Professional Documents
Culture Documents
i
This Special Problem report entitled “Blaan Traditional Upland Rice Resource
hereby accepted.
Date Signed
Date Signed
Date Signed
ii
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Born on February 28, 1977 at Landan, Polomolok, South Cotabato, the author is
the third child in the brood of five of Mr. Jose S. Cariño and Mrs. Maria L. Cariño. She
belongs to the Blaan indigenous peoples group of Mindanao.
She graduated Class Valedictorian at Dole Cannery Elementary School,
Polomolok, South Cotabato in 1992. She finished secondary education from the
Mindanao State University-General Santos City in March 1996. She was admitted for
college at the University of the Philippines Los Baños (UPLB) with full scholarship by
the Agricultural and Rural Development Scholarship (ARDS) grant under Presidential
Decree 1209. In 2000, she graduated with the degree of BS Agriculture Major in Plant
Pathology. While in college, she served important positions and actively involved in the
following organizations: UP Agricultural and Rural Development Scholarship Society
(UP-ARDSS); UP Mindanawans; and Lakas Angkan (LA) Undergraduate Ministry. She
was also active in community volunteer works spearheaded by the UPLB Volunteers and
the UP Ugnayan ng Pahinungod. She also served as Student Research Assistant at
SIKAP/STRIVE Foundation and was designated by Dr. Leonardo A. Gonzales as the
Project Team Leader for the 1998 survey on the “Impact of Peso Devaluation on Rice-
Based Agriculture in Mindanao”.
Her first professional work was as a Research Assistant at MINDSET
Consultancy firm in General Santos City. She was then hired in December 2000 by the
Provincial Government of Sarangani as Project Manager for the Luntiang Lumad Project
(LLP) under the Office of the Provincial Agriculturist. In July 2004, the LLP was
transformed into a comprehensive Indigenous Peoples Development Program (IPDP)
initiated by the new provincial leadership. She held the position as Program Manager
now under the Office of the Governor and served until May 18, 2006. She also served as
2004 Vice President for Community of the Gensan Twin Star Jaycees and as the
Secretary of the Sarangani Indigenous Peoples Professionals Association (SIPPA).
She left Philippines in May 21, 2006 and is now based in Atlanta, Georgia, USA.
She is happily married to Bernard Lorenzo Turner. Currently, she served as the Secretary
of the Galing Foundation, Inc. (GFI) and is active in doing indigenous peoples cultural
advocacy in partnership with the different Filipino-American organizations in Atlanta.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
To GOD be the glory for this research work! Also, special credits for the
Hon. Governor Miguel Rene A. Dominguez for creating IPDP that made it
possible for the conduct of this research thru its IP Culture and Traditional Arts Project.
Thank you for lending us your video camera and provision of much needed logistics
during the series of immersion activities. Thank you for your good leadership!
Tusan, Emma Rizza Balandan, Anne Edday for the IPDP teamwork and for all the
administrative support and to Celito Terando for the big help in the database
Dr. James A. Namocatcat of MSU-GenSan for leading the upland rice research
team, technical input for the research and advocacy of in situ conservation of upland rice.
on-site immersion activities and sharing your insights for the importance of preserving
Our immersion buddies (Lean Marx Degracia, Gary, and Jezrel Barnizo), for
iv
The Upland Development Program (UDP)-Sarangani Office for sharing us your
facilities, your baseline data and maps on the pilot UDP areas in Brgy. Kihan.
Conrado Alcantara Foundation Inc. (CAFI) former staff (Ms. Bong Subang
and Jocelyn Cariño-Robles) for the logistics support especially during the conduct of the
Dr. Heidi K. Gloria, thank you for the technical assistance in the conduct of
Hon. Municipal Councilor Jimmy Bagit (formerly Brgy. Captain of Kihan), all
Purok Chairmen, Tribal Chieftains, all research respondents , thank you for allowing
us to stay in your homes, sharing us your upland rice farming experiences, and providing
Bae Betty C. Katug, thank you (bong salamat) for exposing us at Brgy. Kihan to
do this research and for being our pro-active community local researcher.
Dr. Maria Helen F. Dayo, thank you for the guidance on my MENRM 290
applied research work, for understanding the nature of this study and for appreciating its
Ms. Maria Pilar Defenio, thank you for the student support system extended to
SIPPA, Gensan Twin Star Jaycees, thank you for community works and fun!
My husband Bernard L. Turner, thank you for the prayers, the love, the
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I INTRODUCTION 1
Background 1
IV METHODOLOGY 31
vi
V RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 39
LITERATURE CITED 87
APPENDICES 92
vii
LIST OF TABLES
TABLE PAGE
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
ix
LIST OF PLATES
PLATE PAGE
1 First meeting of the research team with the Brgy. Council of Kihan 156
2 (L-R) Dr. James Namocatcat,, Lean Marx Degracia, Betty Katug, 156
Jezrel Barnizo, Josephine Carino-Turner, and Jestoni Badilla
3 The steep slope of Brgy. Kihan showing the decimated forest cover 157
4 Vast cogonal area dominating the upland ecosystem of Brgy. Kihan 157
10 View of upland rice patches (yellowish area) from Sitio Limbunga 160
11 Panoramic view of Sitio Klalang and some upland rice farms 161
12 Panoramic view of Sitio Banlas with some upland rice farms 161
13 Agmasi 162
14 Bantong 162
15 Bansalan 162
16 Blanak 162
x
19 Falak 163
20 Fantilanen 163
21 Kanadal 164
22 Kantuna 164
23 Kanone 164
25 Lumabet 165
28 Manabang 165
33 Safat 167
34 Spikit 167
35 Samfang 167
36 Tindah 167
xi
42 Gulo 169
43 Fungol 169
44 Kalubid 169
45 Kinsinas 170
46 Lagfisan 170
47 La ereng 170
48 Larangan 170
49 Mlabet 171
54 Muslim 172
55 Muraro/Dinorado 172
56 Nabol 172
59 Tidal used by the Blaan to store different upland rice varieties 174
60 Bundles of different upland rice varieties hanged for next season 174
64 Upland rice storage using sacks, lihub and indigenous baskets 176
xii
65 A coconut shell used to store small and diminishing upland rice seeds 177
68 Bot tne representation during the first Upland Rice Festival in Kihan 178
70 An example of upland rice elnigo owned by Sagen Yano with a fol 179
71 Upland rice harvest with the female farmer and the researcher 180
xiii
ACRONYMS
BR Brown Rice
xiv
IPRA Indigenous Peoples Rights Act
MV Modern Variety
TK Traditional Knowledge
TV Traditional Variety
xv
ABSTRACT
Province had been growing diverse traditional upland rice varieties. However, there was
no research done on their traditional upland rice resource management in relation to their
household food security and cultural practices. The study attempted to attain the
following objectives: (1) to make an inventory of the remaining traditional upland rice
varieties grown by the Blaan tribe in Brgy. Kihan, Malapatan, Sarangani Province, (2) to
document the rituals, belief systems, and other cultural practices associated with
traditional rice varieties, (3) to identify the lowland influences that modified Kihan’s
traditional upland rice farming practices, and (4) to determine the impact of a dwindling
traditional rice resource on household food security and the survival of the Blaan rice
culture.
community meetings and immersion in the upland rice farming communities were used in
the conduct of the research. Data validation was also done with the Barangay Council,
Tribal Chieftains, Sitio leaders, survey respondents and other residents in Brgy. Kihan.
xvi
A total of 42 key farmer respondents surveyed onsite revealed that there are 108
varieties based on the Blaan farmers’ characterization. They have indigenous system of
rice classification known as Mlal fali (short growing) and Laweh fali (long growing)
varieties. Of the 108 varieties identified, only 46 varieties were collected and
documented. The respondents also identified that there are 62 varieties that are
diminishing and some 47 rare varieties are no longer found in their Barangay.
Blaan devotion to cultural ritual is closely tied to their traditional upland rice
agriculture. Cultural rituals associated with their rice culture are distinct in each stage of
the agricultural cycle as evidenced by different rituals that include mabah, bot tne, nlaban
practices include introduction of cash economy and paid labor, adoption of introduced
hybrid rice varieties by some farmers, more farmers shifting to cash crops compounding
future upland rice genetic losses, non-practice of rituals with shift to cash crops, and
increased use of synthetic fertilizers. The change of mindset of the Blaan upland rice
farmers affects their sense of volunteerism. Some of the lowland influences have resulted
in hunger, more poverty and indebtedness of the farmer to the financier or a middleman.
subsistence farming. However, current scenario of dwindling upland rice resource posed
threat to their economic and cultural survival. With few varieties available and the impact
of lowland influences, Blaan farmers realized that they have smaller upland rice farms
and smaller rice harvest that is not enough to sustain the growing family members coping
for household food security which affects the sustenance of their cultural practices.
xvii
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Background
This Chapter discusses the value of the traditional agriculture, the importance of
rice in the Filipino culture, overview of Sarangani Province and its Indigenous Peoples
Development Program, the statement of the problem, the objectives of the study,
significance of the study, and, the scope and limitation for this research.
evolution of local social and environmental systems that exhibit a high level of ecological
rationale expressed through the intensive use of local knowledge and natural resources,
systems (Altieri et. al., 1987). Chang (1977) and Grigg (1974) noted that one of the
salient features of traditional farming systems throughout the developing world is their
high degree of biodiversity. These traditional farming systems have emerged interacting
with the environment without access to external inputs, capital, or modern knowledge.
Another salient feature of traditional farming systems is their degree of plant diversity in
2
the form of polycultures and/or agroforestry patterns (Chang, 1977). Added to this,
Altieri et. al. (1987) also articulated that the greatest challenge to understand how
separate the study of agricultural biodiversity from the culture that nurtures it.
For centuries, rice (Oryza sativa L) is the world’s most important food crop in
developing countries and accounts for 29% of the total calorie intake of the populations
and an important source of income (De Datta, 1981; Braun and Bos, 2004). According to
De Datta (1981), rice is grown throughout the tropics in rainfed uplands, in seasonally
deep flooded areas, and in rainfed and irrigated lowlands. Moreover, Braun and Bos
(2004) articulated that rice has shaped societies and cultures. The Asia Rice Foundation
(ARF) noted that rice is an integral part of the Philippine cultural heritage and roots as it
defines our Filipino culture, our economy and even our own Asian proportions
(www.asiarice.org). Also, the study of Rice in Filipino Culture and Diet by Aguilar
(2005) revealed important points on what Filipinos know about rice in the pre-colonial
past that includes: rice was considered as a prestige food, rice was produced in limited
quantities usually in upland swidden and in some water-logged districts, rice was given as
tribute to chiefs and overlords, rice was consumed more by elites than by the non-elites,
rice was consumed in large quantities in post-harvest feasting, and rice was an article of
trade. Aguilar (2005) also noted that in the pre-conquest world, rice growing, harvesting
and consumption were embedded not only in social relationships but also in the
cosmology and worldview of the settlers and inhabitants of the Philippine islands.
3
Rice is crucial to food security (Braun and Bos, 2004). In the Philippines, the
(Gonzales, 1999). Gonzales (1999) also emphasized that food security has been
(2006), in his study about Philippine Rice and Rural Poverty, stressed that there are two
rice varieties grown in the Philippines namely modern variety (MV) or high yielding
varieties (HYVs) and the traditional variety (TV) respectively grown under two types of
ecosystem, the irrigated and non-irrigated (rainfed and upland). For centuries, irrigated
rice fields have been predominant but the last 3 decades saw a significant shift into
irrigated palay rice farming from 55 percent to 66 percent in 1999 (Cororaton, 2006). On
the other hand, the upland rice is grown in rainfed fields and the uplands that are
characterized as rolling to steep areas where both agriculture and forestry are practiced on
slopes ranging upward from 18 degrees or more that are mainly inhabited by poor
farming families and with cultural or tribal communities (World Bank, 2001).
midway by General Santos City, giving its two sections hammock-like shapes. It has
seven municipalities namely Alabel, Malapatan, Glan, Malungon, Maasim, Kiamba, and
Maitum with a total of 140 barangays. It has enormous cultural diversity of the
Indigenous Peoples (IPs) group (Blaan, Tboli, Tagakaolo, Kalagan, Manobo, Ubo), the
Muslim and Christian settlers. Data from the Sarangani Provincial Planning and
Development Office (PPDO) showed that the IPs comprised 60 percent of the 410,622
4
total provincial populations as of 2002. The IPs predominantly occupies the upland areas
and is considered to be the most marginalized sector of the society. This condition is
pressing of which are poverty, lack of access to basic services, possible loss of ancestral
lands/domains and the diminishing cultural heritage (Carino, et. al., 2004).
Program (IPDP) under the Office of the Governor that seeks to assist the different
Indigenous Cultural Communities (ICCs) identify their cultural resources, retrieve its
traditions and values, way of governance and celebrate their culture to empower them to
assert their significant presence in the society (Carino et al., 2004). The Blaan tribe
Glan, Alabel, Maasim, and Malungon. Blaan tribe constitute 37 percent of the municipal
The Philippines National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) and the
National Commission for Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) noted that the Blaan indigenous
peoples adheres to the sedentary form of agriculture and engages in other economic
that although many have adopted the ways of modern Filipino and have been integrated
into the main body politic, they still believe and practice their indigenous rituals and
important food resource of the Blaan tribe embedded with rituals and lifelong cultural
practices.
5
Agricultural plant genetic resources (PGR) are vital to food production and
security yet these resources are affected by massive genetic erosion, or the loss of genetic
diversity both among and within species (CBDCP, 2001). Genetic erosion is most
pronounced in the displacement of local and traditional crops and their varieties from
farmers' fields leading to the loss of indigenous biodiversity (Leung, et al., 2002).
According to Salazar (1992), the Green Revolution in the 1970s promoted the cultivation
of the so-called high yielding varieties (HYVs) that has been largely responsible for the
loss of non-genetically modified seeds of traditional rices. Despite this biodiversity loss,
Salazar (1992) noted that there are a few hundred upland traditional cultivars that are
currently left in the fields. The growing concerns over the impact of genetic erosion to
food production and security has prompted various efforts and initiatives to develop new
municipalities of Kiamba and Maitum over the traditional upland rice grown in the
upland plateaus in the municipalities of Alabel, Malapatan, Malungon, Maasim and Glan.
The farmers cultivating HYVs are being supported by the National and Local
Government Units (LGUs) thru a package of modern agricultural technologies like the
irrigation project, technical assistance for farmer trainings, and even augmentation for
modern variety seed supply and chemicals. However, no local government effort was
initiated towards research, documentation and promotion for the cultivation of the
6
traditional upland rice as the basic food resource among the ICCs in the uplands of
Sarangani Province. This is a very glaring gap and government policy bias for lowland
transmitted orally than written down in a form that is recognizable or useful for
conservationist (Posey, 1996). The lack of written record also makes traditional
agriculture is still practiced by the Blaan tribe of Sarangani Province. Their traditional
agriculture is characterized by its great diversity of plant genetic resources (PGR) like
their traditional upland rice varieties. An evidence of this is the Upland Development
Programme in Southern Mindanao (UDP) data on the existing land use map among the
four Sitios of Brgy. Kihan it covered namely Banlas, Kyondog, Amlitos, and Limbunga
showing that there is a total land area of 98.67 hectares planted to different traditional
upland rice varieties (UDP, 2000). Their traditional upland rice production is still at the
subsistence level and there are growing concerns of diminishing harvests as shared by the
UDP Malapatan Support Officer, Tata Vidamo. The IPDP recognized that the wealth of
traditional knowledge on this very important resource can give insight into the centuries
of practice and experience that are embedded in the cultures of the Blaan. Through time
and circumstances, they are undertaking their farming activities in the hinterlands
utilizing the production forest and even the protection forest that raises specter of
uncertainties on the cultural survival of the Blaans in Kihan (Namocatcat et. al., 2005).
This uncertainty is best articulated by the erosion of its precious, never before
3. Identify the traditional upland rice farming practices and the lowland
practices; and
their upland farming practices and the underlying factors that needs to
such as the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) which recognize the knowledge of
indigenous peoples and local communities and their rights and access to biological
resources. The IDRC also noted that the conservation of PGR has focused traditionally on
"ex situ" methods but now recognized that "in situ" (on-farm and community)
importance to in situ conservation including the location of areas of high plant diversity,
knowledge and perceptions of the environment and their relationships with it are often
The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has also identified types of
useful germplasm, and characteristics used in farmer selection procedures (FAO, 1996).
Equally, people’s knowledge and perceptions of the environment and their relationships
with it are often important elements of cultural identity (Altieri, et al., 1987). The
helpful source of knowledge in upland resource project planning and implementation for
The research is expected to have an impact on the lives of the Brgy. Kihan upland rice
traditional upland rice varieties as well as the ingenuity of their indigenous upland rice
farming systems. For socio-cultural development, this research will largely contribute to
the documentation of cultural beliefs systems and Blaan upland rice farming practices,
promote the in situ conservation of the remaining traditional upland rice varieties and the
biodiversity in the upland rice farms not only in Brgy. Kihan, Malapatan but even among
other undocumented ICCs in Sarangani Province that are still growing upland rice.
