Features of the Verbal System in the Christian Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq and Their

Areal Parallels
Author(s): Hezy Mutzafi
Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 124, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 2004), pp. 249-
264
Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4132214
Accessed: 20/05/2009 07:41

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aos.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the
scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that
promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of
the American Oriental Society.

http://www.jstor.org
 Features of the Verbal System in the Christian Neo-Aramaic
Dialect of Koy Sanjaq and Their Areal Parallels
HEZY MUTZAFI
TELAviv UNIVERSITY

I. INTRODUCTION

Koy Sanjaq, an Iraqi Kurdish town located fifty-five kilometers southeast of Arbil, once
had two small minority communities of Neo-Aramaic speakers, one Jewish and one Chris-
tian, each speaking its own variety of NortheasternNeo-Aramaic (NENA). In 1951 the Jews
of Koy Sanjaq all left for Israel, and since then only the town's ChristianNeo-Aramaic va-
riety has lingered on in loco, now spoken by approximately 140 adherentsof the Chaldean
Catholic Church.'
Whereasthe grammaticaland lexical profiles of the Jewish dialect of Koy Sanjaqare now
largely known through the works of R. D. Hoberman and the present writer,2the Christian
dialect of the same town (henceforthCKS) has remainedto date completely outside the scope
of Neo-Aramaicdialectology. In section 2 salient featuresof the verbal derivationand verbal
inflection of CKS will be presented. The description of these features is based on data
obtained from two Koy Sanjaq-bornChristians living in Detroit during fieldwork there in
2001, as well as from short recordings of the dialect, including one made in Koy Sanjaq it-
self, which I had received from my informants a few years earlier. Both informants (a man
and a woman unrelatedto each other) have been exposed to other Neo-Aramaic dialects since
they left their hometown, especially to the dialects of Alqosh and Telkepe, prevalentamong
Neo-Aramaic speakers in Detroit, and can no longer speak their native dialect in its pristine
form. Nonetheless, the dialectal interferencedetectable in my informants'native speech is by
no means heavy, and they could readily furnish genuine CKS grammaticaland lexical traits
that are absent in the Neo-Aramaic varieties to which they were exposed.
In section 3 I shall focus on two selected innovative features of the verbal system of
CKS-the loss of Neo-paccel and the constructions of present progressive and present

A few points in this paper were presented at the 11th Italian meeting of Afro-Asiatic Linguistics, held in Ber-
gamo, Italy, in 2003. I am grateful to E Matti, H. Antwan, Kh. Yalda, E Basil, and other informantsfor their con-
tributionto my study of their Neo-Aramaic vernaculars.Thanks are also due to S. E. Fox for his suggestions and
questions related to this article.
Notes on transcription:The vowels i, e and o are long; otherwise vowel length is markedonly for long a versus
short a and long ii versus short u. Stress is penultimate unless otherwise indicated.
Abbreviationsand symbols: neg. = negated, OA = Older Aramaic (Aramaic attested prior to the modem phase),
quadr.= quadriradical;> = developed into diachronically,- = developed into synchronically.For abbreviationsof
dialects see introduction.
1. A closely relateddialect, on which I have only scanty details, is spoken in the neighboringvillage of Armota.
For the Christiansof Koy Sanjaq and Armota, see Cuinet 1890-1894, vol. 2 (1892): 861; Hay 1921: 87-90, 133;
Chevalier 1985: 44, 166, 194 n. 1. For the Jews of Koy Sanjaq, see Hay 1921: 86-87, 130, 133; Ben-Yaacob 1981:
101-3, supplement:29-31, 55; Mutzafi, forthcoming, ?0.1, ?0.2.
2. See Hoberman 1985; 1989: 91-94, ?4; 1991: 62-66; and Mutzafi, forthcoming.

Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety124.2(2004) 249

250 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

perfect with an uninflected preverbalparticle-and their close areal parallels in a variety of

Neo-Aramaic dialects indigenous to the eastern regions of the NENA-speaking area.3
This paper includes comparativedata related to the following NENA varieties spoken in
the following localities (the data are accordingto my informantsunless a bibliographicalref-
erence is given):
Iraq, Province of Ninawa (Mosul):
C.'Aqra Christiandialect of cAqraand adjacent villages.
J.Dobe Jewish dialect of Dobe, ca. 20 km southeast of cAqra,and nearby villages.
C.Qaraqosh Christiandialect of Qaraqoshnear Mosul (Khan 2002a).
Iraq, Province of Arbil:
C.'Ankawa Christiandialect of 'Ankawa near Arbil.
J.Arbel Jewish dialect of Arbil, called Arbel in Neo-Aramaic (Khan 1999a, 1999b, 2000
and my informants).
J.Brz. Jewish dialect-clusterof Barzan and other villages in the vicinity.
C.Bedyal Christiandialect of Bedyal, a Nestorian village near Barzan.
CKS Christiandialect of Koy Sanjaq.
JKS Jewish dialect of Koy Sanjaq.
J.Rustaqa Jewish dialect of Rustaqa (Khan 2002b and my informants).
J.Rwndz. Jewish dialect of Rwanduz.
J.Sandu Jewish dialect of Sandu, a village ca. 20 km northwest of Barzan.
C.Shql. Christiandialect of Shaqlawa.
J.Shql. Jewish dialect of Shaqlawa.

Iraq, Province of Sulemaniyya:

C.Sulm. Christiandialectof Sulemaniyya.
J.Sulm. Jewishdialectof Sulemaniyya.
Turkey,Province of Hakkdri:
C.Jilu Christiandialect spoken by the tribe of Jilu (Fox 1997).
C.Tiare Christiandialect-cluster spoken by the tribe of Tiare.

Iran, Province of Kurdistan:

C.Sndj. (= Senaya) Christiandialect of Sanandaj(Panoussi 1990, 1991; Heinrichs 2002).
Iran, Province of WesternAzerbaijan:
C.Urmi Christiandialect of Urmi (Orumiye).
J.Az. Jewish dialect-cluster of IranianAzerbaijan and adjacentareas in Turkey
(Garbell 1965 and my informants).

II. THE VERBAL SYSTEM

2.1 Bases and Stems

CKS has four inflectional verbal bases and a fifth, uninflected, base: (1) Past (P) base
(< old passive participle in status absolutus). (2) Perfect (Pt) base (< old passive participle
in status emphaticus). (3) Subjunctive (S) base (< old active participle in status absolutus).
(4) Order (0) or imperative base (< old imperative forms). (5) Infinitive (I) base (< old in-
finitival and verbal noun forms).

