Inca Iconography - The Art of Empire in The Andes

Inca Iconography: The Art of Empire in the Andes
Author(s): Tamara L. Bray

Source: RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, No. 38 (Autumn, 2000), pp. 168-178
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology
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168 RES 38 AUTUMN 2000
Figure 10. Large ar?bola with center band of concentric rhomboids flanked by stylized trees; note small
concentric squares in center band. Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian
Institution, cat. no. 14/5679.
Inca iconography
The art of empire in the Andes

TAMARA L. BRAY
The ceramic complex associated with the Inca state might otherwise be the case. Material culture, by its
has long been noted for its uniform and repetitive nature, objectifies and "fixes" meaning (Hebdige 1979;
nature. Indeed, John Rowe once suggested it was so McCracken 1988). Given this, one would expect that the
consistent that a whole jar could confidently be messages encrypted in the visual imagery of state
reconstructed from a single sherd (1944:8). The oft-noted sponsored art would be of a nontrivial nature. Following
strict adherence to formal and stylistic canons has been this logic, I suggest that the content of Inca art would be
casually interpreted as evidence of mass production, in intimately linked to the ideological foundations of the
some cases (Jones 1964:8; Rowe 1944:48; Stone-Miller state and that the objects produced in this style
1995:215), and as exemplary of corporate art, in others participated in the creation and maintenance of a
(cf. Moseley 1992:73). Though such views are collective social understanding of the imperial state. In
commonplace, surprisingly few systematic studies of this paper, I first present some preliminary findings with
Inca pottery have been undertaken that would allow for regard to the distribution of imperial Inca vessel forms
a critical evaluation of these and other commonly held around the empire and then focus on the patterning and
assumptions about the meaning and motives of the possible significance of the imagery associated with one
imperial Inca assemblage. vessel in particular: the Inca ar?bola.
To begin to address some of these issues, I initiated a The Inca state ceramic assemblage comprises a
photo-documentation project of museum collections limited number of distinctive and highly standardized
several years ago with the intent of developing a vessel forms (Lunt 1987; Meyers 1975). In this study, I
database of Inca pottery that could be analyzed utilize the classification scheme developed by Albert
comparatively and systematically.1 This has resulted in a Meyers (1975) to discuss this material. The
substantial photographic archive that presently morphological categories he devised were based on a
comprises over 1,500 images of Inca vessels recovered systematic review of the ceramic assemblage from
from the length and breadth of the empire. As part of Saqsaywaman and were designed to facilitate
the documentation process, a range of data, including comparison with Inca pottery from the provinces. In
information on vessel provenience (where available), Meyers's system, the state ceramic assemblage is divided
dimensions, decorative treatment, and manufacture, into seven formal classes. These consist of (a) amphoras
was recorded. (aribolas), (b) narrow-necked vessels, (c) wide-necked
A basic premise of this study is that the imagery vessels, (d) wide-mouthed pots, (e) pots with or without
expressed in the imperial art of the Inca aided in the feet, (f) plates and bowls, and (g) cups (fig. 1). In total,
construction of state authority and can inform about the there are 14 specific vessel types.
nature of rulership. Given that the Inca never developed As part of my comparative study, I have also
a writing system, it might be assumed that state art categorized and recorded published references to Inca
potentially played a larger role in conveying information, pottery from around the empire using this classificatory
communicating identity, and legitimizing elite rule than scheme. The sites and regions that have been
incorporated into the study are listed in table 1. The
publications examined span many years and vary greatly
1. To date, Inca pottery collections have been documented at the in terms of reporting protocols. All of the sources
American Museum of Natural History, the British Museum, the Field included here, however, contain sufficient detail in the
Museum, the Smithsonian's Museums of the American Indian and
Natural History, the Museo Nacional de Arqueolog?a y Historia in Lima,
text, illustrations, or appendices to assign the Inca
the Museo del Instituto Nacional de Cultura in Cusco, the University of pottery reported to one of the 14 vessel categories.
Cusco's Museo Arqueol?gico, the Museo del Banco Central in Cuenca, The histogram in figure 2 indicates the relative
and the Jij?n y Caama?o Museum in Quito, Ecuador. frequency of the different vessel types comprising the
11
12 13
G 14
Figure 1. Imperial Inca vessel shape categories. Chart reproduced with the
permission of Albert Meyers.
75 percent of the total number of Inca pots incl