The study will also be of help for database for government officials, agricultural
hand in hand in order for the younger Blaan generation to look at traditional upland rice
and its cultivation as a part of their culture and to make this culture an economically
viable resource in the agriculture sector. The primary offices that will benefit from the
baseline data on this research will be the IPDP under the Office of the Governor, the
Agriculturist (OMAG), Barangay Kihan Local Government Unit and the Barangay Tribal
Council. In addition, future researches that will be done with respect to the upland rice
farming communities in Sarangani Province can make use of the experiential learning
The study is limited to the Blaan tribe traditional upland rice resource
Province. The field work or community immersion activities covered the period from
May – October 2005 covering the planting season until harvest for all the categories of
10
upland rice varieties. From November 2005 until March 2006, the individually filled up
research questionnaires were encoded for data synthesis and result analysis. Other
activities were followed by series of data re-validation done onsite, and finally, the
research output presentation to the Barangay Council. IPDP provided the logistics and
administrative support for the conduct of the research. Technical assistance on field
research, data collation, synthesis, mapping, data presentation to the Barangay Council
was part of the collaborative effort of IPDP and Mindanao State University-General
Santos City (MSU-Gensan) as the partner academe. The collected samples for the
different traditional upland rice varieties were kept in MSU-Gensan science laboratory
morphological and genetic studies. The cultural belief systems and indigenous knowledge
camera, still photographs of upland rice farms, upland rice mapping by MSU-Gensan,
recorded interviews and focus group discussion during the immersion activities for better
appreciation of the study. Thus, the conclusion of the study is based on the experiences of
the upland rice farmer respondents of Brgy.Kihan, Malapatan, Sarangani Province and
may vary greatly with other indigenous communities in other parts of the country.
CHAPTER II
This Chapter illustrates the importance of rice as a culture and to the economy of
the Philippines; a brief feature on the Sarangani Blaan; the rice culture among other
Food and culture are intimately related and mutually constitutive (Aguilar, 2005).
Aguilar (2005) further stressed that oftentimes, a group of people can be known by what
they eat and by their methods of food preparation. Rice is the staple food for about 80
percent of the Filipinos (Cororaton, 2006). Aguilar (2005) profoundly presented in his
discussion paper entitled “Rice in the Filipino Diet and Culture” the facts about what
Filipinos know about rice in the pre-colonial past that includes the following: (1) rice was
considered a prestige food, (2) rice was produced in limited quantities, usually in upland
swidden and in some water-logged districts, (3) rice was given as tribute to chiefs and
overlords, (4) rice was consumed more by elites than by the non-elites, (5) rice was
12
consumed in large quantities in post-harvest feasting and (6) rice was an article of trade.
Also, an interesting article “Rice in the Philippines” by Kyle Knuuttila elaborated that
having rice at the table is just as important to Filipinos as it is for Americans to have
bread at the table. Rice in the Philippines can be prepared by many different methods
such as steamed or cooked in water, it can be fried, ground, sweetened, used as stuffing,
almost all Filipino people can afford to buy rice, except for the very poor. Along these
lines, rice is indeed a fundamental part of the Philippine cultural heritage, the Filipino
way of life, national identity and roots as articulated by the Asia Rice Foundation or ARF
(http://www.asiarice.org/sections/chapters/philippines/ARF-Phil-Prog.html).
Rice has been historically the core point for the achievement of food security
goals (Gonzales, 1999). On the other hand, the economics and politics of rice are
by science (Braun and Bos, 2005). According to Aguilar (2005), the principal relation of
most Filipinos to rice is as consumers rather than producers. With regard to this, Braun
and Bos (2004) also give emphasis that rice consumption and production are closely
Social Weather Station (SWS) for the World Bank in March and April 2000 showed 84
percent of Filipinos nationwide are simply buying the rice they consume from the market
(Aguilar, 2005). Aguilar (2005) further noted that the 2004 SWS third quarter survey on
the incidence of hunger revealed that many Filipinos are being hounded by hunger, with
Mindanao as the most hard-pressed region. Survey results showed that one in seven
13
families experienced not having anything to eat at least once in the three months
preceding the survey. Cororaton (2006) also observed that during the last ten years, local
rice production has become less and less able to meet local demand because of high
population growth. In 2002, 49 percent of the palay production of farm households was
sold to the market, while the share for personal food consumption dropped to 26 percent.
This trend implies that palay activities have become market oriented, and therefore
The rise of organic rice farming and consumption is another evidence of the
indispensability of rice in the Filipino diet (Aguilar, 2005). Organic farming uses resilient
rice varieties that are not dependent on chemicals primarily bolstered by the emergence
Ikauunlad ng Agham Pang-agrikultura) stressed that the organic rice farming was
initiated as a form of resistance against the Green Revolution and as a way of bringing
Development Assistance Programme (PDAP) points out that Green Revolution ushered
in by the seventies has been a bane to both the farmer and has not resulted in rice self-
sufficiency (Doyo, 2003). Sepe (2000) also stressed that scientists and economic policy
makers who designed the Green Revolution did not consider the viewpoint of farmers.
According to Sepe (2000), the Green Revolution technology promoted the adoption of a
Western style of farming that was incompatible with the local farmer’s culture, history,
indigenous peoples of the Philippines are generally regarded as those who have opted to
retain their customs and traditions, most of whom remain steadfast to their ancestral
domains (Daoas, et. al, 1999). As defined by the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA),
IPs are those groups of homogenous societies identified by self ascription, who
territories which they have occupied since time immemorial, sharing common bonds of
language, customs, traditions and who became historically differentiated from the
western colonial influence, the IPs live in the dignity of their indigenous culture which is
the hallmark of their identity. According to the NCIP and the Lumad Development
Center Inc., there are about eighteen Lumad groups in 19 provinces across the country.
They comprise 12 to 13 million or 18% of the Philippine population and can be divided
The NCIP described the Blaan tribe as another proto-Malayan indigenous peoples
group particularly in Southern Mindanao Provinces of Davao del Sur and South Cotabato
most numerous of the indigenous peoples group of the newly formed Sarangani Province
Malungon, Malapatan, Alabel, Glan and Maasim. Since ancient times, the Blaans have
populated both upland and coastal areas and subsisted primarily on upland agriculture
15
using indigenous technology founded on field rotation (Gloria, et al., 2006). Blaans called
the world Banwe or Tah tana. Blaans called their god Dwata, a male god who cannot be
human being and always expects people to obey him. The people oftentimes pray for
The Blaan symbol for religion is the bird called Almugan. The bird serves as a
messenger for Dwata. It warns people when disaster is about to come. It also announces
the coming of prosperous days. The evil Dwata lives in stones, balite trees, or in the
creeks (sbang). Dwatas easily get offended. They are offended when their domicile is
distributed or destroyed, when somebody speaks of evil things, or when mortals name
them. Those who have offended them must ask forgiveness and offer a deer or a chicken
as a sacrifice (damsu) in the place where Dwatas are disturbed (Gloria, et. al. 2006).
The B'laans practice swidden agriculture or the kaingin system as the main source
grow upland rice, corn, sugarcane, banana, papaya, and other root crops. Some of their
crops are used as barter commodities in exchange for tools and other utensils that they
need. The B'laans observes certain rituals in their upland rice planting cycle. In these
rituals, they make offerings to their deities requesting for signs to know where to best
make a clearing for a particular planting season. The Blaan sing songs during planting
and harvest of rice. They sing lamgi wherein everyone joins in the singing.
16
When people consume or produce rice, they are not just consuming calories or
producing grain, they are also engaging in practices that have intrinsic cultural value
(Braun and Bos, 2004). In the Philippines, there are hundreds of rituals associated with
the rice growing as expressed by Kyle Knuuttila in her article “Rice in the Philippines”
explained that where the rice crop has been planted, festivals, traditions, and rituals
rituals is that people are the human agents who must go through a cleansing process in
order to be worthy of planting the rice fields. The right to plant rice fields is a special gift
given by grace, water, the sun, the gods, and the ancestors who worked the fields before
Bontoc tribe. Different ceremonies marked the phases of the rice cycle among the
Bontoc according to Gabriel Casal in his essay “The Rites of Rice and the Community”
(http://www.filipinaslibrary.org.ph/filipiniana/viewessay.asp?aid=32&art_id=32&pg=1).
He elaborated that the onset of the rain, the death of the eleventh moon and appearance of
the khiling bird heralds the sowing and planting ritual during the cold season, or
chinamey (November-February). Another ritual called sechang signals the ripening of the
rice grain (March-June) which is also considered as the scarecrow season that could
cause dwindling rice stocks. Kesep is the harvest ritual done at the best time of the year
Ibaloy tribe. To the Ibaloy, the first field to be harvested must be blessed and
exorcised. Together they troop to the ripest field for the blessing, the exorcism, and the
ceremonial reaping. The mambunung, or priest, bends over a jar of rice wine that is
passed around as he chants. The reaping then begins. When the field has been harvested,
the workers gather in the yard of the field's owner. Maidens have been preparing a supper
of rice and meat. The priest smears with rice the three stones on which the rice pot sits.
"Eat you first," he says to the stones, "because you carry on your heads the heavy pot in
which our rice boiled." Then he smears with rice the three stones on which the rice pot
sits. "Eat you first," he says to the stones, "because you carry on your heads the heavy pot
in which our rice boiled." Then he smears with rice the shelves where the rice sheaves are
laid to dry, saying: "You too, shelf, eat first, who watch over our food and fire." After
throwing some rice to the hollow log where unhusked rice is pounded, the mambunung
invites the harvesters to sit down and eat. Thus, ends the bakak rite with which the Ibaloy
open the harvest season. Everyone is now free to reap his own field.
(http://www.filipinaslibrary.org.ph/filipiniana/viewessay.asp?aid=32&art_id=32&pg=1)
Ifugao tribe. Rice agriculture has the most extensive sacrificial rituals among the
Ifugao according to Gabriel Casal in his essay “The Rites of Rice and the Community”.
In the hierarchy of Ifugao gods, there are specific gods for rice culture who are invoked
during the rituals where favor for the rice plants is sought. Bulol - the wooden gods which
are put in granaries as guardians .An article entitled “Rice Farming, Rice Terraces, and
the Ifugao” by Pandy Singian of the Museum Volunteers of the Philippines (MVP)
featured the 12 rituals that annually shaped the Ifuago calendar. Rituals are performed in
the granary of the field-owner by the native priest mumbaki, for every stage of the rice
18
agricultural cycle The agriculture year starts with the lukya"- the first working phase;
then the hipngat - performed after a field cleaning when the fields are dotted with
vegetable mounds; panal- when the seeds are laid in the seedbed; bolnat -conducted
during the planting to ask blessings from the deities and ancestral spirits so that the farms
and rice will be productive, and healthy; kulpi, which is performed after the planting
season is over; hagophop, which is the start of the weeding phase of the working season;
bodad - done during slope clearing when rice plants bear abundant grains; paad -
conducted after the rice grains mature; ngilin - which is performed immediately before
the actual harvest in a field; ani - the harvest-day ritual; upin -the post-harvest ritual, and
kahiw - which is performed at home to release the people from their promise to the gods
(http://mvphilippines.hypermart.net/banaue4.html).
Isneg Apayao. Three days before rice planting, the Isneg Apayao observes the
(http://www.filipinaslibrary.org.ph/filipiniana/viewessay.asp?aid=32&art_id=32&pg=1)
The ritual starts with a man and a woman going to the fields, scattering a few grains of
rice, and warning the rats not to eat them. The woman then returns in the afternoon alone
and makes an offering to the spirits. She then bores a hole in the ground and plants a few
grains, covering the hole with leaves from the taxalitaw vine and sapitan herb, to ensure
the health of the crop. That night and all next day, she is taboo, thus, no outsider may
enter her house nor may she hand out anything. Then, on the third day, the womenfolk
begin the rice planting. Each one carries a dibble stick and, tied to her waist, a coconut
shell full of seed. One hand dibbles a hole and the other hand pours in seed. Along with
this process, the children are instructed to keep quiet and not to disturb two spirits: the
19
Paxananay that hovers over the planting and the Bibiritan that kills when vexed. The
murderous spirit, Bibiritan, recalls the animal or human sacrifice that once began the
planting season. And children are warned because a child was often the sacrificial victim.
Kalinga tribe. No talking or singing is allowed during harvest until half the field
has been reaped among the Kalinga according to Casal. While the rice is being stored,
prayers are said to the rice gods and pig blood is sprinkled on the granaries. Then
everybody partakes of the harvest feast, or palanos, where meat and rice can be eaten to
Mangyan tribe. Harvest time among the Mangyan tribe is a holiday, however
short, for the rice growing communities, a brief respite from watchful concern. From the
time of sowing and planting to the time of reaping and storing, they have anxiously
tended the growing and ripening grain; have scratched and weeded, toiled and slaved
unceasingly; have frowned at the sky when the sun scorched and no rain fell on what
needed rain; or have frowned at the clouds when no sun shone on what needed sun; and
have wrung their hands in helpless despair when drought or storm wrought havoc on their
Mansaka tribe. The Mansaka rites of cultivation are as important as the planting
ceremonies. If the seeds do not sprout, a shaman must be called to invoke the spirits
before new seed is planted. Unhealthy plants may be strengthened with the use of magic
herbs. If a hut is built on the field, betel nut and coconut meat must be offered to appease
the spirits of the bamboo grass. The offerings are hung on top of a pole stuck beside the
hut. A jar full of herbs and wrapped in twists of cloth striped red, black and white is
20
prepared by the shaman and brought to the field to keep away deer, boar, bird and other
pests (http://www.filipinaslibrary.org.ph/filipiniana/viewessay).
Sarangani Manobo. The preparations for planting rice begins with locating an area
with many earthworms wastes and black soil. The area is then cleared of trees and other
plants, which are set aside to dry and later burned. The process of preparing the planting
area takes about two weeks. Before planting begins, an offering of mama (betel chew) is
made to the god of harvest. The mama, consisting of buyo (betel leaves), kawed (betel
nut) and tobacco leaves, is placed on a tall pole at the planting area. The entire
community then helps in the planting. A man digs holes with the use of a long round
piece of pointed woods. A woman follows closely behind and places ten to twelve grains
of palay in the hole. The grains of palay must be free of chaff. The palay seedlings are
preserved in containers made of barks of trees whose ends have been sewn together.
Harvesting the palay is a time of festivity. Once again, the entire community joins in the
activity, gathering the palay, except those intended to be grown as seedlings for the next
planting season. Much of the harvested palay is prepared as food for everyone who
Sarangani Tboli. The Tboli tribe of Sarangani has at least seven varieties of rice
that are known to them namely: miyaga, kabuyo, bunting, page, langwe, midsayap, and
esul. Planting is done before daylight. After harvesting rice, they pound the grains while
making music. The following morning, they ask their god to bless their harvest in a ritual
Sarangani Tagakaulo. The Tagakaulo tribe planting rice involves the ritual libod
talubiniyan. Before clearing the planting area, the Tagakaulo pray to their god Tyumanem
to bless the rice seeds placed in the baen or bamboo. At harvest time, they sing:
They then perform the ritual Pangapog, which is a festival celebrated with
Sindangan Subangon. The early month of May just before the rain comes is the
planting time for the Sindangan Subanon tribe. For them, planting is a community labor
with the men moving ahead punching holes in the ground then women following to insert
the seed. The holes are estimated to a foot apart and about half a dozen rice seeds are
placed in each hole. A Subanon rice field usually consists of four plots: a sacred plot in
the center for ginger and ritual rice; a plot for pepper and spices; a border plot for greens,
root crops, sugar cane, millet and sesame; and a main plot for rice and other grains as
Tagbanuwa tribe. A ceremony of panitaonan, a rite for the souls of the dead, is
the belief of the Tagbanuwa tribe in which seed-planting is associated to the burying of
god who would rise again. The Tagbanuwa tribe also believes in the appearance of a
constellation called muru-muru before rice planting as described by Gabriel Casal in his
essay “The Rites of Rice and the Community”. They have strong belief that the crop will
and technologies that has been made and used by indigenous peoples and local
communities under local laws, customs and traditions that are usually not recorded in
written form, and are transmitted orally from generation to generation (Daoas, et. al.,
1999; Correa, 2001). Most traditional knowledge systems assume that people are part of
the land, not that they own the land, so they consider themselves as true guardians
(Emery, 2000). Correa (2001) emphasized that TK has played, and still plays, an
important role in vital areas such as food security, the development of agriculture and
medical treatment.
economic and social development of a community from agriculture to literature and from
customary law to arts and crafts, and so on (Daoas, et. al., 1999). Despite colonization,
the Philippines has retained a substantial portion of its traditional knowledge as reported
by Daoas et. al (1999). to the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). Credit is
given to the vigilance of diverse IPs who persevered in protecting and promoting their
indigenous knowledge to the younger generation (Daoas, et. al., 1999). The protection of
numerous provisions, the recognition, respect and protection of the rights of the
indigenous cultural communities, a concern that is not enunciated in the 1935 and 1971
State shall recognize, respect and protect the rights of the indigenous cultural
23
communities to preserve and develop their cultures, traditions and institutions. It shall
consider these rights in the formulation of national plans and policies.” This mandate was
realized with the passage of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (Republic Act No. 8371)
on 29 October 1997. The law recognizes the rights of the indigenous peoples to their
human rights and to cultural integrity. In the latter, the law provides protection to the
indigenous knowledge and practices and to biological resources. The right of the
indigenous peoples to their indigenous knowledge systems and practices and to develop
their own science and technologies is provided by Section 34 which states that:
the full ownership and control and protection of their cultural and intellectual rights.