3. For anotherarealfeaturesharedby CKSandmanyotherNENAdialects,namelythe pl. imperativesuffix

-munandits offshoots,see Mutzafi,forthcoming:
?0.4.2.
 The ChristianNeo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq
MUTZAFI: 251

Two major verbal stems are discernible according to the patterns of the bases: (1) Neo-
paoal,morphologically representing older Aramaic pzcal. (2) Neo-'ap'el, morphologically
representing older Aramaic 'ap'el and a small number of quadriradicalverbs historically
unrelatedto 'apcel.
The following tables presentthe stem system and the five verbal bases according to verbs
of various classes:4
Neo-pdcal Stem
strong I IIP IIw IIy
smx 'to stand' ?xl 'to eat' n?s 'to bite' kw' 'to descend' ryd 'to move'
P smax- ?ixil- n?as- ku'- rad-
Pt smixa, smaxta ?ixila, ?ixalta n?isa, n?asta kwis'a,kusta rida, ratta
S samax, samxa ?dxal,?axla na?as, na?sa kdawa',kos'a ryad, reda
0 smox ?ixol n?os kos' rod
I smdxa ?ixdla ndsa kwdaa rydda

IIIy Illy < *III IIIw IIIw-IIIy

hty 'to drink' twy 'to (fall a)sleep' qlw 'to be clean' -rwy'to grow up'
P gte- twe- qlt- rwe-
Pt S'atya,?teta tawya, tweta qliwa, qlUta rawya, rweta
S siite, satya tdwe, tawa5 qdlu, qalwa rawe, .rawya
0 sti twi qlu rwi
I ?tiya twaya qldwa rwaiya

Neo-'apcel Stem
strong, m- strong, quadr. *m-P m-IIw
msmx 'to stand, tr.' ?rgl 'to wallow' mxl 'to feed' mkwl 'to take down'
P masmdx- ?arg$l- mxal- mku'-
Pt mismaxa, ?2rgala, mxila, mkis'a,
masmaxta ?argalta mxalta mkusta
S masmax, ?argal, maxal, makul,
mdsamxa ?drgala maxla makis'a
O maxmax ?argal maxal makus
I maxmoxe ?argole maxole makos'e

m-IIy m-IIIy m-IIIw m-IIw-IIIy

mryd 'to make move' mfty 'to irrigate' mqlw 'to clean' mrwy 'to raise, rear'
P mrad- maste- maqlu- marwe-
Pt mrida, madtya, mqae-wa, mrawya,
mratta madteta maqltita marweta
S marad, mafte, maqlu, marwe,
marida mahstya mdqalwa mdrapwya
O marad mafti maqlu marwi
I marode maftoye maqlowe marwoye

4. The forms given in the table are P; Pt - sg.m., f.; S - 3sg.m., f.; O - sg.; I. Whenever unmarked,stress is on
the penultimate syllable of a polysyllabic base.
5. Comparethe Illy < *IIIcverbal form tawa 'that she sleep' < tadbad to lily tawya 'that she roast' < *tdwyd, and
likewise qala 'that she uproot' < *qdlfd versus qalya 'that she fry' < *qdlyd, and see full paradigmsof the latter two
verbs in ?2.3.2.
252 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

2.2 The Loss of Neo-pa"el

A conspicuous feature of the CKS verbal system, albeit not confined to this dialect (see
?3.2), is the loss of Neo-pa"el (the verbal stem derived from older Aramaic pa"el). A
comparative dialectological study within NENA coupled with a comparison to older Ara-
maic allows us to reconstruct three Proto-NENA verbal stems: (1) Neo-po'al, (2) Neo-
pa"el, (3) Neo-~ap'el.6
For instance, in the archaizing dialect-cluster of Tiare we find the Neo-pocal verb t.rdsa
'to become fat,' Neo-pa("el 'to repair, fix,' and Neo-)ap'el 'to make fat.'7
The past bases of these verbsm.tarose
are tris, and mrntrds,respectively.8 In CKS the Neo-
.matrose
r.toras,
pacrelstem has been reconstructed mostly by analogy with Neo-poCal,and in two known
cases by analogy with Neo-'apcel. The dissolution of Neo-Pa"el in CKS and the redistribu-
tion of its inflectional bases are exemplified in the table below by the loss of the original
Neo-paccelpast base. That the forms in the table originate from paccelcan be inferred from
a comparisonwith the NENA varieties that retainNeo-palcel. These NENA varieties are rep-
resented in the table by C.Shaqlawa.
Neo-palcelLostin CKSby AnalogywithNeo-padalandNeo-'ap'el
C.Shaqlawa CKS Gloss
Neo-paccel Neo-paccel *Neo-paCCel*Neo-paCCel
forerunner > Neo-pocal > Neo-'apcel
*mqullap-leh mqulaple qlaple 0 he peeled
*mSuddar-leh mgudare ?dare 0 he sent
*msukkar-leh msukare skare 0 he (was)lost
*mduggal-leh mdugale dgale 0 he lied
*mqulldw-leh mqulide 0 maqlule he cleaned
*mpu-oar-leh mpusare 0 mapsare he melted, tr.
The restructuring and loss of Neo-palcel according to Neo-pacal was triggered by the
merger of base S of the former with that of the latter due to degemination, compensatory
vowel lengthening, and the elision of the preformativem-, as in > *mpalat(as in
conservative NENA dialects) > palat 'that he take out,' a form *mpall.t
homophonous with Neo-
paoalpdlat 'that he go out.' Following this merger, Neo-pal"el was restructuredby analogy
with Neo-pacal in the rest of the bases.
Two attested original Neo-paccel causative verbs were restructured according to the
base-patternsof Neo-~apcel,which is much more commonly used as a causative stem than
Neo-paccel:

6. Quadriradicalverbs are related to both Neo-paccel and Neo-'apcel (consider, e.g., J.Az. gandore' 'to roll,'
baole' 'to cook,' maxrope''to sharpen,'respectively), and can thereforebe annexed to either of these two stems. In
addition,various NENA dialects evince fossilized vestiges of other older Aramaic verbal stems (cf. Nildeke 1868:
194-95; Maclean 1895: 80), e.g., JKS t-p-k 'to collapse' <'etpacel or 'etpac"alof *lpyk < 'pkk, C.Qaraqosh?t-?-r
'to descend' < ?etpacelof (Khan 2002a: 86, 123), C.Jilu (and many other Christiandialects) '-xl-p 'to change,
+ggr
tr., intr.' (Fox 1997: 143) < iapCelof 1hlp,C.Tiare m-gt-w-r 'to be proud' < 'eitapcal of 41bhr.These vestiges are
largely integratedinto the remaining (in most dialects threefold) stem system.
7. The three verbs are given in their infinitive forms, originating from the OA pa'al verbal noun patternqtala,
parcelinfinitive pattern(m)qattole, and lapcel infinitive pattern(m)aqtole. For the latter two patterns, see N6ldeke
1875: 233-34, ?176; Morag 1988: 110-12.
8. The direct forerunnersof these forms are *qtil, *mquttal,and *muqtal,historically derived from the OA pas-
sive participleforms qtil, mquttal,and muqtal. For the latter two patterns,see Nildeke 1875: 132-33; Morag 1988:
151, 161.
 MUTZAFI:The Christian Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq 253

Neo-paCcelmqalowe 'to clean' (retained,e.g., in C.Shql.) has changed to Neo-'apCelmaqlowe as

a causative of Neo-pa'al qldwa 'to become clean.'
Neo-pacCelmpasore 'to melt, thaw, trans.' (as, e.g., in C.Shql.) has changed to Neo-'apcel map-
fore as a causative of Neo-pacalps'ara 'to melt, thaw, intrans.'