composite, empire-wide sample. The graph indicates
the sample.
that Meyers's Form 1, the aribola, accounts for nearly
half of the total number of Inca vessels identified.
When theThefrequencies of the different vessel types
from the
shallow plate (Form 13), the small short-necked jarimperial core, which is defined as the Cusco
basin and the Urubamba valley, are compared to the
(Form 5), and the single-footed olla (Form 10),
composite
respectively, are the next most common vessel types.assemblage from the provinces, some
Overall, these four vessel forms account forinteresting
just over differences are noted (fig. 3). I suggest that
Bray: Inca iconography 1 71
TABLE 1
LIST OF SITES AND PUBLISHED REFERENCES USED IN DISTRIBUTIONAL ANALYSIS OF INCA STATE POTTERY
Sector Site Name References
Heartland Saqsaywaman Franco and Llanos 1940; Val c?rcel 1934-45; Valencia 1970
Cusco (general) Pardo 1939, 1959 (grave lot); Sawyer 1966 (1 grave lot); Schmidt 1929
Ollantaytambo Llanos 1936
Chinchero Rivera 1976
Machu Picchu Bingham 1915, 1979; Eaton 1916
Cuntisuyu Maucallacta Bauer 1990
Chincha Uhle 1924; Menzel 1966, 1971; Sandweiss 1992
lea Uhle1924; Menzel 1971, 1976
La Centinela Menzel 1966
Inkawasi Hyslop1985
Pachacamac Uhle 1903
Collasuyu Hatunqolla Julien 1983; Hyslop1976, 1979
Pallimarca Ryden 1947
Puno Tschopik 1946
Tiquischullpa, so. Titicaca region Parssinen and Siiriainen 1997
NW Argentina Bregante 1926; Debenedetti 1917; Outes 1907; Bennettetal. 1948;
Fock 1961; Calderari and Williams 1991; von Rosen 1924
Pucar? de Lerme, Prov. de Tucuman Boman 1908
San Miguel, Valle de Lerme, Fock 1961
Prov. de Tucuman
La Paya, Valle Calchaqui, NOA Ambrosetti 1902, 1907-1908; Boman 1908; Bennettetal. 1948
El Plomo Figueroa 1958; Medina 1958
La Reina Mostny 1955
Pucar? Chena Stehberg 1976
Chinchaysuyu Huanaco Pampa Morris 1967; Morris and Thompson 1985
HatunXauxa D'Aitroy 1981
Yanamarca Valley Costin 1986
La Plata Dorsey 1901; McEwan and Silva 1989
Quito Jij?n y Caama?o and Larrea 1918; Meyers 1976; Stubel et al. 1889
El Quinche Jij?n y Caama?o 1914; Meyers 1976
Rumicucho Almeida and Jara 1984
Tomebamba Bamps 1887; Meyers 1976; Bray n.d.
Ingapirca Meyers 1976
such differences may relate to the role of imperial Inca vessels in the provincial districts. This is high both
pottery in the context of Inca statecraft. One first notes in absolute terms and in comparison to the core region,
that all vessel forms found in the heartland are also where aribolas constitute only 42 percent of the total
found in the provincial districts. However, the relative assemblage. The only other vessels that occur with any
frequencies of the various vessel forms found in the two degree of frequency in the provinces are the shallow
zones is quite distinct.2 The aribola, for instance, plate (Form 13) and the pedestal cooking pot (Form 10).
comprises 48 percent of the total number of identifiable These three forms appear to constitute the minimal
assemblage for any Inca-affiliated group or individual
residing in the hinterlands. I discuss the functional and
2. These differences are statistically significant at the .o5 level (chi culinary significance of this vessel ensemble in another
sq = 68.52, df = 13, p<.001). paper (Bray 1996).
Relative Frequency of Vessel Forms Relative Frequencies of Inca Vessel Types

