tihdno sangranento
[yJ omla- suipr[]nate
ysento onrre m(]pvata
con-azo ser ota [ ] ida- EAC, a Fine
149
3

I EAes IA deIr&I I e- es e- 7

s-t es a'4.d. - einor ie - na- eas-T-e -? --

For a. E-itd
as - +x e It
cemov - e05- iaw es 9e- a-

fa-e - de .,_ mor1 .& iui , e.s - Ia.... es. .ca . -I ?L.a.-

-
3 -norE es9e e a -e

digsII ed M--mW
+

____ rs-, e& e -tO & __ a- 77Wr

ci/ i 05-a--Sc'e--- C.e ___a-macn

j 0 -tzple-copla., I I I
[:R S alI F'nejo
2 Ip

S- aen es- Ia qe-- lNa


05 a- - c se or- de- na-

S
150

cna de aj3mor duiaLsto


co n el amate amato
le7 Vanr con amor qu2s akw'
de amor a sW a saor

quo na# io za na- diene


aunque a. iota las manuee
esia&sola,nos conwiene
[&] porque oncluye a-s sakor
4-1 '5'

Ie- g -O1 al C1---Vi- do - a- sa,- a ce- na

~F- gL-O$ a con-z4- do de34a sazc-a ce-

,
I
Id AM I _ _ _ _ _ _ _

S -- -O$ al con -vi- do des-asanc-+a, c e-- ,na

- -os al- cn -t4L 5 L oa-+& C4, - 7UL-


Ile, - g't, - O OzCox- -0 1 ds-a, sa-& e,- 7w,

A-W*t I

e -nis--t--rios le - d i s- -io- Ce

- - de- m--io-lip-,r- d &- -iCioS Ue,


-

de r mis- - io l ed - 1e, de inis--ie - rios 7U2,

Cie- 5 i i-o - aQ co- Iner ue sqdaos og ina-

'10
::
-mill"- _ _ _ _ _ _ _
152

A I I

-,w a. de- j - 7we4, en di -vita Ce- na-

14
041

Ue -gaos al con zd - e dZs- a, [sanjca ce - 7a-

I4% IIII

no tenjays lecelo
vend reccadoves
gu$ka, esios savores
venidos de Cibilo
fues auaen- e[l] cello
esla. gracua, % 14no,
[S1dI & nsieriosUena.,
[de miserios Ueiia]
153

-5

VziMen na- Arel dio, 'ir-gense-no - 1vos 'Vir-ese-no -m vas


?irjtina-dre k- ci s] Cao-scL so-ke-ra.- n.Co-sa.so-Ze - -a

SVnIrqenSe-fno -ra vos 1Vir-gen se-n - -.vos


LVi-j en- ma-cdle, colis -aso-So - a- - (na.CO so-be -rCt

-
I r%_f
SI-rl-gen vna o-eaC so-bew- ra -- na.oo Tro aso-be-ra..- ina
LVS madre 1 ir se-n -t Yo. Yo 45ens ra*4VOS

r- n- jo e a,s-be e- ~ a- VO 0- S 50$e.- -,r Vona


6

YDe s$a- - dra- ina-r -a, e ot wa, - ao i


de l-ue ga. -7 7 Co -l con-n, qe c; na-

Pa 0, a - ra- - d& ma,- r z-- 4. Ove, OX M- gio


A de Cea- 'a.c ceno o I yna- io

I v tZo--O el sol

UfineJ

,a-ao el so- cio 4 s ue dos____em- o


_____ _ _ /000L-
_ _ _

iza -e ci sol -a - e2- sol 4qU0 dios ent- hio

k 1

8 114-co el soZ f alo-o ei sot ps dios.. ei- Id"

f1ls-czo e sol n-- clo e sol ase cli ios em - Io

Co [ .Ca

s oi en9 sw 1aS-co-mie2o jj iao-n ia, - cla- e-pe- Lo


_ ACI-__l- 0__ lopa, -- io Sol CO-Om-pZ-nienb-1O

8
o
g|||g|gg|||g
||||Ig|
|Ig|
ikI|Im
||

-
7 155

-ol iut-cl 1u-a s4 e 1o lWn-bZe *le - n A.-


e-fu--jen-k yw -rao b -11- (--xeLsanc-+a.... ne s e

A -ce la] ) ue--xes-ie-1or la-bre-.Aie -nea. di- s


re--fu-jen-u- be-r-ensac4-..s1

n8 ni,,te -bsaer Ue pOV lwn-bve....1e -ne ap di-03


fW-enk y--ra y 1'e-lca i-xsa-a,...ue sois;

Slu-- ce-U[ ?a] nue--aes -ie--la que or l w-1-e.Ae - A. di-


-fu;n-e p-(raaj be] -ha- ___n A.....ge sois bos

dios es ei soi ?,erd3 22Z'ojj


Pla euet4*lW que iws chca,
esddna-n owwtey Iuzevoii
qgue sw Zwz -toina. de- alla-

,nazia~ tadre y dcrncello-l


y (u es Lijo
OZRUa, ;aeie a
sl -iene Was
izasi y si0nnjo] dozncellaij
.uezida- eseosa de Waos

Co ha- rena- e$-la-&0aiI

emedio de- aue sa- ida


es l unosc& del ore nte
156
8

A I asesi- 1 dae-- s Ko*os -- -cil-1

Ii-i,Ilmd0
11-I-_sd11-a% I I

g ILd
u zo es a-.& na- es jL r, os o-a.s;cLcc
1u
t- f I CM
'

A-

es iw- ct, do -es iwz- 9 C-do Ifa-


-

.eja. -mans a bra oss i


-

S
'03n
157

mas undo estreas..