They shall have the right to special measures to control, develop and protect their
sciences, technologies and cultural manifestations, including human and other genetic
health practices, vital medicinal plants, animals and minerals, indigenous knowledge
systems and practices, knowledge of the properties of flora and fauna, oral traditions,
lands and domains of the indigenous peoples only with a free and prior informed consent
concerned community. (RA 8371, Section 35). The infusion of science and technology in
24
the field of agriculture, forestry and medicine to the indigenous peoples is subject to their
FPIC and shall build upon existing indigenous people’s knowledge and systems and self-
reliant and traditional cooperative systems of the particular community. Violation of this
rule is strictly prohibited and subject to penalties under customary laws and as provided
for by the IPRA (Daoas, et. al., 1999). At present, there are three bills pending at the
system of Community Intellectual Rights Protection or CIRP (Daoas, et. al., 1999). These
bills seek for the State recognition of traditional knowledge. It also provides that the State
shall also strive to protect and encourage the customary use of biological resources in
accordance with traditional cultural practices which are compatible and which promote
Philippines that neglected the traditional knowledge of local communities (Aguilar, 2005;
Cororaton, 2006). The advent of modern agriculture wiped out most of the non-
genetically modified seeds of traditional rices and the whole form of traditional rice
cultivation was revolutionized (Salazar, 1992). In addition to this, the ARF also noted
that traditional rice farming practices have been on the decline because cultural practices
that had been employed for centuries became subject to modification and elimination that
rice culture (www.asiarice.org). Thus, this study will contribute in documenting the
remaining upland rice resource, cultural practices, impacts of lowland influences and
agricultural changes in connection to the preservation of upland rice cultural heritage that
is interwoven in the household food security of the Blaan indigenous peoples group.
25
The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the
International Plant Genetic Resources Institute (IPGRI) are leading international initiative
on biodiversity for food and nutrition under the umbrella of the Convention of Biological
Diversity or CBD (Toledo and Burlingame, 2006). In 1992 at the Earth Summit in Rio,
the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) called for
CBD defines in situ conservation as "the conservation of ecosystems and natural habitats
and the maintenance and recovery of viable populations of species in their natural
surroundings. The CBD also recognized the value of indigenous knowledge on biological
resources in its preamble by noting "farmers that grow traditional varieties are not only
custodians of a wealth of genetic resources, but also carriers of knowledge which may be
equally valuable" (UNEP CBD, 1992). Since then, there have been increasing political
calls for broad-based and holistic approaches to the conservation and use of plant genetic
conservation approaches involve working more directly with farmers. Hansen (2000)
articulated that such is reflected in the Global Plan of Action that was approved at the
genetic resources is essential to the success of in situ conservation and development, and
to facilitate the sharing of benefits derived from the utilization of these resources.
Farmers and their communities play a critical role in the conservation and improvement
26
of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture. Enhancing their capacity would help
promote food security, particularly among the many rural people who live in
There are two strategies to carry out in situ conservation. One strategy is focused
on the creation of ‘landrace reserves’ where farmers are paid to continue growing
traditional varieties and the other strategy is concerned with on-farm management, a
"dynamic form of plant genetic resource management which allows the natural and
participatory work with farm families is critical to the success of in situ conservation
since the responsibility for PGR rests with the family itself. Farm families decide when to
plant, harvest and process their crops; how much of each crop to plant each year; how
much percentage of seed or germplasm of their own production to save and which parts
to buy or exchange. All of these decisions affect the total amount of genetic diversity that
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
their genetic resources both at the individual and community level (Altieri and Weid,
2000). According to the CBDCP (2001), the farmers' knowledge is interwoven into their
daily practices as a reserve accumulated over the generations. These days, the protection
under intellectual property rights (IPRs) of traditional and indigenous knowledge (TK)
has received growing attention since the adoption of the CBD in 1992 according to
Correa (2001).Global concerns regarding biodiversity loss have also drawn attention to
the roles of indigenous and peasant people in the conservation through the use of the rich
agro-biodiversity base which comprise native crops and wide plant genetic diversity
(Chweya and Eyzaguirre, 1999). However, native and traditional crops and the
indigenous knowledge associated with them are subject to neglect, lack of social prestige
and erosion (FAO, 2000). Altieri (1987) also added that traditional agriculture is also
rapidly disappearing in the face of major social, political, economic changes, thus, the
need for the preservation of these traditional agroecosystems in conjunction with the
maintenance of the culture of the local people. But, the greatest challenge to
recognize the complexity of their production systems (Altieri, 1987). Altieri (1987)
articulated that by understanding the features of traditional agriculture, such as the ability
28
to bear risk, biological folk taxonomies, the production efficiencies of symbiotic crop
mixtures, etc., many scientists have been able to obtain important information to develop
agricultural technologies best suited to the needs and circumstances of specific peasant
groups
Upland rice is the staple food resource among the Blaan indigenous peoples group
of Brgy. Kihan, Malapatan, Sarangani Province. The traditional upland rice production
among the Blaan tribe is still at subsistence level. This subsistence production that is
basically rainfed has been neglected as key component for food production primarily
among the upland farming communities. Such neglect is coupled by declining capacity of
upland soils due to erosion and habitat degradation, significant loss of forest cover due to
agriculture. This subsistence crop production is implicitly associated with rural poverty
aggravated by the different induced coping mechanisms employed by the upland farmers.
Upland rice is not just a food resource, it is culturally important because of the
strong belief system and rituals associated with the traditional agriculture deeply
embedded in the Blaan culture. The survival of the cultivation of the upland rice resource
determines a large portion of heritage preservation for the Blaan culture. However, the
traditional knowledge on the upland rice farming systems and its resource conservation
among the Blaan indigenous cultural communities in Sarangani Province was never been
documented.
29
The study attempts to integrate cultural forms with the understanding and
communities in particular that is related to the upland rice farming. Understanding the
Blaan holistic perspective about the importance of their existing upland rice varieties is
also potential strategy for genetic conservation. Such research output provides invaluable
information about the characteristics and uses of existing premium upland rice
germplasm, the cultural management practices associated with the beliefs/ritual and their
roles in the development of traditional agricultural systems. The focus on upland rice on-
farm conservation of local varieties could provide venue for the appreciation of farmers’
The upland rice cultivation is the only way for the Blaan farmers to produce rice,
their staple food. Development is needed for the protection of the remaining indigenous
varieties and for further improving the traditional upland rice farming itself. Along with
this, research and development is needed in order to provide scientific explanation for
Blaan upland rice farmers’ practices and thus elevate the level of knowledge at the
village/Sitio level, Barangay level, Municipal level and the Provincial level governance.
The government structure plays vital role in developing mitigating measures and or
agricultural development plans specific for upland rice farmers. This will dis-abuse the
ICCs for the fears regarding alleged paganism connected to their rituals. A framework is
made herein for the study of the Blaan traditional upland rice resource management:
implications to household food security and cultural survival in Brgy. Kihan, Malapatan,
Outcome
Throughput
Problems: Degraded upland areas, Lowland influences affecting upland agricultural systems, Erosion of diverse traditional rice
varieties and indigenous cultural practices, Lack of Government intervention for traditional upland rice farming
CHAPTER IV
METHODOLOGY
Sarangani Province lies in the southern fringe of the Philippine archipelago, part
City) growth region (Figure 2). It is bounded by the provinces of South Cotabato on the
north and Davao Del Sur in the east. Sarangani province has one landlocked and six
coastal municipalities separated by General Santos City in the middle. It has a total of
140 barangays. The Sarangans showcase enormous cultural diversity of the Indigenous
Peoples (Blaan, Tboli, Tagakaolo, Kalagan, Manobo, Ubo), the Muslim and Christian
settlers. The Blaans characterized the largest indigenous peoples group and are
bulk of the Blaan tribe is found in Malapatan constituting 37% of the 53,876 municipal
The municipality of Malapatan has a total land area of 62,456 has. Forestal areas
upland areas particularly the northern portion (Barangays Kinam, Daan Suyan, Kihan,
Upper Suyan, and some portions of Poblacion, Sapu Masla, and Lun Padidu) are
Plan (BDP) of Brgy. Kihan, it has a total land area of 6,620 hectares. Brgy. Kihan has a
recorded population of 3,529 as of January 2000 census. About 585 households are
widely dispersed in the 26 Sitios of Brgy. Kihan (BDP, 2000). Barangay Kihan is
characterized by undulating to slightly rolling to very steep sloping areas ranging from
200 m-700 m above sea level (Figure 3). The very steep sloping areas are dominated by
grasslands. The soil types ranges from sandy clay to clay loam and is yellow, reddish or
grayish in color.
33
The Barangay Development Plan (BDP) of Kihan revealed that the land use
farm roads, some creeks and pasture lands. The inhabitants belong to the Blaan tribe with
traditional farming as their main occupation. Major crops grown are corn, upland rice,
coconut, mango, and other fruit trees. Majority of the residents are land owners with an
average of 25 households per Sitio (BDP, 2000). The Barangay center can be reached by
hiring mountain motorcycle locally known as “skylab”, land rovers and other four
wheeled drive vehicles. The medium of transporting farm produce to town center to the
city is through the huge “weapon” truck owned by business minded middle man living in
the Barangay. Those products from far flung Sitios will be transported by horses costing
from P 100.00 or even more per trip depending on the weight of the produce.
34
Mindanao revealed that there is an existing land use of 98.67 hectares planted to upland
rice covering the four Sitios of Brgy. Kihan namely Sitio Banlas, Kyondog, Amlitos and
Limbunga (Figure 4). The UDP data was significant in the interest of finding the specific
locations of the upland rice farms not only in the four UDP covered areas but also in
Figure 4. Existing land use of four upland rice farming communities in Kihan
35
For this study, upland rice farms with standing crops were identified by actual
field visits and marked using a Garmin Global Positioning System (Figure 5). Boundary
map for Sitio Kyondog, Amlitos, Limbunga, and Banlas is generated by UDP. Estimates
of individual upland rice farm sizes and plotting of sample points and surveys were made
using a DIVA Geographic Information System (www.diva-gis.org). This was done by the
genetic and varietal diversity of the upland rice cultivars in Brgy. Kihan. The respective
farms are far from each other that we need to stay for two to three days to transfer from
one community to another. Walking time is approximately 3-4 hours crisscrossing the
Kihan river several times and traversing the undulating terrain of Brgy. Kihan.
Figure 5. Map of Brgy. Kihan showing the direction of upland rice farm
surveys(…….)
36
participatory and interactive, utilizing broad suite of methods such as the participatory
questionnaire was used to gather farm and farmer profile, farming activities, cropping
diversity, state of the traditional upland rice cultivars, impact of mechanization, upland
rice resource allocation, and genetic resource conservation. The survey questionnaire is
given in the Appendix (Table 1). The interviews were open ended, free willing and based
on the interview guide. Individual upland rice farmer was interviewed in Blaan dialect
based on the questionnaire especially for those who could not read and write. Some
farmers who are able to read and write were made to fill up the questionnaire. Informal
setting is used based on the availability of the farmers, thus, some interviews were done
on the upland rice farm while doing the survey and in the house of the farmer during
night time.
conducting the upland rice research in Barangay Kihan channeled thru the Office of the
Municipal Agriculturist of Malapatan (OMAG) and the Barangay Captain of Kihan. The
first meeting was done to introduce the research team from the Mindanao State
of Sarangani Province to the Brgy. Council and Tribal Council of Brgy. Kihan. (Plate 1).
This meeting is vital for the free and prior informed consent (FPIC) from the community.
37
Discussion of all aspects of the traditional upland rice research project was done to ensure
for mutual understanding on support needed from the stakeholders. The research was also
introduced to the community and to level off expectation from the output of the research.
The Barangay Tribal Chieftains gave their consent and support for the research upon
understanding its significance for a cultural revival specifically on their upland rice
resource. Thus, the Blaan indigenous peoples and the leaders are involved, consulted and
included in the key decision for the conduct of the research from the very beginning.
The schedule for community immersions had been agreed in the presence of
Purok Chairmen of the Sitios to be covered and as a local government support. The
Purok Chairmen served as our farm guides, research advocates and host families. At the
second and until the end of the field work, the research team has reduced into six persons
due to the health difficulties attributed to long hours of steep hiking under the heat of the
sun encountered by the 3 other team members (Plate 2).Bae Betty Katug, a resident and
respected Blaan woman leader in Bgry. Kihan served as our barangay local researcher,
Blaan upland rice farmers have rigorous lifestyle, that is, their available free time
and sharing were done at night time wherein most farmers are available. It was also the
best time to do cultural advocacy on why the need to conserve seeds and revive cultural
traditions concerning upland rice farming. This gave time for the respondents to share
farms, express their difficulties in upland rice farming and in what ways the government,
38
the Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), academic institutions, and civic groups can
be of help to further make their traditional upland rice farming productive. The impact of
their upland rice farming to secure household food was also discussed in this gathering.
Also, the focus group discussion forms a very interactive medium for us to get the
especially those planted with three or more varieties on his/her farm. Average walking
time is 3-4 hours to get to another far flung Sitio. It was a painstaking effort to reach all
the upland rice farming Sitios of Kihan. Distance of the upland rice farms from the Sitio
center varies from one Sitio to another. Indeed, lots of walking was done.
Photo documentation (still pictures and video) were taken for the patches of
upland rice farms and the extent of degradation in the uplands. The data obtained from
the questionnaires were collated and analyzed. Data generated were subjected to simple
statistics using arithmetic means. Data presentation and validation was done at the
Barangay center with all stakeholders using Powerpoint presentation and was interpreted
into the Blaan dialect. Television viewing of the video taken during the conduct of the
research was also done after the data presentation. This gave them more visualization of
the current state of their upland areas, their upland farms (corn, rice, etc.) and on-site
The community gave their feedbacks and gratitude to the research team for this is
the first time that their upland rice was given importance and that they were made aware
on the state of their vanishing upland rice resource. In consideration of their intellectual
property rights, copies of research this will be given to the Barangay and Tribal Council.
CHAPTER V
Field visits during the conduct of this study revealed that encroachment into the
forestlands and kaingin farming has decimated the forest cover of Brgy. Kihan down to
barely 5% over the years. Three habitat types are recognized in Brgy. Kihan – open
grassland dominated by suffrutescent herbs and shrubs, small forest patches and a
remnant lowland dipterocarp forest, and diversified agricultural areas planted with upland
rice, corn, root crops, fruit trees and other cash crops (Plates 3- 12). A mosaic of forest
patches still remains on steep slopes and along streams and creeks. UDP data on the
existing land use of the four upland Sitios of Kihan also revealed the same (Figure 4).
seres such as hagonoy (Chromolaena odorata), handayung, Mallotus sp. and Macaranga
sp. with dense growth of cogon and talahib. Ecological threats in the area are onslaught
onto the remaining forested steep slopes (kaingin) to plant upland rice, corn and other
cash crops. Exotic plant pervasive in the site is Gmelina introduced by the Department of
Forty two (42) key household informants from the 11 upland rice farming Sitios
of Brgy. Kihan were able to fill in the questionnaire. Some of them were identified by the
Barangay and Tribal Council, some we met during the conduct of immersion in the Sitios
(Figure 6 and Table 2.). Due to the difficulty in access to far flung upland rice farms and
for security reasons, other upland rice farms and farmers were not covered in the
questionnaire. Some farmers were not able to fill up questionnaires given to them by the
Barangay but participated and were involved in the focus group discussions (FGDs). It
was observed that there are more upland rice farmers that are concentrated in Sitio
Banlas, the farthest from among the 26 Sitios of Brgy. Kihan. Majority of the farmers
who made up the workforce in the upland rice fields are within the age bracket of 26-45
years old while the elderly farmers aging from 46-65 ranks second (Figure 7). Despite
age difference, the latter group is still actively involved in farming activities. Male
farmers also outnumbered their female counterparts at 74% to 26% (Figure 8). A glaring
issue raised by the old farmers is that many of the young Blaan generation leave the
manual labor as they can earn easy money compared to farming. In terms of their
scholastic backgrounds, most respondents did not have formal education. Only 5 of them
went to high school; 10 respondents had elementary, 4 did not finish it; 21 farmers are
not educated and 2 went to non-formal education. Those that have gone to school are able
to do basic reading and comprehension. Out of the 42 upland rice farmer respondents,
only one claimed to be of Visayan origin while the rest were of Blaan ancestry.
