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Foreword
Notes to the Reader
Introduction
Abbreviations
Other Abbreviations
Dates of Source Material
Additional Inscriptions
Sites of Old Marathi Inscriptions and Literary Activity

[page vii]
FOREWORD
This dictionary, the product
principal editor, fulfils an
told me in 1983 of his dream
later, in September 1989, we
end of August 1994, the work
of five years' steady work on the part of its
aspiration he held for many decades. Dr. Tulpule first
of preparing a dictionary of Old Marathi. Six years
inaugurated the project. When Dr. Tulpule died, at the
was essentially complete.

In planning the dictionary, Dr. Tulpule and I consulted extensively with Dr.
Jayashree Gune, Professor of Sanskrit and Lexicography at the Deccan College
Postgraduate and Research Institute. Her expertise was of invaluable help to us,
and she saved us from many mistakes. The flaws that remain in the work are the
result of our failure to follow her advice completely.

The work was carried out as follows: Dr. Tulpule, Dr. M. P. Pethe, Dr. D. G.
Koparkar, and others extracted words from the inscriptions and the literary
sources. This process took a bit more than one year. Dr. Pethe alphabetized the
slips that had been created in the extraction process. Using these slips, Dr.
Tulpule wrote and revised the first draft of the dictionary, carrying out this most
important part of the work between the end of 1990 and the beginning of 1994. The
entries were written on 8-1/2" x 6" sheets of paper that were bound together in
files. Eventually there came to be sixty such files, each containing approximately
300 entries. In 1992, I began reading the entries that had been produced in this
way. I made lists of queries and suggestions and sent them to Dr. Tulpule;
especially problematic points we would discuss when we were able to meet in India.
Meanwhile, Dr. Tulpule prepared his own lists of queries and sent them to Dr. V. B.
Kolte, who responded in his characteristically thorough and generous way.

After Dr. Tulpule had prepared his final draft, the process of copy editing began.
Mrs. Mrudula Joshi edited the first seven of the sixty files, and I edited the
rest. At this stage, too, I raised numerous questions and brought them to Dr.
Tulpule. He and I went through files eight through thirty-one and fifty through
sixty before he died. As I had earlier sent lists of queries about files one
through forty-five, there remained only four files (from ररककम through ववधववसणण) for
which Dr. Tulpule did not have the opportunity to respond to my suggestions. In
editing those four files, I have tried to adhere to the principles he used in
dealing with problems we did have the chance to discuss.

As the copy-edited files became ready, the word- processing experts of Dnyana
Mudra, Pune, entered them into the computer. Mrs. Shraddha Nirgude and Mr. Unmesh
Dandavate did most of this work, under the direction of Mr. Gautam Ghate.
Proofreading was done first by Dr. R. S. ("Appa") Arjunwadkar; then by a team of
people that included Mrs. Joshi, Dr. Naresh Kavadi, and Mr. Y. E. Dhaygude; and
finally by me. I also did some more copy editing as I read the proofs. Mrs. Shruti
Pendharkar entered the corrections into the computer with great skill and care. Dr.
K. S. Arjunwadkar reviewed the second proofs, making many valuable suggestions with
respect to the Sanskrit etymologies. I corrected the final proofs alone.
Dr. Tulpule wrote the introduction, and I revised it after his death. Dr. Lee
Schlesinger gave it a careful, critical reading; Mrs. Huberta Feldhaus helped with
the proofreading; and Dr. G. M. Pawar, Dr. R. C. Dhere, Dr. Lee Schlesinger, and
Mr. V. L. Manjul helped me find some final missing references for the notes, the
bibliography, and the list of source material. Mr. B. M. Datar and Mr. Gautam Ghate
made the map.

Dr. Tulpule was, and I am, grateful to all of those named above for their work on
the dictionary, as well as to a number of other people and institutions who
[page viii]
have helped to make it possible. The Smithsonian Institution and the American
Institute of Indian Studies provided financial support for the project, and Arizona
State University was generous in granting me leave time. We received much help from
Francine Berkowitz and Ernelle Ross of the Smithsonian Institution and from Dr.
Pradeep Mehendiratta of the American Institute of Indian Studies. Mr. Madhav
Bhandare, Regional Director of the American Institute of Indian Studies, attended
to the day-to-day administration of the project for many years, remaining untiring
and unruffled despite numerous set- backs and delays. Dr. Ashok Kelkar and Dr. R.
V. Dhongade of the Department of Linguistics of Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute generously gave us the necessary institutional support. Mr.
Ramdas Bhatkal of Popular Prakashan, Bombay, provided timely and important help in
planning the final format of the dictionary, and Mr. Gautam Ghate, Mr. S. B.
Phadnis, Mr. S. H. Dandawate, and the others at Dnyana Mudra were always a pleasure
to work with. Dr. Pushpa Vasudev Tulpule provided valuable help in interpreting
Āyurvedic terms, and Mr. Nilkanth Gangadhar Patwardhan prepared the press copy of
the Marathi bibliography. I am especially grateful to them, to Mr. Shriram and Dr.
Maya Tulpule, and to the rest of the Tulpule family for their sustained,
enthusiastic support of this project.

It is a matter of great sorrow that Dr. S. G. Tulpule did not get to see the final
results of his years of work on this dictionary, yet it is an honor and a joy for
me to have worked with him on it. I am proud to have thereby helped preserve for
future generations his remarkable skill at interpreting Old Marathi texts.

Tempe, Arizona
July 1998
Anne Feldhaus

[page ix]
NOTES TO THE READER
◆ This dictionary is meant to be used in conjunction with a dictionary of modern
Marathi or by speakers of modern Marathi. Words occurring in the same form and with
the same meanings in Old Marathi and modern Marathi have generally not been
included in this dictionary. For Old Marathi words not found here, the reader is
advised to consult Molesworth's Marathi-English dictionary or another dictionary of
modern Marathi.

◆ Many Old Marathi words occur in a variety of spellings. We have given such words
in all the forms we have found in the sources we have used. "Cf." references point
the reader to alternate spellings, each given in its appropriate alphabetical
order. In many cases, additional meanings (and, in all cases, additional
illustrative citations) can be found by consulting the entries listed in the "cf."
references.

◆ In alphabetizing the entry words, we have ignored the anusvāra (ंव) and the
visarga (:) and we have followed the traditional Marathi practice of placing क
(kṣa) and ज (jña) at the end of the alphabet, after ह (h) and ळ (ḷ). In other
respects, we have followed the traditional order of the devanāgarī alphabet.
[page x]
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[page xi]
INTRODUCTION
Marathi (Marāṭhī) is one of the major languages of India. It is spoken by about
seventy million people in the states of Maharashtra and Goa, as well as in the
former princely states of Indore, Gwalior, and Baroda. Chronologically Marathi can
be divided into three periods: Old Marathi, Middle Marathi, and modern Marathi. The
earliest stage, Old Marathi, began in the eighth century and continued until the
middle of the fourteenth century.

The period of Old Marathi, although it thus extended over about six centuries, was
productive only during its last seventy-five years. Such great literary
achievements were made during this short period that it has come to be known as the
"Golden Age" in the history of the Marathi language. This period saw the rise and
development of the Vārkarīs and the Mahānubhāvas, the two sects that produced the
bulk of Old and Middle Marathi literature. The Jñāneśvarī, a poetical work of the
first magnitude, was composed at this time, and the Mahānubhāvas produced their
lively prose biographies, including the one that is held to be the oldest literary
work in Marathi, the Līḷācaritra. In addition, most of the major stone and copper-
plate inscriptions in Marathi date from this period. The one and only Marathi palm-
leaf manuscript, the Kalānidhi, also comes from this period, and the only codified
script for devanāgarī, sakaḷa lipī, was produced and used by the Mahānubhāva
writers of this time. It was also during this time that Paṇḍharpūr and Ṛddhipur,
the centers of the Vārkarī and Mahānubhāva cults respectively, developed. For these
reasons, the Old Marathi period amply deserves the attention of lexicographers.

This is a dictionary of the Marathi language in the Old Marathi period. The Marathi
of this time is to a great extent homogeneous in form, and it is fairly clearly
distinguishable from the Prakrit and Apabhraṃśa languages that preceded it as well
as from the subsequent Middle Marathi (c. 1350-1800). Old Marathi is the language
of a great deal of inscriptional and literary material that is varied in theme,
style, and vocabulary. This dictionary subjects this entire body of material to
lexicography for the first time.1

Intended for use both by scholars and by native speakers of modern Marathi who wish
to read Old Marathi texts, the dictionary gives meanings in both English and
Marathi and provides illustrative citations of the meanings of the words. In
preparing the dictionary, we have done our best to adhere to the principle, "No
citation, no entry." It is our hope that, besides helping to make Old Marathi
literature accessible, this dictionary can also provide a basis for dictionaries of
subsequent periods of the language, and eventually for an historical dictionary of
Marathi.

This dictionary is the first of its kind. There are at present two good
dictionaries of Marathi, but neither is based on historical principles and neither
deals adequately with Old Marathi. The first (Marathi-English) was compiled by J.
T. Molesworth in 1831 and revised in 1857. It is essentially a dictionary of
nineteenth-century Marathi, and thus not particularly useful for reading Old
Marathi. Of all the Old Marathi literature, Molesworth and his associates were able
to use only the Jñāneśvarī. The vast literature of the Mahānubhāvas, for example,
had not yet been made available outside the sect; and many other texts to which we
now have access were also not used. The other good Marathi dictionary currently
available is the Mahārāṣṭra Śabdakośa (seven volumes plus supplement, Marathi-
Marathi). This dictionary, which was published between 1932 and 1950, reproduces
Molesworth's dictionary in Marathi, adding some words and meanings. Among the
additions are a few drawn from the Old Marathi period, including some from a few of
the Mahānubhāva poetical works; but still the Mahārāṣṭra Śabdakośa draws on only a
fraction of
[page xii]
the sources now available.

Source Material for the Dictionary

The source material for this dictionary can be divided into two broad categories:
epigraphical and literary. The epigraphical material consists of stone and copper-
plate inscriptions written partly in Sanskrit and partly in Marathi. Even in some
of the inscriptions written purely in Marathi—those at Dive-Āgar, Śravaṇabeḷgoḷa,
Paḷasdev, Rāṇebennur, Hātnūr, Maṭhgāv, and a few more—the opening and closing
formulas are in Sanskrit. The convention seems to be that the initial laudatory
portion, the dating of the inscription, and the concluding benediction are reserved
for Sanskrit, while the details of the grants made and the curse given to those who
vitiate the grant deed are the privilege of Marathi. The numerous grants given to
the temple of the god Viṭṭhala in Paṇḍharpūr, as well as the three-line inscription
of Deuḷgāv Rāje (which is merely an ass-curse), for example, are recorded in
Marathi. At the same time, there are inscriptions—for example, those at Āgāśī, Ter,
Lonāḍ, and Paraḷ—that are overburdened with Sanskrit, allowing Marathi only a
little space here and there. The tendency, however, is towards a greater and
greater proportion of Marathi in the language, with Sanskrit receding further and
further into the background.

The main bulk of the inscriptional source material for this dictionary comes from
the corpus of Old Marathi inscriptions edited by S. G. Tulpule under the title
Prācīna Marāṭhī Korīva Lekha (Poona, 1963). This corpus contains seventy-six
inscriptions: sixty-three of them are dated; the rest, although undated, are
datable to the period of Old Marathi. Most of the inscriptions are on stone; only
ten are copper plates, and, of those, four (the ones from Bhor, Cikurḍe, Marmurī,
and Miraj) are spurious and therefore have not been used as sources for this
dictionary. The stone inscriptions that have been used include the older one from
Akṣī, which is the earliest record in Marathi, dated A.D. 1012; the undated one
from Śravaṇabeḷgoḷa, inscribed at the feet of the colossus of Gommaṭa; the two
oldest inscriptions at Paṇḍharpūr, the foundation and renovation stones of the
temple of the god Viṭṭhala there; the one at Pāṭaṇ, a record of the grants made
toward maintaining a monastery built to facilitate study of the works of the
astronomer Bhāskarācārya; and the one at Maṭhgāv, which is known for its hero
stone.

Dated and detable Old Marathi stone inscriptions that have been searched out and
edited by various scholars since the publication of Tulpule's corpus have also been
included as source material for this dictionary. Some of these are found in V. B.
Kolte's Mahārāṣṭrātīla Kāhī Tāmrapaṭa va Śilālekha (1987); the texts of the others
are given in Appendix A. Including these inscriptions, the total number used for
the dictionary is ninety-four.

The literary sources for the dictionary are ultimately the manuscripts of texts
composed in the Old Marathi period. Almost all of these manuscripts are made of
paper; the one exception is the manuscript of Kalānidhi, which is a palm-leaf
manuscript.2 With the exception of Ṛddhipura Māhātmya, all of the literary sources
for the dictionary are now available in print, in editions prepared by V. K.
Rajvade, T. H. Avate, H. N. Nene, V. B. Kolte, I. M. P. Raeside, Y. M. Pathan, Anne
Feldhaus, S. G. Tulpule, and other scholars.

