Journal of Family Issues

http://jfi.sagepub.com

Intergenerational Relationships in Cross-Cultural Comparison:

How Social Networks Frame Intergenerational Relations Between
Mothers and Grandmothers in Japan, Korea, China, Indonesia,
Israel, Germany, and Turkey
Bernhard Nauck and Jana Suckow
Journal of Family Issues 2006; 27; 1159
DOI: 10.1177/0192513X06288125

The online version of this article can be found at:

http://jfi.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/27/8/1159

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

Additional services and information for Journal of Family Issues can be found at:

Email Alerts: http://jfi.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts

Subscriptions: http://jfi.sagepub.com/subscriptions

Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav

Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

Citations http://jfi.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/27/8/1159

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Journal of Family Issues
Volume 27 Number 8
August 2006 1159-1185
© 2006 Sage Publications
Intergenerational 10.1177/0192513X06288125
http://jfi.sagepub.com

Relationships in hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com

Cross-Cultural Comparison
How Social Networks Frame Intergenerational
Relations Between Mothers and Grandmothers
in Japan, Korea, China, Indonesia, Israel,
Germany, and Turkey
Bernhard Nauck
Jana Suckow
Chemnitz University of Technology, Germany

The article explores the relevance of intergenerational relationships within the

overall network of young mothers and grandmothers in seven societies: Japan,
Korea, China, Indonesia, Turkey, Israel, and Germany. The empirical base is 2,945
named network members in 249 pairs of interviews of grandmothers and their
daughters from a cross-cultural pilot study. The network composition of both gen-
erations and the network activities with spouses, daughters, and mothers is
described. The results confirm the high exclusivity and expressivity of the conju-
gal family in societies with an affinal kinship regime and the high, lifelong signif-
icance of instrumental and expressive exchange relationships between mothers and
daughters in patrilineal societies. Furthermore, in all societies, common expressive
activities are decisive for the perceived quality of the intergenerational relation-
ships, whereas instrumental activities are without any influence even in those soci-
eties where they are of great importance for the intergenerational relationships.

Keywords: intergenerational relationships; cross-cultural comparison;

reciprocity of help; network analysis

Authors’ Note: This article is related to the research project “Values of Children in Six
Cultures. A Replication and Extension of the ‘Values of Children-Studies’ Concerning
Generative Behavior and Parent–Child Relationships” funded by the German Research
Council (principal investigators: Bernhard Nauck, Chemnitz University of Technology, and
Gisela Trommsdorff, University of Konstanz). This analysis builds on previously published
results (Nauck & Suckow, 2002). Please send correspondence regarding this article to Jana
Suckow; e-mail: jana.suckow@phil.tu-chemnitz.de.

1159

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1160 Journal of Family Issues

E lisabeth Bott’s (1957) hypothesis that the structure of extrafamiliar

networks of spouses is connected to the intrafamiliar role structure
and allocation of tasks has spurred a great amount of empirical research.
This research deals with the contextual factors shaping the family network
structure (composition, density, and overlap), the quality and intensity of
such structures, and the effects on intrafamiliar interactions and social
relationships within the family and other kinship groups (Lee, 1979). Until
recently, most of the analyses have examined the influence of social net-
works on (a) the power balance within the marriage and the allocation of
control rights within the kinship system, (b) marital solidarity and stabil-
ity, and (c) the mobilization of extrafamiliar resources (Szinovacz, 1987;
Treas & Lawton, 1999). Most of this family sociological research devel-
oped independently from sociological network analyses and their method-
ological and conceptual progress. Within the context of general exchange
theories and action-theoretical assumptions regarding social capital theo-
ries, the strong ties of familiar relationships have become a setting for the
study of the formation of social capital (Lin, 2001; Wellman, 1999). Above
and beyond this research, the instruments of network analyses are being
used with increasing frequency in family research (as exemplified in
Germany, especially by the family survey: Bien & Marbach, 1991; Bien,
Marbach, & Templeton, 1992; Marbach, 1994, 1998; Nauck, 1999; Nauck
& Kohlmann, 1999; Nauck & Schwenk, 2001). As a result, the survey
instruments have become more standardized and now allow a systematic
comparison of structure and function of familial networks over different
forms and phases of family, social contexts, and institutional conditions. It
is possible to include Anglo-American and Western European findings into
the test by using cross-cultural comparative analyses of family networks
(A. Kim, 2001).
The tools of network analysis are used in the following analysis to
explore the following questions:

1. How important are intergenerational relationships within the overall net-

work of the actors, and how does their importance vary with sociocultural
contexts?
2. How do exchange relations between the generations differ from other kinds
of network relationships, and how do they vary with sociocultural contexts?
3. What influence do network structure and exchange relations between the
generations have on the closeness and quality of intergenerational relation-
ships, and how do they vary with sociocultural contexts?

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1161

How to Explain Cross-Cultural Differences in

Intergenerational Relationships

Variation in the relevance of intergenerational relationships within the

context-specific social production function is of central importance for explain-
ing intercultural differences in these relationships. One important dimension of
variance is the kind of intergenerational relations, if any, that are considered to
be important intermediate goods in optimizing material well-being and social
recognition in any particular sociocultural context and in relation to the avail-
able alternatives (Nauck, 2005). Intergenerational relationships, together with
relations between the two sexes, constitute family relational groups, which pro-
duce collective goods for their own members exclusively. Within these groups,
goods and services are also exchanged (Attias-Donfut, 2000; Bengtson, 2001;
Bengtson & Roberts, 1991; Szydlik, 2000). Institutionalized rules in any par-
ticular society determine what kind of intergenerational relations can be called
on to satisfy basic needs. Idiosyncratic choice of those relations is limited and,
in many societies, alternatives—especially for women—hardly exist.
Common examples of such institutionalized rules can be seen in marriage
and inheritance (Nauck, 2002, in press; Nauck & Klaus, 2005; Zelditch,
1964). It matters whether affinal or descendent kinship relationships dominate
institutionalized rules. An affinal kinship system is characterized by romantic
love, independent mate selection, and a greater solidarity between spouses.
Typical of this kind of kinship system is a separation of the conjugal family
and the family of origin. The rules of inheritance favor the surviving spouse,
and in the case of conflict, the members of the conjugal family show a greater
degree of solidarity. A descendent kinship system is primarily based on inter-
generational solidarity in the descent community, which means that parents
(and other relatives) usually exercise a great influence on mate selection and
that children are favored over spouses within the rules of inheritance. When it
comes to conflict, solidarity is shown to one’s own descent kinship.
Children, if considered as intermediate goods in the social production
function, are more important in societies where descendent solidarity is
prevalent. However, descendent kinship relations are either matrilinear or
patrilinear—both kinds of descent systems exist but cannot coexist. This
produces clear preferences for one or the other sex within the lineage.
Accordingly, it is assumed that the concentration on kinship within network
relations and intergenerational homogeneity is higher in cultures with
descent kinship systems (especially patrilinear systems) such as Japan,