41
16
16
14
12
Number of Farmers
10
5 5
4
2 3 3
2 2 2 2
1 1
0
12
11 11
10
8
Number of Farmers
8 8
3
2
1 0
0
26%
74%
Male
Female
Household size ranged from 4-6 members per family. About 20 respondents are
they have no affiliation with any organization. Only 1 claimed to be part of the Brgy.
Local Council (Table 2). All respondents listed farming as the main source of income
with upland rice as the major crop. Upland rice farmers have employed different induced
coping mechanisms in times of difficulty to raise a living for the family while waiting for
harvest to come. They earn extra income however by raising chickens (35) and swine
(29). Some farmers venture into manufacture of native products (14) and small scale
additional sources of income include dressmaking, peddling vegetables, corn and raising
ducks and goats as coping mechanisms especially when drought comes (Figure 9 and
Table 3).
43
35
Frequency of Responses 30
25
20
15
10
0
Sari-s ari Sto re Indig eno us Backyard Gard ening Ho g Rais ing Po ultry Corn Pro d uctio n Tailo ring
Handicrafts (p ig g ery)
Sources of Income
Most of the farmers (16 respondents) had long (16+ years) involvement in
farming activities. Also 20 respondents stated 1-5 household members were involved in
farming. Only 3 of them revealed that about 6-16 family members also worked in the
fields while the rest of the respondents failed to give an answer (Table 3).
It is believed that elders often hold a great store of knowledge that has been
gained from decades of living on the land, and centuries of wisdom passed down by their
ancestors (Emery, 2000). Interaction with Datu Saron Bayang and some elders of Sitio
Kihan revealed that migration of some young people to urban areas leads to labor
shortage and implies that older people are left to manage the farm. The knowledge and
experience of how to manage their upland rice farm are hardly and to some extent not
being transmitted anymore to the younger generation and can be subsequently lost in the
near future. To attest this, Datu Saron Bayang said in Blaan “I dad lamnek nga, tala nulit
44
la i-nimo muna to gabla di akfale fail du tanun san-kul la. Ta kalnifet la i-maleh na i-dag
sansimo di elnigo. Tala ganbet la i-dag muna to galabek. Knaye la fanak di datal banwe”
(The new generation especially those who have gone to school would no longer wanted
to cultivate and till the farm. They forgot the traditions with respect to upland rice
farming because they no longer stay in the farm; they opted to stay in the urban areas).
In Barangay Kihan, the dominant rice growing ecology is rainfed type (80%).
Planting time is also homogenous and all respondents’ plant rice from March to May with
most opting for April because climatic conditions are favorable and the rainy season (1st
week of May) is approaching (Table 3). Almost all farmers also synchronized their
planting so that the pests will become dispersed and there would be less infestation.
Farmers have constant communication with each other to plan for their planting. This is
also practiced especially if one farmer seeks the assistance through the bayanihan system
from other farmers. One farmer however disclosed that he plants the variety larangan all
year round as it takes only 3 months before harvest. All upland rice farmers said that they
timed their planting schedule based on the position of the stars called blatik employed as
More than 1/3 of the farmers described the topography of their farm as rolling
plains while 27% described as mountainous. Their soil classification is clay loam upland
soil. The farmers manage upland rice fields of varying sizes, ranging from a few hundred
square meters to over a hectare or more (Table 3). It was also gleaned from the interviews
that 25 farmers had >1/2 hectares parcel of land for upland rice; 8 farmers have two
hectares; 4 farmers have 3 hectares; 3 farmers have four hectares; 1 five hectare farm and
25
25
20
Number of Farmers
15
10
5
4
3
1 0 0 1
0
Reduced upland rice farm sizes for cultivation were largely attributed to growing
household members, thus, subdividing the farm to children who get married. Another
significant reason is the shift of crops wherein the married children often choose to plant
corn as cash crop other than the cultivation of traditional upland rice .Farmers also
expressed that there is increased underproductive state of their farms due complex factors
of soil erosion, weediness of the farm due to prolific cogonal growth, and lack of man
On the contrary, this is not the case 20 years ago for their upland rice farming
experience according to Andan Dala as shared during the research FGD:“ Di muna, bong
i-gu maleh tana di labi fali du lu ye i-tou ti tnutol dad to falih fara la malnus i-familia la.
Tungan i-harvest na i-darame subra harvest, gal mi fabli lulen i-bong weapon. Fye I
kinabuhi na kagkah i-dad to maleh labi falih. Kabay, di nawan ani, ta dee i-fali fusok fro
46
di dungan and dad to baba. Ta nun dad man la hybrid agol na ta ye e le falih dad to di
elnigo la. Li manna fa i-kalbong dad to di kada pamilya, na tagutamnga eh elnigo kafngu
amwe yaen i-satu miyembro di familya.Di nawan ani, e tana and e elnigo tala mabo-an,
na tale nun epekto di harvest du ta lande kabo i-tana gu maleh dad to. I dad labi fali fara
semilya ta le tukay.” (Before, our rice farms are vast and extensive as this is the main
crop cultivated by us and we are able to have surplus for sale in the market. The upland
rice farmers are enjoying an abundant life. However, the introduction of other cash crops
such as corn, diminishing fertility of the soil and the increasing population making our
family subdivide lands for our marrying children have reduced the area of land to be
planted with upland rice. Added to this, there is also a great contribution of the
diminishing and less quantity of seeds for different varieties that we would love to plant).
A great majority owned the small parcel they till, two farmers claimed to be
working on leased land (Figure 11 and Table 3). Land owners usually inherited their
parcel of land from their parents when they got married. Majority of the farmers planted
upland rice in both steep slopes (15-50%) and rolling plains as long as the soil is good.
Some elderly women even prefer to plant in steep areas because they do not need to bend
over or stoop. As such, they do not suffer from back aches which they usually get when
40
35
30
25
Number of Farmers
20
15
10
5 Owned
Lease
0
Figure 11. Type of land ownership of upland rice farmers in Brgy. Kihan
Mechanization of any forms was not observed in the area. Land preparation is
done manually by 80% of the upland farmers. They make clearings of their elnigo cutting
the grasses and woody plants using a very sharp bolo also known by the tribe as lagaraw.
A hand hoe to cultivate the soil and pointed dibble sticks (ahak) to make a hole ready for
rice planting especially for very steep and rolling areas (Figure 12).The more prosperous
ones with bigger farms use animals such as carabaos and horses for tilling the land and
making rows for planting rice using a farm implement called comb harrow. No power
tiller or tractor was observed in the upland rice farming communities. Among the
respondents, only Mulaw Dayag of Sitio Klalang is the only one using fertilizer in his
upland rice farm. Traditionally, Blaan upland rice farmers return to the land all farm
wastes like animal (carabaos, cow, and horses) manure, crop residues, and rice straws as
60
50
40
Percentage
30
20
10
0
Hand Hoe Traditional way Power Tiller Tractor
using Comb Harrow
Upland rice cultivars grown in the different Sitios of Brgy. Kihan are traditionally
classified as Mlal fali (short growing period) and Laweh fali (long growing period). The
Mlal fali can be harvested after 2 ½ to 3 ½ months while the latter can be harvested after
4-5 months (Table 4). Examples of Mlal fali are larangan, manabang, fanda bulaw,
amihan, kanone, bantong, mlabat, and mayaman. On the other hand, malalga, fitam kwat,
kaltuna, muslim, fantilanen, mlitaw, kanadal, bulabed, katiil, buling and bukay kwat are
late maturing varieties. The different classification systems of the upland rice varieties
their ancestors and their own farming experiences in planting different upland rice
49
varieties. Information gathered also revealed that not one of the farmers had fields
planted to purely modern cultivars. Most (83%) planted traditional cultivars while 21%
opted for mixed cultivation of modern and traditional cultivars (Table 7). Eyzaguirre
(2001) noted that the farmers growing under their own traditional cultural practices
contribute to the continuing evolution and adaptation of crop varieties to new and diverse
environments.
Survey also revealed that there are 108 traditional upland rice varieties in Brgy.
Kihan with specific characteristics (Table 4). Of the 108 varieties, the individual farmers
enumerated the varieties that they are familiar with and they have experienced planting
(Table 5). Farmers expressed their interest in keeping larangan (79%), fitam kwat (64%),
and manabang (55%) as the most favored varieties. Other varieties they wanted to keep
were: fantilanen, kanone, mlabat, fanda bulaw, tinda, pilit tapul, lumabet, fungol,
matutong, ameyan, kandal, mlitaw, pilit mantika, mlikat lagfisan, kaltuna, muslim, gulo,
buling katiil, bukay kwat, mlikat fule, mlikat samlaka, blanak, mlikat tabe, magleg, la
ereng, dinorado, and nlakon, magles, tindah, samfang, safat, mlikat spikit, nabol, mlikat
knumi and mlikat fule. Most upland rice farms were concentrated in Sitio Limbunga,
Klalang and Banlas, other Sitios covered include Sol-Kili, Cana-an, Nabol, Proper,
Centro, Upper Klobong, Lower Klobong, Katnog, (Figure 13). The farmer respondents in
each Sitio gave samples of the different upland rice varieties they grow. There are 46
traditional upland rice varieties collected and documented along with the conduct of this
In Brgy. Kihan, the in situ conservation of upland rice genetic resources depends
upon the autonomous farmer decisions that serve his household interest and welfare.
Choice of a particular variety is based on reasons related to high yielding and early
farmers. Other features deemed desirable by the farmers were: good morphological
appearance, long storage life, vigorous growth, soft and rises when cooked, glutinous,
easy to winnow, easy to thresh and pound, high pest resistance, drought tolerance, with
long panicles of heavy grain and not attractive to maya bird or rat infestation. Thus, they
are categorized as nutritious, resistant to adverse weather conditions, resistant to pest and
insects, fast growing variety, bigger yield or volume of harvest (Figure 14 and Table 7).
51
35
30
25
Percentage
20
15
Nutritious
10
Resistant to the
5 Weather Condition
Resistant to Pests
and Insects
0
Fast-growing
1
Characteristics variety
Bigger volume of
harvest
The upland rice varieties were also handed down through generations and jibe
with the Blaan culture. The farmers also said that these seeds form an integral part of
their existence and if not cultivated, a part of them will essentially be lost as well. As for
those opting for mixed cultivation, respondents said that they did so for purposes of
comparison and to select good planting materials. Other farmers anticipate a bigger yield
The collected upland rice varieties are then kept at MSU-Gensan Science
diversity and studies associated to genetic erosion was done by the MSU-Gensan Science
taken by Cocoy A. Sexcion of the Provincial Information Office as shown in Plates 13-
56. The collected varieties were also used as agricultural exhibit during the weeklong
52
2005 Cultural Exhibit in Sarangani Province in celebration of the MunaTo Festival. Some
varieties were placed inside a plastic (Plate 57) and some are placed inside the bluyot
(Plate 58) with corresponding varietal name as well as the name of the farmer donor.
The study revealed that Blaan upland rice farmers conserve and cultivate a wide
genetic diversity of the native upland rice varieties classified using their traditional
knowledge. Eyzaguirre (2001) stressed that this collective regime of biodiversity at the
indigenous level supports the broad conservation and exchange of PGR. By developing
names for crop types, farmers are effectively segregating populations and often treating
them differently. Eyzaguirre (2001) articulated that cultural knowledge about a crop
variety helps to transmit plant knowledge both widely in a community and specialized
The farmers were made to recall as far as they could remember the varieties
which some of them had discarded in the past years. They enumerated 62 varieties which
most of them (47 varieties) no longer cultivate and are considered diminishing (Table 4
and Table 5). These were afu, aknugo ibid, alag, amik, baka, balngolan, basag, kabang
fafak, matutung, bigko, binatan, balsuk ful,,falak, fanaral mlatoh, kuto kura, sufe, gulo,
haytin, hinumay, ikong balos, labwari, lafinig, lamot magayo, maglub, manumbay,
mnamat, ubo, manabang mayeng, mlabon, mlatoh, mlikat alfa, mlikat blokok, mlikat
bulen, mlikat buling, mlikat fnu, mlikat kablak, mlikat kambing, mlikat labas, mlikat
53
lanifil, mlikat malah, mlikat tele, saba, salban, samlan kulanu, samlon, sufe, tabwen,
taagnsuli, and yos. Among the reasons given for the abandonment of these cultivars were
un-availability of seeds and rat infestation. The varieties of mlikat, lagfisan mayaman,
mlikat luyong, mlikat samlaka, are feared to be diminishing due to small quantities of
Respondents shared during focus group discussions that the other reasons for the
especially those that are with tiny grains e.g. kifan kili, kuto kura; hard grain texture when
cooked; late maturing variety; lack of capital for cultivation and payment of farm labor;
low seed availability; and low yielding during harvest time. They also noted that the 1998
El Nino phenomenon destroyed their upland rice fields and they lost lots of rare upland
rice varieties. The presence of many alternative cash crops also obviates the need to
cultivate all the traditional varieties. This dilemma is further compounded by the small
sizes of farmlands that they till which can accommodate only 2-3 cultivars per planting
season. In a few cases, plant stands in the rice fields died due to the extreme heat during
dry season. Some farmers also consumed their planting seeds for lack of options during
hard times especially with growing household member. Data from the Food and Nutrition
Research Institute (FNRI) showed that as household size increases, total per capita
food supply in the household and survival will depend on plant nutrients and responsive
In Brgy. Kihan, most farmers believed that there are more varieties than what they
could recall that their grandparents used to cultivate before, mostly priced and regarded
54
as of excellent texture and aroma that they only use for very special occasions. Those
unique varieties are no longer found in their communities. Brush (2000) stressed that
cultivar diversity in association with wild ancestral crop species is linked to crop
domestication and most importantly, a broad base of genetic resources that may be useful
for crop improvement. The loss of crop varieties from centers of diversity causes genetic
development (Brush, 2000). The loss of agricultural biodiversity can reduce food
security, increase economic uncertainty, and threaten the viability and sustainability of
Small-scale farmers in developing countries rely largely on the seed from their
farm or from other sources in the community according to Almekinders (2000).In Kihan,
seed selection is a very important undertaking for upland rice farmers since most of them
(92%) use planting materials from their own seed stocks (Table 8). Traditional seed
exchange and supply systems have provided and still provide the main source of varieties
that farmers grow in Brgy. Kihan. They explained that these varieties had been in the
family for many generations and they take it as their responsibility to continue the
cultivation of these varieties. In doing this, they will have a constant supply of seeds
which are very viable, germinates fast, grow well and which they can get at no cost to
them. Respondents also shared that seed exchange with other upland rice farmers is done
55
to prevent pest and disease damage especially when their planted variety become
susceptible to pests and diseases present in their field. By exchanging seeds, there will be
new and fresh seeds grown in their field. Also, 30% said that they obtain their seeds
through barter while other sources of seeds include payment for services rendered, given
by other farmers and bought from a cooperative. As to the sources of their seeds for next
planting season, 38% said that they personally kept their own seeds (Table 8). Also, 23%
expressed that they got seeds through the Barangay Council for the provision of upland
rice to other farmers. Some (14%) got their planting seeds from the barter they made with
other farmers while only 9% got their seeds from labor payment. Also, 14% said that they
got seeds from UDP. However, the survey revealed that the limited seed sources and seed
supply are the major problems faced by the farmers during seed exchange. There are
times when there are no seeds left for exchange especially for those diminishing varieties.
resistance (60%) and high yielding (50%). Other important criteria for seed selection are
low input, high market value, early maturing, easy to pound, ‘rises’ when cooked and
with long panicles (uhay). As regards to properties that the farmers think a good rice
cultivar must have, all farmers unanimously agreed that palatability is a prime
consideration along with early maturing characteristics (98%), high yielding (98%),
drought tolerance (83%), fast growing (94%). Other characteristics considered were
easily threshed by foot, easily pounded (33%) using the traditional wooden big mortar
called sung and varieties that exudes good fragrance (Table 7). Selection of good quality
upland rice seeds starts in the field prior to planting according to the Blaan farmers
56
during the FGDs. They selected a field lot where upland rice plants are healthy and have
good growth such as sturdy stem, plenty of tillers, drought tolerant and free from pests
and diseases. Then, they select full and heavy panicles with healthy seeds from the center
of the filled for seed stock. By doing this kind of seed selection, farmers are already
doing plant improvement (CBCDP, 2001). Seeds for home consumption are harvested
separately to avoid contamination of good seeds. This practices and traditions for
With respect to their post-harvest practices, the farmers revealed that the seeds are
threshed by foot, cleaned, sun dried, and kept in a hallowed out bamboo stuffed with
ashes ( tidal) especially for seeds to be used on the next planting season (Table 8 and
Table 10). Their traditional knowledge about using the ashes is that it helps in keeping
the dryness and viability of the seeds as shared by Kyuga Lukina from Sitio Banlas. In
this seed storage system, only one variety will be placed inside each tidal so that the
seeds will not mix with another variety (Plate 59). Each tidal is marked and labeled for
identification and place on the top portion of the house. The seeds stored in the tidal can
last for 1 year as long as seeds are dry. Another way of keeping their seeds is hanging a
bundle or more for each treasured diminishing and rare variety (Plate 60). If harvest is
abundant especially from bigger farms, the harvested rice is kept either in granaries or
storage house called fol (Plate 61). This will allow further air drying of the harvested
The farmers also divulged in a novel technique which involves the keeping of the
dried rice rains in the lihub, a cylindrical container made of bark of trees (Plate 63).