The literary source material includes both prose and poetry, with the poetry
outweighing the prose. Among the prose works are Līḷācaritra, Govindaprabhucaritra,
and Smṛtisthaḷa; these are accounts in the form of anecdotes about, respectively,
Cakradhara, the founder of the Mahānubhāva sect; his guru, Govindaprabhu or Guṇḍama
Rāüḷa; and Cakradhara's foremost disciple, Nāgadeva. Nityadinīlīḷā, comprising the
four short works Prasādasevā, Pūjāvasara, Mūrtijñāna, and Nāmāce Dahā Ṭhāya, is
also in prose, as is Itihāsa Prakaraṇa, an account of the early history of the
Mahānubhāva sect. The aphorisms and parables of Cakradhara were brought out
separately under the titles Sūtrapāṭha and Dṛṣṭāntapāṭha respectively. These works
are also in prose, as are Sthānapothī, a geography of the Līḷācaritra; and
Pañcavārtika, a grammar of the Sūtrapāṭha. Indeed, most of the prose works of the
Old Marathi period, including also Śrīkṛṣṇacaritra, have been produced by followers
of the Mahānubhāva sect. The only exceptions are Vivekadarpaṇa, a work that belongs
to the Nātha tradition; Vaidyavallabha Saṃhitā and Rasakaumodī, two texts on
Āyurveda; and Pañcopākhyāna, a Marathi version of the Pañcatantra.

Heading the poetry used as source material is the Jñāneśvarī, Jñānadeva's eloquent
exposition of the Bhagavadgītā in the form of ovī verses.3 Besides Jñānadeva's two
other major works, Anubhavāmṛta (or Amṛtānubhava) and Cāṅgadevapāsaṣṭī, his Gāthā
(the collection of his devotional songs, abhaṅgas) and the Gāthās of his
contemporaries, including Nāmadeva, provide a large share of the source material.
The contribution
[page xiii]
of the Mahānubhāva sect to the poetical material is even greater. Mahānubhāva Old
Marathi poetical works include seven major works (sātī grantha) led by Narendra's
Rukmiṇīsvayaṃvara;4 the Dhavaḷās, or marriage songs, composed by Mahadambā; and
Mūrtiprakāśa, an extremely long poem by Kesobāsa, the compiler of the Sūtrapāṭha,
describing Cakradhara. Other poetical works from the Old Marathi period include
Mukunḍarāja's Vivekasindhu and Paramāmṛta, as well as Cobhā's Ukhāharaṇa, a lengthy
narrative poem on the marriage of Uṣā and Aniruddha.

Except for three of the eighteen chapters of the Jñāneśvarī, which have been
critically edited by S. N. Banahatti, no critical edition exists for any of the
texts that have been used for this dictionary. However, "diplomatic" editions are
available for a number of Old Marathi texts. For example, Kolte has prepared
diplomatic editions of the Līḷācaritra and other Mahānubhāva biographies, as well
as of six of the seven major Mahānubhāva poetical works. Feldhaus and Raeside have
produced similar editions of the Sūtrapāṭha and Gadyarāja respectively. These
editions follow the method of choosing a single manuscript, generally the oldest,
as the base manuscript and noting variants from other manuscripts in the footnotes.
The following remarks made by Feldhaus in the Introduction to her edition of the
Sūtrapāṭha (1983, p. 78) apply equally well to Kolte's editions of the Mahānubhāva
texts:

The mss. exhibit no standardization in the written forms of words, either within a
single ms. or between one ms. and another. This is [one] reason for the decision to
make a diplomatic rather than a critical edition of the text, for the reproduction
in full of the readings of a single ms. avoids the artificiality of any method of
standardizing what appears to have been an orthographically and/or phonologically
unstandardized language. The wide and frequent variations among the mss. have also
made it necessary to choose only a small proportion of the variant readings to list
in the footnotes to the text. I have tried to ignore all those variants which are
clearly differences only of spelling or phonology, and to include only those
variants which make a difference to the wording or meaning of the text.

The oldest text of the Jñāneśvarī comes from Rajvade,5 who claimed that the
manuscript he used was written only a few years after the death of Jñānadeva. This
claim cannot be verified on the basis of the manuscript, because he destroyed it
out of disgust at its rejection by members of the Vārakarī sect. However, a
linguistic examination of the text of Rajvade's edition reveals a number of
phonologically and morphologically archaic forms of Marathi vocables, and thus
appears to support Rajvade's claim. Although the scribe of Rajvade's manuscript may
not have been Jñānadeva's contemporary, he was at least not very distant from him
in time. In any case, Rajvade's text of the Jñāneśvarī is much earlier than the one
Ekanātha edited in 1584. After editing the text painstakingly, Ekanātha warned
future scribes against making interpolations in it, saying, "one who enters one's
own verse into the Jñāneśvarī is placing a coconut shell in a dish of nectar" (Jñā.
18, Addendum, verse 5 [Kuṇṭe edition, Bombay, 1910]). But the warning went
unheeded, and the work continued to be polluted by interpolations. S. N. Banahatti
began the task of producing a critical edition of the Jñāneśvarī, but his death
brought the work to a halt.

The problem of securing a genuine text is less severe in the case of works
belonging to the Mahānubhāva sect. Most of the Mahānubhāva manuscripts are written
in a code known as sakaḷa lipī. This code has been described by Raeside 6 and
Kolte.7 Briefly stated, the code consists of a system of substitution of one
devanāgarī akṣara for another, the substitute akṣara being written without the top
line usual in devanāgarī. The code also includes a number of abbreviations, some of
them differing slightly from scribe to scribe, for such commonly used words as
parameśvara, jīva, maga, pari, and so on. This script was invented by Ravaḷobāsa,
the author of Sahyādri-Varṇana, in about 1353. Its codification put a check on the
modernization and corruption of the language of the Mahānubhāva texts, and proved
extremely useful in preserving the original linguistic forms in them. It also
helped scholars to determine the exact spelling of such words as suravaḍaṇe, for
example, which had been wrongly read as sukhaḍaṇe8 until scholars obtained access
to Mahānubhāva manuscripts written in sakaḷa lipī.

The textual problems connected with the Jñāneśvarī and the Mahānubhāva works are
almost negligible in comparison with the problem of finding a reliable text of the
Gāthās, or collections of abhaṅgas, of Jñānadeva, Nāmadeva, and the many other
Vārakarī poet-saints. Together these poets have composed thousands
[page xiv]
of abhaṅgas, but the only manuscripts we have are a few vahīs, or stitched
notebooks, each giving a few pieces from a number of different poets. Avate made as
much use as possible of these vahīs; his edition, the Sakala-Santa-Gāthā, has been
taken as the only complete anthology of the abhaṅgas of the Vārakarī poet-saints.
However, the Sakala-Santa-Gāthā is marred not only by a number of interpolations,
but also by exchanges of authorship. The author's mudrikā, or signature phrase,
which appears in the last line of an abhaṅga, is in many cases unreliable, and one
must be extremely cautious in assigning a particular work to a particular author.
The interpolations can be detected in part by the presence of Persian words in the
abhaṅgas of Nāmadeva, Janābāī, and others; these words must have come into the
texts much later. Still, in the absence of a better anthology, the Sakala-Santa-
Gāthā, with all its shortcomings, forms an important part of the source material
for this dictionary.

Taken together, the source material presents a variegated picture of the Marathi
language in its early stage. The Līḷācaritra gives us a sampling of the spoken
Marathi of its time, the Sūtrapāṭha reminds us to some extent of Sanskrit sūtra
literature, the Jñāneśvarī is a masterpiece of elaborate literary Marathi, the
Gāthās of poet-saints like Cokhāmeḷā and Nāmadeva can be called specimens of
popular Marathi, and the inscriptions show a blend of Sanskrit and Marathi. Works
like Vaidyavallabhasaṃhitā and Rasakaumodī show the capacity of Marathi in the
field of medical writing, and Pañcopākhyāna and the longer poems of the Mahānubhāva
authors illustrate the narrative and descriptive power of Marathi. In short, the
source material is representative of a wide variety of spoken and literary forms of
Old Marathi.

A complete list of the source material used for this dictionary is given
separately, along with the abbreviations that have been used.

Plan of the Dictionary

The dictionary is based on all known Marathi inscriptions and literary sources from
the Old Marathi period. Our aim has been to include all specifically Old Marathi
words that occur in texts and inscriptions of the Old Marathi period; we have
generally excluded words, among them Sanskrit tatsamas, that also occur in modern
Marathi without any change of form or meaning from the Old Marathi period. However,
some words common to Old Marathi and modern Marathi have been included to show the
continuity of their usage. Among these words are such common ones as mī, tū,
karaṇe, jāṇe, jarī, tarī, and kāãhī. We have also included some words found in
modern as well as Old Marathi that have a variety of spellings in Old Marathi. (See
the section on "Orthographic Variation," below.)

Each entry in the dictionary includes the following elements:

◆ the vocable in devanāgarī, in boldface type. Verbs are given in their infinitive
form, nouns in their prātipadika (uninflected) form, pronouns in their nominative
forms and adjectives either in their prātipadika form or in their
nominative/accusative (direct) form in the gender or genders in which we have
actually found them used in the Old Marathi sources. Adverbs, adverbial phrases,
and other indeclinables are given in the forms in which they actually occur. Forms
that are theoretically possible, but that we have not found attested in the Old
Marathi sources, have not been included in the dictionary.

◆ in parentheses, a transliteration of the vocable. We have used the standard

scholarly system for transliterating devanāgarī, expressing the anusvāra either by
the nasal (ṅ, ñ, ṇ, n, m, or ṃ) corresponding to the following consonant or by a
tilde (~) over the preceding vowel.

◆ an abbreviation indicating the grammatical category of the vocable. The primary

categories we have used in classifying the entries are the parts of speech: nouns
(identified by gender: masculine, feminine, or neuter), pronouns (identified by
gender, person, and number, as well as by special kind, such as demonstrative or
interrogative), verbs (identified as transitive or intransitive, also passive and
causative), adjectives (identified by gender if found in only one or two genders
and by number if found only in the singular or plural), adverbs, interjections, and
other indeclinables. Although not ideal for classifying Marathi vocables, these
categories are the ones most likely to be helpful to users of the dictionary. The
abbreviations, along with others used in the dictionary, are found at the end of
this introduction.

◆ in square brackets, an indication of the etymology of those vocables of whose

etymology we are relatively certain. Although this is not intended to be an
etymological dictionary, we have taken etymology into account in setting up the
lemmata, in distinguishing homonyms from different meanings of a single word,

[page xv]
in determining the meanings of the words, and in determining the order of meanings
of the words.
◆ in the same set of square brackets, following the etymology, if any, and
separated from it by a slash (/), variant spellings of the vocable, in
transliteration, preceded by the sign "cf."

◆ the attested meanings of the word in Old Marathi, each meaning given both in
(modern) Marathi and in English.9 Different meanings of a single entry word are
distinguished from one another by the use of numbers in serial order. The meanings
are given in logical, and not necessarily chronological, sequence. Where
appropriate, the label "met." is used to indicate a metaphorical meaning.
◆ occasionally, the label "(M.)" preceding a meaning, indicating that the word has
a technical sense in Mahānubhāva literature. In addition, words or meanings that we
believe to be confined to a single region or a single social stratum, or to be used
exclusively or primarily by either men or women, are so marked.

◆ occasionally, in parentheses, preceding our definitions, a definition found in a

traditional commentary or glossary.

◆ occasionally, in parentheses, following our definitions, the meaning given by a

major, accepted authority with whose definition ours disagrees. These references
take the form "But X," followed by the meaning proposed by the authority X.

◆ after each meaning, a citation or citations illustrating the use of the word in
that meaning in Old Marathi sources.10 In cases where we have found only one
example of the use of a word, we have given that passage. In cases where there are
more citations to choose from, the illustrative citations given under a single
meaning have been arranged chronologically, except that the citations from
inscriptions are grouped together preceding the citations from literary sources.11
The citations include, where possible, the earliest occurrence of the word in Old
Marathi. The citations have also been chosen in such a way as to illustrate the
types of source material (inscriptions, literary prose, and verse; biography and
philosophy; aphorisms and parables) in which the word is found. In citing examples
of a verb, we have tried to illustrate as many forms of the verb as possible.

◆ occasionally, an idiom consisting of more than one word. Such an idiom is listed
as a subentry under one of the words, generally under the relevant verb. The
subentry includes the idiom in devanāgarī and roman script, an indication of the
meaning in modern Marathi and in English, and one or more illustrative citations.

Lexicological Material for Old Marathi

As compared with Sanskrit, Pali, and even the Prakrits, the traditional
lexicological material for a dictionary of Old Marathi is scanty. It is true, of
course, that a canonical work like the Mahānubhāvas' Sūtrapāṭha has voluminous
commentaries, and that a work like the Jñāneśvarī, which is the magnum opus for the
Vārakarī cult, has numerous annotations bearing on its vocabulary. Although these
commentaries and annotations do help the lexicographer, they do so only to a
limited extent.