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1162 Journal of Family Issues

Korea, Indonesia, and Turkey than in cultures with (bilinear) affinal kinship
systems such as Israel and Germany. Moreover, intergenerational relations
are expected to show a greater multiplexity in cultures with descent kinship
systems.
It is still unclear whether the organization of intergenerational relation-
ships has an influence on the perceived quality of the relation. We cannot
judge whether societies with an affinal kinship system have a lower perceived
quality of intergenerational relations, which are often replaced by the conju-
gal relation, than societies with a descent kinship system, in which the prior-
ity is on intergenerational relations. And we still do not know if the perceived
quality only depends on the emotional exchange relations or if instrumental
help is of importance. In this article, we examine whether there is an interac-
tion between the sociocultural context and the importance of instrumental
help for the perceived quality of the relation. If the risks of life are mainly
covered by intergenerational relations, instrumental help should have a
greater importance for perceived quality than in those societies with an insti-
tutional covering. Finally, it is to be tested whether there is a connection
between the quality of the relation and the direction of instrumental and emo-
tional exchange relations (i.e., whether the respondents mainly give help or
get help and whether this is connected to the institutionalization of the “flow
of wealth” between the generations).
Table 1 provides an overview of the different institutional rules within
the societies in the study and their effects on intergenerational relationships.
Conjugal relations in Israel and Germany are assumed to be prior to inter-
generational relations and a bilinear lineage is practiced in those two soci-
eties, whereas in the other cases, a patrilinear descent kinship regime is
institutionalized.
Of special importance is the relative degree of intimization and social exclu-
sivity of the conjugal family (i.e., how far intrafamilial processes are subject to
social control and intervention by the family of origin, kinship, and neighbor-
hood residents). It is typical of descent kinship systems that the family of ori-
gin influences mate selection. A high rate of arranged and institutional
mediated marriages is reported for Japan, China, and Turkey (Kagitcibasi &
Ataca, 2005; Kagitcibasi, Ataca, & Diri, 2005; Nauck, 2002; Nauck & Klaus,
2005; Trommsdorff, 1997; Yi & Hsiung, 1997; Zheng, Shi, & Tang, 2005). The
possibility of increasing status (among women) through parenthood is greater
in societies with strict descent kinship systems than in affinal kinship systems
such as Israel (Suckow, 2005) or Germany (Klein & Nauck, 2005). Finally,
societies vary according to the availability of institutional alternatives for
covering the risks of life such as illness, unemployment, and catastrophes, but

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Table 1
Typology of Intergenerational Relations of Women in Cross-Cultural Comparison
China Korea Japan Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

Kinship system patrilinear patrilinear patrilinear patrilinear patrilinear bilinear- bilinear-

descent descent descent descent descent affinal affinal
Social exclusivity of
conjugal family low low low low low high high
Social status incurred
via parenthood high high high high high low low
Alternatives for
covering life risks low low high low low high high
Opportunity costs for
emotional benefit of
intergenerational
relationships low low low low low high high
Childlessness low low low low low low high
Intergenerative wealth

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

flow ascending ascending descending ascending ascending descending descending

1163
1164 Journal of Family Issues

especially old age. Germany and Israel are welfare states, and in Japan, life
risks are widely covered by private insurance. In the other societies, however,
life risks are covered by strong family and kinship ties, especially through inter-
generational relationships. Thus, in these societies, such relationships acquire
great importance not only because of their socioemotional qualities but because
of their irreplaceable instrumental qualities as well. Even the intergenerational
wealth flow is influenced by this—it is ascending when intergenerational rela-
tionships are responsible for covering the risks of life (Caldwell, 1982). The
opportunity costs of intergenerational relations are closely related to whether
mothers can and/or must participate in the paid labor force (Becker, 1991).
Opportunity costs are low if household production is optimized by a gender-
specific complementary allocation of tasks, whereby mothers specialize on
extrafamiliar tasks. If the employment of mothers is closely connected to
intrafamilial tasks, such as in agrarian or craft production, opportunity costs are
low as well. The greater the separation between family and employment, and
the greater the optimization of household production by de-differentiation of
tasks, the greater are opportunity and transaction costs of intergenerational rela-
tionships. On average, those costs are higher in Germany and Israel than in the
other societies, but it seems that there is a perceived polarization of society into
family and nonfamily sectors only in Germany (among the cases investigated).
In Germany, the proportion of women who have never had children is much
higher (Strohmeier & Huinink, 2003; Strohmeier & Schulze, 1995).

Sociostructural Indicators in
Cross-Cultural Comparison

In Table 2, some sociostructural indicators of the seven societies were com-

bined, whereby in every case the most recent time point between 1993 and
2001 was used. This information is handicapped by the well-known problem
that demographic statistics are difficult to compare internationally because of
the nation-specific differences in definition and survey context. This is espe-
cially true for urban population rates, illiteracy rates, and labor force partici-
pation. Despite these irregularities, Table 2 reflects genuine and significant
differences in the levels of urbanization (which has effects on the opportunity
costs of intergenerational relations) and education conditions (which affects
the extrafamilial alternatives) in East Asian societies, even though institutional
rules are similar in these societies. Intergenerational relations are influenced
by life expectancy and the age distance between generations (measured by the
mother’s average age at the birth of first child). The age distance is generally

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1165

Table 2
Sociostructural Indicators
China Japan Korea Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

Urban population (%) 36 79 82 41 66 92 88

Illiteracy rate women (%) 15 n/a 4 18 23 6 n/a
Female labor force
participation (%) 45 41 41 41 37 45 42
Life expectancy of women 74 84 79 71 74 81 81
Age at first childbirth 28.2 27.9 27.2 20.8 22.0 n/a 28.1
Total fertility rate in 1970 4.8 2.1 4.3 5.1 5.8 4.0 2.1
Total fertility rate in 2001 1.8 1.4 1.7 2.6 2.1 2.6 1.4
Child mortality rate 28.9 3.9 7.9 42.2 48.9 7.9 4.8

Note: n/a = no data available.

lower in Indonesia and Turkey than in the other societies. Finally, total fertil-
ity rates are listed in an interval of 30 years. They show that within one inter-
val, which indicates the difference in age of the examined mothers and
grandmothers, total fertility rates decreased in Turkey (by about 3.7 births),
China (about 3), and Korea and Indonesia (about 2.5). In Japan and Germany,
the fertility level was low already in 1970 but has continued to go down. It is
interesting to note that these developments cannot be fully explained by mod-
ernization theories—Israel, for instance, shows the highest fertility rate but the
highest rate of urban population.