Almost all of the farmers (96%) said that this indigenous technique confers storability to
57
the seeds. The use of sacks, indigenous baskets, and coconut shell container are also
employed if their will be no more available wood bark that could make another lihub.
The indigenous baskets are made of strips of bamboo that are strong and durable enough
to store rice and other crops (Plate 64-65). These cultural practices for seed storage made
the upland rice farmers as effective seed custodians, keeping and continually planting the
traditional varieties for natural resource conservation purposes. This form of in situ
conservation work with indigenous communities because of the presence of intact and
functional social and cultural system (CBCDP, 2001). According to all of the
respondents, the seeds stored in lihub also retain viability for one year (Table 8).
proven by the influx of planting materials from places as far as North Cotabato, Davao
Del Sur and South Cotabato. Other sources of seeds are from Brgy. Kinam and Brgy.
Upper Suyan of Malapatan and Sitio boundaries of the municipality of Alabel. About a
third of the respondents coming from the more remote places, however, said that the
seeds from other places do not reach their communities. The farmers also enumerated the
ways which seeds reach their Sitios. These are through the UDP operation in 4 Sitios of
Brgy Kihan, some seeds are brought by visiting friends and family members/relatives,
some are acquired due to intermarriages and seed exchanges between united families,
some hybrid or certified seeds are introduced through the Barangay seminars conducted
by the local government extension workers from the Agriculturist Offices of the
Government, some seeds bought by the farmer during his/her travels and some seeds as
According to all respondents in Brgy. Kihan, upland rice is grown primarily for family
consumption (Figure 15, Table 7). Each farmer gave their specific percentage allocation
for their upland rice harvest (Table 9). Also, farmers shared that their harvest varies
according to the size of hectares for upland rice farms and number of varieties planted
(Table 10). Some crop losses were due to pest infestation and slope or elevation of their
farms. They also set aside portion of the harvest to be used for special
Farmers also ensured that they will allocate part of the harvest for seed banking
for the next planting season (Almekinders, 2000). Some farmers that still practice
bayanihan system have allocated accordingly to each fellow farmer a portion of the
harvest that serves as payment/barter or exchange for labor extended. Some farmers
reserved a portion of their harvest for unprojected needs using their rice as a barter of
other household needs and even selling that reserved harvest to have money. Some
varieties considered to be of higher spiritual value to the tribe are also used as part of the
dowry for Blaan marriage rites and other special rituals/ceremonies. The respondents
expressed that the bigger the household size, their main concern is to ensure household
consumption, thus, affecting the allocation of upland rice for other purposes mentioned
above. But, the household rice food security depends on the volume of upland rice
50
50
45
40
35
30
Percentage
25
20
15
10 10 10
10
7
5 5
5 3
0
Consumption Seed Keeping Payments Gifts/Offers Celebration Reserved Dowry Others
by a large number (57) of crop species (Table 11). This high degree of plant diversity is a
salient feature of traditional farming systems that performs a variety of renewal processes
and ecological services in the agro-ecosystem (Chang, 1977; Altieri, 1993).In addition,
planting several species and varieties of crops promotes diet diversity (Harwood, 1979).
Rice is the principal agricultural product and the chief carbohydrate source for all
residents of the area. The other major crop grown by the farmers is hybrid corn as one of
the substitute staple foods during lean months when rice is not available. Corn is
becoming more popular and they usually plant corn in bigger area of their farm. This is
exemplified in the UDP covered Sitios of Banlas, Kyondog, Amlitos and Limbunga that
60
has a total of 208.56 has of the agricultural land planted to corn (Figure 4). Vegetables
(eggplant, string beans, onions, radish, bell pepper, ginger, tomato, okra, pechay, lemon
grass, upo, malunggay, patola, squash, ampalaya, munggo, Baguio beans and garlic were
also grown in small plots in the backyards and within the upland rice farm. Takway is the
fibrous root of the gabi (taro) and kawat (wild spinach) just grow wild inside the upland
rice farm. These varieties of vegetables are grown on a limited scale, primarily for family
Other species have special purpose in the farm such as sesame seeds, sugarcane,
lemon grass and wild bamboo. According to Salan Yano and Renato Salway, the sesame
seeds and sugarcane are intended to be planted in rows to serve as border and wind break
for the different varieties, harbor pests and become the alternate host for aphids. The
sesame seeds are also harvested and used to give more aroma to food and if in excess,
they sell it by kilo to the Barangay local market. The sugarcane also serves as the source
of sugar to sweeten their coffee, fruit juices and serve as snack when weeding time under
the heat of the sun. The lemon grass and wild bamboo are intentionally planted to prevent
soil erosion according to Felipe Sumbo. Lemon grass is also used for food preparation to
give more aroma and taste especially with chicken soup. The young shoots of the wild
bamboo are also significant source of food cooked in coconut cream called ‘gata’.
Root crops such as gabi, camote, ube, kayos and cassava were grown by the
farmer respondents. Kayos when not cooked properly can cause death to whosoever eat
it. It is only the old folks who are doing the food preparation for kayos. Peanuts, ubi, bisol
(turmeric) were also planted in gardens so that the farmers can have a staple food to fall
back on in case of pest infestation in the rice fields. Moreover, fresh and pounded bisol
61
(turmeric) is also used as medicine to heal primary wounds and insect bites. But like the
vegetables, they were planted solely to augment household food consumption especially
An assortment of fruit crops also grew in the farmers’ backyards. Among these
are coconut, mango, cacao, abaca, coffee, rambutan, sunkist, star apple, pomelo, marang,
breadfruit, tambis, avocado, papaya, guava and banana. They also defined the boundaries
and create space for social gatherings (lunch, resting and wild cards games) of the
farmers especially at noon time. The coconut meat is made into copra, the old coconut
lumber used for construction and the young coconut for its nutritious juice and nut. The
litters from the fruit crops are also important in adding soil nutrients, reducing soil
erosion, lowering soil and ambient temperature, and regulating sunlight. Some of the
fruits are used for snacks as supplemental food and some for sale if harvest is plenty in
farms with bigger number of fruit crops. The young fluorescent shoot of the banana can
also be cooked as vegetable with coconut meat and chicken meat considered as Blaan
indigenous food. Banana leaves are also used for wrapping food and its trunk usually
used as plate by the farmers. Figure 16 shows the diversity of the abovementioned crops
that are preferred by upland rice farmers. Thus, the incorporation of wild resources and
high diversity of other crops formed the livelihood strategy for the farmers and helps
provide resilience in the face of adverse trends, times of stress such as drought and other
ecological change, and offers a greater choice of livelihood options (Hardwood, 1979).
62
70
60
50
Percentage
40
30
20
10
0 Vegetables
1
Crops Planted Root Crops
Fruits
Women farmers in Brgy. Kihan do a myriad of duties in the upland rice growing
communities. Among the Blaan women’s major contributions are planting and weeding
upland rice field, harvesting, post-harvest activities, seed selection ( and seed banking
and preparing food for farmers/household chores especially during the planting and
weeding stages (Figure 17, Plate 66,Table 3). They are also responsible for drying and
seed keeping and driving away maya, a bird that eats the rice grains during the late
maturity stage of the rice. Their other duties include planting corn and other vegetables in
the backyard gardens, threshing of rice panicles by foot to separate the grains after
harvest, sowing of the sesame seeds along rice field borders, adding of natural insect
63
repellants to planting seeds, making of ‘tuke fali’ and winnowing to separate chaff from
the grains. Pounding of the rice using the traditional mortar and pestle is an important
Results of the interviews revealed that both the farmer husband and wife do the
seed selection at 40% as their conjugal duty. However, 28% of the respondents said that
its only the farmer husband who does the seed selection and also 28% said that it only the
women wives served as decision makers when it comes to seed selection (Table 8). Thus,
the women in the upland rice farming communities of Brgy. Kihan share with men the
35
30
25
Frequency of Responses
20
15
10
0
Ho us eho ld Chores P lanting Harves ting P os t-harves t Activities Seedbanking
Role of Women
Figure 17. Breakdown of responses on the role of women in upland rice farming
64
Food culture, food taxonomy and associated folklore are important indicators of
diversity relating to how crop populations or eco-types within species may be treated
traditional varieties in their folk culture and rituals (Eyzaguirre, 2001). Their ancient
traditional knowledge is passed down from generation to generation and is often more
spiritually oriented (Emery, 2000). Focus group discussion during the immersion
activities in Kihan revealed several Blaan cultural belief systems associated with their
fertile area called elnigo (kaingin) is identified for planting upland rice. Burning not only
results in ash that contributes to increased soil fertility and reduced soil acidity, but also
The farmer invokes the help of Dwata or Meleh (supreme being) through a ritual called
mabah to determine whether the area is suitable for cropping. Dwata speaks to the farmer
through the almugan, a wild fruit dove (Plate 67). When the almugan makes a pleasing
sound more than four times heard through the left area of the ear, then Dwata blesses the
farm. The four call of the almugan stand for the cornerstones of the fol (rice granary).
This determines the right planting time of the upland rice in the el nigo.
Other crops such as abok or bila (edible tubers), ginger, kalmati (tomatoes),
blatong (beans), squash are planted alongside of the elnigo (Table 11). Many traditional
food plants also grow wild like the weeds that grow in the elnigo are edible such as kawat
65
(wild spinach) and saluyot. Rotting logs grew edible fungi such as mouse moss and
mushrooms. They are characteristically energy rich and play a crucial role during hunger
periods. They are accessible, they can be collected freely and are thus available to anyone
in the community. When elnigo is already cleared of palay, the area is planted with
various crops such as kasila (sweet potatoes), bananas, glutinous corn, papaya and beans.
This incorporation of wild food resources in this traditional farm is a risk minimizing
Bayanihan system (Sahul). Sahul is the traditional practice among the Blaans to
prepare the elnigo within three months. The men discuss among themselves the time table
of sahul to accommodate each elnigo. Elnigo is cleared by slashing the vegetation and
allowing it to dry for few days before setting the fire. Salugsong is a flat, short tool used
in uprooting the weeds. Balo (bolo) is used for cutting trees, brushes and woody plants.
After the clearing, the elnigo is fenced with bagacay poles (climbing wild bamboo) and
sugarcane to protect it from wandering animals. The elnigo is maintained by the farmers.
Sahul is also employed during the planting season wherein a farmers agrees to
help in the planting of a fellow farmers’ field and expecting to do the same in his/her
field. If the farmer cannot perform an exchange labor, it is expected that the labor will be
replaced by a portion of the harvest from the farmer who did not do an exchange labor.
The very ideology of sahul is the word of honor to the farmer who made an agreement to
phase of the moon, believing that there are lunar phases of rainfall according to Altieri
66
(1987). When samkyab and tubong appear in the sky, it heralds the start of the planting
season. Samkyab and tubong are stars that only Blaan farmers could identify. The farmer
and his wife then build a ‘bot tne’ (platform) at the center of the elnigo. Bot tne has four
posts about a meter high where all seeds are placed before planting, surrounded by four
sugarcane stands, four rows of camote tops, and bagacay or salban (wild bamboo).On the
bagacay pole, the farmer and his wife places slices of ginger, layers of ashes, green
pepper and chili, slices of kisol (turmeric), and charcoal in threes. The ritual of ‘bot tne’
symbolizes the farmer’s desire to have a good cropping season free from infestation and
bad omens. The right to plant rice fields is a special gift given by grace, water, the sun,
the gods, and the ancestors who worked the fields before them. A re-enactment of the
traditional upland rice planting showing the simplified bot tne was done during the
conduct of the First Upland Rice Festival in Brgy. Kihan held last October 2005 (Plate
68).
Before sunrise, seeds are brought to the ‘bot tne’ along with food. Then amlah
begins with the farmer and his wife initiating the lamgi, where men, women, young
people join in a synchronized chorus of chants in increasing tempo as men dig holes with
ahak (sharpened pole used to dibble) and women fill them with bne (palay seeds) . The
cadence of lamgi ranges a slow chant (lamgi tana), to moderately upbeat (lamgi Blaan)
and to very fast chanting (lamgi mayeng). The song lamgi is a repetitive melody of slow
During the last first Upland Rice Festival of brgy. Kihan celebrated last 2005, they re-
enacted the planting ritual with the singing of lamgi (Plate 69). The sound is astounding
and very joyful with the rhythmic movements that the chanters make. Very important to
67
the planting ritual is that no women having menstrual flow will be prohibited to get near
the upland rice farm. The farmers believed that the menstrual flow of the woman is
unclean and will harm farm by enticing the insects and pests to infest the upland rice
field. The Blaan tribe believed that the primary idea in all of these rituals is that people
are the human agents who must go through a cleansing process in order to be worthy of
planting the rice fields. An example of a newly planted farm is shown in Plate 70.
Rice soldier (Mlikat lagfisan). Eyzaguirre (2001) explained that a certain variety
may have ritual value and uses that cause it to be maintained and assigned a special place
within the cropping system. Mlikat lagfisan ( a kind of glutinous rice) is planted around
the bot tne to guard the rice field (Plate 46). It has a special place in the middle of the rice
field surrounded by sugarcane, turmeric and some leafy vegetables. There are few
farmers who have the lagfisan variety, due to shortage of seeds. Farmers who have seeds
may give a handful to another farmer that is just enough to make 3-4 hills of the lagfisan
variety. With very meager harvest from mlikat lagfisan, farmers just use it for very
special occasion and most often just add a cup of the winnowed lagfisan rice to other rice
varieties. Lagfisan is a magical rice that endows strength and intellect to those who feast
on its highly nutritious taste. It is highly reserved for lactating mothers and first solid
food for a child. This is considered a diminishing variety as very few farmers possess it,
thus, considered by the old folks to be a major cultural threat associated with the upland
Harvest (Tuke fali). While the rice field is considered to be ready for harvest, the
farmer is busy along with the children in setting up an indigenous scarecrows, rattles
made of abaca ropes with some empty cans attached to make a sound for the flocking of
68
hungry maya birds not to eat the mature rice grains They also use baits called limon to
trap rats. Sometimes, they burn tires and other rubber based materials near their rice field
to prevent pest infestation. Before the great harvest, the farm owner will perform the
ritual of nlaban fali near the bot tne.. A portion of the standing crop is tied to uway
(rattan) with sluan (climbing fern) and weighed with stone, to serve as the starting point
of the harvest. The women turn in their back to the ‘tied palay’, imbued with a spiritual
fervor that there will be more for them to harvest. The elderly skilled women in the
upland rice farming communities of Brgy. Kihan have traditionally used delicate hand
knives to carefully select the seed rice for future harvests and place it inside the baen, a
traditional basket placed at the back with the abaca tie that can hold in the forehead of the
harvester (Plate 71). The harvests are then brought to the farm house for segregation,
cleaning and further sun drying usually done by the women (Plate 72).
Tuke fali is an elaborate celebration that begins with the ritual of amngawe, where
women exchange chants to fill the air with merriment. Before amngawe is a ritual of
pandoman (thanksgiving ceremony) that takes place in the fol where two bundles of
palay are placed on the mat. The farmer lunges a spear to the rice bundles then the
community forms a circle around the mat in deep silence, thanking Dwata for the
protection of the elnigo from pestilence and for blessing the elnigo with bountiful harvest.
After pandoman, the men go hunting for wild pigs or settle for native chicken. Other
farmers especially those from Sitio residents living near the big river of Kihan opted to
catch fish, crabs, fresh water shrimps and or eels using an indigenous fish trap (Plate 73).
This is to augment for the viand of the household and for those who will partake in the
celebration. The eldest member of the household will then allocate a portion of the sun
69
dried harvest that will be cooked. This will be milled using the indigenous mortar and
pestle called sung, a log concavely hollowed in the middle. There are usually man and
woman who will do the pounding with a chant to synchronize the exchange of pounds.
The rice grains will then be winnowed to separate the chaffs and cleaned. It is then
cooked by women inside the bamboo during the celebration. Some wrap it first with
leaves and place inside the bamboo and grill it under open fire until such time that it will
be cooked, they call it lnulot.Then the men arrive with their catch and join preparations.
Rice cakes and viands are prepared from native chicken, wild pig and offered damsu
(offering). After damsu, everyone goes back to the field and help in the harvest. When the
harvest is about to finish, rice straws are bundled and brought to the house and arranged
for sun drying the following day. While women harvest palay, others thresh the straws
with their feet. The grains are going on, women converse jovially and chant their
conversations. After all the palay harvests are accounted for, the farmer and his wife
initiate the dance to the beat of falimak (gong) and sluray (bamboo zitter) and everyone
joins in. the families who took part in the harvest are given a share of the harvest as gifts.
The rest of the harvested rice is thereafter placed in receptacles made of tidal (bamboo),
lihub (bark of the tree), bluyot and baen (baskets).It is highly prohibited by the upland
rice farmers to take any single rice of grain across any rivers unless a tuke fali was done.