AnaiLdo el
)e virgen doncef- [P pC. al Fne]

,naws lindo estralas


Fs na5 ido ei]
Es inas iinc* y beulct E p. C. al Fine]
158
9
1 1 I I I I I I i

,
- e - pa sa- cra- -nwn--& dios on - cr-

bjtecka - iie- pa sa- cra- mnen-io di 0s on- -&

c- iie- pa~ sa- cra- men-io dis on-c

tecA- ne- na zao- cra-Inn- o dias on- c-


rft
rmvAr
Ar v
teae- -m ci-- rro-umeit-io dio- on- cl-

va- l +ic 'fa. la~u i- c

8 ntla- faul HS- 61

co- na vel ti [flaJ- -daual li-

teco, y tevel y -te gal chicawo u[v al -tic Ilaul -1Ica]

1 naca. yo quic3Qpa-va [ 'val i ilalaul -i02


?to CA v iwnlizizia-vac it [vat fiijc -1ahuA't &]

y las cai neyiaca d [va -ic +laau ica j


yw~i~ ni Uckxan n q ui (va al li+ laul 1&5]
10 '59

Oy es d de pal-cer
Co- inen-c - mos con ma-Zo -d ic

0 es ct- e, y7a- er.


I. wwxne-ce - inms Can vm,-o-cic a

A
Ak -e--U=

a, o-dos

1--a. -to-doe

v I-a, co cl

A- CIO- ei - l or e U-

J.1 do
llilI-
M
-

- -

8r

8
16o
11

(4- dos- Ft 1'av-io se~ ,n a~~


1.
~~ si azt-Z$n do: Zt--do sngin-a--

A an-dan -do: EZ__r-o se Ine, voa a-

sezt-cai-do at-dZ- do cr - si suie-daa-d Vt- 5 enz ea -ri - o

1t Sex-caL-do att-dan-vdo mze-darn-do vi'- Jenta~ - vi-

_ _ _ _ _I

8xB ~ i - FJ asL- da do: F

I-ri co, L-c u

14
161

P- [)a, 9 a4 d Sernorjute.dels - os Ve- n a-

2c

_4 e -le~ ow--- ~ o est


I -m- mw-A v

At m _i

f r e, ie -con-cce4 -CI i dCL

26 35

inII d- --- -
-

32
k8

-WAWAIII
162
12

F2Z feL pe-o me- di- da- queeneZ ui- vir

fpe-o n--d- ; qe en e ui-vk

S e-di- da queene Ut-vir

L fe &]p
pes me-di- da queen eui-vir

o s0En nos a qu n peeel UZIe o t e


k% It'd iI
rr

s o 1 o)0n5o ml- qud en Vo$ m-9ue 1 to de-

4-

snos d oEn~ mi-gueL 3t


eni smiyeI lo
05 1)0 de'-

Cios nos dio[Yn VOS mi- 9 uel en vos mi-guel lo de-

da Aueis-l
NW mdo-ir

S - e-dr .ue-- -o

*0 -end - U - - E re-so que o- oea

luty a w -dir nues-ta vt - d~a] ~s -s que so- Zo a.