Data and Operationalization

To answer the questions discussed in Section 1, the pilot study of the

research project “Value of Children in Six Cultures” was used, in which at
least 30 dyads of grandmothers (with preschool grandchildren) and their
daughters were interviewed by local researchers in Japan, Korea, China,
Indonesia, Israel,1 Turkey, and Germany (N = 249 pairs of interviews). The
respondents were interviewed face to face using a standardized questionnaire.
The small national samples vary sociodemographically and in their respective
survey contexts. The survey instrument included questions about household
composition and quality of intergenerational relations and a generator of ego-
centered networks for both generations. The members of the network are
determined via a predetermined list of activities. The respondents are asked
to name at most 20 persons with whom they take part in those activities.

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1166 Journal of Family Issues

For describing the persons named in the network generator, we use sex
and relation to the respondent. Of all 2,945 named persons, 1,490 are of the
mothers’ generation and 1,455 of the grandmothers’. They are identified in
varying functional connections. The descriptive findings make use of mea-
sures common in ego-centered network analyses (Bien, 2000).
The relationships of the respondent to the named network members are
used to quantify the number and proportion of kinship members within the
ego-centered network. In regard to kinship relations, we differentiate
between sons and daughters of the grandmother’s generation on one hand
and mothers and mothers-in-law and fathers and fathers-in-law of the
mother’s generation on the other hand.
Possible expressive activities with the named persons specifically include
“talking about important personal matters,” “having meals together,” “keeping
up a close emotional relationship,” and “spending leisure time together.” As
examples of instrumental activities, we used “giving help in everyday activi-
ties,” “getting help in everyday activities,” “talking about children’s upbring-
ing” (mothers), and “discussing problems with daughter” (grandmothers).
Multiplexity of relations occurs when expressive and instrumental activ-
ities are practiced under the following conditions: The contact frequency
must be high (at least once a week), the network member should live close
to the respondent (in the immediate neighborhood at the farthest), and the
network member should have a kinship relation with the respondent.
Having a kinship relation increases the probability of having relations to
other named persons. High multiplexity is highly correlated to social
homogamy and social control. Low multiplexity is an indicator for weak
ties; or in other words, low redundancy in social relations is connected with
higher strategic scope in social context and higher efficiency in gaining
information (Granovetter, 1973).
This type of network analysis is distinct from analyses of formal relations,
which focus on rules of descendence, residence, and inheritance, or on con-
trol rights, which are commonly found in classical ethnology and social
anthropology. Moreover, the instrument of network analysis allows an explo-
ration of how intergenerational relations vary according to the sociocultural
context and the institutional kinship system. An empirically open question is
the extent to which actual generational relations follow generally inferred
rules of behavior governing specific life events. The terms matrilinearity or
patrilinearity are used when female or male kinship lineages dominate, as
measured by the frequency of contact, the direction of exchanged goods, and
the actual preference in residential proximity to members of the female (or
male) kinship system.

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1167

For analyzing the quality of intergenerational relations we use two scales:

Emotional exchange. This refers to emotional closeness and empathy for

one’s own daughter (or mother); 10 items on a five-step scale are used.
Grandmothers and mothers are asked to what extent they give and get
understanding, confidence, fairness, respect, and affection. We built a total
index of the answers of both respondents, indicating the extent of emotional
exchange. To determine the exchange direction (i.e., who gets advantages
from the emotional exchange relation), we compared the answers of
mothers and grandmothers. Finally, the discrepancy of perception between
the two generations was computed.

Quality of the relation. By answering four questions on a five-step scale,

the grandmothers and mothers report about harmony, closeness, warmth,
and satisfaction of the relationship. The mean of all four items informs us
about the general quality of the relation. In all societies, a good internal
consistency is reached (Schwarz, Chakkarath, & Trommsdorff, 2002).

Results

Generative Behavior and Living Arrangements

Societal differences in generative behavior are reflected in the sample
(Table 3). If the average age of mothers at first child birth is high, then the
average age of the surveyed mothers of preschool children is high as well.
Nation-specific generational age distances are also to be seen in the sample.
Furthermore, the data give an impression of the direction and intensity of demo-
graphic change in each society. Because grandmothers were asked to indicate
the number of their siblings, this provides a window to the previous generation’s
generative behavior. Japan is the outstanding example of high negative change
in generative behavior between generations, whereas change occurred in the
opposite direction in Indonesia and already seems to be completed in Germany.
Distinctive intergenerative differences exist in the number of years of
schooling. The educational level is highest for both generations in Israel, with
16 years on average. The highest growth in education is to be found in Korea
where the years of schooling doubled within one generation (from 5.9 to
13.4) and in China with a growth of nearly 5 years (from 9.5 to 14.4). With
the exception of Turkey, where the level of education in both generations
is lowest, and Israel with its especially high levels, the level of education is

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1168 Journal of Family Issues

Table 3
Sample Characteristics and Living Arrangements
of Dyads of Grandmothers and Young Mothers
China Japan Korea Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany
(N = 31) (N = 33) (N = 30) (N = 40) (N = 30) (N = 30) (N = 55) Eta

Average age
G 59.1 62.6 61.5 52.7 53.8 54.3 55.7 .49
M 31.5 34.4 33.1 28.0 28.0 28.9 30.1 .51
Average years
of schooling
G 9.5 11.5 5.9 7.9 5.3 16.7 9.9 .68
M 14.4 14.5 13.4 13.0 9.7 16.6 12.6 .49
Number of
siblings
G 4.8 5.7 4.4 5.7 5.2 3.8 3.3 .37
M 2.5 2.4 4.7 6.1 3.1 3.5 2.4 .68
Dwells with
children (%)
G 81 55 67 93 53 70 16 .53
Dwells with parents
and/or parents
in law (%)
M 68 36 27 40 7 3 0 .52