The lexicological and lexicographical material for compiling a dictionary of Old

Marathi can be broadly categorized as follows:

1. The Ṭīpa or Ṭīpa-granthas on the seven major poetical works of the Mahānubhāva
sect;

2. The Ṭīpaṇas or Paribhāṣās of the Jñāneśvarī;

3. Commentaries on the Mahānubhāva scriptures Sūtrapāṭha and Dṛṣṭāntapāṭha.

4. Dictionaries and word-indexes of the Jñāneśvarī and the Amṛtānubhāva;

5. Glossaries provided at the end of some edited texts;

6. Indices verborum of such works as the Corpus of Old Marathi Inscriptions (PMKL);

7. Lexicons such as the Bhāṣāprakāśa; and

8. Marathi dictionaries such as Molesworth's and the Mahārāṣṭra Śabdakośa.

In the following paragraphs, we comment on each of these types of material in turn.

1. The earliest Marathi glossaries come from the Mahānubhāva sect; they are known
as Ṭīpa or Ṭīpa-grantha. The first Ṭīpa was written by Malle Coryācaka. It gives
the meanings of some words from three of the sect's seven major poetical works
(sātī grantha), Uddhavagītā, Jñānaprabodha, and Ṛddhipuravarṇana. Since it is very
primary in nature, this Ṭīpa is known as the Ṭīpa of prathama śodhanī, "first
search." It gives the meanings of words without any reference to the verses in
which they occur. The Ṭīpa of the second śodhanī, prepared by Harirāj Pusadekar, is
much longer and gives the meanings of words from all seven of the poetical works.
It was followed by the Ṭīpa of the third
[page xvi]
and last śodhanī, which was prepared by Dattarāj Marāṭhe in the 15th century. This
Ṭīpa contains fully developed glossaries of all seven works. Thus, these three
Ṭīpa-granthas mark three stages in the development of Marathi lexicography. Even in
the final form, however, a Ṭīpa is basically annotative in nature.

As an example, let us examine the Ṭīpa on Ṛddhipuravarṇana (ṚV.). It displays the

following characteristics:

◆ It is the product of industrious work. This can be seen, for instance, in the
completeness of the lists given in defining such traditional terms as aṣṭaloha, the
four pramāṇas, the six rasas, and the six stages of existence.

◆ It is the product of deep scholarship. This is shown, for example, in the

interpretation of double meanings of words like Guṇḍama Rāüḷa (ṚV. 371), śleṣa (ṚV.
427), and maḷavaṭā (ṚV. 470).

◆ In places it gives the appearance of being based on a comparative study of

different texts. For example, it explains the word āṇikīteṃ by referring to the
parable (dṛṣṭānta) of a mother who has many children in DṛP. 98, the word mokṣa-
upāya by referring to the parable of a cow tied to a pole in DṛP. 19, and the
phrase jātyandhācā karasparśa by referring to the parable of the elephant and the
blind men in DṛP. 43.

◆ Sometimes it distinguishes between the sāhityārtha and the siddhāntārtha, the

literary and philosophical meanings of words. For example, the words mukta, vejheṃ,
and guṇa in ṚV. 193 have double meanings, one literary and the other philosophical-
metaphorical, which the Ṭīpa explains at length.

◆ In many places it explains the text's allusions to mythological stories—for

example, references to King Dilīpa (ṚV. 1), Agasti (ṚV. 10), Gautamī (ṚV. 240), and
Upamanyu (ṚV. 386).

◆ Because the ṚV. refers to the deeds of Govindaprabhu in Ṛddhipur, there are many
allusions to local places, persons, and incidents. The fifteenth-century author of
the Ṭīpa was conversant with these allusions, but they are unfamiliar to readers
who live in the twentieth century and far away from Ṛddhipur. The Ṭīpa's
explanations help modern readers to understand references to Bāïdev's cherries (ṚV.
146), Govindaprabhu's serving sugar to Ābāïseṃ (ṚV. 453), his calling Ābāïseṃ by
the name "Khoḍī" (ṚV. 454), Ekāïseṃ's chapatis (ṚV. 508), the porridge Dhāno made
(ṚV. 533), and so forth.

◆ Some interpretations in the Ṭīpa seem sectarian and unrealistic. The word satya,
for example, in ṚV. 467, means simply "truth." But the Ṭīpa defines it as "our
master" (āmace gosāvī). This tendency to read sectarian meanings into the text is
especially evident when the Ṭīpa tries to give more than one meaning of a word or
words, as at ṚV. 183, 202, 239, 267, 576, 602, and 625.
◆ Sometimes the author of the Ṭīpa takes pleasure in defining words according to
his imagination. He gives the word cakravāha ("wheel-bearer") in ṚV. 291, for
example, four meanings: 1) the god Viṣṇu (because he holds a disk); 2) the god
Brahmā (because he creates ghaṭas); 3) Parameśvara, or the Supreme God (because he
bears the śakti-cakra); and 4) a potter who has a potter's wheel.

◆ Some distinctions among words and meanings are finely drawn. The Ṭīpa
distinguishes, for example, between pāpa (sin), which it says is kārmika, and
pramāda, which it calls daivika. Similarly, in commenting on ṚV. 568, it
distinguishes among the words nābhī, bembī, and sembī. All of these words mean
"navel" but, according to the Ṭīpa, a nābhī is deep, a bembī is flat, and a sembī
protrudes.

◆ The Ṭīpa identifies some regional words as such. For example, dahī in ṚV. 79 is
identified as a Koṅkaṇī word, and the Ṭīpa calls a series of words in ṚV. 68
"khāndeśīceṃ sāhitya," Khāndeśī vocabulary. On the other hand, in glossing the word
deva in ṚV. 425 as deva palheṃ, the Ṭīpa fails to note that palheṃ is (and
presumably was) a Varhāḍī word not commonly known outside of Vidarbha.

◆ The Ṭīpa also identifies as such the professional terminology of a khistī or

money-lender (ṚV. 65), of a meṭakārī or watchman (ṚV. 93), of a ghumārī or sorcerer
(ṚV. 403), and of a rāhāṇa or possessed person (ṚV. 408).

◆ A few definitions consist of etymologies or plays on words. The definition of

vihaṅgama (ṚV. 76) as "vihaṃ gacchatīti vihaṅgama" is of the first type, and that
of nemasta (RV. 12) as "nemācāṃ ṭhāïṃ asta" belongs to the second. A few of the
definitions show the author of the Ṭīpa to be a pseudo-pedant: for instance, he
explains the word rāüḷa in ṚV. 631 as composed of rā, standing for jñāne
(knowledge), and uḷa, standing for utkarṣe (abundance).

[page xvii]
◆ Sometimes one difficult word is used to define another. For instance, ujarīyā in
ṚV. 43 is glossed as ujrambhī, khoḷā in ṚV. 382 as galagatī, and bhūṣana in 398 as
sille. Although these glosses may have been understandable at the time the Ṭīpa was
composed, they are incomprehensible today.

Finally, the following passage illustrates the basically annotative nature of the
Ṭīpa. The passage explicates ṚV. 51, a verse that describes the importance of the
Mahānubhāvas' principal holy place, Ṛddhipur:

उतरवणठ = उतकरपणठ: ववळगवट = एकवट हवउवन ओळगत: सवशतश तस = सवसकरकवस: तकठक = दवय हकतत न लगण: आवण तकठठवन रकहण: आवण वजलणपत =
दवय नतकणपतवत: तणथण पकषकणकवर वजलतपत लतहह नत: चच कवनटक चयकर भठतत ठवतलल: तरर तत वजवत जकलत: ततसकदसयत जकणतकव तत दवय ककढतल: नकहल तरर
वजवत ठकककवन रकहतल: यथक आवकठलनणरत सवनयकसत: ततसत रदपशर ५१:

The explanation of the word vajralepī in this passage seems to be purely imaginary.

Despite being deficient in some respects as lexicographical tools, the Mahānubhāva

Ṭīpa-granthas laid the foundations of Marathi lexicography. It must have been these
Ṭīpa-granthas that stimulated early scholars of the Jñāneśvarī to prepare similar
glossaries of it. All extant glosses of the Jñāneśvarī are based on Ekanātha's
edition, which was completed in A.D. 1584, about a century later than the
Mahānubhāva Ṭīpa-granthas.

2. The Jñāneśvarī is Marathi glossarists' favourite work. Glosses of the Jñāneśvarī

with titles like Jñāneśvarī Paribhāṣā, Jñāneśvarī Śabda-Paryāya and Jñāneśvarī
Ṭīpaṇa are found in a number of different manuscript libraries, including the
Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.12 The only published glosses of the Jñāneśvarī
are: 1) Jñāneśvarīcī Paribhāṣā, edited by R. S. Gondhalekar (2nd edition, 1890),
and 2) Jñāneśvarī Ṭīpaṇa, compiled by Jagannāth Bāḷkṛṣṇa Ugāükar and edited by M.
S. Kanade and S. B. Kulkarni (1968). Whereas the other glosses follow the text of
the Jñāneśvarī chapter by chapter, this last one is arranged, broadly speaking,
alphabetically.

3. The Mahānubhāvas' principal scripture, the Sūtrapāṭha, Kesobāsa's anthology of

the sayings (or "sūtras") of Cakradhara, has been the subject of numerous
commentaries. There are commentaries called- sthaḷa on each of three major sections
of the text: Ācārasthaḷa on the "Ācāra" section, Vicārasthaḷa on the "Vicāra"
section, and Lakṣaṇasthaḷa on the first nine chapters of the text. Siddhānte
Haribāsa and Gujara Śivabāsa compiled these commentaries, which are collectively
called "Tinhī Sthaḷa" ("The Three Sthaḷas"), in the early fifteenth century
(Raeside 1960: 501).

Later Mahānubhāva authors composed extensive sub-commentaries on these texts; the

sub-commentaries are called -banda. In the introduction to his edition of
Lakṣaṇabanda, for example, Kolte lists ten other Lakṣaṇabandas besides the one he
has edited, which was composed by the early-eighteenth-century commentator Dattarāj
Marāṭhe (Auraṅgābād: Rāüḷa Prakāśana, 1985). In addition to this Lakṣaṇabanda,
Kolte has also published the eighteenth-century Vicārabanda by Muni Avadhūta
Vāïndeśkar (Auraṅgābād: Rāüḷa Prakāśana, 1989) and an Ācārabanda by the mid-
seventeenth-century commentator Viśvanāthabāsa Bīḍakara (Malkāpūr: Aruṇa Prakāśana,
1982). The same Viśvanāthabāsa Bīḍakara also composed Dṛṣṭāntasthaḷa, a commentary
on the Dṛṣṭāntapāṭha, the collection of Cakradhara's parables; as far as we know,
this commentary has not yet been published.

Commentaries of the -sthaḷa type are closer to simple glosses than the -banda
commentaries, each of which includes its corresponding -sthaḷa along with lengthy
discussions of the sūtra in question. Even the -sthaḷa commentaries, however, take
into account the views of at least twenty-two earlier authorities in interpreting
the sūtras. Of the several other types of commentaries on the Sūtrapāṭha, two that
have been published concentrate on explaining the contexts in which Cakradhara is
understood to have uttered the various sūtras. These two commentaries are Paṃ.
Bhīṣmācārya Saṅkalita Niruktaśeṣa (probably from the sixteenth century), which has
been edited by Y. K. Deshpande (Nāgpūr: Vidarbha Saṃśodhana Maṇḍaḷa, 1961), and
Prakaraṇavaśa, a text that may be much earlier,13 which has been published by M. K.
Panjabi (Amrāvatī, 1968).

4. As regards the lexicons of the Jñāneśvarī, the earliest, by A. G. Devasthali

(1874), is an elementary one. Serious attempts at preparing full-fledged
dictionaries of the Jñāneśvarī are seen only in the case of S. N. Bhave's Śrī
Jñāneśvarīcā Śabdārtha-kośa (1951) and R. N. Velingkar's Jñāneśvarīce Śabda-
Bhāṇḍāra (1959). In addition, in the published version of his doctoral thesis on
"Linguistic Peculiarities of Jñāneśvarī" (1953), M. G. Panse added an etymological
index to the fifth chapter of the Jñāneśvarī and an index verborum of the whole
text. A. R. Nadkarni's Jñāneśvarītīla Śabdāñcā
[page xviii]
Koṅkaṇī Bolīta Śodha (1981), though not a formal lexicon, gives an alphabetical
gloss of some obsolete words from the Jñāneśvarī that are commonly used in Koṅkaṇī.

5. Exhaustive glossaries are provided to the editions of the Jñāneśvarī by Rajvade,

Madgavkar, Dandekar, and others. Kolte's editions of Mahānubhāva texts like the
Līḷācaritra, Govindaprabhucaritra, and the major poetical works, as well as his
edition of Pañcopākhyāna, include excellent glossaries. The glossary at the end of
K. P. Kulkarni's edition of Vivekasindhu is partially etymological, and the one in
Feldhaus's edition of the Sūtrapāṭha is selective. The glossary given at the end of
Pathan's edition of Ukhāharaṇa has the form of an index verborum, but it is not
complete.