163

w I

l-a6
cx- 0 ~An-0 m

17

&W fe ..$ nw,- d das U4- v-4y m7uer- tC CatL- so


-

-
13 164

SeaSec-t 7 tu

Aed ii - ge - gUC V - -'0"yyee- Cu- A

-z '"- 1

C8e -t 9 qu el - r - qky e - cu e- c.-10

- ces-
uer- -s

-
- M- .m-

fuer - es-- cwe*

- d e S muffe-ca, e c--- t e p

my e - e - cazr- q es -e cuu - +0

deipe- ca -ddor en -mzxr - 4e


165

-L I I r

-
que quman-ay que se-n- aa, fuer - an-*

10 A enay que se a fucr-& quce, sea +an fuer-& e an

-
u umquen ay cle se-o, -tan f er - fe ue

A rI-
neqi y que se - a Ufuer-lz e se - a ta "-zte

8 iOS s s- gu -ro

13 7n--_T - I e- k-

li 'e's -'SrrTO

8 Sans l e los es -l eSe,--i oo

am - l-e 4e cu- - sry e aoa1 t v

16

,5o is w ,n- u yde tan al- to va-


166

8Tor: 1elde-ino47 2 io Cen- do r szue-oinsm


4- -0d- e t_ _ _

C-- vem Wp,- s d qrd-nso b e

29

caW
- Co - ua s-ola ifuere

inu mu-- ~se-yw,- ra. t-t4 22 fuer


la u
-
14 167

1 prin- c- a- u

- -p-- fus

2 - ~ P us

rpm w IIll I l' | .. R

W1 i1 1 Lli

S
15 168

o- mj - tie a -- j-va-h- do ns-

~ )- mi tad a.- jw-van- Ao- mne e

;v" rr
8 o- mi -nm ad a.- iu--van- do me ez-
TL

2)0- mi- ne a a-- ju-van- do me f ez-

I I f z

-no- g - ri- ap-- fri

-na: g2o- Hi- a.p - fi


0 1 A"%

Sna- glo- ci- a. par- ~ ri

S s0iri-a. sanc
4 - na: dglo- ri- a d a- h ei

060 - lu - n :a E
-a,-- s ancCI sac-

ef - -:0

ei fi- i- 0
169

spi v-+u- i sa iw-

8 ri'- i ~sanc- ira: e~ ~sg- v- i saznc-

F ~syp-ri- t'ui sanc- toesii +wi sanc-


Am 11

$i- e- 5ut ati i Ia-

0 tuc eisex-petu

_____ iu-uzce cai $er- per:st

8-j 0 et nunc et se ~ - er:

r -1

Ti-
0 nunc Fer:
170

A- 5 I
I

An La- u as - 2

e- cSa- &- so-S-- c

-
8 hi;-i-a cu- to0-

in. se - ew&- lse- Cu-

-
zt n se - cu- a

qJ A6

10 Z- rum L men
.A LL0w- -

aP

LA Am 10- -- um

lu- I5a
16-7

ij : ill ir is JaI
do I I do

imi e ezl~errLal4e -ri-a a

IL W I

6 I F nI r-I II L

S] de g j ra 9eo-u-e lo esua--c10 eod 9c


-

J. I I

t U

rcot, Udelo-re l s-eo-loy '49y- ov-qsel ca,- l

cor-+x dlce- lo Oy iluel a - co r-* del cle- -10


172

cov-de- del cie - lo c brasue no d

Cor-b e a cl, - 10 -Cu a -iz-o

SoycgS a-vcor-sa eier- no d


-JWIA

0 o ce - 7e-bra_ swj -ter-no


FIF 1I1 di - a

23

ad__-_ c-llmun -e- I"--ia ser


ysa- a el Csie-- lo sen - cLe - ra- .1-'Ee-

(t

Idr

28 ANYer.eaz u 4 a

zen-ca de-sw 510- 2r4 is i.-puescp-1U


-

I Jim
173

- W
- -r

In

17

;D x Po -- mlm- nus

18
nuestro dios
.A eswerisiv

jiiw 11 I I'l I IM IIIl

I r T F w
1714
19
I'& 410%

Da hor - ,nP - sa -- ca- ha e-co-g do


- e - saltskn - do wue-fes

DOa.,A- nw- Te-he-ca


e - saw sWn - do -fts s--o - do

7tues-ro za col

nues-fro za - co 7 iues-ro za-- co el si ves --1i - do

87LU5-ito z4a-Co4- ro ZaC - co el Su Ve.....


-

1
nUe0 -Evo z-CO Inuss -ro vv--co ed zi ye- -
-

a 40pie~~1e ecA-lr l u~(e


Izl
-zo t uC-I-e

8 W -EO Z O ts-ro z,-cb o u vsd


17-5
20

for - a -do den -nor dej-mo-re cios emn- a


es-dios y nues-4iqer-ma-no el gutemdi- a

I
de a - wr ,no res dios em1i
3A es-A' s ues-iro mwno el 1 ue mz

-
I w

fle&-,ut de 5ra-cc3
-Ak e- -a

&I4--ade-g-a- g-

L L

EPM

r -u ea-cua 11 l-to & ra- a ma- r-

8 lr, -iuin de gr-ca Z 1, -n de ra - cia - a ,na.- - a

OgPILI

8rC.7a-
co la
raC, calF ne 3

as li- id nue~ Ro - 3' en e -Na se htI-ZOW,-lfl-n&

S
k-

0 III
21
I a a

I I m

a. VC aicn-na.-ze a-c

-
II II l_

-
aw II II r IlI

A- ca.-n n-Z
grz - , -resyws Efin;J

~~ vi a-0 d- op ein zes___ -s- ca v

Je- wzer~ za-ze

VAM r r

IIL I

~e~ ejunI- ze ke ,? -v a-ze nU4O4- rnt


;p

Coy7a- [5C. ine 3


)--tL k i I i I I - L-
,

cze CD alOF & -- do-F


a a- - zo - - da, nue dvau-er - -d-

w- -e 0 qzw - 7 ws 1 , Rem1 lII llg II I I


8

8
'77
22

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ena ma -n- a~ znr - 9 enpu--z'

-
su~ ve-nm-da,

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~1 enL IU-tz- a vW-geln pu-Za su v>e- - nt - dc
g, futo c 2 4X-tW5it, J
0$r