Violation of this rule is considered very unethical and disrespectful to the Meleh. Upland
rice collected from Barangay Kihan were given by the farmers after they did the tuke fali
ritual.
70
The farmers were also asked about the problems that they frequently encountered
in upland rice farming. Most of the farmers shared that the lack of money to finance
planting, land preparation, weeding and purchase of fertilizers. If farmers opt for
Bayanihan system, feeding of 50-100 people would also entail a lot of expense. Pest
infestation was also identified by 35% of the farmers as the biggest bane in upland rice
farming.
Other problems mentioned were prolonged drought, low seed supply, small
farming area, lack of carabaos, weediness of the area dominated by cogon, fungus attack,
heavy rainfall and low soil fertility. The farmers were then made to identify the specific
sources of these perennial problems which significantly caused upland rice farm
reduction. First is the occurrence of natural calamities wherein all of the farmers noted
that they lost many rare upland rice varieties during the 1998 environmental crisis (La
Nina and El Nino phenomenon). Second, is the pests, insects and diseases that plague the
rice especially during inflorescence stage .Third, the weediness mostly by prolific cogon
growth in the planting area that also contributes to the lower yield. Fourth, the
conspicuous reality that carabaos are hardly found in the area any longer making upland
rice farming is made even more difficult. Finally, other farmers said that they lack the
necessary technical skills to increase production given their degrading natural resource
Focused group discussion with the upland rice farmers of Kihan was used to
discuss changes in their traditional farming and help farmers understand the positive and
to be high yielding has shifted 9 of the farmers to start cultivating the modern varieties
from Kabacan, North Cotabato (Table 7). Another farmer revealed to have planted
modern hybrid rice obtained from Little Bagiuo, Malita, Davao Del Sur. When asked
whether modern cultivars are better than traditional cultivars, all answered negative.
Reasons given were as follows: modern cultivars are not drought tolerant and more suited
to lowland irrigated areas, prone to pests, and require a lot of inputs (fertilizers and
pesticides) considered as added burden for maintenance cost by the farmers. The farmers
were also asked to express their views as to the effects of hybrid rice to upland
agriculture. They said that hybrid rice cultivation if intensified will result in the loss of
traditional rice varieties by the farmers who formerly planted traditional upland rice
varieties. No rituals are done in association with the growing of the introduced modern
varieties. Another farmer said that continued fertilizer would result in the leaching of the
The cultivation of hybrid corn as a major cash crop also lured more farmers to
allocate bigger area for corn planting compared to rice farms. This shift of cropping
system also entails the use of the chemical fertilizers to ensure the productivity and
optimum yield for bigger sale in the nearby local market. Some corn farmers left portion
72
of their corn harvests are left in the house and are milled whenever the household will be
out of upland rice supply. For milling, Blaan tribe has developed and used an implement
that looks like a round log with an opening hole to drop the corn kernels and rounded
blades inside to crush and finally mill the corn into grits when it is moved
counterclockwise using the protruding handle (Plate 74). However, the corn farm is
usually a mono-crop type displacing the other varieties planted in the traditional upland
rice farmers’ field. Corn farming does not have any cultural rituals associated with its
cultivation…thus, contributing a cultural gap for the former practices, belief system and
rituals on traditional farming. Emery (2000) articulated that shifting from traditional
to productivity, can have a negative impact on indigenous peoples and their lands.
In addition, the effects of the intrusion of cash economy and wage labor for the
is also of particular interest contributed by the lowland influences that modify the Blaan
traditional upland rice farming. The introduction of paid labor which has partly displaced
the Bayanihan system has resulted in hunger, more poverty and indebtedness of upland
rice farmers that could not afford to pay labor for workers specifically on land
preparation, planting, and weeding. Interviews with the old folks revealed that the spirit
of sahul is almost not appreciated by the present generation; they opted to have money in
payment for labor incurred in helping the upland rice planting, weeding and harvesting.
Barter for labor exchange is not much as popular as it was practiced 20 years ago. The
introduction of unpaid labor also resulted in financial difficulties of the farm owners.
73
During the last phase of conduct of the study, it was observed that most male
farmers were very busy looking for bya-o, a kind of wild nutty fruit tree that is being sold
at higher cost per sack for its oil. There was a high demand of the bya-o from the lowland
buyers and farmers were using their horses to transport sacks of the bya-o to the
Barangay market. Farmers tend to love the culture of earning quick money. Those who
have money opted to buy NFA rice from sari-sari store retailers in their Sitio. Sometimes,
when out of supply from the nearest store, they would walk to another Sitio to buy a kilo
of rice that is just enough for eating in a day and they will buy again a kilo the next day.
There is always insufficiency of food even if there is increased monetary income by some
In Brgy. Kihan, the major factors that contributed to the dwindling traditional
upland rice resource are: farmers’ preference for favorable traits over particular or even a
few varieties, diminishing and unsustainable seed supply for the next season especially if
seeds allocated for the next season will be cooked when the household don’t have any
more food. Natural pestilence such as recurring pest epidemics, lack of capital for bigger
farm cultivation, diminishing soil fertility and degradation of the natural resources in the
upland ecosystem also have significant impact on the difficulties experienced by farmers
The small area planted to upland rice by most of the farmers also implied a
shortage in harvest that affects household food security and other allocation purposes of
the harvest. Most importantly, the respondents expressed that they fear that the cultural
heritage and traditions associated with traditional upland rice farming will not be
sustained through time as most of practices are being done or performed by old farmers
who are still custodians of the rare and considered highly spiritual traditional upland rice
varieties. Also, the lowland influences also markedly altered the farming culture of Kihan
with more farmers shifting to cash crops compounding future traditional upland rice
genetic losses.
This study showed how Brgy. Kihan Blaan farmers, despite marginal conditions,
have maintained as well as lost a diversity of upland rice landraces and other crop
varieties in their fields and over time. The respondents grow and maintain their upland rice
varieties because they are vital to the respondents’ socio-cultural and economic survival. The
Blaan farmers conserve their upland rice genetic resources in-situ through the continuous
utilization, planting and storage of these varieties using their traditional knowledge. This
system can complement ex-situ PGR conservation (Altieri et. al, 1987).
upland rice PGR as an initial step to developing appropriate approaches and interventions
precious resource. Focused group discussions revealed that the upland rice farmers of
Kihan have acknowledged the need for technical assistance especially from the
government on the areas of soil erosion prevention in the steep upland rice farms, contour
farming practices, provision of farmer’s capital and or access to credit to support their
farming venture. It has been noted that a lack of access to agricultural resources and
Improved access to, and control over, all productive resources and services such as land,
labor, credit and equipment are required to increase their capacity to generate much
needed income and improve traditional upland rice production. Concerning natural
resource and agricultural intervention, the UDP implementation was cited by the
The following are the community needs that upland rice farmers stressed during
the data validation of this research: (1) build an organization of traditional upland rice
farmers in Brgy. Kihan that is capable of looking at their situation and addressing them
using their traditional knowledge and skills through linking with other organizations that
is geared towards upland rice conservation; (2) Local Government Units (Provincial,
Municipal and Barangay) thru respective Agricultural Technicians to work closely with
identified upland rice farmers to understand their traditional agricultural practices and
help improve the diversity of their traditional upland rice varieties that will subsequently
existing traditional upland rice varieties inclusive of their indigenous knowledge on their
exchange of information and material between farmers and enhancing the community
Upon presentation of the research output to the Barangay Council, they decided to
declare an Upland Rice Festival during their weeklong Barangay Anniversary. It is the
first time that the Blaan farmers were awakened of the importance of their precious
upland rice resource. The Barangay Captain also promised to donate a portion (3 has.) of
his land near the Barangay Center as an upland rice demonstration farm planting the
different varieties collected during the conduct of the research. The upland rice farmers
were encouraged and they committed to do the Bayanihan system and perform the
The Barangay Council was very thankful for the Provincial Government through
the IPDP under the Office of the Governor for initiating the research on the traditional
upland rice in partnership with the Mindanao State University – General Santos City.
IPDP is right now working hand in hand with the Mindanao State University, OPAG, and
OMAG to further support the initial research by technical assistance to sustain cultural
integrity as well as improve upland rice productivity. This will be a joint tri-partite effort
for cultural preservation by the IPDP, technical assistance for agricultural productivity by
OPAG/OMAG and the scientific studies on the genetic variability of the upland rice by
the academe. It is hoped in the end that the sustainability of farmers’ efforts is determined
by the strength of the farmer’s organization and the support of the local government and
other stakeholders.
CHAPTER VI
subsistence farming. Production is geared towards food security and other basic needs
rather than market forces. The place is poorly integrated to commercial markets due to its
inaccessibility and the lack of road networks to link the far flung Sitios to commercial
group. The Blaan devotion to cultural ritual is closely tied to their traditional upland rice
agricultural system. The study focused into the inventory of the different upland rice
understanding socio-cultural pressures that contributed to the loss of rare upland rice
varieties and the advocacy for in situ conservation of their precious upland rice varieties.
household food security among ICCs. Upland rice farming is considered as a household
affair among the Blaan tribe of Brgy. Kihan. They own their land as inheritance from
their parents and most farms are dominated by male farmers. Study revealed that most of
the farmers are within the age range of 26-45 who had been farming for over 16 years.
Respondents said that farm preparation for upland rice planting is from March to May.
78
This farm activity synchronization is practiced for cultural pest management, thus,
dispersing the pest infestation if ever they occur. The timing is also necessary for the
Bayanihan system or sahul so that farmers can commit to help in another farmers’ farm.
Considering their terrain as rolling to steep mountainous farms, most farmers use hand
hoe to cultivate the soil. They also use dibble stick to make holes for the upland rice.
These implements are efficiently used for minimum tillage in steep sloped farms. Others
with not so rolling farms use draft animals like carabaos, horses, and cow in land
preparation and harrowing. Blaan farmers return all farm wastes like animal manure (e.g.
carabao, cow, horses, chicken), crop residues and rice straws to bring back productivity
The survey and semi-structured interviews among the 42 upland rice farmers with
indicated that there is high genetic diversity of traditional upland rice (108 varieties)
They traditionally classified their upland rice varieties as Mlal fali (short growing) and
Laweh fali (long growing). This indigenous system of rice classification is based on
farmers’ characterization. Among the 108 varieties, three varieties were favored by most
of the farmers to be planted are larangan (79%) as it can be planted all year round, fitam
kwat (64%) due to its high yield and manabang (55%). The seeds they have at present are
handed down from their forefathers, some from the Barangay Council and Government
program like UDP existing in the area, some are from barter and labor exchange to other
farmers. Choice of particular variety either for food or for seed banking is based on
reasons related to palatability (nutritious) and fragrance, high yielding, resistance to pests
and insects, drought resistance, storability and fast growing varieties. On farm
79
conservation of local varieties is an existing strategy for food security among the Blaan
tribe. It is also a potential strategy for genetic conservation in Brgy. Kihan because
varieties those farmers manage continue to evolve in response to natural and human
selections. The evidence of many Kihan farmers’ selections in rice field indicates
continuing process of maintaining rice varieties that specifically fit their own needs and
local conditions. Moreover, respondents revealed that the diversity of other crops (57
species) categorized into vegetables, root crops and fruits in upland rice farms served
different purposes. Most crops are used for household consumption especially the root
crops, some are believed to be alternate hosts for pests, some for medicinal value, some
to prevent soil erosion. Some are cash crops that are sold to the local market. The
incorporation of wild resources and high diversity of other crops in their upland rice
belief systems and practices of the Blaan in Kihan. Their traditional knowledge is
rice farming practices and cultural beliefs are distinct in each stage of the agricultural
cycle. During the planting season, the farmers invoke the help of Dwata or Meleh
through a ritual called mabah. The message is revealed through a wild fruit dove called
almugan making a pleasing sound that must be heard through the left ear. This is to
determine the suitability of the area for upland rice planting considering the position of
the blatik (stars) known by the Blaan as samkyab and tubong. This is an illustration of a
world view from an experience-based relationship with family, animals, places, spirits
and the land (Emery, 2000). The Blaan have an elaborate ritual of ‘bot tne’ symbolizing
80
the desire to have a good harvest. Planting is a major role done by the women. Their
planting is initiated by chanting lamgi of slow to fast tempo while dibbling and placing
rice seeds called bne right into the tiny dibbled hole. This is joyous and fun as old folks
exchange lamgi chants. The most important variety in any upland rice farm is the mlikat
lagfisan strategically planted in the middle of the rice field. This variety is considered to
have the power and strength to protect the upland rice farm and give intellect to those
who eat from it. During the harvest, an elaborate ritual of tuke fali is done beginning
pandoman (thanks giving ceremony), amngawe (exchange of chants), and finally damsu
(offering). Rice harvests vary with respect to the size of the farm, number of varieties
planted and crop losses due to pest infestation. Their upland rice harvest is allocated for
consumption of the household, seed keeping, payment for farm labor, for celebration,
gifts and some reserved for special occasions. Those who have big farms and excess
harvest sell their upland rice to the local market. The upland rice for consumption is
dehulled manually by big mortar and pestle producing different color of rice, some are
red, black, yellowish and some are brown .Different varieties produce different rice
Cultural pest management practiced by the upland rice farmers when their rice is
on its boosting, milking and maturity stage is very crude as they do not use fertilizers.
They make borders and planted other crops that could also serve as alternate hosts for
pests and insects. They make use of burning rubber based materials such as slippers and
old tires on the corner of their farm to get rid of rats. They also burn tails of the rat they
caught and do clearing along the sides of their field. While waiting for harvest, the farmer
is preparing for the storage house or the granary for the harvest that they called fol. They
81
also make scarecrows and rattles with empty cans to shoo away the maya birds that will
eat the mature grains. They also set up indigenous traps in their fields. This is being
manned during the day by the farmer’s child not going to school. Another belief system
associated in upland rice farming is that no women having menstrual flow will be
allowed to participate in planting or even roam around the rice field as it will entice
insects and pests to infest the field. The ensemble of traditional crop protection practices
used by the indigenous farmers represents a rich resource for modern workers seeking to
create Integrated Pest Management (IPM) systems well adapted to the agro-ecological,
Blaan upland rice farmers have their unique cultural resource management for
seed selection, seed keeping and storage. Most farmers inherited their seeds from their
family and forefathers. Some got their seeds through barter and labor payment, some
from the Barangay Council and the UDP, some from seed exchanges among relatives
living in another place. Given the volume of their harvest, they use a storage house called
fol, a hallowed bamboo called tidal, a cylindrical container made out of tree bark called
lihub, indigenous basket called baen, bluyot and kalfilo. Some use sacks in the absence
of the baen,bluyot or kalfilo. For very small quantity of diminishing variety, they use a
nicely polished big coconut shell. Other farmers make bundles of upland rice and hang
them in a safe place near the kitchen to dry the seeds and keep away from rats. These
cultural practices for seed storage made the upland rice farmers effective seed custodians,
keeping and continually planting their traditional varieties. Women played and equally
significant role as the male counterpart with regards to seed selection for the next
planting season.
82
varieties were no longer cultivated in their farms. Reasons for the non-cultivation and dis-
appearance of the rare upland rice varieties are: El Nino and La Nina phenomenon in
1998, difficulty to pound by some varieties due to their tiny size; hard grain texture when
cooked, late maturing variety, lack of capital for cultivation and payment of farm labor;
low seed availability, and low yield during harvest time, introduction of modern varieties
and more cultivation for cash crops. Given this situation, conservation appears to be
driven by the needs where farmers conserve varieties with desired agronomic traits to the
exclusion of other varieties. Crops and varieties grown by farmers primarily depended on
their use and the individual farmers’ preferences (Huvio, 1999). In some cases, little or
materials. Information gathered revealed the there is genetic erosion of rice gene pool in
the area due to non-cultivation of other traditional cultivars. In a few cases, the large
number of rice varieties and the very small planting areas had contributed to genetic
erosion. Also, small harvest is directly related to the small size of the upland rice farm.
The smaller the farm, the smaller harvest per variety affecting their allocation of the
harvested upland rice resource. Growing number of the family leads to the consumption
of upland rice kept for seeds and other cultural uses to cope for household food. The
diverse rice cultivars are disappearing unless measures will be undertaken to stop or
minimize the occurrence of genetic erosion in the upland rice farmer’s fields of Brgy.