2.3 Subject Inflectional Suffixes

The subject inflectional suffixes are L-set suffixes (< *preposition1- with pronominalsuf-
fixes) attachedto base P, E-set suffixes (mostly enclitic pronouns in origin) attached to base
S, Imp-set (imperative) suffixes attachedto base 0, and Cop, the present copula, attachedto
base Pt.

2.3.1 L-set Suffixes

The following are a paradigmof L-set and selected preterite(base P + L-set) paradigms.
Note that L-set subject suffixes are elided after a final radical r, r, n, or 1 (historically due
to degemination, as in *twarre > *twure > ture [tare] 'he/it broke'):
L-set PreteriteParadigms
gzd 'to reap' twr 'to break' tyn 'to urinate' 1?l'to cough'
1sg -li gzadli turi tani fali
pl. -lan gzadlan turan tanan salan
2sgm- -lox gzadlox turox tanox Valox
sgf -lax g•adlax turax tanax Vsalax
pl. -loxam gzdloxam taroxam tanoxam fVloxam
3sg.m. -le gzadle ture tane dale
sgf -la gzadla tura tana ??ala
pl. -lu gzadlu turu tanu Valu

2.3.2 E-set Suffixes

The following are a paradigmof E-set and subjunctive (S + E-set) paradigmsof selected
verb classes (e.g., gazdan 'that Im. reap,' etc.):
E-set S-E, strong S-E,IIIly S-E,IIIly< *IIIC
gzd 'to reap' qly 1 'to fry' qly 2 'to uproot9
1sgm- -an gazdan qdlan qalan
sgf. -an gazdan qalyan qalan
pl. -ax gazdax qdlax qalax
2sgm- -at gazdat qdlat qalat
sgf -at gazdat qalyat qalat
pl. -itam gazditam qdlitam qalitam
3sg.m -0 ,gazad qdle qdle
-a gazda qalya qala
sgf- -i
pl. gazdi qdli qali

2.3.3 Imperative (Imp-set) Suffixes

Imp-set O-Imp,-C O-Imp,IIIy O-Imp,IIIw
sg. -0 ptox 'open!' sli 'pray!' xli 'milk!'
pl. -C:-am -V: -man ptoxam sliman xliman

9. Fortheetymologyof qly 'touproot,pullout'cf. Syriacqla' 'to uproot'accordingto Audo1897,s.v. (andcf.

alsoArabicqala'a).
254 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

2.3.4 Present Copula

As in other NENA dialects, there are distinct positive and negated forms of the present
copula. In the 3rd person forms the bases of the inflected negated copula are suppletive to
their positive counterparts.
PresentCopula10 NegatedPresentCopula
Inflected Uninflected
I sgm. -yan layan le- invariable for all persons11
pl. -yan layan
2sgm. -yat layat
sgf -yat layat
pl. -yatam lyatam
3sg.m- -(i)le laye
sgf -(i)la laya
pl. -(i)lu layu
In the 3rd person forms i is elided after a vowel other than a (e.g., *brixa-ii-ile > brixtile
'he has blessed them'), coalesces with a preceding a into e (e.g., *lbila-ile > lbilele 'he has
led off'), and is preservedafter a consonant (e.g., *dwiqa-aw-ile > dwiqawile 'he has caught
her'). Inflected negated copular forms are obligatory with nominals, whereas in the verbal
system the usual negated copula is the invariable form le: drdstayan 'If-have vomited' -
neg. le-drastayan (- layan drasta).

2.4 The Tense-Mood-Aspect(TMA)System

2.4.1 Synopsis
The following TMA categories, arrangedaccording to verbal bases, are found in my CKS
data ('perfect' is a short term for 'present perfect'):
TMA Formation Example
Preterite P-L ptaxle 'he opened'
Plupreterite P-wa-L ptixwdle 'he had opened'
Stative perfect la-Pt(-Cop)12 li-ptixa 'he is open'
Dynamicperfect Pt-Cop ptixele 'he has opened'
Subjunctive S-E patax'thathe open'
Pastsubjunctive S-E-wa pataxwa'thathe opened'
Object preterite qa-S-E-L qapataxle 'he opened itm-'
Object plupreterite qa-S-E-wd-L qapataxwdle 'he had opened itm'
Imperfective k-S-E kpitax 'he opens;he will open'
Pastimperfective S-E-wa paitaxwa'he usedto open;was opening'
Present progressive la-k-S-E ld-kpdtax'he is opening'
Imperative O-Imp ptox 'opensgP!'
The following synopsis presents the dialect's TMA categories from the vantage points
of indicative and modal categories divided into primaryconjugations and anteriorones, the
latter being derived from the former by the past converter -wa:

10. There is also a past copula, used only with nominals. Its forms are lsg.m. yanwa, lsg.f. yanwa, ipl. yaxwa,
2sg.m. yatwa, 2sg.f. yatwa, 2 pl. ydtamwa,3sg.m. yewa, 3sg.f. yawa, 3pl. yewa.
11. le'- is probably a fossilized contractedform of the 3sg.m. negated copula laye.
12. In 3rd person forms the stative perfect formula is la-Pt. whereas in 1st and 2nd persons the formula is la-
Pt-Cop (?2.4.2.3).
 MUTZAFI: The ChristianNeo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq 255

INDICATIVE MODAL
PRIMARY PRETERITE PERFECT PROGRESSIVE IMPERFECTIVE SUBJUNCTIVE IMPERATIVE
P-L ld-Pt(-Cop)la-k-S-E k-S-E S-E O-Imp
ptaxle lii-ptixa la-kpdtax kpatax patax ptox
qa-S-E-L Pt-Cop
qapItoxle ptixele
ANTERIOR PLUPRETERITE 0 0 PAST IMPERFECTIVE PAST SUBJUNCTIVE 0

P-wf-L S-E-wa S-E-wa

ptixwdle pdtaxwa pataxwa
qa-S-E-wa-L
qapat$xwale

2.4.2 Notes on Selected TMA Categories

2.4.2.1 Subjunctive and Past Subjunctive

The subjunctive and past subjunctiveare used for potential or non-factual events, includ-
ing various nuances of modality, and are common in subordinateclauses, as in ld-s'oqate?e
ydzora pase tadma-wlapal 'don't let this child walk over there and fall!' and ?agarpare ya-
wanwale, kulu barbizwalu 'if If-had given him money, he would have spent it all.' A volitive
or exhortative mood is commonly expressed by the particle mar (< *?amar'say!') preposed
to a subjunctive verbal form: mar qdwat! 'let him jump!'