6. An index verborum in the proper sense of the term is found in Panse's work on
the Jñāneśvarī, mentioned above; in Tulpule's Prācīna Marāṭhī Korīva Lekha (1963);
in S. K. Sathe's Anubhavāmṛtācā Pada- sandarbha-kośa (1989), a work that consists
of a word- list of the Amṛtānubhava, giving all occurrences of each word; and in
the word-index and glossary of the Mahānubhāva sātī grantha in M. A. Diwan's
unpublished doctoral thesis from Śivājī University, "Mahānubhāvīya Sātī
Kāvyagranthāñcī Śabdasūcī āṇī tyāntīla Prācīna Śabdāñcā Rūpārthavedha" (1984).

7. Bhāṣāprakāśa, by Rāmakavi of Thanjavur (c. 1700), is a versified lexicon of the

Marathi language, prepared for the use of immigrants from Maharashtra to Tamilnadu.
According to its author, this text is based on works like the Jñāneśvarī
(jñāneśvaryādikādhāreṃ vadatoṃ, 1.12); it contains about five hundred words from
the Jñāneśvarī. Another lexicon from Thanjavur bears the title Akārādi Prākṛta
Bhāṣecā Nighaṇṭu; it is attributed to Kāḷerāv Appā and dates to about the same time
as Bhāṣāprakāśa. The Akārādi Prākṛta Bhāṣecā Nighaṇṭu has the form of a regular
dictionary, with irregular alphabetization. Not only does it contain a number of
words from the Jñāneśvarī, it also sometimes uses the Jñāneśvarī's terminology in
its definitions. For example, it defines mākaḍa ("monkey") as pālekhāïra ("grass
eater," Jñā. 11.23), avaḍatā as paḍiyanta (compare paḍhiyantā in Jñā. 9.18, 12.158,
etc.), jāḷeṃ as vāghura (compare vāgura in Jñā. 7.92 and 4.201), and caḍhaṇe as
veṅghaṇe (Jñā. 15.460). This practice of defining later vocables in the terms of a
much earlier work like the Jñāneśvarī is a peculiarity of Marathi lexicons prepared
in Thanjavur.

8. The work carried out so far in the field of Old Marathi lexicography deals
either with Mahānubhāva literature or with the Jñāneśvarī. Until now, there has not
been any work that takes into consideration both of these sources along with the
inscriptions from the Old Marathi period. There have been some comparative studies
of a few individual words, such as suravāḍa or śleṣa. However, on the whole, work
on Mahānubhāva literature, the Jñāneśvarī, and the inscriptions has been
compartmentalized. Our dictionary should rectify the situation to some extent by
taking into consideration not only all of these texts but also the Vārakarī poet-
saints' Gāthās, or collections of abhaṅgas, which until now have remained totally
unglossed.

R. B. Godbole's Haṃsakośa (1863) was the first attempt to compile a dictionary of

classical Marathi. It was compiled with the intention of explaining select
difficult words found in such widely-read medieval Marathi poetical works as
Vivekasindhu, Jñāneśvarī, Amṛtānubhava, Ekanāthī Bhāgavata, Dāsabodha, Rāmavijaya,
Śivalīḷāmṛta, and so on. The Haṃsakośa thus covers a long period, about five
hundred years, in the history of the Marathi language, and only a few works
scattered throughout that period. The Haṃsakośa cannot, therefore, be called a
dictionary of Old Marathi, as it concerns itself with Middle Marathi as well. It is
very elementary and could be described as a beginning in the field of Marathi
lexicography.

As stated earlier, Molesworth's Marathi-English Dictionary (1831; 1857) is

primarily concerned with modern (nineteenth-century) Marathi. It does include some
words from the Jñāneśvarī, but they are very few. Like R. B. Godbole, Molesworth
and his associates did not have access to the literary works of the Mahānubhāva
sect, as these works were still locked up in the Mahānubhāvas' coded scripts. The
Mahārāṣṭra Śabdakośa (1932-1938) does pay some attention to Mahānubhāva literature,
but it too is primarily interested in modern Marathi. K. P. Kulkarni's Marāṭhī
Vyutpatti Kośa (1964) is an attempt to compile an etymological dictionary of
Marathi; for this purpose, the author had to consider Old Marathi words from a
number of different sources. However, as Katre rightly observed, it is only "the
starting point of new studies in Marathi Linguistics."14

Thus, although there is no single work that meets the need for a dictionary of Old
Marathi, there are a number of different kinds of efforts that can be fruitfully
utilised for preparing one.

[page xix]
Orthographic Variation

It is unlikely that early Marathi had any rules of orthography. Prakrit and
Apabhraṃśa were written in accord with rules of phonetic change that were laid down
by Hemacandra and other grammarians of Prakrit. Marathi, which was born as a
spoken, not a literary language, had no need of such rules for writing. The
earliest allusion to Marathi, in the eighth century, refers to its spoken
character. It describes a Marahaṭṭā, a native of Maharashtra, as one who speaks
words like "diṇṇale" and "gahille."15 The language of such a person, Marathi,
attained literary status only with the creation of the Jñāneśvarī (A.D. 1290).

The early manuscripts of the Jñāneśvarī exhibit the chaotic spellings of the
scribes. The manuscript that Rajvade edited and claimed was the earliest is a good
example of riotous orthographic variation. The codified script in which the early
Mahānubhāva writings were preserved guarded them to some extent from scribal
innovation; however, here too the absence of rules is evident. The inscriptions are
the most unruly, as they were engraved by uneducated artisans who did their job
without paying heed to any rules of writing whatsoever. As the lack of orthographic
standardization is of considerable significance for organizing a dictionary of Old
Marathi, we sketch below some of the salient characteristics of Old Marathi
orthography and indicate how we have dealt with them in this dictionary:

1. The phenomena of ya-śruti and va-śruti, or the writing of ya or va in place of a

vowel that is left over when an intervocalic consonant has been lost, is common—
although not regular—in Old Marathi. There are, for example, two forms, rāya and
rāva, both derived from the Sanskrit word rājan. Because we consider these to be
two spellings of the same word, we have given an entry under each form and have
cross-referenced them to each other.

2. The palatal vowel e is often written ye, and the labial vowel o is often written
vo. Thus, the word eka, for example, is also written yeka, and okhada is also
written vokhada. These variant spellings are also given separate entries that are
cross-referenced to each other.

3. As opposed to Prakrit, Marathi generally has no retroflex ṇ in the initial

position of a word.16 Marathi does distinguish between retroflex ṇ and dental n in
the medial and final positions of a word, but it does so in what appears to be a
haphazard manner. In theory, in the medial position, Old Indo-Aryan (OI-A)
intervocalic -n- became -ṇ- in Middle Indo-Aryan (MI-A) and remained so in Old
Marathi (OM): for example, kāhāṇī (kahaṇiā kathanikā). As opposed to this, MI-A
-ṇṇ-, from whatever source, generally became -n- in OM: for example, vānaṇe
(vaṇṇaai varṇayati). However, the Old Marathi manuscripts do not follow these rules
uniformly. In fact, -ṇ- and -n- appear to be interchanged at the will of the
scribe. Some manuscripts show a definite preference for either -ṇ- or -n-. The
manuscript of the Ṛddhipura Māhātmya, for instance, strongly prefers the dental
-n-.17 In this dictionary, although we have standardized the use of these two
nasals to some extent in the illustrative citations, we have given entries, with
cross references, for as many different spellings as we have found in the editions
we have used.18

4. Like retroflex ṇ, retroflex ḷ generally does not appear in the initial position
in OM,19 and there is a good deal of variation between retroflex -ḷ- and liquid -l-
in the medial position. As a rule, OI-A intervocalic -l- changes to -ḷ- in OM.
However, the Jñāneśvarī manuscript Rajvade used did not have -ḷ- in places where it
would be expected. On the theory that this was a peculiarity of the scribe, the
editors of the revised edition of the Jñāneśvarī have reinstated the -ḷ-. That
there was a clear distinction between the two sounds -l- and -ḷ- is shown by the
fact that the Mahānubhāva codified script gives them two different code symbols. In
this dictionary, we have maintained the distinction, standardizing the spelling to
some extent in the illustrative citations, but giving entries, with cross
references, for as many different spellings as we have found in the editions we
have used.

5. There is no uniformity in the writing of short and long vowels in OM, although
there seems to be some preference for short ones. Here, we have tried to reflect
the variety in our sources as far as possible, and have again given entries, with
cross references, for as many different spellings as we have found.

6. OM almost always doubles dental t in a consonant cluster whose first member is

-r-: for example, kīrttana, kīrtti, and mūrtta. We have retained this spelling in
the dictionary wherever it is found in our sources.

7. Old Marathi writing makes no distinction between an anusvāra and a nasalized

vowel. It uses the anusvāra for all kinds of nasal sounds, even before or instead
of nasal consonants: for example, अवन (aṃna) for
[page xx]
अन (anna), and दकव (dāṃ) for दकम (dāma). Although the use of a parasavarṇa is
extremely rare and that of the anusvāra almost uniform, the original phonetic value
remains intact. In this dictionary, we have retained the anusvāras in the
devanāgarī spelling of entry and other words, but in transliterating the entry
words into roman script we have attempted to distinguish between a nasal consonant
and the nasalization of a vowel. We have transliterated an anusvāra that we believe
represents a nasal consonant with the nasal corresponding to the consonant that
follows it. Where we believe that an anusvāra simply represents a nasalization of a
vowel, we have transliterated the anusvāra by placing a tilde over the vowel.

8. Abbreviations are used in OM inscriptions20 and in some manuscripts written in

Mahānubhāva codified script. For example, inscriptions use ga for gadyāṇa, tu-vau
for tulasī-vausa, da for datta, de for deya, ni for nivartana, and vadi and sudi
for vadya dina and śuddha dina respectively.21 In Mahānubhāva manuscripts written
in the code called sakaḷa lipī, अ is sometimes written for avatāra, कत for bījeṃ
keleṃ, नय for caitanya, ल for sakaḷa, सव for svarūpa, and so forth. The Mahānubhāva
abbreviations are preceded and followed by colons.22 Other OM literary texts,
including the Jñāneśvarī and the Gāthās of the Vārakarī poet-saints, do not use
abbreviations. In this dictionary, we have given independent entries for the
abbreviations used in inscriptions, but not for the Mahānubhāva abbreviations.

9. Sometimes the vowel ṛ is written as the consonant r and vice versa: for example,
krupā is sometimes written for kṛpā, or candṛ for candra. We have standardized
these spellings to some extent in the illustrative citations, but we have given
entries, with cross references, for these and other spellings found in the editions
we have used.

10. The sibilant ṣ is very often written as kh: for example, purukha is written
instead of puruṣa. Here we have followed the spelling in our sources exactly, both
in entries and in illustrative citations.

11. When the negative particle na precedes a verb, it often combines with it and
takes on the vowel of the verb's initial syllable. For example, nedakhe is written
for na dekhe. We have given several of these forms as separate entries.

12. Punctuation in OM consists of a colon in the case of all Mahānubhāva works, and
of one or two vertical lines in the case of other literary works, whether prose or
poetry. Editors of the texts have added commas, quotation marks, and other
punctuation; in the illustrative citations, we have retained most of this
punctuation, and in some cases added our own, in order to make the citations as
clear as possible.

The Origin of Marathi

That Marathi was the language of Maharashtra in the thirteenth century is clear
from the Āmbe stone inscription, dated A.D. 1228-1229, which gives details of a
grant made to the temple of the god Sakaleśvara in what it calls "Mahārāṣṭra-
bhāṣā." That this language was called Marhāṭī is seen from references to it in such
OM works as the Līḷācaritra and the Jñāneśvarī. From other references, it is clear
that the language was also called Deśī. Kolte traces the source of this second name
to Apabhraṃśa literature, which uses the term "deśī bhāṣā" to denote Apabhraṃśa.23
As the learned Apabhraṃśa scholar Hiralal Jain observes, "It is noteworthy that the
poets themselves have called their language Deshi Bhasha and have never liked to
use the term Apabhramsa for their language, while grammarians have called it
invariably by the latter name."24 It is thus likely that the Marathi poets followed
the authors of literary works in Apabhraṃśa and called Marathi by the name Deśī.

Scholars are divided on the issue of the origin of the Marathi language. The
general understanding is that Marathi was derived from Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit, which in
turn developed from Sanskrit. J. Beames opposed this view for the first time,
pointing out that "Mahārāṣṭrī and Marāṭhī have little in common except the name."25
According to Hoernle, the Indian grammarians misinterpreted the word "Mahārāṣṭra"
as used by the Prakrit grammarian Vararuci and connected it with the language of
the region. Hoernle understood the word "Mahārāṣṭra" to mean "a large nation," and
not a specific region as we understand it today. This literal interpretation of the
term caused him to deny any connection between the language of Maharashtra and
Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit.26

Pischel connected the two languages, but he did so by finding them both to be
derived from a common source, Māhārāṣṭra Apabhraṃśa: "there was one Māhārāṣṭra
Apabhraṃśa, whence has developed the modern Marāṭhī, in addition to Mahārāṣṭra-
Prākrit, i.e. Māhārāṣṭrī of the grammarians, as well as Māgadha-Apabhraṃśa."27
Grierson was originally opposed to connecting
[page xxi]
Marathi with Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit;28 however, on the completion of his Linguistic
Survey of India, he agreed that the two languages share a common source, Māhārāṣṭra
Apabhraṃśa. He found "points of agreement [that] cannot fail to add strength to the
conclusion that Māhārāshtrī Prakrit was based on the vernacular of the Marāṭhā
country, which is the direct source from which modern Marāṭhī is derived."29 The
strongest exponent of this position was Sten Konow. In his article on "Mahārāṣṭrī
and Marāṭhī," he tried to prove the connection between the two languages on the
basis of their phonology and morphology. Arguing that the geographical extension of
Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit was the same as that of Marathi and that Hāla's Sattasaī, the
earliest work in Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit, was written in Paithan, a place that later
became the centre of Marathi literature, Konow states:30

Marathi occupies the same position within modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars as

Mahārāṣṭrī among the Prakrits. The arguments adduced against the derivation of both
languages from the same old vernacular have not proved valid and we will adhere to
the Indian tradition that Mahārāṣṭrī was based on the old vernacular of the Maratha
country.