Note: G = grandmothers; M = mothers.

similar among all countries in the mothers’ generation. However, a compari-

son with the countries’ respective and divergent illiteracy rates leads us to sus-
pect selection bias in the sample. Thus, generalizations should be made only
for the better educated urban subsample of the population in the cases at
hand, whereby Turkey and Germany are exceptions.
Grandmothers’ dwelling with adult children is a widespread phenomenon
in societies with a descent kinship system. A full 93% of Indonesian grand-
mothers, 81% of Chinese grandmothers, and 67% of the surveyed Korean
grandmothers said they live together with their own offspring in the same
household. A comparison with the responses of the (married) mothers shows
that the grandmothers typically do not live together with their own married
daughters. They most often live—in accordance with patrilinear residence
rules in descent kinship systems—with unmarried offspring or married sons
(U. Kim & Park, 2005). The rate of dwelling with their own married daughters
is lower than the rate of living together with married sons. Whereas 53% of
Indonesian grandmothers, 47% of Israeli grandmothers, 33% of Korean

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1169

grandmothers, 17% of Turkish grandmothers, and 13% of German grand-

mothers live together with a married son, only 9% do so in Japan and 7% in
China. This result is surprising for Israel because of its high patrilocality and
surprising for China because of its low patrilocality, where an astonishing 61%
of Chinese grandmothers report living together with a married daughter. The
survey of mothers reveals no such surprises: The probability of living together
intergenerationally is expected to depend on patrilinear descendence and in
fact is lowest in Germany and highest in China, Japan, and Indonesia.

Reciprocity of Help
Furthermore, the descent organization of kinship systems also finds
expression in the expectations of mothers and daughters regarding giving
and receiving help. The results concerning daughters are reported (expecta-
tions to sons are similar and vary in the same way between society and gen-
eration). An index was created using eight different kinds of expectations
(Figure 1). Instrumental expectations toward one’s own offspring are low-
est in Germany and Israel, and in these countries also, the anticipated
expectations of young mothers are higher than the real expectations of
grandmothers. The opposite is the case in societies with high instrumental
intergenerative expectations. In China, Indonesia, and Korea, instrumental
expectations are higher within the generation of grandmothers than of
young mothers. A high co-orientation regarding expectations exists among
mothers and grandmothers in Japan and Turkey, where the intensity of
expectations takes on a middle-range value.
An index of reciprocity of exchanged help among grandmothers and
mothers is intended to measure the predominant direction of given help.
Because the reported statements are for both mothers and grandmothers,
differences in perception were accounted for and one index for both gener-
ations was derived (Figure 2). Daughters in China, Korea, and Indonesia
feel more obligated to their mothers. In Israel, Turkey, Germany, and Japan,
mothers feel more obligated to their daughters, and the intergenerative
transfer of services accordingly favors the young mothers in these coun-
tries. Expected and actual intergenerative help show intercultural differ-
ences. In societies characterized by affinal kinship systems, instrumental
intergenerative expectations are low, and the younger generation receives
help more often than the older generation. Societies with descent kinship
systems vary by the degree of expected help. In societies such as Japan and
Turkey, grandmothers give more than they get, and their own help expecta-
tions are comparatively low. In contrast, daughters are highly obligated to

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1170 Journal of Family Issues

Figure 1
Expected Help From an Adult Daughter (Index)

0
China Japan Korea Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

grandmothers’ reports (eta = .41) mothers’ report (eta = .32)

their mothers in China, Indonesia, and Korea. This result is especially

remarkable because the daughters are married. A surprising finding is that
patrilinear descendence in these societies serves neither to lower mothers’
help expectations of their daughters nor to lower the actual help given, even
after the daughters marry and enter into another lineage.
The difference of patrilinear descent kinship systems is great even in
terms of the balance of emotional exchange between the generations. Again,
an index of a value greater than 0 shows a positive balance for grandmoth-
ers in that they get more than they give. A negative value indicates that
young mothers are at an advantage. China is the only country where both
generations perceive that grandmothers get more understanding, confidence,
justice, respect, and love than they give to their daughters. However, the
young mothers in Korea and Japan profit more from the emotional exchange
relation to their mothers. Exchange relations are more balanced in those
countries with an affinal kinship system, such as Germany and Israel and
even in Indonesia and Turkey (although kinship system is descent), but with
a slight tendency in favor of the younger generation. In terms of the flow of
help, social approval, and emotional support, China is the only society with
a clear tendency of favoring the older generation. In contrast, the wealth flow
of economic and social capital favors the younger generation in the more

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1171

Figure 2
Reciprocity of Given Help and Emotional Exchange
1.5
1
0.5
0
−0.5
−1
−1.5
−2
−2.5
−3
China Japan Korea Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

given help (eta = .31) emotional exchange (eta = .34)

Note: The value of the index is 0 if both generations give help to the same extent to one
another. The index takes on a value greater than 0 to the extent that the grandmothers receive
more help from the mothers than they give. If the mothers are in advantage, the index takes on
negative values.

modern societies with a descent kinship system. The low expectation of

help, the balance of support, and the balance of emotional exchange in favor
of the daughters in societies such as Japan and Korea show this.

Composition of the Networks

Table 4 shows the general network characteristics of the surveyed mothers
and grandmothers. As can be seen from the eta coefficients of network size,
network multiplexity, and proportion of kinship, all these characteristics dis-
play greater variance among mothers than among grandmothers. Chinese
women report the most extensive networks in both generations. These net-
works are highly multiplex within the mothers’ generation, whereas multi-
plexity is lower in the generation of grandmothers. This reflects great
differences in the range of social relations and the extent of social control.
German women show the relatively low network multiplexity in both gener-
ations, which indicates comparatively strong individualization, low social
control, and a high variance in social relations. Compared to other findings,
the proportion of kin among the members of the network (about 70%) is not

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1172 Journal of Family Issues

Table 4
Network Characteristics of Grandmothers and Young Mothers
China Japan Korea Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany Eta