2.4.2.2 Imperfective and Past Imperfective

The imperfective expresses general present(mainly habitualor generic) and futureevents.
It is distinguishedfrom the subjunctiveby the indicative prefix k- or its allomorphg-, 13as in
xa yarxa xarta brddari kate lati 'next month my friend will come to [visit] me' and grmat-
man ?ali 'he believes me.' Two other allomorphs,C- and kc-, are restrictedto certain irregular
verbs (see ?2.7).
The past imperfectiveexpresses habitualor continuous past. Contraryto the imperfective,
it takes no indicative prefix and is thereforenot distinguished morphologically from the past
subjunctive:baxtata i~idiwa ?amrabad qa9ta 'women used to card wool with a carder,'tumal
kulu yoma sapranwa qdtox 'yesterday was waiting for you the whole day.'
Im"
2.4.2.3 Present Progressive and Present Perfect
Both present progressive and stative present perfect are formed with an uninflected
preverbalparticle ld-: 14
(1) The presentprogressiveis formedby the additionof a procliticla- to the inflectionof the
imperfective,e.g., ld-kazitambeta? 'areyouP'goinghome?'
(2) In the presentperfectthereis a distinctionbetweenthe formationof stativeverbsandthat
of dynamicones:
(2a) The stativepresentperfect,expressinga statein the presentthatresultsfroma pastevent,
is formedfromthePerfect(Pt)witha proclitich1-.Onlyin the 1stand2ndpersonsis the stative

13. The allomorphsk- and g- as a rule precede unvoiced and voiced consonants, respectively. For a discussion
on the etymology of the indicative prefix, see Heinrichs 2002: 146-50.
14. Thus a key hallmarkof J.Arbel, the uninflectedpreverbalparticle 16 in the present progressive and present
perfect, considered thus far unique to this dialect (Khan 1999a: 7; 1999b: 217, 218, 219; 2000: 324), has now been
found in anotherNeo-Aramaic dialect located 55 km eastward (see furtherunder ?3.3).
256 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

present perfect inflected with the present copula, e.g., la + Pt skira + copula -yan -+ ld-skirayan
'I am lost.' In the 3rdpersonthe copulais absent,as in tara-gdni5 li-ptixa 'thedooris open,'
suqti ld-gmdirta'my shirt is stained.'
(2b) The dynamicpresentperfect,expressingan eventin the past thathas a bearingon the
present,is expressedby the Pt base with copularsuffixes,andlacks a preverbalparticle,e.g.,
teta-gdn frrqtela 'the hen has run away.'

Paradigmsof the presentprogressiveand the two types of presentperfect in CKS are given
below, using the verb skdra 'to lose; get lost':
PresentProgressiveandPresentPerfectParadigms
PresentProgressive StativePerfect DynamicPerfect
'I am (etc.)losing,gettinglost' 'I am (etc.) lost' 'I have(etc.)lost,got lost'
1sgm- ld-ksdkran ld-skirayan skirayan
sgf. l-ksdkran ld-skgrtayan skirtayan
pl. Id-ksadkrax ld-skirayax skirayax
2sgm. ld-ksdkrat la-skirayat skirayat
sgf Ida-ksdkrat la-skirtayat sklrtayat
pl. ld-ksakritam ld-skirayatam skirayatam
3sg.m- ld-ksdkar ld-skira skirele
sgf 16d-ksdkra ld-skirta skirtela
pl. lI-ksdkri la-skire skirelu
Thus both the present progressive and the stative present perfect, expressing an event or
a state related to the present moment, require a preverballd-. The dynamic present perfect,
which refers to past events, albeit related to the present, lacks this particle.16

2.5 Verbs with Object Suffixes

2.5.1 Verbs with L-set Object Suffixes

All tenses based on S and O employ L-set suffixes (?2.3.1) as object markers.L-set object
suffixes attached to base S verbs are elided (historically due to degemination, cf. ?2.3.1)
following 1, n, r, or r, e.g., *kiadranle > ksadrane 'If send him,' and following t or x which
are not radicals, e.g., kpatxatu 'yousg.m.open them,' kpatxaxu 'we open them,' but maratle
'he makes him shiver,' ld-kpatixlu 'he is opening them.' The object preteriteand object plu-
preterite,e.g., qag•zela 'he saw her' and qagdzdwala 'he had seen her,' are the sole construc-
tions of preteriteand plupreteritewith object affixes. Contraryto the great majorityof NENA
dialects, CKS has no P-base inflections with intra-conjugationalE-set object markers such
as JKS gazydle 'he saw her' and gazyaIwale'he had seen her.'
The attachmentof L-set object suffixes to base O entails the shift o -+ u with the closure
of the syllable in the singular form, as in xrod 'demolish, destroysg-!'< xrudle ?e glida 'de-
molishsg.this wall!' This short u is retained when the syllable opens due to the elision of
the L-suffix after 1, n, r, or r, as in s'qol - squle 'take him!,' zon -- zuna 'buy her!'

15. -gdnior -gdnis a definitearticle,uniqueto CKSas far as I know.

16. la- appearsto be essentiallya presentative-deictic
particle,beingusedoutsidetheverbalsystemin sentences
like ?dnald-l-Pta-yan'(here)I am in the church'(replyingto someoneoutsidethe church),ld-?itanmoyetama
'(behold,)thereis wateroverthere.'Forthehistoricalbackground of ld- in J.Arbelandits functionsin thisdialect,
see Khan1999a:111-14, 265-75; 2000:323, 327-32.
 The ChristianNeo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq
MUTZAFI: 257

2.5.2 Verbs with Pronominal Affixes as Object Markers

Pronominalaffixes (essentially nominal possessive markers)are used as object affixes in
dynamic present perfect inflections. A pronominal affix replaces the last vowel of the base,
e.g., Pt nsiqa + affix -an + copula -ile -- nsfqanile 'he has kissed us.'
Pronominal Affix DynamicPresentPerfect+ Obj.Affixes
lsg -i nfiqile 'he has kissedme'
pl. -an nsiqanile 'he has kissedus'
2sgm. -ox nSfqoxile 'he has kissed yousg.m.'
sgf. -ax nsiqaxile 'he has kissedyousg.f'
pl. -oxam ns'iq6xmile17 'he has kissed youP''
3sgm. -ew nsfqewile 'he has kissed him'
sgf -aw nfiqawile 'he has kissed her'
pl. -i nsiqale 'he has kissed them'