In fact, there is a relationship of descent between Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit and Marathi,

but the relationship is not direct. There is a connecting link between them:
Apabhraṃśa. Bhandarkar was the first scholar to notice this. It is surprising that
he could sense a link like this as early as 1877, when Apabhraṃśa literature had
not yet been made available and when the only tool he had was Hemacandra's grammar
of Apabhraṃśa. In this text he found the link: "The dialect called the Apabhraṃśa
by the grammarians presents Indian speech in a further stage of decay and occupies
a middle position between these Prakrits and the modern vernaculars to some of
which...it bears striking resemblances."31 In the absence of any source material
written in Apabhraṃśa, Bhandarkar could not substantiate his view, but the very
fact that he could postulate a connecting link between Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit and
Marathi is a mark of his genius in the field of linguistics.

By now, fortunately, through the work of such scholars as Jacobi, Dalal, Gune,
Modi, Vaidya, and Hiralal Jain, some literary works written in Apabhraṃśa have
become available. Hermann Jacobi made the start when he published the
Bhavisayattakahā of Dhanapal in A.D. 1918. Later, P. L. Vaidya and Hiralal Jain
made major contributions by bringing out scholarly editions of the Mahāpurāṇa and
of the biographical works Ṇāyakumāracariu and Jasaharacariu. These works are
important from the point of view of Marathi, as they were written in Mānyakheṭa
(modern Mālkheḍ), the capital of the later Rāṣṭrakūṭas, which lies on the border of
Maharashtra and Karnataka. The author of these works was Puṣpadanta, who, scholars
believe, came from the Varhāḍa region of Maharashtra. Hiralal Jain, the editor of
the Jasaharacariu, called Western Apabhraṃśa "the immediate forerunner of at least
three important vernaculars, Hindi, Gujarati and Marathi."32

It is generally believed that the Prakrits disappeared from the scene by about the
fifth century, after giving birth to their respective Apabhraṃśas. Each of the four
Prakrits—Mahārāṣṭrī, Śaurasenī, Māgadhī, and Paiśācī—developed its own Apabhraṃśa,
and the subtypes of Apabhraṃśa numbered twenty-seven. Of these, only three are
prominent: Vrācaḍa, Nāgara, and Upanāgara. As the language of such works as the
Mahāpurāṇa was closer to the Nāgara type of Apabhraṃśa than to the others, it
appears that Nāgara was the standard type.

Kolte argues that Marathi is derived from the Nāgara type of Apabhraṃśa. He cites
passages such as the following from Old Marathi texts in which the word "nāgara"
seems to be a synonym of "marāṭhī":33

तव कक षणकजठरन सववकदठ । नकगररव बववलव ववशदठ सकवघघ दकउव बवधठ । ववववयणचक Jñā. 11.1149

However, Kolte's argument is only a conjecture based on the similarity of the use
of the word nāgara, and no definite conclusion can be drawn about which subtype of
Apabhraṃśa Marathi derives from. The best that can be said, then, is that Marathi
originated from a type of Apabhraṃśa that was current in Maharashtra in the fifth
century.

This Apabhraṃśa was used until the tenth century in works written by Jaina poets,
and for this reason it has also been called Jaina Mahārāṣṭrī. Because many of the
Jaina poets who used this language came to Maharashtra from Magadha, their language
contains some elements of Ardhamāgadhī as well. However, this does not mean that
Marathi is derived from Ardhamāgadhī. Because Puṣpadanta lived in Mānyakheṭa, in
Maharashtra, and came from the Varhāḍa region, also in Maharashtra, he most
probably spoke Marathi; the Apabhraṃśa
[page xxii]
in which he wrote was already a dead language in his time. Whatever the original
language of Puṣpadanta and the other Jaina authors, the language they used as their
medium of literary expression was definitely an Apabhraṃśa of the Prakrit that had
been common in Maharashtra. Hiralal Jain's statement in this connection is worthy
of consideration:34

जतन भवडकरघ कक सशवचयघ मत इस भकषक कण गवथ पकयय मकगधत भकषक कण नकम सण दजर वकयण हह यण वमलतण हत; वकवतठ यह भकषक न तव मकगधत हत और न अनय
शकरसणनत आवद पकचतन पककक त । वकवतठ इन पककक तघ नण पचवलत दणशत भकषकओव कण पशवर जव रप धकरण वकयक थक वहत इन गवथघ मत पकयक जकतक हत । यह उनकक
ववकवसत यक अपभष रप हत और इस सण इस भकषक कक नकम अपभवश यक अवहटक पडक । १० वत ११ वत शतकवबद कण लगभग यहत भकषक समसत उतर भकरत
मत पचवलत थत, वकवतठ दणशभणद कण अनठसकर उसमत भणद थण ।
In part, the argument for the derivation of Marathi from Apabhraṃśa or Jaina
Mahārāṣṭrī rests on similarities of vocabulary. In Yādavakālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣā,
Tulpule has demonstrated such similarities, and, in some cases, even direct
borrowings, by showing the Old Marathi equivalents of nearly 200 words in the
Apabhraṃśa poetical works Ṇāyakumāracariu and Jasaharacariu by the tenth-century
author Puṣpadanta.35

Morphology is even more important than vocabulary for establishing a relationship

between two languages. As Caldwell states, "Declensional and conjugational forms
are the bones and sinews of language and retain for ages both their shape and their
significance. Hence, comparative vocabulary is inferior to comparative grammar."36
Tulpule has shown elsewhere that most of the inheritances of Old Marathi in the
fields of morphology, and also phonology, are from the Apabhraṃśa called Jaina
Mahārāṣṭrī.37 In particular, the "oblique" case of Marathi can be traced back to
similar forms in Apabhraṃśa.

Further evidence of a direct relationship of descent between Apabhraṃśa and Old

Marathi can be found in a comparison of the meters used in the two languages. There
are differences of opinion about the etymology of the Marathi term "ovī," the name
of the most popular metre in Old Marathi, but Velankar has conclusively
demonstrated that the Marathi ovī closely resembles the "kaḍavaka" of three-and-a-
half stanzas of the Apabhraṃśa metre ṣaṭpadī.38 The only difference between the two
is that while the ṣaṭpadī is exclusively literary, the ovī is both a literary and a
folk metre. The Jñāneśvarī illustrates the ovī in its most excellent literary form,
while examples of folk ovīs are found scattered in prose works like the Līḷācaritra
and Smṛtisthaḷa. That the folk ovīs can be set to music is shown by what the
Mānasollāsa says about the ovī: mahārāṣṭreṣu yoṣidbhiḥ ovī geyā tu kaṇḍane ("The
women folk of Maharashtra sing ovīs while they pound grain"). Jñānadeva, the master
of the literary ovī, says that the ovīs in his Jñāneśvarī are extremely beautiful
whether or not they are set to music, just as mogarā flowers are extremely fragrant
whether or not they are strung in a wreath (Jñā. 18.1719-20).

Comparative vocabulary, morphology, phonology, and metrics, then, demonstrate a

direct relationship between Apabhraṃśa and Marathi. But this does not mean that
Marathi was a further step in the process of corruption seen in the history of Old
Indo-Aryan. Far from it. For, as Katre says:39

It is true, no doubt, that with the analysis of Apabhramsa, we...have sufficient

material for evaluating the pre-New Indo-Aryan period from a linguistic point of
view. But...like the Prakrit literature even this Apabhramsa literature is in a
form which has become stylised and separated from the common currents of linguistic
expression. In other words the Apabhramsa that we find in literature is as
artificial as the literary Prakrits or classical Sanskrit and divorced...from the
common expression of the man in the street.40 This is, however, not the case with
the early New Indo-Aryan literature, and here we find for the first time the
actually current sista expressions of New Indo-Aryan... Marathi, with its inherited
forms, does not scorn the use of Sanskrit vocables, and the model found in its
literary remains is true of the picture we can build of the speakers of that
medium. And it is because of this free mixture of the inherited vocabulary and the
learned borrowings from Sanskrit that the history of the language still continues
uninterrupted. If this had not been the case, Marathi would have become as 'dead' a
language as Prakrits or Apabhramsa or even the refined Sanskrit.

Marathi can be described, then, as a re-oriented form of its immediate predecessor,

Apabhraṃśa, with a
[page xxiii]
number of borrowings from Sanskrit. The borrowings made it a real, living language.
An understanding of the elements of OM vocabulary will make this point more clear.
Elements of Old Marathi Vocabulary

So far only two attempts have been made to analyse the elements of Marathi
vocabulary. The first was made by V. G. Apte in the essay on the classification of
Marathi words included in his Marāṭhī Śabdaratnākara (1922). Apte classified the
vocabulary of Marathi into the following four categories:

1. Sanskrit or tatsama words;

2. tadbhava words, those derived from Sanskrit through Prakrit;
3. Deśī words; and
4. loan-words from other languages, such as Kannada, Telugu, Tamil, Hindi, English,
and Portuguese.

Apte's classification is rough and his attempt rather elementary.

A more thorough attempt is found in M. A. Karandikar's unpublished doctoral thesis

on "Elements of Marathi Vocabulary" (1940). This work classifies the sources of
Marathi words into the following categories: 1) Austro-Asiatic; 2) Vedic Sanskrit;
3) Sanskrit; 4) Pali; 5) Deśī; 6) Mahārāṣṭrī Prakrit and Apabhraṃśa; 7) Dravidian
(Kannada, Telugu, and Tamil); 8) Persian; 9) Urdu; 10) Gujarati; 11) Bengali; 12)
Nanda (?); 13) Hindi; 14) Portuguese; 15) English; 16) French, German, Dutch,
Mexican(!), and Hebrew; 17) Chinese and Japanese; and 18) mūla, or aboriginal(?),
Marathi. This classification is neither logical nor factual. For example, there are
no direct borrowings in Marathi from the Austro-Asiatic (that is, pre-Aryan and
pre-Dravidian) languages. Whatever element of Austro-Asiatic is to be found in
Marathi has entered it through Sanskrit. The same can be said of Vedic Sanskrit,
which has also lent words to Marathi only through classical Sanskrit. And, although
Marathi may have borrowed a few words from such European languages as French,
Portuguese, and English, and a few from the Tibeto-Chinese group, such words cannot
be called "elements" of Marathi vocabulary.

The sources of Old Marathi vocabulary are in fact very clear. There are tatsama and
tadbhava words belonging to the Indo-Aryan group; mainly Kannada words belonging to
the Dravidian group; and Deśī (or Deśya) words, which may be called the aboriginal
group. In addition, there are a few borrowings from Persian.

The fairly large number of words borrowed from Kannada owe their existence to the
fluid common border between Maharashtra and Karnataka, and also to the cult of
Viṭṭhala or Viṭhobā, which seems to have had its origin in Karnataka. Tulpule has
discussed this question at length elsewhere, and has made a survey of the Kannada
loan words in Old Marathi.41 However, scholars differ from one another greatly in
their views on this rather unnecessarily sensitive issue.42 Some of them try to
link every other Marathi word with some Kannada vocable, while others try to derive
obvious Kannada borrowings from Sanskrit. An unbiased study would show that the
number of Kannada loan words in Old Marathi does not exceed two hundred.

The first attested Kannada word in Marathi is "suttāle," meaning "a surrounding
wall." This word is found in one of the earliest Marathi inscriptions, the one from
Śravaṇabeḷgoḷa. This stone inscription, which was written in the early twelfth
century, is located in the heart of Karnataka.43 The Mailaṅgī stone inscription of
A.D. 1290, also located deep in Karnataka, tells us that the Kannada-speaking kings
of the Hoysaḷa dynasty had established a school at Mailaṅgī for the teaching of
four languages: Nāgara (Sanskrit), Kannada, Tigulu (Telugu), and Āre (Ārya or
Marathi).44 The presence of these inscriptions in Karnataka indicates that
linguistic boundaries were not well defined, and that there was a kind of
linguistic fusion between Maharashtra and Karnataka.