Average
network size
G 7.6 5.0 4.6 6.1 6.0 6.5 5.5 .29
M 7.4 5.5 5.4 4.9 5.3 6.4 6.8 .34
Average
multiplexity
of network
G 2.36 2.29 2.37 2.98 2.65 2.48 2.32 .20
M 2.90 2.53 2.40 2.62 2.75 2.82 2.37 .33
Proportion of
kinship in the
network (%)
G 88 74 74 91 85 76 83 .29
M 74 75 77 95 91 100 77 .46
Proportion of
named
daughters/sons (%)
G 93/88 63/45 55/35 69/48 88/74 75/68 87/63 .36/.35
Proportion of named
mothers/fathers (%)
M 100/81 79/9 63/23 83/38 83/40 87/60 87/45 .26/.41
Proportion of named
mothers/fathers-
in-law (%)
M 13/9 33/18 40/10 15/2 20/6 43/10 21/13 .25/.10

Note: G = grandmothers; M = mothers.

surprising (Bien & Marbach, 1991; Nauck & Kohlmann, 1999). This ten-
dency is high in Indonesia and low in Japan and Korea.
In identifying networks, the proportion of daughters and sons named by
grandmothers (within the group of all of the grandmothers’ daughters and
sons) and, likewise, the proportion of parents or parents-in-law identified by
the daughters provide insight into the question of how important intergener-
ative relationships are within the networks of grandmothers and mothers,
respectively.
Some empirical regularity can be found. First, grandmothers do not tend
to identify all of their own children as part of their individual networks. This
indicates a selective perception of intergenerational relations on the part of
grandmothers. Second, in every case, grandmothers identify daughters in
greater proportion to their sons. Comparatively high proportions of sons are

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1173

to be found in China and Turkey. Japanese and Korean grandmothers hardly

at all identify sons within their network. Within this study, we cannot explain
whether this depends on culture-specific differences within patrilinear
descendence (e.g., parity-specific preference concerning the first-born child).
For mothers, the results are similarly clear. First, in each of the seven par-
ticipating countries, parents are more often identified than parents-in-law.
Even in societies with patrilinear descendence, relations to one’s own parents
are more important than relations to parents-in-law within the overall network
of women. Japan is the only exception, in which a greater proportion of
mothers report their father-in-law (18%) as being part of their network than
their own father (9%). Second, in all societies, one’s own mother and mother-
in-law are more frequently identified than fathers and fathers-in-law. It is
remarkable that even in patrilinear descent kinship systems, fathers-in-law are
seldom reported to be a part of the young mothers’ networks (Indonesia: 2%;
Turkey: 6%; China: 9%). Only in Japan and Korea, parents-in-law are afforded
a certain importance within the networks. The gender-specific differentiation
regarding one’s own parents is highest in Japan: 79% identify their own
mother as part of the network, but only 9% identify their own father, and 18%
name their father-in-law! The preference for one’s own mother is not as highly
developed in Indonesia (a 45% difference), Turkey (43%), and Germany
(42%). All in all, it can be concluded that intergenerational relations between
mothers and daughters are of great importance within their respective social
networks.

Expressivity and Instrumentality in

Intergenerational Relationships
Comparisons of the activities in which the respondents engage within
their overall networks provide information on intercultural differences in
the structure of exchange relations. For this purpose, three categories of
identified persons were created: (1) husbands of the surveyed mothers and
grandmothers, (2) daughters and mothers of the respondents, and (3) non-
relative female friends. A comparison between conjugal relations and inter-
generational relations allows an examination of the primacy of conjugal
relations in affinal kinship systems and of intergenerational relations in
descent kinship systems. Furthermore, assumptions concerning exclusivity
of the network systems can be investigated by comparing nonrelated net-
work members with relative ones. We concentrate on intergenerational rela-
tions and friendships between the same sexes because they dominate within
the overall networks of mothers and grandmothers. Single activities (such

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1174 Journal of Family Issues

as “talking about personal matters,” “discussing children’s upbringing,”

“discussing problems with daughter,” “getting help in everyday life,” and
“giving help in everyday life”) are compared as well as instrumentality and
expressivity of the relation. Reported is the extent (in percentage) to which
those activities are engaged in with husbands and mothers (or daughters
and female friends). Of all national samples, only Israeli mothers do not
identify nonrelated members of the network.
There is an empirical regularity in the expressivity of network relations
(Figure 3): In all participating countries, expressive activities are most fre-
quently engaged in with one’s husband (in both generations), followed by
one’s mother (or daughter/s). Female friends are less important. The dis-
tances between conjugal and intergenerational relations differ among the
seven countries. Corresponding to the theoretical assumptions about affinal
kinship systems, the expressive character of conjugal relations is highly
developed in Germany and Israel, where also the distances between conju-
gal and intergenerational relations are particularly high (45% for German
mothers and 43% for German grandmothers; 43% and 37%, respectively, for
Israeli women). Similar strong differences are to be found for Indonesian and
Japanese mothers as well (42% and 40%, respectively), whereas the differ-
ence within the generation of grandmothers is only 18% and 17%, respec-
tively. This suggests the conclusion that an intensive social change has
occurred within family relations in these societies. Low differences in expres-
sivity between conjugal and intergenerational relations were found in Korea
and Turkey for both generations.
The instrumentality of intergenerational relations (Figure 4) is stronger
in the relationship of mothers to grandmothers than from grandmothers to
their own daughters in all seven societies. However, there are culture-
specific differences within network relations corresponding to expressive
activities as well. Differences between conjugal and intergenerational rela-
tions are great in both affinal kinship systems of Germany and Israel. This
confirms the theoretical assumptions that instrumentality is more highly
developed in the relationship to one’s own mother than to the husband in
descent kinship systems. This kind of dominance of intergenerational rela-
tions can be demonstrated for Japan and Turkey, among grandmothers in
regard to the gender-specific allocation of tasks within the family. A sur-
prising finding is that the differences between conjugal and intergenera-
tional relationships in China (22%) are similar to those in Germany (21%).
General differences show up in helping activities as well. Israel takes a spe-
cial position when it comes to the exchange of help in everyday life tasks,
because help is predominantly given within the conjugal relationship. In

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1175

Figure 3
Expressivity of Network Relations

Expressivity (grandmothers)

China

Korea

Japan

Indonesia

Turkey

Israel

Germany

0 50 100
with husband with daughter

Expressivity (mothers)

China

Korea

Japan

Indonesia

Turkey

Israel

Germany

0 50 100

with husband with mother

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1176 Journal of Family Issues

Figure 4
Instrumentality of Network Relations

Instrumentality (grandmothers)

China

Korea

Japan

Indonesia

Turkey

Israel

Germany

0 50 100
with husband with daughter

Instrumentality (mothers)