2.6 Negation of Verbs

All tenses but the presentperfect take the negator la-, as in the following examples: sdare
'he sent' -+ neg. lad-sdare; qa'adare 'he sent him' -- neg. la-qasada.re; Mdor 'sendsg.!'
neg. lad-Mdor,or with S: ld-sadrat (sg.m.), la-s'adrat(sg.f.).
In the negation of the presentprogressive the negator ld- is placed between the preverbal
particle ld- and the verb: Id-kiddar 'he is sending' -+ neg. la-ld-kdadar.
The negation of the present perfect involves the negated copula (?2.3.4), as in the fol-
lowing examples: stative present perfect: id-skira 'he is lost' - neg. le-skira - laye skira;
dynamic present perfect: skirele 'he has lost' --+ neg. le'-skirele- laye skira.

2.7 Weakand Irregular Verbs

The following are first-weak verbs which are all irregularin some of their forms:
?zl 'to go' ?by 'to want,love' ?ty'to come' ?wd 'to do'
P ?iz'l- ?be- ?itd- wad-
Pt ?izila, ?izalta ?abya,?beta ?atya, ?iteta wida, watta
S ?dzal,?dza ?abe, ?aba ?dte, ?atya ?dwad,?oda
O say, sayman ?bi, ?biman ?itd, ?itdman ?od, ?odam
I ?izala ?biya ?itdya ?iwdda

ydy 'to know' ywl 'to give' hwy 1 'to be' hwy 2 'to be born'
P ?idd- ?iwil- 018 hwe-
Pt yadya, ?ideta ?iwila, ?iwalta 0 hawya, hweta
S yade, yada ydwal, yawa hawe, hawya hdwe, hawya
O ?idi, ?idiiman hal, halam hwi, hwiman hwi, hwiman
I ?iddya ?iwdla 0 hwaya
In first-weakverbs except ydy, ywl, and hwy 2 the indicative prefix is k- and it replaces the
first radical, e.g., in ?dzal'that he go' -+kdzal 'he goes; will go.' In ?byand in the feminine
forms of ?ty and hwy 1 the base-vowel a is centralized to a with the prefixation of k-, e.g.,
?abax 'that we want' -+ kabax 'we (will) want,' ?atyan 'that If-come' -* katyan 'If- (will)

17. The2pl.pronominal affix-oxam(as in ?arxeloxam 'yourmill') is reducedto -oxmprecedinga vowel.

18. Theroleof the pastbaseof 'to be' is filledby the pastcopula(see note 10 above),e.g., saxorayewa 'he
was a beggar.'
258 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

come.' The verbs ydy and ywl take the indicative prefixes C- and kc-, respectively, and hwy 2
takes the indicative prefix g-, e.g., ghawya 'she will be born' (probably by analogy to g- in
gmdhawya 'she gives birth'). Note the irregularsubjunctive and imperfective paradigms of
the following first-weak verbs:
ydy 'to know' ywl 'to give'
1sgm. yadan cadan yawan kcewan
sgf yadan Jadan yawan kcewan
pl. yadax adax yawax kcewax
2sgm- yadat cadat yawat kcewat
sgf yadat Cadat yawat k~ewat
pl. yaditam Jaditam yawitam kdewitam
3sgm. yade dade yawal kcdwal
sgf yada dada yawa kcewa
pl. yadi Cadi yawi kcewi

hwy 1. 'tobe' 2. 'tobe born'

1sgm. hawan kawan ghawan
sgf hawyan kawyan ghawyan
pl. hawax kcwax ghawax
2sgm. hawat kawat ghawat
hawyat kawyat ghawyat
sgf- hiwitam kawitam
pl. ghawitam
3sgm" hdwe kaiwe ghawe
sgf hawya kawya ghawya
pl. hawi kdwi ghdwi
The indicative prefix of ydy has evolved from k by palatalization adjacent to y: *kyaddeJ
> *kyede > dade 'he knows, will know'. The same palatalizationhas taken place in ywl, and
subsequently a second prefix k- has been introduced pleonastically: *kyahwal > *Jdwal (as
in C.Shql.) > kciwal 'he gives, will give.' The vowel e in the rest of the imperfective para-
digm of ywl has arisen by partial assimilation to y (e.g., *kyawa > *kyewa > *cewa > kcewa
'she gives, will give'). Note the striking difference between the imperfective forms of hwy 1
'to be' and hwy 2 'to be born.'

III. TRAITS OF CKS VERBAL SYSTEM AS AREAL FEATURES

3.1 Preliminaries
The loss of Neo-pallel and the constructions of present progressive and present perfect
with an uninflected preverbal particle are not restricted to CKS, but are typical of various
dialects in the eastern regions of the NENA-speaking area. Both features are widespread
throughoutthe Iraqi province of Arbil, and the loss of Neo-paccelis also found in the con-
tiguous district of 'Aqra and province of Sulemaniyya, in Iranian Kurdistan,and-only as
regardsJ.Az. dialects-in IranianAzerbaijanand adjacentareas in Turkey.The two features
under consideration can by no means be deemed shared innovations, for they vary consid-
erably in details accordingto dialect in a mannercharacteristicof areal typological phenom-
ena, and spreadacross dialect-clusterboundaries.Some of the regional idioms characterized
by one or both of these traits are set apart from each other by basic properties, including
distinct innovations, and may not be lumped together within a single genetic subgroup of
NENA. Such is the case of the communal dialects of Koy Sanjaq, both sharing the loss of
 MUTZAFI:The ChristianNeo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq 259

Neo-paccelbut otherwise markedoff from each other in cardinallinguistic traits,as illustrated

by the following comparison:
CKS JKS Gloss
1. Reflexof *t beta beld house
2. Reflexof *d ?ida ?ild hand
3. Independent3sg. pronoun19 ?diya ?o he, she
?•wa,
4. 3pl. lily E-set20 fsiti sateni theydrink
5. Preterite+ obj.:P-E-L 0 naqsqdle he kissedher
6. Preterite+ obj.:P-L+11- 0 nsfiqle-llaw he kissed her
7. Preterite+ obj.:qa-S-E-L qanidfaqla 0 he kissedher
8. Presentprogressive ld-gnd`Saq nsaiqele he is kissing
9. 3sg.m.pastcopula yewa wele he was
10. Negatedstativeperfect le-gwira- gwirdlewe he is not married
laye gwira

CKS and JKS diverge from each other in additional major features, including morpho-
logical innovations (cf. Mutzafi, forthcoming: ?0.4.2), and are clearly related to separate
dialect-clusters:CKS is related to other local Christiandialects like C.Shql., whereas JKS is
strongly affiliated with local Jewish dialects (Khan 1999a: 7; 1999b: 219) and is part of the
Trans-ZabJewish Neo-Aramaic group located east of the GreaterZab river (Mutzafi 2000:
6-12, ?0.5.2; forthcoming: ?0.4.1).