While the Bhīmā river seems to have formed a weak dividing line, Paṇḍharī (modern
Paṇḍharpūr), which was called Paṇḍarge in Kannada, became the centre of Viṭṭhala-
bhakti and the meeting place of the cultures of these two regions. In fact,
Paṇḍharpūr may well have been a bilingual place. One of the five old stone
inscriptions that have been found there is written in Sanskrit and Kannada,45 the
others in Marathi. The poet-saints of the Old Marathi period apply the attribute
"Kānadā" to Viṭṭhala, the god of Paṇḍharpūr. Jñānadeva, for example, calls him
"Kānaḍā Viṭṭhalu Karnāṭaku" (JñāGā. 20).

Deśī or Deśya words pose a long-standing problem that has been discussed by many
scholars. What is a Deśī word? What does the term mean, and what is its extension?
Hemacandra, the author of the Deśīnāmamālā, defines the term Deśī as follows (1.3-
4):

je lakkhaṇe ṇa siddhā ṇa pasiddhā sakkayāhihāṇesu/

ṇa ya gaüṇalakkhaṇāsattisaṃbhavā te iha ṇibaddhā//
desavisesapasiddhī bhaṇṇamāṇā aṇanantayā hunti/
[page xxiv]
tamhā aṇāïpāïapayaṭṭabhāsāvisesao desī//
This definition of Deśī words is too broad, almost all-inclusive. Hemacandra
himself has not observed it meticulously in giving his list of Deśī words, in which
he has included a number of tadbhava words and a few Dravidian words. Even some
Arabic and Persian words have found a place in the Deśīnāmamālā.46 Under these
circumstances, we must treat as Deśī only those words whose etymology is unknown.
After considering all the arguments on various sides of the controversy over the
meaning of the term Deśī, Venkata Ramanujaswami, the editor of the second edition
of Pischel's Deśīnāmamālā, came to define the term as follows:47

We thus arrive at the following conception of the expression deśī. Many of them are
of Sanskrit origin; but owing to the large amount of corruption they have undergone
during the many centuries of their use, they do not conform to the phonetic laws
recognised by the grammarians, or in other words, their connection with Sanskrit is
obscured. Some others again may be of Indo-European though not of Sanskritic origin
and may be found, with slight variations, in the spoken dialects of other Indo-
European races. A small proportion of them are of non-Indo-European descent and may
have been obtained from the language of the people who were inhabiting the country
before the advent of the Aryans into it.

On the basis of the Deśīnāmamālā, some scholars have tried to make a survey of Deśī
words in Marathi. But most scholars have tried to trace the Sanskrit origin of many
so-called Deśī words.48 The etymological index given at the end of Bloch's work on
Marathi contains about 350 words of Deśī origin. At the same time, however, he has
shown the Sanskrit equivalents of most of these words. For example, he derives the
Marathi word aghāḍā from both Deśī agghāḍa and Sanskrit āghāṭa. It is better to
follow Vaidya's advice: "I would, therefore, call those words deśī that could not
show even the remotest connection with genuine Sanskrit words and are exclusively
found in Prakrit literature."49 Tulpule's Yādavakālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣā50 lists about
150 Old Marathi words that can be found in the Deśīnāmamālā; however, many of these
words too are of Sanskrit or Dravidian origin.

For a long time, scholars held that the Persian loan words in later Marathi were
absent from Old Marathi. In fact, the absence of Persian words was supposed to be a
criterion of the antiquity of a Marathi literary work. However, there are a few
borrowings from Persian, and also Arabic, in Old Marathi, and even Hemacandra's
Deśīnāmamālā includes some Persian and Arabic words. Ramanujaswami explains:51

In Hemacandra's deśī, a few recent borrowings from Persian and Arabic are also
included, as they might have become current in the language of the country some
centuries before his time. He is perfectly justified in doing so, as we have seen
that deśī has come to mean not only the words current in the country but [those
that] at the same time show no trace of connection with Sanskrit.
The presence of Persian and Arabic words in Old Marathi and even Deśī can be
explained by the contact of Arab traders with the western coast of South India, as
well as by the infiltration of some Sufi saints into the Deccan. The number of such
words in Old Marathi is very small, but they are there. Rajvade's claim that there
is not a single Persian word in the Jñāneśvarī manuscript he edited may or may not
be correct, but we do find a few Persian and Arabic loan words in inscriptions and
other literary works of this period. For instance, the words prosrāhi (< Arabic
parvariśī), malika (< Arabic malik) and mijigiti (< Arabic masjid), which appear in
inscriptions, are clearly of Persian and/or Arabic origin. So are the words peroja
(< Persian firūjhā) and rukhavata (< Persian ruśvat), which occur in Narendra's
Rukmiṇī Svayaṃvara, and the words sulatāna (< Arabic sultān) and turuka (< Persian
turūk) in Smṛtisthaḷa. All told, we find in Old Marathi hardly a dozen loan words
from Persian or Arabic.

Uniformity of Language in Old Marathi

The earliest reference to Maharashtra is found in the Eraṇ pillar inscription of

Śakanṛpati Śrīdhara Varmā dated A.D. 365.52 There his army chief Satyanāga calls
himself "māhārāṣṭra," meaning "Maharashtrian." The next reference occurs in the
Aihoḷe stone inscription of A.D. 634. Here Pulakeśī II is described as the ruler of
three subdivisions of Maharashtra ("trayāṇām mahārāṣṭrakāṇām adhipatiḥ").53 That
Maharashtra was formed of different khaṇḍamaṇḍaḷas, or subregions, can be seen from
the following passage from the Ācārapaddhati, a Mahānubhāva work belonging to the
seventeenth century:54

[page xxv]
दणश भवणजण खवडमवडळ: जतसत फलणठकणकपकसकवन दवकणणवस : मररहकठत भकष जणतठलक ठकइव वतर तणतठलत एक मवडळ: तयकवस उतरण बकलणघकटकचक सणवट: ऐसत एक
खवडमवडळ: मग उभण (उभय) गवगकततर ततवह एक खवडमवडळ: आवण तयकपकसकवन मणघवकरघकट (मणहकर, वज. अकवलक) तत एक खवडमवडळ: तयकपकसकवन आवघत
वरकड तत एक खवडमवडळ: परर आवघल वमळकवन महकरकषषवच बववलजण: वकववचतर वकववचतर भकषणचक पकलट: भणकवन खवडमवडळत भणकवल:

("Land" means region. For example, the area south of Phalṭaṇ, as far as the Marathi
language is in use, is a region. The area north of that, up to Bāleghāṭ, is a
region. Then the valley of the Godāvarī river is also a region. And from there to
Meghaṅkar Ghāṭ is a region. Starting there, all of Varāḍ is a region. But all of
them together are called Maharashtra. The language changes bit by bit, and so they
are to be identified as subregions.)

This passage supports P. V. Kane's theory that Maharashtra was so called because it
comprised many rāṣṭras, or regions.55

The language of all these different regions of Maharashtra was Marathi. Every
language has its dialects, and Old Marathi cannot have been an exception. However,
for Old Marathi it is not possible to demarcate the dialects on the basis of the
source material we have. For the language of this material seems to be more or less
uniform, without regard to the different regions in which it was produced. A map of
the find-spots of Old Marathi inscriptions, for example (see the map in this
volume), shows them scattered all over and even outside of Maharashtra, and yet
their language is almost completely uniform.

As for the literary sources, most of them were written in a single region
comprising the Godāvarī valley and Varāḍ (Varhāḍ, Vidarbha). Of the two most
important literary sources, the Jñāneśvarī was written at Nevāse on the bank of the
Pravarā, near the Godāvarī, and the Līḷācaritra was written at Ṛddhipur, in Varāḍ.
The Koṅkaṇ, the coastal region of Maharashtra, which is fairly rich in stone
inscriptions, has contributed nothing to the literary wealth of Old Marathi. Thus,
the inscriptions are the only means of checking for the presence of a Koṅkaṇī
dialect, and they do, indeed, contain a few words from a coastal vernacular.
Otherwise—allowing, of course, for differences of subject matter and for
differences between prose and poetry—all of the Old Marathi literature that we have
is written in the same diction and the same style.

Despite this uniformity in the Old Marathi sources, we do get a few glimpses of the
existence of dialects. In one incident in the life of Govindaprabhu (Go. 88; cf.
LP. 585), he is given a dhiḍarẽ to eat. He says that it is not a dhiḍarẽ but an
āhitā. The female disciple who has cooked the dish clears up the confusion by
explaining that in the Gaṅgā—that is, Godāvarī—valley, from where she came, it is
called a dhiḍarẽ, while in Varāḍ, the region to which he belongs, people call it an
āhitā. This clearly indicates that there was a difference in vocabulary between the
Marathi spoken in Varāḍ and that spoken in the region of the Godāvarī valley.

One of Cakradhar's aphorisms (SuVM. 132; AL. 148) also distinguishes these two
regions from each other, contrasting the calculating nature of an old woman from
the Godāvarī valley (gaṅgātīra) with the generosity of a prostitute from Varāḍ.
According to Nāgadeva (SS. 246), Varāḍ was the māhera, the maternal home, for the
Mahānubhāvas, as congenial for them as a young bride's maternal home is for her,
while the Godāvarī valley was their in-laws' house, their sāsara, a place of
suffering. This was so because Govindaprabhu belonged to Ṛddhipur, in Varāḍ, while
Cakradhara was assassinated at Belopur, in the Godāvarī valley.

NOTES

1. In addition to Marathi works produced up to 1350, a few later works, such as

Sahyādrivarṇana (1353), Jñānaprabodha (c. 1418), and Ṛddhipuravarṇana (c. 1418),
have been included in the source material of this dictionary. These works belong to
the sātī grantha, the group of seven major poetical works, of the Mahānubhāva sect;
they are written in the same style and use the same vocabulary as the other texts
in the group. In fact, the earliest poetical work in this septette, Narendra's
Rukmiṇī Svayaṃvara, set a linguistic pattern that Narendra's successors followed
extremely closely. In addition, a couple of undated works, Ukhāharaṇa and Ṛddhipura
Māhātmya, have been included in the source material for similar reasons.

2. The Kalānidhi was first introduced to Marathi readers by S. S. Khanvelkar (see

Proceedings and Transactions of the All India Oriental Conference, 13th Session,
Nagpur University, October, 1946). A. K. Priyolkar published its first sixteen
pages in the Marāṭhī Saṃśodhana Patrikā 13.1 (1965), with a number of printing
errors. The text of this work is extremely corrupt, and in many places it is
uninterpretable.

[page xxvi]
3. The text of the Jñāneśvarī followed here is the one held to be the oldest. It
was edited by V. K. Rajvade in 1909 and revised by a committee appointed by the
Government of Maharashtra in 1960. Readings from other editions of the Jñāneśvarī
have also been taken into consideration when necessary.

4. The others are Śiśupāḷavadha (1312) and Uddhavagītā (1313) by Bhāskara,

Vacchaharaṇa by Dāmodara Paṇḍita (c. 1316), Sahyādrivarṇana by Ravaḷobāsa (1353),
Jñānaprabodha by Viśvanātha (c. 1418), and Ṛddhipuravarṇana by Nārāyaṇabāsa (c.
1418).

5. See note 3, above.

6. I. M. P. Raeside, "The Mahānubhāva sakaḷa lipī," Bulletin of the School of

Oriental and African Studies, University of London 33 (1970), pp. 328-34.

7. V. B. Kolte, Introduction to Ravaḷobāsa-Kṛta Sahyādri-Varṇana (Puṇe: Puṇe

Vidyāpīṭha, 1964), pp. 9-26.
8. The written forms of kha and rava look alike in devanāgarī, but are represented
by different akṣaras in the sakaḷa lipī code.

9. Despite our best efforts, there remain some words for which we have not even
been able to give a reasonable guess at a meaning: अखठमरकणक, आवचककडत, उभगडत, ओणक, ओनक, ककढत,
कठ रपकवग, खवरणक, वगरण, चठथत चककटत, जकळत, तठपसकवत, दणवदवण, धमरहळ, धतडणखकवडत, पठवलतक, भकतववकठडठ , मवसथवन, मकजवण, मकवसहण, लकलवरत,
वकररधकरत, ववर, ववलक, सचवपणठपण, वसरकवळत, and सतनक..

10. Despite our best efforts and greatest care, there are a few illustrative
citations for which we can no longer find the references. These citations occur in
the following entries: अवतककळ, उटवगर, उभणयकव घकलणण, धजकसतवभ, लपणत, ववधवलणण, रकड, शवधणठक, सररस,, and सरत.

11. Another exception is that citations from the Gāthā of Nāmadeva have been placed
near the end, even though Nāmadeva is supposed to have been a contemporary of
Jñānadeva, the author of the Jñāneśvarī and of other works to which we have
assigned an earlier date. The reason we have placed Nāmadeva's works so much later
than Jñānadeva's is that the language of the Nāmadeva Gāthā has been considerably
modernized, even in the supposedly critical edition of the Gāthā.

12. The manuscript in this library (number 640) is entitled Jñāneśvarī Paribhāṣā;
the Catalogue describes it wrongly as "Traité de philosophie en sanscrit et
mahratte." This Paribhāṣā does not gloss all of the words in the Jñāneśvarī, but
only about 1200 of them. It seems to be a copy of a similar manuscript in the
collection of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune.