Kihan. This loss of crop varieties causes genetic erosion or a loss of genetic resource
Focus group discussions and survey among the farmers indicated distinct lowland
influences that modified traditional farming systems in Kihan. The over all impact of the
lowland influences is a threat to the cultural survival of their unique Blaan traditional
upland rice agriculture For one, they noted that the introduction of cash economy and
paid labor displaced the Bayanihan systems that the farmers had been using for many
generations, has resulted in hunger, poverty and indebtedness. The change of mindset of
the Blaan affects their sense of volunteerism especially among the younger generation
that opted for money as payment for farm labor. The economic forces from the lowland
business men like the demand for the bya-o enticed more farmers to go to the hinterlands
and look for the bya-o as it commands quick and bigger money. Another lowland
influence is the adoption of hybrid irrigated rice introduced to the farmers that cause them
to discard their traditional variety. Also, it forced the farmers to buy synthetic fertilizers
and pesticides that is an added burden to them. Farmers who shifted to planting irrigated
rice varieties realized that if hybrid rice cultivation is intensified, it will result to further
upland rice genetic loss in their field. Unlike upland rice, they do not perform rituals in
planting and harvesting of the hybrid irrigated rice. The promotion of high yielding cash
crops especially modern variety of corn is another lowland influence that modified
Kihan’s agricultural landscape. Most farmers have bigger area for corn farm rather than
upland rice farm. This shift in agricultural system makes their bigger farm a mono-crop
of corn displacing most of the crops that are found within the upland rice farms. They
keep smaller size of their farm for upland rice. The shift in the corn cropping system
prompted again for the farmers to buy synthetic fertilizers and pesticides to ensure
optimum corn yield. This decision of farmers to cultivate bigger area for corn has become
84
a salient factor in the diminishing upland rice varieties. Another cultural change is that,
no rituals and traditional practices are performed in their corn farming experience. Post-
harvest and transportation cost for corn harvest is another stage that farmer has to
struggle with just to earn marginal income. They have to hire horses to transport their
product gong to the Barangay and haul their products through the weapon before it would
reach the final market. This alone cost a lot for the farmers
community and the local government. Establishing in situ or on-farm conservation site
for upland rice at Kihan will prevent genetic erosion of traditional rice and preserve the
rich cultural traditions for the coming generations. If the biodiversity of traditional upland
rice is lost, a greater part of the Blaan culture is also lost. To preserve the culture, it is
imperative to continue planting traditional upland rice for the Blaan generations to come
in Brgy. Kihan. If the rare rice cultivars could no longer be collected, then about 60% of
the traditional rice germplasm has vanished, a great loss of our cultural wealth.
Sustainable production of traditional upland rice also addresses one very important – food
security in the uplands. Overall, there is a real need to take a more holistic view of rice
production systems and offer a framework for policy-makers and planners to better
community level. It is only in this way that the Government and their partners will be
able to support efforts to improve production of traditional upland rice and other crop
varieties in ways that are both sustainable and that meet the food security needs of the
The interest of the research study was focused on the Blaan tribe traditional
knowledge with respect to their diverse upland rice resource. The use of their land
includes supporting subsistence lifestyles, the development of culture and their sense of
The following are the learning’s and implications on the research findings:
roots are solidly planted in traditional knowledge and practices that highlights
who hold it. Their upland rice farming is characterized by subsistence farming
rice farming systems requires a great investment of time for the immersion
was created with the Brgy. Council and Tribal Council of Brgy. Kihan thru the
IPDP staff and MSU-Gensan scientists that carries out the research with them.
effectiveness and efficiency. This will also add new world views and perspectives
to the many variables that are part of agricultural development project planning
86
4. Blaan devotion to cultural ritual is closely tied to their traditional upland rice
agricultural projects that affect their upland communities. There is a need for co-
and scientific knowledge in cooperative ventures. This will help the participating
stocks of their upland rice under different regimes such as the current natural
economy-based management.
to protect the intellectual property rights (IPR) for the Blaan traditional upland
AGUILAR, FILOMENO V. 2005. Rice in the Filipino Diet and Culture. Philippine
Institute for Development Studies Discussion Paper Series No. 2005-15.
ALMEKINDERS, CONNY J.M. 2000. Increasing the Resilience of the Farmers’ Seed
System through Linkage with Formal Sector. In: Targeted Seed Aid and
Seed-System Interventions: Strengthening Small-Farmers Seed Systems in
East and Central Africa. Sperling, Louise (ed). Proceedings of a workshop.
Kampala, Uganda. June 2000.
ALTIERI, MIGUEL A and JEAN MARC VON DER WEID. 2000. Prospect for Agro-
ecologically Based Natural Resource Management for Low Income
Farmers in the 21st Century. Global Forum on Agricultural Research
(GFAR). Rome, Italy.
BRAUN, JOACHIM VON and MARIA SOLEDAD BOS. 2004. The Changing
Economics and Politics of Rice: Implications for Food Security,
Globalization, and Environmental Sustainability. In: Toriyama K, Heong
KL, Hardy B, editors. 2005. Rice is life: scientific perspectives for the 21st
century. Proceedings of the World Rice Research Conference held in
Tokyo and Tsukuba, Japan, 4-7 November 2004.
CHANG, JEN-HU. 1977. Tropical Agriculture: Crop Diversity and Crop Yields.
Economic Geography. Vol. 53, No. 241-254.
FAO, 2000. The State of Food Insecurity in the World. United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organization. Rome.
FAO. 1996. Report on the State of the World’s Plant Genetic Resources for Food and
Agriculture. Prepared for the International Technical Conference on Plant
Genetic Resources. Leipzig, Germany.
HUVIO, TIINA. 1999. SEAGA Sector Guide: On-Farm Plant Genetic Resources
Management. Working Draft
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Policy. Volume 10, Issue 3. pp 187-190
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http://www.filipinaslibrary.org.ph/filipiniana/viewessay.asp?aid=32&art_id=32&pg=1
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APPENDICES
93
Table 1. Survey Questionnaire (Visayan Version) Para sa mga Upland Rice Farmers
A. Personal Data
____________________________________
________________________________ ______________________________
________________________________ ______________________________
Gawas sa humay, unas pa’y lain nga pananum ang Makita sa inyong uma?
Gulay Prutas
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
95
Pila ka porsyento sa tibuok yuta ninyo ang ginatamnan alang-alang niining klse?
Unsay mga kinaiya o kalidad ang dapat aduna sa usa ka klase nga humay?
Unsang sistema ang inyong ginagamit sa pagpreparar o pagbungkal sa yuta iha tamnan?
Pagkahuman ug tanum sa humay, mga pila ka bulan kada klase nga humay ang hulaton
una maka-sanggi?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Segun sa hektarya nga inyong natamnan, mga pila ka sako kada klase nga humay ang
inyong maani?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
97
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
Mga pila ka tuig ninyo maingon nga ang similya sa humay maayo pa itanum? _________
Unsa ang sistema sa pagtago sa similya sa humay para sa sunod nga tingtanum?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
( ) Oo ( ) Dili
Unsa may rason nga mag bag-o ang sistema sa pagkuha ug mga similya sa humay?
________________________________________________________________________
Mga pila ka klase nga tradisyunal nga humay ang ginatanum dinhi sa inyong lugar gikan
Unsa ang mga pangalan ani nga mga klase sa humay u gang ilang mga kinaiya?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Unsa nga mga tradisyunal nga humay ang gusto ninyo ampingan para sa umaabot nga
mga tuig?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Unsa ang mga klase nga humay ang wala na ginagamit karon?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Unsa ang mga rason nganong wala na ginagamit kini nga mga klase sa humay?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
100
Kinsa man ang naga-ingon kaninyo nga mag-ilis ug humay nga itanum? _____________
Gikan pagharbes, mga pila ka bulan bag-o mahurot ang inyong humay? ______________
Mga unsang bulana mahurot ang inyong hinarbes nga humay? __________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Sa tibuok nga naharbes, unsa nga sistema ang pangbahinbahin ani ug pila ka porsiyento
kada bahin?
C. Hybrid Rice
Unsa nga mga hybrid rice ang naa kaninyo ug inyong gitanum?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Unsay epekto aning hybrid rice sa inyong kultura o sa sistema sa pagtanum sa tradisyunal
Unsa nga mga problema ang inyong naagian sa pagtanum ug tradisyunal ng humay?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
Unsa nga hinabang gikan sa pamunuan ni Gov. Miguel Rene Dominguez ang inyong
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
kultura?
Unsa nga mga impluwensya gikan sa bisaya ang napausab sa inyong naandan nga
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Unsa nga mag kalamidad o mga sakit ang niatake sa inyong gitanum nga tradisyunal nga
humay?
_______________________________ ____________________________________
_______________________________ ____________________________________
Wala bay commercial fertilizer ug pesticide nga gigamit sa pagtanum ug tradisyunal nga
humay?
Kinahanglan ba nga mapreserba ang inyong kultura, labi na ang pagtanum sa tradisyunal
Unsa ang imong mahimo para mapreserba ang pagtanum sa tradisyunal nga humay u
gang mga tradisyon nga nahiapil niini hangtud sa umaabot pa nga mga henerasyon?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
Unsay matabang sa gobyerno para mapreserba ang pagtanum ug tradisyunal rice apil na
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
Table 2. Farmer and Farm Profile
# of Other Organization
Educational
# Name of Farmer Gender Age Tribe Sitio Dependent( Depen-
Level
s) dents Affiliation
1 Batol Latil Male 53 Blaan Sol-Kili None 6 - -
High School
2 Bernabe Nonggod Female 26 Blaan Cana-an Graduate - -
3 Ruben P. Domato Male 53 Blaan Banlas None 6 13 -
4 Condrado Salaway Male 45 Blaan Banlas None 9 - -
5 Kyuga Lukina Male 60 Blaan Banlas None 13 - -
6 Diana Baro Female 60 Blaan Lower Klabong None 4 - -
7 Andan Dala Female 70 Blaan Nabol None 5 - Church-Based
8 Dodong Malngan Male 30 Blaan Nabol Grade 2 - -
9 Besing Salway Male 38 Blaan Sol-Kili None 6 - Church-Based
10 Gaes Taguse Male 60 Blaan Sol-Kili None 8 - -
11 Benito Balbino Male 30 Blaan Banlas Grade 5 5 - Church-Based
12 Samian Colano Male 48 Blaan Banlas Grade 3 2 - Church-Based
13 Weng Tabon Female 75 Blaan Banlas None 10 - Church-Based
Elementary
14 Renato Salway Male 30 Blaan Banlas Graduate 4 - Church-Based
Elementary
15 Bernardo Angos Male 43 Blaan Banlas Graduate 12 - Church-Based
Elementary
16 Capistrano Dominguez Male 60 Blaan Banlas Graduate 9 - Church-Based
Elementary
17 Danny Sambo Male 31 Blaan Banlas Graduate 8 - Church-Based
104
18 Tomas Lukina Male 5 Blaan Banlas Grade 2 5 1 -
Table 2 Continued…
# of Other Organization
Educational
# Name of Farmer Gender Age Tribe Sitio Dependent Depend
Level
s ents Affiliation
Elementary
19 Marcelo Lagallo Male 36 Blaan Banlas Graduate 7 - Church-Based
Non-formal
20 Felipe Sumbo Male 33 Blaan Banlas Education 3 - -
Elementary
21 Dambong Sucal Male 30 Blaan Banlas Graduate 4 - Church-Based
22 Saron S. Bayang Male 55 Blaan Banlas None 9 - Church-Based
Elementary
23 Terson Parasan Male 36 Blaan Banlas Graduate 5 - Church-Based
Literacy
24 Mulan Lagalcan Male 60 Blaan Klalang Program 9 - Church-Based
25 Peter L. Colano Male 39 Blaan Klalang First year HS 7 - Brgy. Council
Elementary
26 Ruben Lukina Male 39 Blaan Klalang Graduate 9 - -
27 Ruben Sulaw Male 40 Blaan Klalang None 5 - -
28 Mulaw Dayag Male 65 Blaan Klalang None 8 3 -
High School Women's,
29 Jocelyn Bagan Female 29 Blaan Proper Graduate 4 - Church-based
30 Felipe Wata Male 40 Blaan Proper None 6 - -
31 Emily T. Palawan Female 45 Blaan Centro None 5 4 Church-Based
32 Linda Colano Female 55 Blaan Centro None 5 - Church-Based
Elementary
105
33 Armando B. Mandalo Male 29 Blaan Upper Klabong Graduate 4 19 -
Table 2 Continued…
# of Other Organization
Educational
# Name of Farmer Gender Age Tribe Sitio Dependent Depend
Level
s ents Affiliation
High School
34 Elpedio V. Caliwag Male 42 Blaan Upper Klabong Graduate 9 - -
35 Martin Mandalo Male 47 Blaan Upper Klabong None 6 16 -
36 Gualan Laminggo Male 55 Blaan Lower Klabong None 8 4 -
High School
37 Susan Dala Female 26 Blaan Lower Klabong Graduate 2 -
Elementary
38 Florencio Colano Male 30 Blaan Lower Klabong Graduate 2 3 -
39 Nene Salway Female 55 Blaan Katnog None 2 - Church-Based
40 Andan Baro Female 68 Blaan Lower Klabong None 3 - -
41 Salan Yano Male 60 Blaan Limbunga None 8 - Church-Based
42 Moc Bagit Female 56 Blaan Limbunga None 1 5 Church-Based
106
Table 3. Farm Profile, Role of Women and other Sources of Income
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Sari-Sari
Household chores,
Clay- Store,
1 Batol Latil 1/2 ha. March-April Owned 16 2 planting, harvesting,
loam piggery,
post-harvest activities
poultry
Weeding, planting, Indigenous
2 Bernabe Nonggod 3 has. March-April Owned Lowland 6-10
post-harvest activities handicraft
Indigenous
Seed selection, handicraft,
3 Ruben P. Domato 3 has. March-May Owned Lowland 16
planting piggery,
poultry
Household chores,
Upland, Piggery,
4 Condrado Salaway 2 has. March-April Owned 6-10 1 planting, harvesting,
lowland poultry
post-harvest activities
Household chores, Backyard
Upland,
5 Kyuga Lukina 2 has. March-April Owned 6-10 5 planting, harvesting, piggery,
lowland
post-harvest activities poultry
Cooking, harvester,
do household chores,
6 Diana Baro 1/2 ha. March-May Owned Lowland 16 1 Poultry
assist post harvest
107
activities
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Clay- Household chores,
Poultry,
7 Andan Dala 1 ha. March-May Owned loam, 16 4 planting, harvesting,
piggery
rolling post-harvest activities
Cooking, harvester,
Clay-
household chores, Piggery,
8 Dodong Malngan 1 ha. March-April Owned loam, 6-10
assist post harvest Poultry
rolling
activities
Cooking, harvester,
Clay-
household chores, Piggery,
9 Besing Salway 3/4 ha. March-April Owned loam, 6-10
assist post harvest poultry
lowland
activities
Cooking, harvester,
Clay-
household chores,
10 Gaes Taguse 1/2 ha. March-April Owned loam, 16 1 Poultry
assist post harvest
rolling
activities
Clay- Poultry,
Cooking, planting,
11 Benito Balbino 1/2 ha. March-May Owned loam, 6-10 2 backyard
seed banking
108
lowland gardening
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Clay- Planting, cooking, pre-
Poultry,
12 Samian Colano 1/4 ha. March-April Owned loam, 16 harvest activities,
gardening
lowland seedbanking
Planting, cooking, pre-
Piggery,
13 Weng Tabon 2 has. March-May Owned Upland 16 harvest activities,
poultry
seedbanking
Sari-Sari
Store,
Clay-
Cooking, planting, piggery,
14 Renato Salway 2 has. April-May Owned loam, 6-10
harvesting poultry,
lowland
indigenous
products
Sari-sari
store,
Clay-
indigenous
loam,
15 Bernardo Angos 1/2 ha. March Owned 6-10 2 Planting, harvesting products,
upland,
piggery,
lowland
tailoring,
109
poultry
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Clay-
Capistrano loam, Piggery,
16 5 has. March-May Owned 11-15 9 Harvesting, planting
Dominguez upland, poultry
lowland
Clay-
loam, Piggery
17 Danny Sambo - March-April Owned 6-10 6 Harvesting, planting
upland, poultry
lowland
Clay-
loam, Planting, weeding, Piggery,
18 Tomas Lukina 1/4 ha. March-May Owned 11-15
upland, seedbanking poultry
lowland
Clay-
Poultry,
19 Marcelo Lagallo 1 ha. March Owned loam, 6-10 Planting, harvesting
piggery
upland
Clay-
loam, Seed selection,
20 Felipe Sumbo - March-May Owned 3-5 -
upland, planting
110
lowland
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Planting of vegetables Piggery,
21 Dambong Sucal 4 has. March-April Owned Upland 6-10
and rice, harvesting poultry
Piggery,
Upland, Planting of vegetables poultry,
22 Saron S. Bayang 11 has. May Owned 11-15 9
lowland and rice, harvesting indigenous
products
Piggery,
Upland, poultry,
23 Terson Parasan 8 has. May Owned 6-10 1 Planting, harvesting
lowland indugenous
products
Indigenous
Clay-
Planting, post-harvest products,
24 Mulan Lagalcan 2 has. March-May Owned loam, 16 2
activities piggery,
upland
poultry
Indigenous
Seed selection,
25 Peter L. Colano 2 has. March-May Owned Upland 11-15 products,
planting, winnowing
poultry
Clay- Poultry,
Weeding, planting,
26 Ruben Lukina 1/4 ha. March-May Owned loam, 3-5 corn
111
post-harvest activities
upland production
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Clay-
Weeding, planting, Piggery,
27 Ruben Sulaw 1/4 ha. March-May Owned loam, 11-15
post-harvest activities poultry
upland
Clay- Sari-sari
Planting, weeding,
28 Mulaw Dayag 3/4 ha. March-April Owned loam, 16 Store,
harvesting
upland poultry
Sari-sari
Store,
29 Jocelyn Bagan 4 has. April Owned Lowland 6-10 2 Planting
piggery,
poultry
Upland, Household chores, Piggery,
30 Felipe Wata 2 has. April-May Owned 16 3
lowland planting poultry
Clay-
Planting, weeding, Piggery,
31 Emily T. Palawan 1/4 ha. March-May Owned loam, 16 2