3.2 The Loss of Neo-pa"el as an Areal Feature

The loss of Neo-paccelis ubiquitousthroughoutthe Jewish varieties of the easternregions
of NENA, and has been found, thus far, also in C.'Aqra,CKS, C.Sulm., and C.Sndj.21This
general areal feature exhibits two types of variations according to dialect:
(1) A high degree of diversity appearsin the way in which Neo-pa"el inflectional bases
have been reshuffled:some bases of certain Neo-palcel verbs were shifted to the same verbal
stem in all dialects involved, e.g., the past (P) base of the verb mqalope 'to peel' has uni-
formly shifted to Neo-pa'al. In many other cases the same Neo-pac"elbase has shifted to
Neo-pa(al in one dialect and to Neo-)a~cel or to Neo-pa'al and Neo-'ap'el interchangeably
in another dialect. This heterogeneity is illustrated below by selected preterital forms of
Neo-paccelorigin (cf. ?2.1) shifted to Neo-pdcalor Neo-'apcel in representativedialects:
BaseP Shiftedto Neo-pzcal(A) orNeo-'ap'el(B) in Representative
Neo-paccel Dialects
CKS JKS C.Sulm. J.Sulm. J.Brz. Gloss
qlapleA qlipleA qldpleA qldpleA qldpleA he peeled
skareA maskareB skereA mdskareB maskdrea he (was) lost
maqliilea qliwleA maqlileB qlileA maqliileB he cleaned
?dareA direA ~- dereA idireA - •dareA he sent
maddarea maddareB

19. In CKS the reflexes of *?ahu 'he,' *?dhi 'she' (cf. Hoberman 1988: 561) are preserved separately,whereas
in JKS the 3sg.m. form *?ahu> ?o has been generalized for both genders.
20. The old IIIlyparticipialpl. ending *-ayn > en is augmented in JKS with the E-set suffix -i (< *-in) of non-
IIIlyverbs, whereas in CKS the latter suffix has ousted the older form *-en.
21. Cf. Hopkins 2002: 283; Khan 1999a: 89-90; 2000: 324; Mutzafi, forthcoming: ?3.4.2, and consider *Neo-
pa"el > Neo-pacal C.Sndj. verbs such as bqdra 'to ask,' bdala 'to cook,' and zbana 'to sell' in Panoussi 1991:
171, 174.
260 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

(2) There is considerable dialectal diversity concerning the type of Neo-paCCelbases lost,
and in certain cases Neo-pac"elbases were even reintroduced: in some dialects, including
CKS, all Neo-paCCelbases have merged with the two other verbal stems, whereas some
Jewish dialects exhibit traces of one or both of the Neo-paCCelbases O and I, and even a
shift of these bases from Neo-pacal to Neo-pa'cel. However, Neo-pacceldoes not exist as a
stem in its own right in any of these dialects. The different reflexes of Neo-pacceland Neo-
pacalbases O and I in representativedialects are:
Retention,Loss andInnovationof Neo-pa"elO andI Bases
1. Original Neo-pa"el O, I Retained or Shifted to Neo-pa'al (> = shift):
C.Shql. CKS J.Az. J.Rwndz. J.Dobe Gloss
0: mzaban > zbon > zbun zaban zaban - > zbon sellsg.!
I: mzabone > zbdna zabon6 zabond > zbana to sell

(> = shift):22
2. OriginalNeo-pa'alO, I Retainedor Shiftedto Neo-paccel
C.Shql. CKS J.Az. J.Rwndz. J.Dobe Gloss
O: grog grol grus > garaf gros - > garas pulls.!
I: grfs'a grafa > garose > garose grad' to pull

3.3 Progressive and Perfect Tenseswith a Preverbal as an Areal Feature

The constructionsof presentprogressive and presentperfect with an uninflectedpreverbal
particle described for CKS above (?2.4.2.3) are widespread in the province of Arbil, Iraq.
These constructions in the dialects known to have them are exemplified by 3sg.m. forms of
the verb 'to open,' as in CKS lI-kpdtax 'he is opening,' la-ptixa 'it is open':
ProgressiveandPerfectVerbswitha PreverbalParticlein NENADialects
Present Progressive Present Perfect
withBase S withBase G23 withBase Pt withBase P
CKS ld-kpdtax 0 la-pt ixa 0
C.Bedyal ma-kpdtax 0 la-ptixa 0
C.'Ankawa da-kpdOax 0 da-pOixa 0
J.Brz. ?ale (y)pdtax 0 0 ?aleptaxle24
J.Sandu le-k/ypdtax25 0 0 le-ptixle
J.Arbel la-palix 0 0 ld-plixle
J.Dobe, Shql. na-palhx 0 0 nd-plixle
J.Rustaqa ld-palix ld-paloxd - 0 ld-plixle,
and Rwndz.26 lta-paloxele di-plix
In addition to dialects with an uninflected preverbal particle in both present progressive
and present perfect inflections, which are the principal concern of this paragraph,there are

22. The shift of Neo-poaalbases to Neo-pa"el ones does not apply to I', IIw, and IIy verbs, e.g., J.Rwndz. xul
'eatsg.!,'kwas'd'to descend,' kyaild'to measure.'
23. The inflectional verbal base G (Gerund) is an allomorph of base I (Infinitive) in some dialects, e.g.,
J.Rwndz. G: paloxdi 'opening,' I: paloxd 'to open.'
24. See Mutzafi 2002: 59-61.
25. That is, le-kpdtax- le-ypdtax.The J.Sandu preverbal le- might be a fossilized 3sg.m. present copula. The
construction of a present copula preposed to a present form is found already in seventeenth-centuryJewish Neo-
Aramaic texts-see Sabar 1984: 197/12-13: ?annadayydnimd-ilu k arfi 'these judges (in a Jewish court) who are
judging,' and cf. Goldenberg 1988: 150. Cf., moreover, the construction of a deictic ('emphatic') present copula +
present inflection in C.Qaraqosh,e.g., k-ila k-roya 'she is growing up' (Khan 2002a: 331-36).
26. According to Khan 2002b: 402-4, 406-7 and my informants.In J.Rustaqathe preverbalis absent in certain
cases, and the constructionla-paloxd occasionally expresses a general present (Khan 2002b: 402, 407).
 MUTZAFI:The ChristianNeo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq 261