-
9 ~fue2 pOr da-lws

Cfine]

fi o -iu's f-ue pov -n5 sk-re vi -

.5 -- cd pak-o--eu parn-no'swpre

f ne por c a-7wos fu or da- -nos sigm-re

j
coFya i ED C. al Fine4

- I | k| h|I I I. I II .t I
"F

"Me um-do - - - -11 -us


8
23-1 178

I- I i I I IL

;- ayes- ian-- Udo] -in - cte- vi - a- mna-- ie s5eI-- io


qwus - tan- (do] ion - cz - v! -a, ia- sk

8 j- Ze- ZLa- djO] io- Ce-- Vt- a na-- ien--- i-


wes - iazL,- d]on - ct-- vi - a ia-1 in--t

L*I

LCnu- ra- e^- 0

vz- geni pa.- ri-a inas que~ a. - v e o

,JL I

8 Vie- -vo-n pa~-


5fan- ri- o
-a I ma"jue-
as tue a, ?md-
n- ra- que 0-
0-
-

vc- gen pa. o na que- a. ni- ca Vue o-


F o p-c-a masque, a. y-ra, iu a u,

II
vtr psen-rI- ma 0 Ia- glm-va -i -a qoo

y~o Fa- ri- aom7n"'jue a, ml- va. qju a- y


9

0-'* LA

yo p. i 7n2 r~. 2
a. Ifi- ra gl1 ue 0- yo
179
24
P
fj 0 # M -d
W I . doom=" -,Rol

An Sews )l
I I
AM K 3w - A
lk
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-
17

1) taAuana
W , . __ Ilk- L 6.-1

pq:::::::::In v
rl Aq 10---s

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FM
I W

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966 A X1

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m r% t 000
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do

10

71
w I m I

Ana

El FK

-a--
6ft.J I
180
25
I I

f=- +gx- glo-ria se d:Alos cuer - pos

e9 1 it - I"-gl -ri s lota r

,S an - la.ggl -r-a se &s- 19s- uzr - To

en es u I Le x glL-
-

fan n- a.90-r4se aos-cmas -en s

4 at Ina5_. en el ci - lo
-
181

coplas
-

I
F

-
v ."k-

Ap
A- A as o f a - C m - a o

i $0-bres Ca-st,- Has DOA-dw O S 5an-los 1vw- a_ ron:

osra-g7 aso- sst-b a- o o .e los sa c- Iosv-ns s- rons:


3

ase-d i - Zar-01- s Cum gas o - bea e mno - ueLs

ON

'Hi-sien-do mL -a-vi- las: aom-nano bu0-lo


Cum glo- rkl d
182
26
J- j__I /T*411-t z a

tXnc pa-nam n- 1-- cos u-s Sa-- m

-n pa-nam in~- i- m- co iu- os: ze um


v3
An Irv ___________ Op

8 Xo -nec pa - n. in~- i- mi - cos -hi- as S-- - rum

bo -nec po -nan in - i - mi -cos *u-- os: 1 Sca-be - rum

net Ws - -u- 5: ca- e- ri


pe-dcPommi- o- rum-

dw- in- - a- cwn

I 6 - 3 l - - - - I n

I j,

cunrprin-i- pL- urm in di- C vr- u- is r-m

;uO Fri-c - i- Mn in ci- e vicC - Su- cs tu-be

8 cuinprkn-i -ypi- urn in dt.- e vir - *u'- igi iu-_

cumFrin-ci- pi- um Ln di - e vu'- fu- -H3 iu-


183

i I I I I

sp1 5#4 - Ci- hus 5~O~7- iO- rum: Ex u- *e- o an-

spen-Soto - ri vi-
y Spkxe- bus sanc,-
- lus SaGc- o-to- r rum
wn E
Ex u-4r
U- - -Voro an
a- 6

-
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R ci e-rum 9
e- nU4- ____

8 lw- g- fr - vune- n

6 Lw - ,n- fvs- eu - s us- jsuon 7


-

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,OIL

8v i)om
l Zo -- mi -mss
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a dev
dex--'1rvis 7isw- w- is: Con-fre-xifin
Confe-xs in
WI__ _ _ _
I
I Ii i CIn

8 o w ms a "-rsf .- i:CI-r x* I

a.dex -irisfu- is; Con-fre- x I* inL


184

A
I ,-t I r

,
cu -- a,y

1 1 1
d- &g S- [oSW- a e gC

8 (i- eC &- re s - vr- ges

d-- [e] e- Te Z 1- a-e- ges-

/'~ , i I

I II LA IW

Pe to- ren- in ui- a. bP- b rorP--* e-

wnw aur-mairbi-adtM 'W'

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A
8 1 o- ren-e' mntv- a- i- b PrTop-fe- re-

2e to - ren-- in. zd.- a, itt- bit: Thp-fe- ye-

a- ex- at- da- it ca-- put

o ex- al- da- uli ca-

a- ex- a -- a -il ca p

aex - al- da.- 1 nt


27-1 185

t-)

I J.I

I I t IM

I 8 Sg-rex- CIO - m"U rnSu p at le l Doy

doI- i----1 d- -- l W- _

5urre-li d - w u a -ZeI 4,-Ia

FLLJL

FS

[IOl- -- lb-lu

_k k

An _ _ _ _ _ _I N

8
186

a l
o ylalu ysi[mond
a ~a/ ar elu a, (allduvalj

$At-rrexi*' dominus cu s lehlo


allure a u aielya. F' c . lF.,.]