in Total Empire-wide Assemblage (N=1,691) in Heartland versus Provinces
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 12 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
Vessel Type Vessel Type
Figure 2. Relative frequency of different vessel forms in Figure 3. Comparison of relative frequencies of Inca vessel
composite imperial Inca assemblage. Graph: Tamara L. Bray. forms in the heartland versus the imperial provinces. Graph:
Tamara L. Bray.
The fact that the aribola is found in higher proportions respect to historical validity, it is nonetheless a widely
in the outlying sectors of the empire suggests that it was recognized referent for this particular Inca vessel.
of particular importance to some aspect of the imperial As the hallmark of the Inca state assemblage, the
expansion process. I have suggested elsewhere that this aribola is readily recognizable on the basis of both formal
vessel form is generally associated with the storage, and decorative attributes. The defining morphological
transport, and serving of chicha (the ubiquitous Andean features include the tall flared neck, the pierced "ears," the
corn beer), based on its morphological characteristics, zoomorphic lug, the side strap handles, and the pointed
the archaeological contexts of find, and ethnohistoric base (fig. 4). While these vessels may vary considerably in
data (Bray 1991:367-370). It is generally understood that terms of size and proportionality, these five defining
the Inca, following ancient Andean norms, assumed the morphological characteristics are necessarily present.
responsibility of providing food and drink for the state's Similarly, there are a fairly strict set of rules governing
corv?e laborers (cf. Morris and Thompson 1985; Murra the type and placement of decoration found on aribolas.
1980; Rowe 1982). The disproportionate number of The primary zones of decoration include the neck, the
aribolas found in the provinces might indicate that state upper shoulder of the "back" side, and the front panel.
presentations of chicha were of greater importance in the Three principal design formats have been identified
outlying regions than at the core of the empire. based on a preliminary study of the decorative treatment
The aribola, or Meyers's Form 1, is by far the best of the front panel, which is typically divided into a
known component of the imperial Inca vessel tripartite field. The first style consists of two central,
assemblage. In fact, it often appears as a symbolic stand vertical bands filled with a cross-and-bar motif, flanked
in for "the Inca" in modern textbooks. It is precisely this on either side by what is traditionally referred to as the
issue of surrogacy that I wish to explore further below. But "fern" pattern (fig. 5a).3 In my present sample of 507
before proceeding, the use of the term "aribola" warrants decorated aribolas from both Cusco and the provinces,
a brief comment. This is the Spanish version of the word this style accounts for 20 percent of the total.
aryballus, a label first applied by nineteenth-century
scholars and later made semi-official with Bingham's
1915 publication of the Macchu Picchu materials. While 3. This style corresponds to that labeled by Rowe (1944:47) as
the use of this term may not be entirely appropriate with Cuzco Polychrome Type A.
Figure 4. Inca aribola with principal morphological features

indicated. Drawing: Tamara L. Bray.
The second and third types of formats vary mainly in