two attested dialects that possess such a particle only in one of these inflections: west of the
region detailed in the foregoing table, C.<Aqrahas the present progressive na-kpdsax (but
the present perfect involves an inflected copula + Pt: hole psixa), and to the southeast
C.Sndj. has the present perfect gi-psixle (but the present progressive inflection is S-E-
copula: pdsex-ile). C.'Aqra,being contiguous to the area and not very far from J.Dobe, was
surely partially affected by the areal feature under consideration (cf. J.Dobe nd-palix),
whereas C.Sandj. is very remote and may have developed the idiosyncratic preverbal par-
ticle gi- attached to base P independently.27
The general areal feature presented in the foregoing displays a great deal of dialectal di-
vergence. The major differences among the dialectal parallels are: (1) The preverbalparticle
varies according to dialect: ld-, na-, dd-, ?ale, etc. (2) The present progressive is based on S
in all dialects in question, but optionally on G (qatold) in J.Rustaqaand J.Rwanduz.
(qd.tal)
(3) In the present perfect base Pt (qtila) is used exclusively in Christian dialects, whereas
base P (qtdl-) is used exclusively in all local Jewish dialects.
There are three majorconstructions of the present perfect with a preverbalparticle in the
dialects involved, and the examples I have gatheredattest to a functional-semanticdistinction
concerning these constructions:(3a) Preverbal+ uninflected base Pt, used as a stative pres-
ent perfect and found in CKS, C.Bedyal and C.'Ankawa, e.g., CKS ld-ptixa 'itm. is open.'28
(3b) Preverbal+ base P inflected with L-set suffixes, confined to the Jewish dialects and gen-
erally expressing dynamic perfect, e.g., J.Brz. ?aleptdxle 'he has opened' or 'it has opened,
intr.'29(3c) Preverbal + P inflected with E-set suffixes, expressing stative perfect in J.Rus-
taqa and Rwanduz (alongside the dynamic perfect construction described under 3b above),
e.g., Id-plix 'itm is open,' ld-dmixa 'she is asleep' (cf. Khan 2002b: 403-4).
Furthermore,the negation of present progressive and present perfect with an uninflected
preverbalparticle varies according to dialect as specified in the following:
Negationof PresentProgressivewitha PreverbalParticlein NENADialects
lad-S-E Preverbal-la-S-E Neg. copula+ G
C.cAnkawa ld-kpd6ex 0 0
C.Bedyal Id-kpatax 0 0
J.Sandu Id-k/ypdtax 0 0
CKS 0 la-ld-kpdtax 0
J.Brz. 0 ?ale ld-y/kpatax 0
J.Arbel 0 Id-la-palax 0
J.Dobe, Shql. 0 na-ld-palax 0
J.Rustaqa 0 ld-ld-palax30 le paloxd
J.Rwndz. 0 ld-ld-palax lewe paloxd

27. Unless the C.Sndj. community stems from the area of Arbil or nearby. For a discussion on the C.Sndj.
presentperfect and the particle gi-, see Heinrichs 2002: 261ff.
28. As for the expression of dynamic presentperfect in these Christiandialects, the inflection in CKS is Pt-Cop
without a preverbal(?2.4.2.1), and it appearsthat the same applies to C.Bedyal and C.'Ankawa,but furtherresearch
is required.
29. To be sure, in J.Arbel there is one attested intransitive verb, xml 'to stand,' where the construction la + P
verb expresses a stative presentperfect:ld-xmille 'he is standing' (Khan 1999a: 269; 2000: 238). All Jewish dialects
involved employ the constructionPt-Cop for the expression of stative present perfect, e.g., J.Arbel dmixe-le 'he is
asleep.' Optional stative present perfect constructions in these dialects are copula + Pt in J.Brz. and J.Sandu (e.g.,
lu ytiwe 'they are seated') and la-P-E in J.Rwanduzand J.Rustaqa;see 3c here.
30. According to Khan (2002b: 402) some Rustaqa speakers omit the particle Id in negative constructions,
adducingthe example la palixna 'I do not open.' This constructionmay well be a negation of the present (or rather
imperfective) form palixna 'I open' ratherthan that of the present progressive ld-palixna 'I am opening.'
262 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

The presentprogressiveis thereforenegated accordingto three models: (1) by the negator

ld- (synchronically) replacing the preverbal particle, e.g., ma-kpdtdx- neg. d1-kpitdxin
C.Bedyal, (2) by ld incorporatedbetween the preverbaland the basic verb, e.g., ld-palix -+
neg. ld-la-pdtdx in J.Arbel, (3) the particle l attached to base G or to G-copula is replaced
by a negated copula preposed to G, an alternative construction to model 2 above, e.g.,
J.Rwndz. l 'he is opening' -+ neg. lewe paloxd. In J.Rustaqathe ne-
o-paloxd ld-paloxele
gated copula is fossilized and reduced to le (cf. Khan 2002b: 407).

Negationof PresentPerfectwitha PreverbalParticlein NENADialects

Neg. Copula+ Pt Preverbal-la-P la-P
CKS laye ptixa - lMF-ptixa0 0
C.'Ankawa laye pOixa 0 0
C.Bedyal liwe ptixa 0 0
J.Brz., Sandu lewe ptixa 0 0
J.Arbel 0 Id-la-plixle 0
J.Dobe,Shql. 0 nd-l-d-plixle 0
J.RustaqaandRwndz. 0 ld-ld-plixle l -plix
Thus the present perfect with a preverbal is negated according to three models: (1) by a
preposed negated copula replacing the preverbal particle, e.g., J.Brz. 'ale ptaxle --+ lewe
ptixa 'he has not opened,' (2) by the negator la incorporatedbetween the preverbalparticle
and P, unique to Jewish dialects, e.g., J.Dobe nd-plixle --+nd-ld-plixle 'he has not opened,'
(3) by the negator Id- replacing the preverbalof base P in J.Rustaqaand J.Rwndz., e.g., ld-
plix - neg. la-plix 'it is not open' (cf. Khan 2002b: 404).
It is strikingthat the same preverbalparticle ld- is found in J.Arbel and the otherwise very
differentChristiandialect of Koy Sanjaq55 km eastward,but not in the Jewish dialect of Koy
Sanjaq,a close congener of J.Arbellocated in the same town where CKS is spoken. Whereas
the J.Arbel and CKS constructionsof presentperfect with li- are dissimilar morphologically
and functionally (compare J.Arbel ld-plixle 'he has opened,' neg. ld-la-plixle to CKS ld-
ptixa 'he is open,' neg. le-ptixa ~ laye ptixa), the positive and negated present progressive
constructions of these two dialects are almost identical, and stand in stark contrast to the
gerund-basedpresent progressive of JKS:
CKS J.Arbel JKS Gloss
Present progressive la-kpdtax 16-palix plaxele he is opening
Neg. p. progressive31 la-ld-kpatax Id-la-palax lewe pldxa he is not opening32