28
-A- I I I L

mi gn a--- ti - a- qjue pa. -- jis -few


e cr z, 1n21 - so ue~ es hi-1

OVIm- en a- queo a--is - ies a-


1 [4 cor- *- - .lnaiv-
-ri -
SO que es' - j

le -e-to e carQ-
cor - k..-- -- so
so .
e- es -GAO
(e ci
cyr Uo&
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wian so n- ee's , -jo
- Io

r - eri y a.,-e- - c m -c$ 'ateea..

s no ael 7nu - a- do 0o
os Fr - a -n -[a2l it, a r
-

es t ve-se crta - *I - S a 3 er:i tj l el, InlU -0 dta- co-mo vos


os: car - b. demi -& U-e-co -- ta--qon

os: elm el mun -e--C 0-1"noV 05


5 os uml v I-d i-ce.. co - r - co-&

zos J ci- es m vL- sI--a- con rnu-cha ra.- rn


I os no t:Fn
r-r
GOC& WZF 0

440S bes nii -edst-c a-onia z vo


alos*t-,
*,j iT CS mi Ve- - con7 mn-c L - con
-
187
29

. IA

46 B na-se- ri- cor-M- a. e- us L y. o n-

I-afgef ev msericwrdia

I Lf

I ' if

4 =r==r=r HF

c6 coLa- v-ro-,qe-I me t7 a 'Teo - e---es a-

1 , 4 9
I
188

AV
99 LI I
- 0 g-*72 e in vro-ge- its] it-me4-dz &aZ's e-

I I%

66 I I qI v I

IA L

71 8 Um+I, ma bs e- Uj w

of&-
189

A Im

76 8 & 1 o- den- 1
des de ze- de ~ 11 et ex- aL-

&enz- des e-e- del

I lI

I r

8 da - ui et ex-it da- Il
81

ex-at1- do, - U et al 4- a.- uU u- n-

86 8 nz- tZes [et e- al- ta-vit 7m- mi- es]

t 21 A*T . -I

ties Sei ex-al- a- vi 'lu- mn- eJs


190

II A PF4P

A-a jF

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5w ce-'UI- 'M-iUs

e
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8 5 pu-- sitAir
e-

ra-el] e pw- e - rum - Sur- um

uru sc - is- r- -e- 'urn - wunt

1A1 Co - Asre - cor-

el smu--of e-v 1S- 0 I_-

101

5- cor-d - U Eve
-
191

*us se- rri- cor- di- e 5w-

106 8 _n_ e- - ci- or-i- e SW- [Sw-

8 cor-da~- *us -mi-se-rdi- car i e~ su'

A
car-da- f'usj md-se- ri-car- d1t i-
corn - se- fi- cva -Se - -c - tu e,-

8 e W- 'm -s-mc U- r
r-s-r - cUr - - o-- - e-w- s

i-Se-- ed-
ci-ocop
-

se- n- - - ore- d- S- e- e

ae a!-oe- mdor--li- esu W- el

1AZ S -r -cor cu- e iri-_ e


-
192

go- ri- a, yaw- r et fi-

121

I- -
-

126

t f- U- a e fi--3

910-
eF. i- tw--1
j -Ad-Io e ErI
oS -- -cd o

131 8 et-a 4 . w -Y&

I -I

$E-Ci- u- sanc tt IfE


-
193

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ril toa-3-sa

sI J

l'i- u- Sa C- z
194
30
J a

Ne _ _ e - cor- - ris

"#I- w -o0w-I t

-cor-

S pec - cvi- nmt a- $o- mi- ne,

______- t)1eJ ri bu~znve- 7te rs

SO y - dne- ris Zrum v- nt- 4s

Vze- de- i- ~b-m


-
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8
S cu- turn per p s. nm
195

J 6jJI ~..

-ri- ye - vi- ye vi i- g

® - - e- e

-ri- ge i- L- 5e bi- vi- ye

Ky r-e i- yeso 2i- vi ee- sone vy- sge

)(y - vi- e c lzj son Xy- v- Zj- son ce -1y o

e )(y - vi- e e- ly-son 2(y-vi-e e- Zeij-son fer- ?ey- sonj

vg i- e Eej- leig- son 2(y- z'ie ley- son e- k

1m6 4p L'

LC A, -te it- i- sox.. J


-
196
31
A I a 2 1

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1 %a,- r__- a_ mag- da- t-na quen bi eZ- a

v rt--
iua,- a mag - 3.-

mag- da- I- na quen b' el- ya

I nL

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cuz

a.-
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ca-

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1
u

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-

9
197

ce: ao i o-W-ce, * n re

13

efaramama
ibaf i lucolo
i 7nonumenfo
Is quk-r *i [)C al Pint
32-1

mam

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bjma- gal-

wI

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In . F4 IhILZNj-4

7 gal-ki-A naxyuuk ma- gal- hidy-Zban y-pal

8P
1 %Ak 10

gal- I .ent ma x'u) in4- gal- hi y- ban


-
199

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LwJr rw

33 1
a-a- lsm ha, - a7a a-At &h is & V

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200
34-I
I I I I I z I
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ai' A I id 3 I

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-

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U Ta-- Ca, - id- 14SO- U 'P- 0,--

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et vuz, - lum co ra4?Li-& fa CH


-

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201

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rs jn~ sec - mO- - bzAs
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202