13. I. M. P. Raeside, "A Bibliographical Index of Mahānubhāva Works in Marathi,"

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 23
(1960), p. 491, dates it c. 1325.

14. In K. P. Kulkarni, Marāṭhi Vyutpatti Kośa (2nd edition, Puṇe, 1964),

Introduction, p. 4.

15. Udyotana, Kuvalayamālā, edited by A. N. Upadhye (Bombay, 1959), p. 153, no. 10.

16. In fact, Old Marathi has a regular throwback to the n of Sanskrit forms in
words that have ṇ in Prakrit: for example, nai (< Pk. ṇaī < Sk. nadī) or nica
(ṇicca < Sk. nitya).

17. The Mahānubhāva code sakaḷa lipī, however, the code in which are written not
only our manuscript of the Ṛddhipura Māhātmya but also most of the manuscripts upon
which are based the editions of the other Mahānubhāva texts we have used, further
complicates this matter, as it substitutes -n- and -ṇ- for each other. See Raeside,
"The Mahānubhāva sakaḷa lipī," and Kolte, Introduction to Ravaḷobāsa-Kṛta Sahyādri
Varṇana, pp. 17-18.

18. It seems likely that the editors of most of the texts we have used standardized
their texts' orthography at least to some extent.

19. The only exceptions are found in the Nāgāv stone inscription, whose scribe used
forms like ḷāveāḷāgī (line 7) and ḷikhite (line 4).

20. Particularly in the "Inscription of Eighty-four" in Paṇḍharpūr (Paṇḍhar. SI.,

II).

21. For a more complete list of the abbreviations used in OM inscriptions, see
PMKL, Introduction, pp. 65-67.

22. For fuller lists, see V. B. Kolte, Introduction to Ravaḷobāsa- kṛta Sahyādri
Varṇana, p. 15, and I. M. P. Raeside, "The Mahānubhāva sakaḷa lipī," pp. 332-33.
23. V. B. Kolte, "Marāṭhīce Māhera," in Vikramasmṛti (Ujjain: Sindiyā Oriental
Institute, 1946), pp. 479-95.

24. Hiralal Jain, editor, Pāhuḍa Dohā, by Muni Rāmasiṃha (Karanja: Karanja Jain
Publication Society, 1933), Preface, p. 6.

25. J. Beames, A Comparative Grammar of Modern Aryan Languages of India (London,

1872-1879), Vol. I, p. 34.

26. Rodolf Hoernle, A Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian Languages (London, 1880;
reprint, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1991), pp. xxi-xxii.

27. R. Pischel, Comparative Grammar of the Prākṛit Languages, translated by

Subhadra Jhā (2nd edition, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1965), p. 4.

28. G. A. Grierson, "Professor Pischel's Prakrit Grammar," Indian Antiquary 30

(1901), p. 553.

29. G. A. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. VII. Indo-Aryan Family,

Southern Group. Specimens of the Marāṭhī Language (1905; reprint, Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1968), p. 9.

[page xxvii]
30. Sten Konow, "Māhārāshṭrī, and Marāṭhī," Indian Antiquary 32 (1903), pp. 180-92.

31. Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the
Derived Languages (1914; reprint, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
1974), pp. 108-9.

32. Hiralal Jain, editor, Jasaharacariu, by Puṣpadanta, edited by P.L. Vaidya

(Karanja, 1931; 2nd edition, New Delhi: Bhāratīya Jñānapīṭha Prakāśana, 1972),
Introduction, p. 10.

33. Kolte, "Marāṭhīce Māhera," p. 494.

34. Hiralal Jain, editor, Sāvayadhammadohā (Karanja: Karanja Jain Publication

Society, 1932), p. 20.

35. S. G. Tulpule, Yādavakālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣā (second edition, Puṇe: Venus

Prakāśana, 1973), pp. 48-53.

36. R. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South-Indian Family of

Languages (2nd edition, London: Trubner, 1875), p. 452.

37. Yādavakālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣā, pp. 59-63.

38. H. D. Velankar, "Apabhraṃśa and Marāṭhī Metres," New Indian Antiquary 1 (1938),
pp. 215-28.

39. S. M. Katre, Introduction to S. G. Tulpule, Yādavakālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣā, pp. 18-

19.

40. This goes against Hiralal Jain's definition of Apabhraṃśa as the "natural
language, i.e., the language of the people, unrefined by any rigid rules of grammar
and rhetoric" (Puṣpadanta, Ṇāyakumāracariu, Introduction, p. 46. 2nd edition, New
Delhi: Bhāratīya Jñānapīṭha Prakāśana, 1972).

41. Yādavakālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣā, pp. 101-9. (See also Raṅganātha Śāmācārya Lokāpura,
Jñāneśvarīkālīna Marāṭhī Bhāṣevara Kannaḍacā Prabhāva [Beḷgāv, 1994], a work that
Professor Tulpule read with great interest after he had written this introduction.
Although he accepted many of the findings of the work and incorporated them into
various entries in the body of the dictionary, he did not have time to refer to the
work or its findings here.)

42. B. R. Patvardhan, "Śrī Jñāneśvarakālīna Marāṭhī va Kānaḍī," in Śrī Jñāneśvara-

darśana, edited by N. B. Deshmukh (Ahmadnagar, 1934), part 2, pp. 178-79; C. N.
Joshi, "A Few Thoughts on Kanarese and Some Other Words from Jñāneśvarī,"
Proceedings of the Seventh Oriental Conference, Baroda, 1933 (Baroda: Oriental
Institute, 1935), pp. 937-50; M. A. Karandikar, Elements of Marathi Vocabulary
(unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Bombay, 1940), pp. 133-59; Alfred Master,
A Grammar of Old Marathi (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), pp. 35-37.

43. PMKL, no. 4, pp. 18-27.

44. B. Lewis Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions (London: Archibald
Constable and Co., Ltd., 1919), p. 179.

45. Shobhana Gokhale, "Paṇḍharapura āṇi Śrī Viṭṭhala," in Mahārāṣṭrācī Sattvadhārā,

edited by G. M. Kulkarni and V. T. Shete (Puṇe: Dāstāne Rāmcandra āṇi Company,
1981), pp. 73-82.

46. K. Amrita Row, "The Dravidian Element in Prakrit," Indian Antiquary 46 (1917),
pp. 33-36, and George A. Grierson, "An Arabic Word Quoted by Hemacandra," Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society 71 (1919), p. 235.

47. Venkata Ramanujaswami, Introduction to Hemacandra, Deśīnāmamālā, edited by R.

Pischel (2nd edition, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1938), p. 11.

48. P. L. Vaidya, "Observations on Hemacandra's Deśīnāmamālā," Annals of the

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 8 (1927), pp. 63-71; P. D. Kanitkar,
"Deśīnāmamālā," Marāṭhī Saṃśodhana Patrikā 1.1 (1928), pp. 37 ff.; P. D. Gune,
Introduction to Bhavisayattakahā of Dhanapāla, edited by C. D. Dalal and Pandurang
Damodar Gune (Gaekwad's Oriental Series, 20) (Baroda: Central Library, 1923;
reprint, Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1967), pp. 65-66; Jules Bloch, La formation de
la langue Marathe (Paris, 1914); M. A. Karandikar, Elements of Marathi Vocabulary,
pp. 74-100.

49. Vaidya, p. 67.

50. Pp. 77-85.

51. Introduction to Hemacandra, Deśīnāmamālā, 2nd edition, p. 11.

52. V. V. Mirashi, editor, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Volume 4. Inscriptions

of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era (Ootacamund: Government Epigraphist for India, 1955),
pp. 605-11; V. V. Mirashi, Saṃśodhana-Muktāvalī, Volume 1 (Nagpur: Madhyapradeśa
Saṃśodhana Maṇḍaḷa, 1954) p. 159.

53. F. Kielhorn, "Aihole Inscription of Pulikesin II, Śaka-Samvat 556," Epigraphia

Indica 6 (1900-1901), pp. 1-12.

54. H. N. Nene and N. B. Bhavalkar, editors, Śrī Cakradhara Siddhāntasūtreṃ

(Nagpur: Nīḷakaṇṭha Baḷavanta Bhavāḷakara, 1931), Introduction, p. 2; cf. V. B.
Kolte, editor, Viśvanāthabāsa Bīḍakara yāñcā Ācārabanda (Malkāpūr: Aruṇa Prakāśana,
1982), p. 18.

55. P. V. Kane, "Ancient Geography of Maharashtra," Journal of the Bombay Branch of

the Royal Asiatic Society 24 (1917), pp. 613-57.

[page xxviii]
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Works in Marathi

अवगहववत, द.ह. मरकठत वणरचकर-ववककस. नकगपशरय ववदभर सकवहतय सवघ, १९६३.

अडवणत, द.ल. "जकनणशवरकवचक शबदकथर ववचकर." अ. नक. दणशपकवडण (सवपक.) शव. दक. पतडसण गकरवगवथ, पक. ४९-७३. नकगपशर, १९६३.

——."जकनणशवरतततल ककहत महतवपशणर शबदकवचयक अथरपररवतरनकवचत ऐवतहकवसक समतकक" (अपककवशत पत.एचर. डत. पबवध, सकगर ववदकपतठ, १९६७).

आनणरकज वयकस. लकणरतनककर (सवपकदक ह. नक. नणनण). नकगपशर, १९३७.

आपटण, कण . वक. "दणशत शबदकवचण मरकठत अवतकर." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक २५.२ (१९७८), १-२२.

——. "'लतलकबकई' आवण मरकठत." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक २७.४ (१९८०), २५९-६५.

आवळतकर, पववडत. "मरकठत कनड सवबवधय भकवषक अवग," भकषक आवण जतवन ९.२ (१९९१), ३१-४४.

उगकउकर, ज. बक. जकनणशवरत-वटपण (सवपकदक मठ. शत. ककनडण आवण सठ. बक. कठ लकणर). पठण,
ण १९६८.

करवदतकर, म. अ. "मरकठत शबदसवगहमतमकवसक" (अपककवशत पत. एचर. डत. पबवध, मठवबई ववदकपतठ, १९४१).

कवर, इरकवतत. मरकठत लवककवचत सवसकक तत. पठणण, १९५१.

कवर, वचव. ग. "जकनणशवरतततल शबदकवचत घडण." पसकद ७.१ (१९५३), २३-२६.

ककनडण, मठ. शत. मरकठत शबदसमतकक. पठणण, १९८९.

——. "जकनणशवरत शबदसवगहय ककहत ववषणश." मरकठत सकवहतय पवतकक नव.१९३-९४ (एवपल-सपटतबर १९७६), पक. ९०-१००.

ककनणटकर, स. गव. "जकनणशवरतचत शबदपवकयक व शबदसकषत" शतजकनणशवर दशरन, भकग १, पक. ८१-१००. अहमदनगर, १९३४.

कठ रवदकर, अरवववद. "महणशवर पववडत." पवतषकन २९.१-२.

कठ लकणर, कक . पकव. शबदय उदम आवण ववककस. पठणण, १९५३.

कठ लकणर, पकव. जक. (सवपक.). चकवगदणव पकसषत. पठणण, १९५५.

कठ लकणर, मठ. रक. जकनणशवरतचयक रकजवकडण पततचत पकठवचवकतसक. औरवगकबकद, १९९३.

कठ लकणर, र. पठ. "मरकठत शतलकलणखकवत यणणकररयक ककहत वशलपशकसतय शबदकवचक अथर ." भकरत इवतहकस सवशवधक मवडळ ततमकवसक ६६.१-४ (१९८७-
१९८८), पक. ६७-७०.

कठ लकणर, व. वद. लतळकचररत-एक अभयकस. पठणण, १९६७.

कठ लकणर शत. मक. "मरकठत आडनकवकवचत यकदवककलतन जडणघडण." ववदभर सवशवधन मवडळ वकषरक, १९७९, पक. २१९-२९.

कठ लकणर शत. रव. पकचतन मरकठत गदय पणरणक आवण परवपरक. मठवबई, १९७०.

कण तकर, द. वण. (सवपक.). जकनणशवरत (कण तकक-शबदकथर जकनहवत सवहत). ववजकपशर, १९५१.

कण तकर, शत. वयव. पकचतन महकरकषष, खवड १. मठवबई, १९३५.

——. महकरकषषतयकवचण ककवयपरतकण. पठण,

ण १९२८.

कवलतण वव. वभ. "पकठवचवकतसक." सठभकष भतडण (सवपक.), अ. कक. वपयवळकर समकवतगवथ. मठवबई, १९७४.
——. पकचतन मरकठत सकवहतय सवशवधन. पठणण, १९६८.

——. "मरकठतचण मकहणर." वक. आ. दणशमठख आवण इतर (सवपक.), ववकमसमकवत. उजवयनत, १९४६.

——. मरकठतचयक अवसमतणचक शवध. पठणण, १९९२.

——. महकनठभकव आचकरधमर. मलककपशर, १९७३.

——. महकनठभकव ततवजकन. चकथत आवकतत, मलककपशर, १९७५.

——. महकनठभकव सवशवधन, भकग १. मलककपशर, १९६२.