China

Korea

Japan

Indonesia

Turkey

Israel

Germany

0 50 100
with husband with mother

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1177

Germany, mothers and grandmothers also mostly get help from their husbands,
but they give help in most cases to their own daughter or mother, respectively.
Respondents in both countries report that the older generation gives more help
to the younger generation. In descent kinship systems, more help is given
between the generations than within the conjugal relation, with the exception
that Chinese and Korean grandmothers report receiving more help from their
husbands than from their daughters. However, even in these societies, the
younger generation receives more help than the older generation (i.e., network
relationships are asymmetric in favor of the younger generation).
The greatest differences are to be seen in the extent of given help (Figures 5
and 6). In Israel, 3% of grandmothers report getting help from their daughters,
and 8% of mothers report giving help to the older generation. In Germany,
16% of grandmothers report receiving help from their daughters, whereas
27% of mothers report giving help. This discrepancy in the help that grand-
mothers report to receive and the help that mothers report to give is evident in
all participating societies (Japan: 25% and 38%, respectively; Turkey: 33%
and 40%, respectively; Korea: 24% and 50%, respectively; Indonesia: 43%
and 52%, respectively; China: 50% and 77%, respectively). Within network
relations, an order of priority is seen that affirms theoretical assumptions and
corroborates the results in Table 3.
With a few exceptions, husbands are the most important partners in com-
municative activities. In China, Japan, Indonesia, Israel, and Germany, personal
matters and the children’s upbringing is most frequently discussed with the
spouse. In Korea, however, grandmothers talk about personal matters most fre-
quently with both daughters and nonrelative female friends. In Turkey, inter-
generational relations are more important for the discussion of personal matters
as well. It must be kept in mind, however, that responses to questions concern-
ing discussion of problems cannot be compared easily because they refer to
different kinds of activities. Grandmothers, in particular, were asked about
“discussing problems with your daughter” (in which case, the mother does not
come into question as a potential communication partner). It is significant that
in this case, female friends are a more important communication partner than
one’s own husband. All in all, the pattern of communicative activities is similar
to that of help given. The concentration on communication with one’s husband
is greatest in affinal kinship systems, as is the divergence in relations between
mother and daughter. In descent kinship systems, divergence is either generally
lower or intergenerative relations are stronger than the conjugal relation.
With regard to the research questions about the importance of intergenera-
tive relations within the overall network and the specific relations of exchange,
this explorative analysis reveals a consistent pattern (even taking the limitations

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1178 Journal of Family Issues

Figure 5
Exchange of Help (Grandmothers)

0.8

0.6

0.4

0.2

0
China Korea Japan Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

get help from husband help husband

get help from daughter help daughter

Figure 6
Exchange of Help (Mothers)

0.8

0.6

0.4

0.2

0
China Korea Japan Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

get help from husband help husband

get help from mother help mother

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1179

of the data into consideration). The prevailing institutional rules for family and
kinship relations have a great influence on intergenerative relations between
young mothers and grandmothers. The exclusivity of the conjugal family is
much greater in bilinear-affinal kinship systems such as Germany and Israel
(among the population sampled) and results in a primacy of conjugal relations
in both generations. In the descent kinship systems of China, Korea, Japan,
Indonesia, and Turkey, the effects of intergenerative relations on the life course
are much greater, and in some cases, they are stronger than the exchange rela-
tions between spouses. This finding is remarkable because the relations
between mother and daughter in patrilinear societies are still strong even after
the daughters marry. The differences between the two types of kinship systems
are especially evident in instrumental intergenerative relations (i.e., the
exchange of goods and help). In descent kinship systems, instrumental relations
determine the character of intergenerative and kinship relationships and are
their main constitutive element. Although the participating countries vary in
terms of their respective levels of modernization and the available alternatives
for covering life risks, it is astonishing that these variables do not systematically
contribute to the explanation of the variation in network relationships.

Perception of the Quality of Intergenerational Relationships

Examining the influence of network relations and activities on the per-
ceived quality of intergenerational relationships between mothers and
grandmothers, we see that the balance of the relation is an important inter-
vening factor. For this reason, we subdivide the total balance of exchanges
(Figure 2) into instrumental and socioemotional exchanges. Whereas the
perception of instrumental help is similar in all societies, the results in
Figure 7 show variations when we examine social and emotional support.
First, in nearly all societies, the grandmothers believe they give more
understanding, confidence, justice, respect, and love to their daughters than
they receive. This means that grandmothers perceive themselves as mainly
giving. Nevertheless, there are considerable differences between the societies
(eta = .36). Grandmothers vary more than the corresponding young mothers
(eta = .25) concerning their social–emotional balances. Grandmothers in
Japan and Korea perceive themselves as especially giving. Relations are more
balanced in China, Turkey, and Israel. Only in Turkey and Israel do mothers
mainly receive, whereas in all other societies, the young mothers perceive
themselves as mainly giving (although not to the same extent as grandmoth-
ers). Again, the only exception is China where young mothers mainly give
their own mothers social and emotional support. There, the balance favors
grandmothers (Table 3), a consequence of how both generations perceive

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1180 Journal of Family Issues

Figure 7
Emotional Exchange Relation

1
0.5
0
−0.5
−1
−1.5
−2
−2.5
−3
China Korea Japan Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

balance of grandmothers (eta = .36∗∗) balance of mothers (eta = .25∗)

Note: The value of the index is 0 if both generations give emotional support to the same extent
to one another. The index takes on a value greater than 0 to the extent that the grandmothers
receive more emotional support from the mothers than they give. If the mothers are in advan-
tage, the index takes on negative values.
*p < .05. **p < .01.

giving and getting support. All in all, the perception of the social–emotional
relationship between the generations shows very low reciprocity.
Significant differences among the societies exist regarding social–
emotional exchanges (Figure 8) between the generations (eta = .37). The
exchanges are very intensive in Indonesia, Israel, and Turkey—the coun-
tries with the smallest discrepancies in the perception of the intergenera-
tional relationship. The exchange relations are especially small in those
societies where one generation perceives itself as mainly giving, such as in
Korea, Japan, and China.
Although there are differences in the balances of instrumental help and
social–emotional support, the perceived quality of the intergenerational
relationship does not significantly differ within the grandmothers’ or the
mothers’ generation. The perceived quality of the relationship is highest
among Turkish and Chinese grandmothers and lowest among German and

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1181

Figure 8
Extent of Emotional Exchange and Perception
of the Quality of the Relations

0
China Korea Japan Indonesia Turkey Israel Germany

Extent of emotional exchange (eta = .37∗∗)

perception grandmother (eta = .19)
perception mother (eta = .16)

**p < .01.

Japanese grandmothers. In the mothers’ generation, the Indonesian and

Turkish women are most satisfied, whereas the Japanese and German
mothers report the lowest level of satisfaction. Nevertheless, in all societies,
the grandmothers are more satisfied than the young mothers. This differ-
ence between the generations is highest in Israel and China. China is the
only society where the instrumental and emotional exchanges flow mainly
from the younger to the older generation. Obviously, the extent of instru-
mental help has no effect on the perceived quality of the intergenerational
relations even in those societies where there are no alternatives to family
exchanges covering the risks of life.