35
L

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ad-lra
203

36
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205

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g-na-r
206

CRITICAL NOTES

passages which
The notes below show the manuscript readings for

have been altered in the transcriptions. The abbreviated form employed

(S A T B), the note or portion of the


gives the measure number, the voice

measure or section, and the original version. For example, 4 S 5:

of the manuscript the


indicates that in the fourth measure or section

note.
fifth note of the soprano line was a quarter

1. 8 SATB:

B 2: B / 10 B 2: c / 11 S 2: f' / 11 B 2: G / 12 S 1: e'

/
2. S: /4

13 S: / 28 S:

3. 1-6S: / 6 S 3: 0 /6TB 4:.o

4-1. 4 T 1: c'/21 S 2: 0

4-2. 9S: extra 01g' / 12 S 4: / 16 S 1: a' / 16 S 2-4:

omitted/ 2 AB: / 4 AB: / 6 AB:


5. A: 0

6. 5 B 3: f / 8 s 4:

1 B 4-2 B 1: 01/ 2 A 1-2: / 2 T: extra C' / 4 S 5: 0


/

7.

4 T 4: g / 1 A 2-3: f' tf

8. 3S 4: d' omitted/ 10 S: / SATB: key signature omitted

S 1: g'
SATB: C omitted / B: key signature omitted / 1
/

9.

1S 2-7,9: all b' /l1S10:a' / 1 A 9-10: J / 1 A 12: b-flat!

1 A 13-14: / 1 A 14:/'N omitted / 1 B 1-7: all g / 1 B 8: e


/

2 S 6: N omitted / 2 A 1: c' / 2 A 2: d' / 2 A 4: e' / 2 A 5: d'


207

10. 7 S 4: omitted / 10 S 1st beat:

11. 1 ST: / 16, 22, 28, 34 s:

12. 14S 3: /5 T 3: 7S:>


/7 ++*+

/
7 A: ; / 7 TB: ow * + /1 8 B: /Tomitted/

/ 1 A: -~ /1 T 3: /1 B:-- /2 A1: / 2 B 3:
13. 1-3S:

3 T 5: /14 SA1: /14 A 2: /14 B 5: /7-8 SAT:

j 1 /9 A: "-
-xI I1 0/ 7-8 B: a.:!

II= / 10 T: / 10 B: rests
9 TB: rests omitted / 9-10 5:

omitted / lIS 4: / 11 A 4-8: / 12-14 S:

# 1.1 /p12-14 A: o##+o * # 1 . win


/

12 T 5, 13-14 T: # * + . / 13 T 3: a / 13 B 2: c

/
# /14 B 1: d_/ 15-31 S: 14 B: *

/ 15T: 15B: /B. ,rests


15-31A:

omitted /16 TB: 3/17 TB 4: /22 B 2-23 B: . / 25 B 3:

26 B 1: /27 T 1: / 27 B 1: / 29 T 1: / 30-31 T:

. ;.##KI <-o / 30-31 B: <!> -K> 4/ 31 T: ^#omitted


omitted
14. 2 T 4: b-flat / 4 A 1: e' / 8 T 1: c' / 9 AB 1: flat

15. 1A: C / 1 B 7:i/ 1 S 13: ^0 omitted / 3B beginning: ..

/ 3 T 15: '* omitted / 4 B 9: d / 4 A 12-13: d' e'


/

3 T 11-13:

5 A 1-5: f' e' d' d' c' / 5 A 7-12: a g a b-flat c' d'
/

/ 6 AB 5: / 6 A 6:0 /6 B 6:
5 T 7-9: d e f / 6S 3:
6 ST 7: /3 AT 9: c'

16-1. 4 S:, /7 A: /T T: / 7 B 1: d / 8 S:-~ / 9 A: ~E/

9-10 B: LE2/ 11 T: / 12 S' ~

16-2. 22 A 2: omitted

16-3. 22 A 2: omitted
208

19. B: 3 / 7 S 3:/' omitted ?/ TA 4: /11S 4:

20. SATB: 3 / 4 TB: 7/5 SAT: 7

5 B: 7/ 6s: / 6 ATB:

21. S: 3 / B: meter signature omitted / 2 A: 5 T 1: *

/
8 S: / 11 S 3:

22. 2 SA:j7

2 3-1. SATB: omitted / 2 T 3-4: c' c' / 4 A 2: f' / 4 A 4: e'

/
7 A 1-2: f' f' / 7 A 3-4: e' e' / 10 A 3-4: f' f' / 11 A 1-2: e' e'

/
12-13 A: oe / 13 SB: R

2 3-3. 2 A 2:

24. A: key signature omitted / 1 A 1-2: d' d' 1 B:J j/


/
2 A 5: flat omitted / 2 T 2: f / 2 T 3: g 3 AB 1: flat omitted

/
/

5 A 5: d' / 5 T 3: a / 5 B 3: e / 6 A 1: e' / 6 B 1: J

/
6 B 2-3: / 10 S 5: M / 10 A 2: 9 / 10 T 3: q / 10 B 5: R
25. SAB: key signature omitted / T: C / 4-5 S: 1 / 4-5 A: F
4-5 T: F / 4-5 B: 7S 1: flat omitted!? B 1:
/CM /
/