terms of orientation. The basic design element is a
central band containing a row of rhomboids. The
rhombus motif typically contains additional, concentric
diamonds or has a checkerboard fill. The band of
rhomboids may be oriented either vertically or
horizontally. When horizontally oriented (fig. 5b), the
band of rhomboids typically stands alone on the vessel Figure 5a. One of the principal design formats on Inca
front, while the vertical version of this decorative band aribolas; vertical bands in center with cross-and-bars motif
is always flanked by horizontal registers of pendant overpainted and "fern" pattern on flanking side panels. H.: 41
triangles4 or by the so-called fern motif (fig. 5c). Aribolas cm, Max. diam.: 25 cm, Rim diam.:15.7 cm. Courtesy of the
with the horizontal diamond band account for 14 Museo Municipal, Cuenca, Ecuador, cat. no. Im2-4119-86.
percent of the total number of decorated aribolas in the
sample, while those with the vertical alignment of
rhomboids account for 16 percent. Overall, this band
with-rhomboids design element is found on nearly one and content of the decorative motifs as well as in the
third of all Inca aribolas included in the sample. physical attributes of the vessel. Of particular
The use of human anatomical terminology above to significance are the horizontal rhomboid bands of the
describe component parts of the Inca aribola was not second style found on the center front panel or "belly"
accidental. I believe that this vessel form was of the vessel. These decorative bands correspond in
intentionally meant to represent the body of the Inca appearance and placement to the waistbands frequently
overlords (see also Bray and Cook 1997; Pardo observed on Inca male tunics (see Rowe
1957:559). Evidence for this is found in the placement 1979:251-259). The Inca effigy vessel in figure 6 makes
the correlation of this horizontal band of rhomboids
with Inca garments even more secure. A few other more
4. This style corresponds to that labeled by Rowe (1944:47) as unusual aribolas, which are provided with a face on the
Cuzco Polychrome Type B. neck and a penis at the base of the front panel, make
Figure 5b. One of the principal design formats on Inca Figure 5c. One of the principal design formats on Inca
aribolas; horizontal band with rhomboids. H.:14 cm, Max. aribolas; vertical center band with concentric rhomboids and
diam.: 10.2 cm, Rim diam.: 5.5 cm. Courtesy of the Museo "fern" motif flanking. H.: 42 cm, Max. diam.: 23 cm, Rim
Municipal, Cuenca, Ecuador, cat. no. IE15-277-95. diam.: 17.3. Courtesy of the Museo Municipal, Cuenca,
Ecuador, cat. no. lm2-8787-87.
the connection between form, dress, and decorative motifs must have been intended to convey something
motifs more explicit (fig. 7). more fundamental about the notion of Inca sovereignty,
Classen (1993) has suggested that the human body something that perhaps transcended the aura of any
was the basic organizing metaphor of Inca cosmology. If given individual ruler.
the aribola is literally conceived as the body of the Inca, Working with materials from the antecedent Andean
what do the motifs typically portrayed on the "garb" of empire of Huari, Cook (1996:95-99) has demonstrated that
these abstract human effigy pots signify? While the rhomboid (or diamond) motif framed by a square
something like the tocapu designs depicted on the dress occurs in numerous elite Huari contexts, leading her to
of individual rulers (see Guarnan Poma [1615] suggest that it functioned as an insignia of royal status or
1936:86-120 for examples) are occasionally observed high rank. This element is also quite prevalent in the
on aribolas (fig. 8), the majority of aribolas employ iconography of the Inca elite, as seen for example in highly
concentric rhomboids and the so-called fern motif as the elaborated elite tunics (Guarnan Poma [1615] 1936:318,
primary design elements. I suggest that these primary 364; Rowe 1979:254-255), in various illustrations of the
Figure 6. Inca effigy vessel depicting man wearing a diamond Figure 7. Aribola with modeled face and penis on front. H.: 22
waistband tunic, lea Valley, Peru. Courtesy of the Phoebe cm, Max. diam.: 12 cm. Courtesy of the Jij?n y Caama?o
Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Museo, P.U.C.E., Quito, Ecuador, cat. no. JC-AE-8557.
Berkeley, cat. no. 4-4348.
royal Inca litter (Guarnan Poma [1615] 1936:377; Mur?a emerged. In this simple drawing, one notes Pachacuti
[1590] 1962), and on such significant ceremonial objects Yamqui's use of concentric lines to define the primary
as the paccha (Lothrop 1956:238-239). These associations features of the site, the rhomboid in the center of the
suggest a certain continuity in the symbolic meaning and middle cave, and the quincunx of open circles
importance of this motif. associated with the opening.
A link may also be drawn to the Inca origin myth as Another important component of the drawing are the
illustrated by Pachacuti Yamqui, a native Andean writer two trees flanking the center cave. Pachacuti Yamqui
of the early seventeenth century ([1613] 1927 :144). In refers to these as the mother (Pachamamaachi) and
his mnemonic representation of the birthplace of the father (Apotambo) of the Inca. These trees-cum-parents
Inca, Pachacuti Yamqui depicts three windows or caves are described as "the trunk and roots of the yngas" and
at a site called Pacaritambo (fig. 9). It is from the the Inca descendants as the "fruit" of these trees
middle window that the first Inca, Manco Capac, his (Pachacuti Yamqui [1613] 1927:144). The use of trees as
three brothers and four sister-wives reportedly natural symbols of origins, lineage, rootedness, and
Figure 9. Pachacuti Yamqui's drawing of Pacaritambo, origin