harvesting poultry
lowland
Clay-
loam, Planting, pre-harvest Piggery,
32 Linda Colano 1/2 ha. March-May Owned 16 2
upland, activities poultry
112
lowland
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Indigenous
products,
33 Armando Mandalo 3 has. April Owned Upland 5 5 Planting, harvesting
piggery,
poultry
Indgenous
Vegetable farming, products,
34 Elpedio V. Caliwag 4 has. March Owned Upland 16
planting piggery,
poultry
Indigenous
Vegetable farming, products,
35 Martin Mandalo 3 has. April Owned Upland 16 5
planting piggery,
poultry
Clay-
Cooking, planting,
loam, Piggery,
36 Gualan Laminggo 1 ha. March-May Owned 16 weeding and other pre-
upland, poultry
harvest activities
lowland
Seed selection, Sari-sari
37 Susan Dala 1 ha. March-April Lease Lowland 16
planting store
Seed selection, Piggery,
38 Florencio Colano 1 ha. April-May Owned Lowland 16 1
113
planting poultry
Table 3 Continued…
Type of # of family
# of Soil # of Role of Women in Other
Planting Land
# Name of Farmer Hectares Upland Years in members Upland Rice Sources of
Season Ownership
Cultivated or Farming Farming Income
Lowland in farming
Clay- Cooking, planting and
Piggery,
39 Nene Salway 1/2 ha. March-May Owned loam, 16 2 other pre-harvest
poultry
upland facilities
Planting, weeding,
Indigenous
40 Andan Baro 2 has. May Lease Lowland 16 1 seed selection and
products
seed banking
Clay- Indigenous
Seed selection,
loam, products,
41 Salan Yano 1 1/2 has. March-May Owned 16 3 planting weeding,
upland, piggery,
household chores
lowland poultry
Sari-sari
Clay- Planting, weeding and
Store,
42 Moc Bagit 1 ha. March-May Owned loam, 16 1 other pre-harvest
piggery,
lowland activities
poultry
114
Table 4. Summary of Traditional Upland Rice Varieties Documented in Bry. Kihan, Malapatan, Sarangani Province
115
24. Falak 4 mos. Tiny but robust grains, diminishing variety, used for special occasion
Table 4 Continued…
116
45. Lamot magayo 3-4 mos Not attractive to maya birds because it has pointed ends
Table 4 Continued…
117
67. Mlikat byad 5 mos. Glutinous, palatable
Table 4 Continued…
118
88. Nalek 4 mos. Palatable
Table 4 Continued…
119
108. Yos 4-5 mos. Fragrant, diminishing variety
Table 5. State of Traditional Upland Rice Varieties
120
Table 5 Continued…
121
tine sugen, ubo, magles, larangan, kanone
Table 5 Continued…
122
Table 5 Continued…
123
Table 5 Continued…
124
Table 5 Continued…
125
Table 5 Continued…
126
Table 6. List of Traditional Upland Rice Varities Collected in Brgy. Kihan, Malapatan, Sarangani Province
127
21. Kanone 3 mos. Palatable, fragrant, short growing period
Table 6 Continued…
128
Table 6 Continued…
129
Table 7. Purpose of Upland Rice Planting and Preferred Qualities of Upland Rice
130
occasion, seeds pests, bigger volume of harvests and fast-growing
Table 7 Continued…
131
sari-sari stores
Table 7 Continued…
132
Table 7 Continued…
133
mixed seedbanking
Table 7 Continued…
134
Table 8. Seed Flow, Selection and Storage
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Through the barangay
Personally Traditional way of
Farmer, council (provision of
1 Batol Latil owned and Yes One year seed keeping Yes
housewife upland rice to other
barter (tidal), lihub, fol
growers
Traditional way of
Personally
2 Bernabe Nonggod Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
3 Ruben P. Domato Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
4 Condrado Salaway Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
5 Kyuga Lukina Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
6 Diana Baro Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer Personally kept seeds
owned
(tidal )
135
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Traditional way of
Personally
7 Andan Dala No One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
8 Dodong Malngan Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
9 Besing Salway Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally Farmer,
10 Gaes Taguse Yes One year seed keeping Yes Personally kept seeds
owned housewife
(tidal )
Personally Traditional way of
11 Benito Balbino owned and Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
barter (tidal )
Through the barangay
Traditional way of
Personally council (provision of
12 Samian Colano Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife
owned upland rice to other
(tidal), lihub, fol
growers
136
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Personally
owned and Traditional way of Through the barangay
13 Weng Tabon handed Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer council (provision of
through (tidal), lihub, fol upland rice by UDP)
generation
Traditional way of
Personally Farmer,
14 Renato Salway Yes One year seed keeping Yes Personally kept seeds
owned housewife
(tidal )
Stored in sack and Through the barangay
USM- Farmer,
15 Bernardo Angos Yes One year put it in granary - council (provision of
Kabacan housewife
(fol ) upland rice by UDP)
Through the barangay
Stored in sack and
Capistrano Personally Farmer, council (provision of
16 Yes One year put it in granary -
Dominguez owned housewife upland rice to other
(fol )
growers
Through the barangay
Stored in sack and
Personally Farmer, council (provision of
17 Danny Sambo Yes One year put it in granary -
owned housewife upland rice to other
(fol )
growers
137
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Through the barangay
Stored in sack and
council (provision of
18 Tomas Lukina Personally Yes One year put it in granary - Housewife
upland rice to other
(fol )
growers
Through the barangay
Traditional way of
Personally Farmer, council (provision of
19 Marcelo Lagallo Yes One year seed keeping Yes
owned housewife upland rice to other
(tidal), lihub, fol
growers
Through the barangay
Traditional way of
Personally council (provision of
20 Felipe Sumbo Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer
owned upland rice to other
(tidal )
growers
Through the barangay
Personally Barangay
Stored in granary council (provision of
21 Dambong Sucal owned, Yes One year Yes Chieftain,
(tidal), lihub, fol upland rice to other
cooperative farmer
growers
Through the barangay
Personally
Stored in sack, fol, Farmer, council (provision of
22 Saron S. Bayang owned, Yes One year Yes
tidal housewife upland rice to other
138
barter
growers
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Through the barangay
Personally
Stored in sack, Farmer, council (provision of
23 Terson Parasan owned, Yes One year Yes
baskets, tidal housewife upland rice to other
barter
growers
Traditional way of
Personally
24 Mulan Lagalcan Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
owned
(tidal )
Personally
Traditional way of Given through the
owned and
seed keeping Upland Development
25 Peter L. Colano some were Yes One year Yes Farmer
(tidal ), lihub , fol , Program, an EU funded
given by co-
basket project
farmers
Traditional way of
Personally
26 Ruben Lukina Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Payment of farm labor
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
27 Ruben Sulaw Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
owned
(Ttirdadailt)ional way of
Personally
28 Mulaw Dayag Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife Personally kept seeds
owned
(tidal )
139
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Given through the
Traditional way of
Personally Upland Development
29 Jocelyn Bagan Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer
owned Program, an EU funded
(tidal )
project
Traditional way of
Personally Farmer, Given by other farmers
30 Felipe Wata Yes One year seed keeping Yes
owned housewife and relatives
(tidal )
Traditional way of Barter of products
Personally Farmer,
31 Emily T. Palawan Yes One year seed keeping Yes especially during
owned housewife
(tidal ) harvest time
Personally
Payment of farm labor
owned, Traditional way of
Farmer, and barter of products
32 Linda Colano barter, Yes One year seed keeping Yes
housewife especially during
payment of (tidal )
harvest time
workforce
Traditional way of Barter of products
Armando B. Personally
33 Yes One year seed keeping Yes Farmer especially during
Mandalo owned
(tidal ) harvest time
Traditional way of Through the
Elpedio V. Personally Farmer,
34 Yes One year seed keeping Yes government
Caliwag owned housewife
140
(tidal ) programs/projects
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Personally
owned and Traditional way of
Barter of products
payment for seed keeping Farmer,
35 Martin Mandalo Yes One year Yes especially during
the (tidal ), lihub , fol , housewife
harvest time
workforce basket
rendered
Personally
owned, Traditional way of
Barter of products
barter and seed keeping
36 Gualan Laminggo Yes One year Yes Housewife especially during
payment of (tidal ), lihub , fol ,
harvest time
workforce basket
rendered
Personally
Traditional way of Barter of products
owned and
seed keeping especially during
37 Susan Dala some were Yes One year Yes Farmer
(tidal ), lihub , fol , harvest time from other
given by co-
basket co-farmers
farmers
Given through the
Traditional way of
Personally Farmer, Upland Development
38 Florencio Colano Yes One year seed keeping Yes
owned housewife Program, an EU funded
141
(tidal )
project
Table 8 Continued…
Is Seed- Seed Is it
Point of Who does
keeping Mortality Seed Keeping efficient Ways of sourcing
# Name of Farmer Origin of the Seed
practiced Rate (in System (yes or seeds for planting
Seedlings Selection
? years) no?)
Personally
Traditional way of Payment of the services
owned,
seed keeping rendered and some
39 Nene Salway barter, Yes One year Yes Housewife
(tidal ), lihub , fol , were given by co-
payment of
basket farmers
workforce
Traditional way of Farmer, Handed through
40 Andan Baro Barter Yes One year Yes
seed keeping (tidal) housewife generation and gifts
Personally
Traditional way of
owned,
seed keeping Farmer, Handed through
41 Salan Yano barter, Yes One year Yes
(tidal ), lihub , fol, housewife generation and gifts
payment of
basket
workforce
Personally
Payment of the services
owned, Traditional way of
rendered and some
42 Moc Bagit barter, Yes One year seed keeping Yes Housewife
were given by co-
payment of (tidal ), fol , basket
farmers
workforce
142
Table 9. Traditional Upland Rice Allocation in Brgy. Kihan
143
21 Dambong Sucal 30% 10% 20% 0% 15% 25% 0% 0%
Table 9 Continued…
144
42 Moc Bagit 75% 10% 0% 10% 5% 0% 0% 0%
Table 10. Volume of Harvest and Traditional Post-harvest Practices
Volume Harvested per Ha. per Post-Harvest Marketing Practices in Preserving the
# Name of Farmer
Variety (in sacks) Practices Harvests
5 sacks per variety depending on Dried and stored in granary
1 Batol Latil Stored in Granary
the size of farm
Stored in granary, Dried and stored in granary
2 Bernabe Nonggod Depending on the farm size
commercial
Stored in granary, Dried and stored in granary
3 Ruben P. Domato Depending on the farm size
commercial
Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
4 Condrado Salaway Depending the size of farm
consumption
Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
5 Kyuga Lukina Depending on the farm size
consumption
3 sacks depending on the farm Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
6 Diana Baro
size consumption
3 sacks depending on the farm Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
7 Andan Dala
size consumption
Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
8 Dodong Malngan Depending on the farm size
consumption
Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
9 Besing Salway Depending on the farm size
consumption
Stored in granary (fol ) for Dried and stored in granary
10 Gaes Taguse Depending on the farm size
consumption
Stored in granary and for Dried and stored in granary
145
11 Benito Balbino Depending on the farm size
consumption
Table 10 Continued…
Volume Harvested per Ha. per Post-Harvest Marketing Practices in Preserving the
# Name of Farmer
Variety (in sacks) Practices Harvests
Stored in granary for
12 Samian Colano Depending on the farm size consumption and Dried and stored in granary
seedbanking
Stored in granary for
13 Weng Tabon Depending on the farm size consumption and Dried and stored in granary
seedbanking
Stored in granary for
14 Renato Salway Depending on the farm size commercial and Dried and stored in granary
consumption
Solely for consumption Dried and stored in granary
15 Bernardo Angos Depending on the farm size
for consumption
Capistrano Consumption Dried and store in sack to be
16 Depending on the farm size
Dominguez stored in granary
Consumption Dried and store in sack to be
17 Danny Sambo Depending on the farm size
stored in granary
Stored in granary for Dried and store in sack to be
18 Tomas Lukina Depending on the farm size
consumption stored in granary
Stored in granary for Dried and stored in granary
19 Marcelo Lagallo Depending on the farm size
consumption for consumption
Dried and stored for Dried and stored for
20 Felipe Sumbo Depending on the farm size consumption and consumption and
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commercial commercial
Table 10 Continued…
147
Table 10 Continued…
Volume Harvested per Ha. per Post-Harvest Marketing Practices in Preserving the
# Name of Farmer
Variety (in sacks) Practices Harvests
Stored in granary for next
Stored in granary for
30 Felipe Wata Depending on the farm size planting season and for
consumption
consumption
Solely for consumption
20-25 sacks depending on the Dried and stored in sack or
31 Emily T. Palawan with the traditional post
farm size in "tidal "
harvest facilities (tidal )
2-3 sacks depending on the farm Solely for consumption and Dried and stored in sack or
32 Linda Colano
size seedbanking in "tidal "
Armando B. 5-7 sacks depending on the farm Stored in granary for Dried and stored in sack or
33
Mandalo size consumption in "tidal "
Stored in granary for Stored for whatever
34 Elpedio V. Caliwag 20 sacks per hectare
consumption purposes
10-20 sacks depending on the Stored in granary for Dried and stored in sack
35 Martin Mandalo
farm size consumption
Stored in granary for
2-3 sacks depending on the farm Dried and stored in granary
36 Gualan Laminggo consumption and special
size (fol ) and in tidal
occasion
Traditional way of
10 sacks depending on the farm Stored in granary for
37 Susan Dala preserving through the
size consumption
"tidal "
Stored in granary for Traditional way of
4-5 sacks depending on the farm
38 Florencio Colano consumption and other preserving through the
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size
incidental purposes "tidal "
Table 10 Continued…
Volume Harvested per Ha. per Post-Harvest Marketing Practices in Preserving the
# Name of Farmer
Variety (in sacks) Practices Harvests
10-12 sacks depending on the Stored in granary for Dried and stored in granary
39 Nene Salway
farm size consumption (fol ) and in tidal
5-7 sacks depending on the farm Stored in sacks for Dried and stored in granary
40 Andan Baro
size consumption (fol ) and in tidal
3-4 sacks depending on the farm Stored in sacks for Dried and stored in granary
41 Salan Yano
size consumption (fol ) and in tidal
Stored in granary for
5-7 sacks depending on the farm Dried and stored in granary
42 Moc Bagit consumption and other
size (fol ) and in tidal
incidental purposes
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Table 11. Diversity of other Crops in Upland Rice Farms
Mango, lansones,
Camote, cassava, Consumption,
Eggplant, okra, ampalaya, rambutan,
5 Kyuga Lukina ube, gabi, onions, coconut special
string beans, bell pepper jackfruit,
squash, upo occasion, seeds
pineapple
Consumption,
Eggplant, squash, okra, green Camote, cassava, Banana, guyabano,
6 Diana Baro breadfruit special
onions, tomatoe gabi, ube pineapple, mango
occasion, seeds
150
Table 11 Continued…
151
Table 11 Continued…
152
jackfruit
Table 11 Continued…
153
tomatoes lansones
Table 11 Continued…
154
pepper, horse raddish
Table 11 Continued…
155
patola, ginger
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Plate 1. First meeting of the research team with the Brgy. Council of Kihan
Plate 2. (L-R) Dr. James Namocatcat, Lean Marx de Gracia, Bae Betty Katug,
Jezrel Barnizo, Josephine Carino-Turner and Jestoni Badilla
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Plate 3. The steep slope of Brgy. Kihan showing the decimated forest cover
Plate 4.Vast cogonal area dominating the upland ecosystem of Brgy. Kihan
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Plate 9. View of Sitio Amlitos with corn area and an irrigated lowland rice
Plate 10. View of upland rice patches (yellowish area) from Sitio Limbunga
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Plate 11. Panoramic view of Sitio Klalang and some upland rice farms
Plate 12. Panoramic view of Sitio Banlas with some upland rice farms
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163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
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Plate 57. Collected traditional upland rice varieties placed in plastic bags
Plate 59. Tidal used by the Blaan to store different upland rice varieties
Plate 60. Bundles of different upland rice varieties hanged for next
planting season
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Plate 61. Storage house called Fol for upland rice harvest
Plate 62. Placement of upland rice harvest for further air drying inside the fol
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Plate 64. Upland rice storage using sacks, lihub and indigenous baskets
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Plate 65. A coconut shell used to store diminishing upland rice seeds
Plate 68. Bot tne representation during the first Upland Rice Festival in Kihan
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Plate 69. Lamgi re-enactment during the first Upland Rice Festival
Plate 70. Upland rice elnigo owned by Sargen Yano with a fol
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Plate 71. Upland rice harvest with an old female farmer and researcher
Plate 72. Upland rice harvest for sun drying in Sitio Banlas
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