9 SAT: /10 SATB: / 14 S: / 14-16 T: ./ 15 S:

19 ATB: / 20 ATB: / 33 B 2:

26: B: C omitted / 1 A: extra f' / 2 S 3: g' / 2 A 8:0


/

2 B 8: / 3 T 13: b / 3 B 13: g / 4 S 8: omitted


/

4 A 6-9: / 5 B 6-7: f f / ST 11: 0 / 5 T 13: 0


/

5 A 14: oi / 5 T 14:1oi / 5 B 14: / 5 519: / 6 A 7:


/

6 T: extra c' / 6S8: /7 B 6: f /7 A 7: /TB

7 A 11: 1/ 17: 01 7 A 12: / 7 B 12:


/

8 A 5-7: / 8 T 9: "o omitted / 9 B 5: f / 9 A 6:


/

9 A 9:* / 9 B 9: 01/ 9 B 10: / 9 A 11: 0 / 9 S16: 0


209

27 -1. 3 S 1: g' 4 T 1-2: g g / 8 S 4:

/
27 -2. 3 S 1: g' 4 T 1-2:g g / 7 S 1: / 7 S 3-4: e" e" / 8 S 4:

/
28. s: T: SAT: C omitted / 4 S 1-2: b-flat' b-fat'

/
/
8 AT 3: / 8 B 3: omitted

29. 8 T 3: 11 S: .L omitted / 13 S 1: / 15 S 3: l / 15 T 2: El

/
/

23 T 1: /25S 2 : a' omitted / 37 S 4: / 43 S 1: -/


.

45 S: q / 45 S: " omitted / 73 A: l / 77 B 1-2:0

/
78 A 1-2: / 79 A 1-2: / 79 B 2: / 79 B 3-80 B 1:EI

/
83 A 2nd half: extra / 87 A 1-3, 88 1: e" d" e" f" / 90 A: 9

/
90 B: 9 / 97 S 4: / 98 S 3: / 101 T: 101 B:

106 T 4-107T 1 / 107 A lst half: extra / 108 S 2nd half:

extra / 108 T 1st half: extra / 108 B 3: f omitted

/
109 A :"o~ / 1 13 A: 3 J / 118 S: 3 Je/ 118 A 2: c'

/
118 A 3-120 A 2 S / 119 T: / 120 S: 9 / 120 T: 0 o 9

/
120 B 9 / 123 A 1--2: / 123-124 B:LT / 125 A 2:

125 A 2: /1 26 A 3: / 126 B 1-2: [I / 127 T:

128 A 2: 29 A 2: / 130 A 2: . / 131 S 1:

131 S 3-5: / 132 B 2-133 B 1-2: % I* / 133 S lst half:

extra /136 B: / 137T:H /137 B 3-138 B:-l


/

138 S: ' omitted / 139 T: 9 / 139 B: 9

30. S: key signature omitted / 1 T:j j / 1 B: a j 0 0


/

1 A 4: o / 2 B 2-3: / 2 S 4: o / 3 A 1-2: 0 0 / 3 A 9: 0
/

5 A 3: o /6 B 2: flat omitted / 6T 3: flat omitted


/

6 A 5-6: o0 / 7 T 4: - omitted / 7 S 6: omitted


/

9 A 1-2: o o / 9 AB 6: o / 9 T 6: flat omitted / 10 TB 1: flat

omitted / 10 SA 4-5: 0 0 / 11 SA 6: o / 13 A 2: 0 / 13 S 4:
/
210

13 AB 6: o / 13 T 6: flat omitted / 13 T 7: 0 / 14 TB 1: flat

omitted / 15 A: section ends with extra o f' / 15 T 4: o

/
15 B 5: "7 omitted / 15 S 6: 0

31. S: / T:I / ST: omitted / 4 S 1-2: b-flat' b-flat'

32-1. 6 AB 3: / 12 A 5: flat omitted / 12 A 7: / 14 AB 1:

14 A 1-4, 15 A 1: f' f' e' e' e'

32-2. 6 AB 3: / 8 A 3: / 12 A 5: flat omitted / 12 A 7:

14 AB 1:

34-1. B: C omitted / 3 S 4: * / 3 B 6-7: / 3 A 7: g'

/
4 A 5-9: / 5 T 1-21: all e' / 5 B 20: e / 5 T 21:

'0 omitted

34-2. 3 A 7: g' / 4 A 5-10: 0

34-3. B C omitted! 3 B 6-7: /5 B 20: e

34-4. 1 S 7: omitted

34-5. 1 S 7: omitted

35. S: 03 /6 B 1: / 13 A lst beat: extra 7

36. SA:A omitted / 6 A 1-2: f' e' /6 A 5: / 7 S 4:

18 S 3:

37. 1 A1:
211

APPENDIX A

INSCRIPTIONS: SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 2,


f. lir, 30v, 43v
212

a) -H
-H
P4 a)
H a)
Cd CC
P, 'H C -H EC) Tr\

-H
Cd C aa) 0C Ca
4-) *H 'H

Ca
C)m
co)
H )a
a-)
-H ,C rd ad C
-H a) *H
rda) 0 a)-H *H a)
-H
% a)
-H M ca) Cd C
tLi 4-)
g Cd a) a-Ca
OEd a,
a
C 'H