Discussion

In regard to the factors examined, the results are clear for both genera-
tions. Instrumental activities are of no importance for the perception of the

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1182 Journal of Family Issues

intergenerational relations as harmonious, warm, and satisfying ones. And it

is also unimportant who is mainly giving or getting social–emotional support
in explaining the perceived quality of relations between mothers and grand-
mothers. The participation in the expressive activities with the daughter (or
one’s own mother) and the extent of emotional exchange are more decisive
for both generations. Mothers and the respective grandmothers perceive the
quality of the intergenerational relation as mainly depending on noninstru-
mental activities.
The results indicate that the assumption of a culture-specific mechanism
being decisive for the quality of intergenerational relationships is not sup-
ported. Moreover, the results give some support for the cross-cultural validity
of the intergenerational stake hypothesis, with the perception of the quality of
the relationship being in all countries more positive for the grandmothers than
for the mothers (Giarusso, Stallings, & Bengtson, 1995; Trommsdorff &
Schwarz, in press). However, one has to be cautious with interpreting the
results from this pilot study. With a number of 249 dyads of mothers and
grandmothers from seven countries altogether and a selective sample of better
educated and urban respondents, representative conclusions on the several
countries can hardly be obtained. The results can only give a first insight into
the structure and perception of intergenerational relations in cross-cultural
comparison. In this respect, larger, more representative samples are needed to
more fully answer the research questions.

Note
1. In this study, only Israeli families having their origin in Christian-majority, European
countries are participating.

References
Attias-Donfut, C. (2000). Familialer Austausch und soziale Sicherung [Intrafamilial exchange
and social security]. In M. Kohli, & M. Szydlik (Eds.), Generationen in Familie und
Gesellschaft (pp. 222-237). Opladen, Germany: Leske & Budrich.
Becker, G. S. (1991). A Treatise on the Family (2nd ed.). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Bengtson, V. L. (2001). Beyond the nuclear family: The increasing importance of multigener-
ational bonds. Journal of Marriage and Family, 63, 1-16.
Bengtson, V. L., & Roberts, R. E. L. (1991). Intergenerational solidarity in aging families: An
example of formal theory construction. Journal of Marriage and Family, 53, 856-870.
Bien, W. (2000). Methoden der netzwerkanalyse [Methods of network analysis]. In U. Mueller,
B. Nauck, & A. Diekmann (Eds.), Handbuch der Demographie—Modelle und Methoden
(Vol. 1, pp. 682-708). Berlin/Heidelberg/New York: Springer.

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1183

Bien, W., & Marbach, J. (1991). Haushalt—Verwandtschaft—Beziehungen: Familienleben als

Netzwerk [Household—Kinship—Relationships. Family life as a network]. In H. Bertram
(Ed.), Die Familie in Westdeutschland. Stabilität und Wandel familialer Lebensformen
(pp. 3-44). Opladen, Germany: Leske & Budrich.
Bien, W., Marbach, J., & Templeton, R. (1992). Social networks of single-person households. In
C. Marsh & S. Arber (Eds.), Families and households. Divisions and change (pp. 157-173).
London: Macmillan.
Bott, E. (1957). Family and social network. London: Tavistock.
Caldwell, J. C. (1982). The theory of fertility decline. London/New York: Academic Press.
Giarusso, R., Stallings, M., & Bengtson, V. L. (1995). The “intergenerational stake” hypothe-
sis revisited: Parent-child differences in perceptions of relationships 20 years later. In
V. L. Bengtson, W. K. Schaie, & L. M. Burton (Eds.), Adult intergenerational relations:
Effects of societal change (pp. 229-296). New York: Springer.
Granovetter, M. (1973). The strength of weak ties. American Journal of Sociology, 78, 1360-1380.
Kagitcibasi, C., & Ataca, B. (2005). Values of children and family change: A three-decade por-
trait from Turkey. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 54, 317-337.
Kagitcibasi, C., Ataca, B., & Diri, A. (2005). The Turkish family and the value of children:
Trends over time. In G. Trommsdorff & B. Nauck (Eds.), The value of children in cross-
cultural perspective. Case studies from eight societies (pp. 91-119). Lengerich, Germany: Pabst.
Kim, A. (2001). Familie und soziale Netzwerke. Eine komparative Analyse persönlicher
Beziehungen in Deutschland und Korea [Family and social networks. A comparative
analysis of personal relationships in Germany and Korea]. Opladen, Germany: Leske &
Budrich.
Kim, U., & Park, Y. S. (2005). Family, parent-child relationships, fertility rates, and value of
children in Korea: Indigenous, psychological, and cultural analysis. In G. Trommsdorff &
B. Nauck (Eds.), The value of children in cross-cultural perspective. Case studies from
eight societies (pp. 209-237). Lengerich, Germany: Pabst.
Klein, T., & Nauck, B. (2005). Families in Germany. In B. N. Adams & J. Trost (Eds.),
Handbook of world families (pp. 283-312). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Lee, G. R. (1979). Effects of social networks on the family. In W. R. Burr, R. Hill, F. I. Nye, &
I. L. Reiss (Eds.), Contemporary theories about the family (Vol. 1, pp. 27-56). New York:
Free Press.
Lin, N. (2001). Social capital. A theory of social structure and action. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press.
Marbach, J. H. (1994). Tauschbeziehungen zwischen Generationen: Kommunikation,
Dienstleistungen und finanzielle Unterstützung in Dreigenerationenfamilien [Exchange
relations between generations: Communication, services and financial support in three-
generation-families]. In W. Bien (Ed.), Eigeninteresse oder Solidarität. Beziehungen in mod-
ernen Mehrgenerationenfamilien (pp. 163-196). Opladen, Germany: Leske & Budrich.
Marbach, J. H. (1998). Verwandtschaftsbeziehungen und Abstammung—Eine Prüfung soziobi-
ologischer und ethnologischer Thesen mit Hilfe familiensoziologischer Daten [Kinship rela-
tionships and descendence. An examination of socio-biological and ethnological hypotheses
with family-sociological data]. In M. Wagner & Y. Schütze (Eds.), Verwandtschaft.
Sozialwissenschaftliche Beiträge zu einem vernachlässigten Thema (pp. 91-126). Stuttgart,
Germany: Enke.
Nauck, B. (1999). Social capital and intergenerational transmission of cultural capital within
a regional context. In J. Bynner & R. K. Silbereisen (Eds.), Adversity and challenge in life
in the new Germany and in England (pp. 212-238). London: Macmillian.