31. Note that the negated present progressive formulapreverbal-negator-base S inflection is overwhelmingly
typical of Jewish dialects as is shown above and that CKS is unique among the Christiandialects in this respect.
32. What might be the explanation for this puzzling distribution of the preverbal particle la- and the ld-
constructionsof the presentprogressive?The CKS community is probablyless than 150 years old, for there appears
to be no record of its existence before the second half of the nineteenth century, and it is absent from the compre-
hensive list of Nestorian and Chaldeancommunities in Badger 1852, vol. 1: 175. One may consider the possibility
thatthe foundersof the CKS communitywere a few families from the areaof Arbil, where they or theirpredecessors
had acquiredthe particle la and the typically 'Jewish' presentprogressive positive and negated constructionsdue to
intense exposure to the local Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialect. In Koy Sanjaq each Neo-Aramaic speaking community
clung to its own verbal forms, and thus the la-forms remained confined to CKS in that town.
 MUTZAFI:The Christian Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq 263

REFERENCES
Audo, T. 1897. Simta d-LesdanaiSurydya [Treasureof the Syriac Language]. 2 vols. Mosul (rpt. Ann
Arbor 1978 as Assyrian Didtionary).
Badger, G. P. 1852. The Nestorians and Their Rituals. 2 vols. London: Masters.
Ben-Yaacob,A. 19812. Qahillot YahudeKurdistan[KurdistanJewish Communities, in Hebrew]. Jeru-
salem: Kiryat Sepher.
Chevalier, M. 1985. Les montagnards Chritiens du Hakkdriet du Kurdistanseptenrional. Paris: Uni-
versit6 de Paris-Sorbonne.
Cuinet, V. 1890-1894. La Turquied 'Asie: Geographie administrative, statistique, descriptive et rai-
sonnee de chaque province de l'Asie mineure. 4 vols. Paris: Leroux.
Fox, S. E. 1997. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Jilu. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Garbell, I. 1965. The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Persian Azerbaijan. Janua Linguarum, Series
Practica 3. The Hague: Mouton.
Goldenberg,G. 1988. "On Homilies in the Aramaic of the Jews of Kurdistan"[Review of Sabar 1984,
in Hebrew]. Pe'amim: Studies in Oriental Jewry 36: 141-46.
Hay, W. R. 1921. Two Yearsof Kurdistan: Experiences of a Political Officer 1918-1920. London:
Sidgwich.
Heinrichs,W. 2002. "Peculiaritiesof the VerbalSystem of Seniya within the Frameworkof North East-
ern Neo-Aramaic (NENA)." In "Sprichdoch mit deinen Knechten aramiiisch, wir verstehen es!"
60 Beitriige zur Semitistik: Festschriftfiir Otto Jastrow zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. W. Arnold and
H. Bobzin. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.Pp. 237-68.
Hoberman,R. D. 1985. "The Phonology of Pharyngeals and Pharyngealizationin Pre-Modern Ara-
maic."JAOS 105: 221-31.
. 1988. "The History of the ModernAramaicPronounsand PronominalSuffixes."JAOS 108:
557-75.
. 1989. "Parametersof Emphasis:AutosegmentalAnalyses of Pharyngealizationin Four Lan-
guages."Journal of Afroasiatic Languages 2: 73-97.
. 1991. "Modern Aramaic and the Method of Comparative Reconstruction."[In Hebrew.]
Massorot 5-6: 51-76.
Hopkins, S. 2002. "Preteriteand Perfect in the Jewish Neo-Aramaic of Kerend."In "Sprichdoch mit
deinen Knechtenaramaiisch,wir verstehenes! " 60 Beitriige zur Semitistik:Festschriftfiir Otto Jas-
trow zum 60. Geburtstag,ed. W. Arnold and H. Bobzin. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.Pp. 281-98.
Khan, G. 1999a. A Grammarof Neo-Aramaic: The Dialect of the Jews of Arbel. Leiden: Brill.
. 1999b. "The Neo-Aramaic Dialect Spoken by Jews from Arbel (Iraqi Kurdistan)."BSOAS
62: 213-25.
. 2000. "The VerbalSystem of the Jewish Neo-AramaicDialect of Arbel."JAOS120: 321-32.
. 2002a. The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Qaraqosh. Leiden: Brill.
.2002b. "The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of the Jews of Rustaqa."In "Sprich doch mit deinen
Knechtenaramiisch, wir verstehenes! " 60 Beitriige zur Semitistik:Festschriftfiir OttoJastrow zum
60. Geburtstag,ed. W. Arnold and H. Bobzin. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.Pp. 396-409.
Maclean, A. J. 1895. Grammarof the Dialects of VernacularSyriac. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ.
Press (rpt. Amsterdam:Philo Press, 1971).
. 1901. Dictionary of the Dialects of VernacularSyriac. Oxford: ClarendonPress (rpt. Am-
sterdam:Philo Press, 1972).
Morag, Sh. 1988. Babylonian Aramaic: The YemeniteTradition.Historical Aspects and Transmission.
Phonology, the Verbal System [in Hebrew]. Jerusalem:Ben Zvi Institute.
Mutzafi, H. 2000. "The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq (Iraqi Kurdistan):Phonology,
Morphology, Texts and Glossary" [in Hebrew]. Ph.D. diss., Tel Aviv University.
.2002. "BarzaniJewish Neo-Aramaic and its Dialects." Mediterranean Language Review
14: 41-70.
,forthcoming. The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Koy Sanjaq (Iraqi Kurdistan). Wies-
baden: Harrassowitz.
264 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.2 (2004)

N6ldeke, Th. 1868. Grammatikder neusyrischen Sprache am Urmia-See und in Kurdistan. Leipzig:
Weigel (rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1974).
. 1875. ManddiischeGrammatik.Halle: Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses (rpt.
Darmstadt:Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1964).
Panoussi, E. 1990. "On the Senaya Dialect." In Studies in Neo-Aramaic, ed. W. Heinrichs. Atlanta:
Scholars Press. Pp. 107-29.
. 1991. "Ein vorliufiges Verbglossar zum aussterbendenneuaramaischenSenaya-Dialekt."
Revista degli Studi Orientali 65: 165-83.
Sabar,Y. 1984. Homilies in the Neo-Aramaicof the KurdistaniJews on the Parashot Wayhi,Beshallah
and Yitro. Edition, Hebrew Translationand Glossary [in Hebrew]. Jerusalem:Israel Academy of
Sciences and Humanities.