place of the first Inca. After Pachacuti Yamqui [1613]
1927:144.
assemblage. Returning to the aribola and the design

elements that most commonly decorate them, I contend
that the so-called fern motif is a symbolic representation
of the Inca lineage, with the "stalk" depicting the
founding ancestors and the attached "branches" and
"fruits" depicting the descendant generations, while the
band of concentric rhomboids typically depicted on the
center front of the vessel is also referencing Inca origins.
Figure 8. Aribola with possible tocapu elements as decorative The common relationship of these two design elements
devices. Courtesy of the Museo Nacional de Arqueolog?a e on the aribola, wherein the "tree" motifs flank a central
Historia, Lima, Peru, cat. no. 4/17. panel with rhomboids, readily recalls Pachacuti Yamqui's
drawing of the Inca birthplace. The vessel in figure 10
seems to illustrate the origins imagery particularly well,
strength is a widespread cross-cultural phenomenon (de with the small concentric squares in the center band
Boeck 1994; Frazer 1955; Rival 1998; Schuster and possibly depicting either the second and third caves in
Carpenter 1996). In Quechua, the language of the Inca, the Pachacuti drawing or the points of the quincunx.
the word for a planted (as opposed to a wild) fruit tree is The functional and contextual associations of
mallqui (Gonz?lez Holgu?n [1608] 1952:224). imperial Inca iconography also contribute to the
Interestingly, this same word, mallqui, also refers to the understanding of its meaning. As suggested above, the
mummified remains of the founding ancestors of an Inca aribola was likely a container for chicha, a
ayllu, or lineage (Harrison 1989:65; Sherbondy 1988). fermented corn beverage that was served at all state and
Embedded in this visual rendering of the Inca origin ritual functions (fig. 11). As Arnold (1991) discusses, an
myth with its imagery of flanking trees, concentric important aspect of drinking in the Andes has to do with
boxes, rhomboids, and the quincunx is a complex web memory, above all, the memory of origins. The art of
of meaning involving origins, ancestors, genealogy, drinking entails the shared task of remembering. This
death and regeneration, and ultimately power. Based on occurs through the acts of naming, toasting, and
both physical and structural similarities, I suggest that imbibing. Rather than drinking to forget, which is the
the Inca were visually referencing this network of norm in our culture, people in the Andes traditionally
meaning in the iconography of the state ceramic drink to remember.
Z^h
9 *
IVH/0
HAVOICVSOVJ
Qu^Cft^t
Figure 11. Illustration of ritual drinking during Inca period; note aribola being poured by
woman. From Guarnan Poma de Aya I a [1615] 1936:246.
Within the context of state ritual and collective

drinking, the aribola, which I suggest literally
"embodied" the Inca, could be construed as a
mnemonic device that both invoked the presence of the
supreme ruler and compelled the memory of the origins
of the Inca dynasty and, by extension, the subjects of the
state. People drank to the source of memory, to their
ancestral origins, which the Inca, through sleight of
hand and stylistic mandate, appropriated to themselves.
It is in the ritual act of drinking to and speaking of
memories of origin that the power of ancestral places,
being, and things was, and still is, affirmed and
reaffirmed. It is suggested that this notion of origins is
precisely what the standardized imagery of the imperial
Inca ceramic assemblage visually encrypted and
intentionally sought to evoke.

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Inca Iconography: The Art of Empire in the Andes

Author(s): Tamara L. Bray

The art of empire in the Andes

75 percent of the total number of Inca pots incl

Sector Site Name References

Relative Frequency of Vessel Forms Relative Frequencies of Inca Vessel Types

Vessel Type Vessel Type

Figure 4. Inca aribola with principal morphological features

The second and third types of formats vary mainly in

Figure 9. Pachacuti Yamqui's drawing of Pacaritambo, origin

assemblage. Returning to the aribola and the design

Within the context of state ritual and collective

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