a)4
a,-
za) Cd
C)
0H U
H
0 Cd ) d rd
) .C
a)4
cd
a)
'a) rd
a)
a,
d cd

H
H H H H a)
0
a) a) a) a) A

)
Ca 0 a , , 'H 'H 'H
0 C)
0 0 E a) a a)
C) C) CH
Ca Ca Ca C
H H 0U
H
H H
H H a) -)
a) a)
a, Ca
a1) 4-A Ad 0 Cd
0 C t rd 0 'H -a ?S:" a, H H 4-)
a, a,
0 C)
H
Cd
C C) Ca
-

rd
Ca
a) -)
H) - C C Ca a HH
a) 0*i a) C
- co Cf E a) 'H
H
a,
a) ,Ca)
H - a) a) a a a rd
&

0 a)
a)
coCd -H
'H Cd
a, a)
C) A
LO 0 0 C)
H A
'H 0a) Ha) a)
rd
o
0
H
Cd
d E Ca

-H a Ca d
-a) a) 'H xa a)
a) 0 a) a) a) 'H
Ca Ca Ca a)
C) d
,

'H C) d
'd a Ca 0 0 a-) Cd
0 C) Cd 4- C) C
a, C) 0 0 a)
a) 0
'H C) C) C a)
C C a) 'H r rd ,C'd
a-)
Pa) a) C)a, Sd 0 t
H a -H C)a) C
LJ H *H
a) H Ha Ha H H H 0a)
,C % 'Ha) 'H H 'a)a
0
'H 'H Ena)
a C H 0 Ca U
rd 0 ,C C)
C a, a) a)ard
4-) H0 -H
a) C) U) 'H H a) 'H 0 a,
a) aya a)CaO
>
d 0C H
"C
a-) a H 'H'-HL.,J
d d H H C) a)
C) 0 'H 'H'-H a) C) 'H
0 ,0 a) a0a A a) C) a)
>HC)
0 0
H H Cd C) U) &a) H
P 0 H C)
C)j

a)H aJ cc)

E-c 0

'C E-ia ' C


a) COa2
H a) a)C
o a)C a)
H a) 'C
a) Qa) a
o C) O E-
213

INSCRIPTION (f. 30v)

Ju0 calito [or caliyol maestro de cabilya


214

INSCRIPT ION (f, 143v)

de cabira .8'
nican moma [or nona] canu oficio SeJor maestro

Matheo yzdadan nuestro senor [ ] cabilla orlendio

des au nase [ I del puebro de yzdadan


215

APPENDIX B

SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 3, f. 9v


216

I I I I
-

7U- 7u-z, tm -it-i

I... |I|1 -0
S
7U-ia ne- L, d - lm n-

8 7A- Lo-ni 7ne-av do - 7fL- fZa CO

me do- 7-msm A-nL-mL n- L o - 0-

LA I .I.J% i
I WI

1ii 8
I -- -M

8 __~ ,~ ~~ d- m- mL77L
217

a r Te-c-L+ Au- mi ~~

an~- -u5-

-Fl--dm ..J14

an- e an- o --le suwo


-Fat|
'

26
218

I - n--,-- In___nI s -I L
jA RIM.

31

-I.t L4 ___i i j 1-

8 ns]om 7esge n -ca- i- o - i" e MW

41
219

SOURCES OF FIGURES AND PLATES

Figure 1. Wauchope, Robert, ed. Handbook of Middle American

Indians, 16. vols. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1965-76, VII, 47;

Figure 20. Codex Philipp J. Becker I (Le Manuscrit du Cacique), from the

upper strip of panels 8-9; Figure 21. Saville, Marshall H. The Wood-

Carver's Art in Ancient Mexico. NY: Museum of the American Indian, Heye

Foundation, 1925, 44.

Plate 1. Recinos, Adrin. Monografra del Departamento de Hue-

huetenango, 2nd edition. Guatemala: Editorial del Ministerio de Educa-

ci6n Publica, 1954, 368; Plate 2. LaFarge, Oliver. Santa Eulalia; The

Religion of a Cuchumata'n Indian Town. Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1947, 2; Plate 3. Ibid.; Plate 4. Recinos, op. cit., 17; Plate 5.

La Farge, op. cit., 34; Plate 6. Ibid., 88; Plate 7. Ibid., 99; Plate 8.

Tid. ; Plate 9. Ibid., 98; Plate 10. Ibid., 111; Plate 11. Ibid., 9;

Plate 12. Ibid., 89; Plate 13. Recinos, op. cit., 369; Plate 14. La

Farge, op. 'cit., 8; Plate 15. Ibid., 98; Plate 16. Recinos, op. cit.,

368; Plate 17. Ibid., 384; Plate 18. Recinos, Adrian. Monograjia del

Departamento de Huehuetenango, Re pub lica de Guatemala. Guatemala, A. C.,

1913, 212; Plate 19. Ibid., 208; Plate 20. La Farge, op. cit., 111;

Plate 21. Ibid., 35; Plate 22. Recinos (1954), op. cit., 337.
220

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