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

1184 Journal of Family Issues

Nauck, B. (2002). Families in Turkey. In R. Nave-Herz (Ed.), Family change and intergener-
ational relations in different cultures (pp. 11-48). Würzburg, Germany: Ergon.
Nauck, B. (2005). Changing value of children: An action theory of fertility behavior and
intergenerational relationships in cross-cultural comparison. In W. Friedlmeier, P. Chakkarath,
& B. Schwarz (Eds.), Culture and human development. The importance of cross-cultural
research to the social sciences (pp. 183-202). New York: Psychology Press.
Nauck, B. (in press). Familiensystem und Kultur [Family system and culture]. In G. Trommsdorff
& H. J. Kornadt (Eds.), Kulturvergleichende Psychologie (Vol. 1 Theorien und Methoden in
der kulturvergleichenden und kulturpsychologischen Forschung). Göttingen, Germany:
Hogrefe.
Nauck, B., & Klaus, D. (2005). Families in Turkey. In B. N. Adams & J. Trost (Eds.),
Handbook of world families (pp. 364-388). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Nauck, B., & Kohlmann, A. (1999). Kinship as social capital: Network relationships in
Turkish migrant families. In R. Richter & S. Supper (Eds.), New qualities in the life course.
Intercultural aspects (pp. 199-218). Würzburg, Germany: Ergon.
Nauck, B., & Schwenk, O. G. (2001). Did societal transformation destroy social networks of
families in East Germany? American Behavioral Scientist, 44(11), 1864-1878.
Nauck, B., & Suckow, J. (2002). Soziale Netzwerke und Generationenbeziehungen im
interkulturellen Vergleich. Soziale Beziehungen von Müttern und Grossmüttern in Japan,
Korea, China, Indonesien, Israel, Deutschland und der Türkei [Social networks and
intergenerational relationships in cross-cultural comparison. Social relations of mothers
and grandmothers in Japan, Korea, China, Indonesia, Israel, Germany, and Turkey].
Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung und Sozialisation, 22, 374-392.
Schwarz, B., Chakkarath, P., & Trommsdorff, G. (2002). Generationenbeziehungen in Indonesien,
der Republik Korea und Deutschland [Intergenerational relationships in Indonesia, Republic
of Korea, and Germany]. Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung und Sozialisation, 22,
393-407.
Strohmeier, K. P., & Huinink, J. (2003). Germany. In J. J. Ponzetti (Ed.), International
encyclopedia of marriage and family (2nd ed., pp. 735-743). New York: Macmillan.
Strohmeier, K. P., & Schulze, H. J. (1995). Die Familienentwicklung der achtziger Jahre in
Ost- und Westdeutschland im europäischen Kontext [Family development in East and West
Germany in the 1980s in the European context]. In B. Nauck, N. Schneider, & A. Tölke
(Eds.), Familie und Lebensverlauf im gesellschaftlichen Umbruch (pp. 26-38). Stuttgart,
Germany: Enke.
Suckow, J. (2005). The value of children among Jews and Muslims in Israel: Methods and results
from the voc-field study. In G. Trommsdorff & B. Nauck (Eds.), The value of children in
cross-cultural perspective. Case studies from eight societies (pp. 121-170). Lengerich,
Germany: Pabst.
Szinovacz, M. E. (1987). Family power. In M. B. Sussman & S. K. Steinmetz (Eds.),
Handbook of marriage and the family (pp. 651-694). New York: Plenum.
Szydlik, M. (2000). Lebenslange Solidarität? Generationenbeziehungen zwischen erwachse-
nen Kindern und Eltern [Lifelong solidarity? Intergenerational relationships between adult
children and their parents]. Opladen, Germany: Leske & Budrich.
Treas, J., & Lawton, L. (1999). Family relations in adulthood. In M. B. Sussman, S. K. Steinmetz,
& G. W. Peterson (Eds.), Handbook of marriage and the family (2nd ed., pp. 425-474).
New York: Plenum.

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009

 Nauck, Suckow / Cross-Cultural Intergenerational Relations 1185

Trommsdorff, G. (1997). Familie und Eltern–Kind-Beziehungen in Japan [Family and parent–

child-relations in Japan]. In B. Nauck & U. Schönpflug (Eds.), Familien in verschiedenen
Kulturen (pp. 44-63). Stuttgart, Germany: Enke.
Trommsdorff, G., & Schwarz, B. (in press). The “intergenerational stake hypothesis” in
Indonesia and Germany: Adult daughters’ and their mothers’ perception of their relation-
ship. Current Sociology.
Wellman, B. (1999). Networks in the global village: Life in contemporary communities.
Boulder, CO: Westview.
Yi, C. C., & Hsiung, R. M. (1997). Der Einfluss von sozialen Netzwerken auf die Partnerwahl
und bildungshomogame Eheschliessung in Taiwan: Eine Analyse von Heiratsvermittlern
[The influence of social networks on mate selection and education-homogamous marriage
in Taiwan. An analysis of marriage arrangers]. In B. Nauck & U. Schönpflug (Eds.),
Familien in verschiedenen Kulturen (pp. 25-43). Stuttgart, Germany: Enke.
Zelditch, M. (1964). Cross-cultural analyses of family structure. In H. T. Christensen (Ed.),
Handbook of marriage and the family (pp. 462-500). Chicago: Rand McNally.
Zheng, G., Shi, S., & Tang, H. (2005). Population development and the value of children in
the People’s Republic of China. In G. Trommsdorff & B. Nauck (Eds.), The value of
children in cross-cultural perspective. Case studies from eight societies (pp. 239-281).
Lengerich, Germany: Pabst.

Downloaded from http://jfi.sagepub.com by Mihaela Gotea on October 30, 2009