——. महकनठभकव सवशवधन, भकग २. मलककपशर, १९८४.

——. महकरकषषकततल ककहत तकमपट व वशलकलणख. मठवबई, १९८७.

कवलहटकर, एमर. पत. जकनणशवरत शबदकवश (उलणख 'कवलहटकर कठ लवकत

र कवत'. पठण,
ण १९३६, पक. १०२).

खरण, ग. ह. महकरकषषकचत चकर दतवतण. पठणण, १९५८.

——. "शबदमकवलकक-जकनणशवरत अथवक भकषकरतनमकवलकक." भकरत इवतहकस सवशवधक मवडळ ततमकवसक ५७ (१९७६), १७५-२०५.

——. शतववठल आवण पवढरपशर. आ. ३रत पठणण, १९६३.

खतरण, ववशवनकथ. अडगठळव मडगठळव. पठणण, १९८१.

——. मरकठत भकषणचण मशळ. मठवबई, १९७९.

——. "मररहकटणवच बवल." सकधनक (पठण)

ण ३० (१९७७).

गवखलण, म. वव मरकठत आरतत. पठणण, १९६७.

गवडबवलण, र. भक. जकनणशवरत पररभकषक." वनबवधमकलक. पठणण, मकचर १८७८.

गघधळणकर, रक. शत जकनणशवरतचत पररभकषक. आ. २रत, पठणण, १८९०.

शत चकधरदशरन. मठवबई, १९८२.

चकहकन, दणवतवसवग. "शतकक षण चररतकततल ककहत शबद." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक १३.४ (१९६६), पक. ७५-८८.

[page xxix]
जवशत, वचव. वव. "दणशत भकषकवचण पकचतनतव." ववववध जकन ववसतकर ५९.१२ (१९२८), पक. ५२५.

——. "मरकठत-दकववडत सवबवध व जकनणशवरतततल दकववडत शबद." ववववध जकन ववसतकर, नववहतबर-वडसतबर १९३४, पक.६६५; सहकदत, जठलत १९३५.

जवशत, नक. ग. पकचतन गततभवडकर. मठवबई, १९५९.

——. मरकठत छवदवरचनणचक ववककस. मठवबई, १९६४.

जवशत, प. न. नकथसवपदकय-उदय व ववककस. ठकणण, १९७७.

जवशत, म. रक. नकथसवपदकय. पठणण, १९८२.

जवशत, वसवत स. आवण. ग. नक. जवगळणकर. भकषक व सकवहतय सवशवधन. पठण,

ण १९८५.

जवशत, शव. बक. मररहकटत सवसकक ततय ककहत समसयक. आ. २रत, पठणण, १९८०.

वडसकळकर, द. बक. महकरकषषकचक पकचतन इवतहकस व सवसकक तत. पठणण, १९६४.

डवळकण , सठरणश म. सवशवधन समसयक. नकगपशर, १९९०.

ढणरण, रक. वचव. चकपवण. पठणण, १९७७.

——. महकरकषषकचक दणवहकरक. पठण,

ण १९७८.

——. लवकसवसकक ततचत वकततजण. पठणण, १९७१.

——. शतववठलय एकमहकसमनवय. पठणण, १९८४.

——. सवतसकवहतय आवण लवकसकवहतयय ककहत अनठबवध. पठणण, १९७८.

तगकरण, ग. वक. "रकषषकश टककलतन मरकठत." महकरकषष सकवहतय पवतकक १४.२ (१९४१), पक. २३-३०; १४.४ (१९४१), पक. १०-१४ आवण
१५.१ (१९४२), पक. २८-३६.

तठळपठळण, शव. गव. "पकचतन मरकठतचण वककपचकरवतभव." पठणण ववदकपतठ पवतकक, जकनखवड,३ (१९५४), १-५०.

——. महकनठभकव पवथ आवण तयकचण वकङय. पठणण, १९७६.

——. यकदवककलतन मरकठत भकषक. वदततयकवकतत, पठणण, १९७३.

——. (सवपक.) मरकठत वकङयकचक इवतहकस, खवड १. पठणण, १९८४.

दकवडणकर, शव. वक. वकरकरत पवथकचक इवतहकस. पठणण, १९५७.

——. शत जकनणशवरत पसतकवनक. पठणण, १९५३.

वदवकण, एमर. ए. "महकनठभकवतय सकतत ककवयगवथकचत शबदसशचत आवण तयकततल पकचतन शबदकवचक रपकथरवणध " (अपककवशत पत. एचर. डत. पबवध, वशवकजत
ववदकपतठ, १९८४).

दणवसथळत, आ. ग. जकनणशवरतचक कवश. १८७४.

दणशपकवडण, अ. नक. पकचतन मरकठत वकङयकचक इवतहकस, भकग १. पठणण, १९६६.

——. (सवपक.) शव. दक. पतडसण गकरवगवथ (सवतसकवहतय सवसकक तत मवथन). नकगपशर, १९६३.

दणशपकवडण, बहकनवद. दणववगरतचण यकदव. औरवगकबकद, शकण १८९७ (१९७५).

——. शबदवणध. औरवगकबकद, १९७९.

——. शवधमठदक. औरवगकबकद, १९७६.

दणशपकवडण, य. खठ. "महकनठभकवकवचण चररतगवथ." भकरत इवतहकस सवशवधक मवडळ ततमकवसक १३.२ (१९३२), पक. ४५-५७.

दणशमठख, मक. गव. मरकठतचण सकवहतय शकस. आ. २रत, पठण,

ण १९८०.

धघड, म. वक. "पबवध, धकपद आवण खयकल." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक २२.२ (१९७५), पक. १-४०.

——. जकनणशवरतततल लकवकक सकषत. मठवबई, १९९१.

नकडकणर, आ. रक. "जकनणशवरतततल दकववडत शबद." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक २८.१ (१९८०), १-५१.

——. जकनणशवरतततल शबदकवचक कवकणत बवलतत शवध. मठवबई, १९८१.

वनरतकक (लकड, पठ. मव.)."मरकठत भकषणचक आदशर कवश." ववववध जकन ववसतकर ६४.१ (१९३३), पक. ५-१२.

नणनण, ह. नक. सवशवधन लणख सवगह, भकग १. नकगपशर, १९५७.

पटवधर, भक. रक. "शतजकनणशवरककलतन मरकठत व ककनडत." शतजकनणशवर दशरन, भकग १, खवड २, पक. १६८-८०. अहमदनगर, १९३४.

पटवधरन, मक. वतव. छवदवरचनक. मठवबई, १९३७.

पठकण, यठ, म. महकनठभकव सकवहतय सवशवधन, खवड १. औरवगकबकद, १९७३.

परशरकमबकस. पकरणवस (सवपकदक मकधवरकव पवजकबत). अमरकवतत, १९६८.

पररभकषक जकनवबकचत. पठणण, शकण १७८७ (१८६५).

पकवगकरकर, ल. रक. मरकठत वकङयकचक इवतहकस, खवड १. पठण,

ण १९३२.

पकटतल, गव. म. "जकनणशवरतततल गठजरकथत शबद ऋण." आनवदवन, वदवकळत अवक, १९५९, पक. ११३-१५.

पकनसण, मठ. ग. यकदवककलतन महकरकषष. मठवबई, १९६३.

पकरखण, व. वव. "महदवबणचण 'मकतककक' रवकमणत सवयववर: ककहत ववचकर." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक २४.२ (१९७७), पक. १२७-३४.

——. "जकनणशवरतततल पयकरय शबदकवश." यठगवकणत २६.३ (जठलत-ऑगसट १९७१), पक. ५९-६३.

पणठण, म. प. शतजकनणशवर वकगयज दशरन. आळवदत, १९७३.

पत, जण. "जकनणशवरत पररभकषक" (ms. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris).

पवतदकर, अनठरकधक. मरकठतचक अथरववचकर. पठण,

ण १९६९.

पवतदकर, द. वक. "जकनणशवरककलतन तणलगश गवथकततल मरकठत गकणत." भकरत इवतहकस सवशवधक मवडळ ततमकवसक ११.३ (शकण १८५२ [१९३०]), पक.
२२-२३.

[page xxx]
पकणरवस (पकरणवश) (सवपकदक मकधवरकज पवजकबत). अमरकवतत, १९६८.

वपयवळकर, अ. कक. "अससल मरकठत छवदकवचक ऐवतहकवसक ववचकर." ववववध जकन ववसतकर ६४.९-१०, ११-१२ (११३३), पक. २७१-८२, ३१७-
२१.

——. गकववथक मरकठत भकषक आवण कघकणत बवलत. पठणण, १९६६.

——. "तकडपतकवरतल जकत एकच मरकठत गवथ." मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक १३.१ (१९६५), पक. ८-१६.

बवहरट, भक. पव. आवण प. जक. भकलणरकव. वकरकरत सवपदकय: उदय व ववककस. आ. २ रत, पठण,
ण १९८८.

बवहरक जकतवणद ववरवचत भकगवत दशमसकवधकवरतल आद मरकठत टतकक भतरवत (सवपकदक द. गव. कवपरकर). पठण-
ण इवदवर, १९९३.

भकगवत, अनठसयश क. "जकनपद मरकठत ओवत." महकरकषष सकवहतय पवतकक १४.४ (१९४१).

भकवण, वव. ल आवण शव. गव. तठळपठळण. महकरकषष सकरसवत. आ. ६वत, मठवबई, १९८३.

भकवण, वश. न. शत जकनणशवरत शबदकथर-कवश. वधकर १९५१.

पववडत भतषमकचकयर सवकवलत वनरकशणष (सवपकदक य. खठ. दणशपकवडण). नकगपशर, १९६१.

भवळण, मक. ल. (सवपक.) सवशवधनकचत वकततजण. नकगपशर, १९८५.

मवगरळकर, अरवववद वव. मव. कण ळकर (सवपक.). जकनदणवत, खवड १, २, ३. मठवबई, १९९४.

"मरकठत भकषणचण कवश." ववववध जकन ववसतकर ४.५ (१८७२).

मरकठण, दतरकज. लकणबवद (सवपकदक वव. वभ. कवलतण). औरवगकबकद, १९८५.

मकवडवकर, भकऊ. वचवतनत. अमरकवतत, १९८०.

मकवडण, पभककर. लवकसकवहतयकचण अवतयपवकह. पठणण, १९७५.

मकलशण, स. गव. "जकनदणवकवचण शबदभकवडकर." लवकरकजय ३७.१२ (वडसतबर १९८१, सकवहतय सवमणलन ववशणषकवक), १६.

वमरकशत, वक. वव. सवशवधन मठककवलत, सर १-९. नकगपशर, १९५४-१९७९.

मवडक, गव. कक . मरकठतचण अवतरवगदशरन. पठणण, १९३२.

मवनण, मव. स. मरकठत भकषणचण वयककरणककर व वयककरणपबवधककर. पठण,

ण १९२७.

रकजवकडण, वव. कक. रकषषतय मरकठत कवश. धठळण, शकण १८२७ (१९०५).

——. "शकण १०५१ मधतल ककहत मरकठत पदण." ववशववकत २.१ (१९०७), पक. १-१८..

——. जकनणशवरतचत पसतकवनक. धठळण, १९०९.

——. जकनणशवरतचत पसतकवनक आवण जकनणशवरतततल मरकठत भकषणचण वयककरण (सवपकदक शव. गव. तठळपठळण). मठवबई, १९७९.

——. जकनणशवरतततल मरकठत भकषणचण वयककरण. धठळण, शकण १८३१ (१९०९).

रकनडण, ग. कण . "जकनणशवरतततल खकनदणशत भकषक." पसकद ३३.७ (१९८०), पक. २४-२७.

रकमकवत. भकषकपककश (सवपकदक शव. गव. तठळपठळण). पठणण, १९६२.

रणळणकर, इनकमदकर, आवण वमरजकर (सवपक.). शतनकमदणव दशरन. कवलहकपशर, १९७०.

लकधतर. "महकरकषष ककवयदतवपकक" (सवपकदक ह. नक. नणनण). सवशवधन लणख सवगह, भकग २. नकगपशर, १९५७, पक. १-३९.

लकड, पठ. मव. "अभवगचचरचण समकलवचन." पवतभक, मठवबई ७.१२ (१९३४).

लकळण, प. ग. "जकनणशवरत आवण तणलठगश." भकषक आवण जतवन, पठणण १०.२ (१९९२), पक. ४-१०.

लवककपठर, रवगनकथ शकमकचकयर. जकनणशवरतककलतन मरकठत भकषणवर कनडचक पभकव. बणळगकवव, १९९४.

वकईदव णशकर, अवधशत मठनत. वकईदव णशकर यकवचक बहववदकसकररतनककर अथकरत ववचकर बवद (सवपकदक वव. वभ. कवलतण). औरवगकबकद, १९८९.

वककसकर, वव. स. "जकनणशवरलततल मठसलमकनत शबद." पसकद ३.५ (१९४९), पक. २१-२२.

ववशनकथबकस बतडकर यकवचक आचकरबवद (सवपकदक वव. वभ. कवलतण). मलककपशर, १९८२.

वतकटमकधव. महकरकषष पयवग चववदकक (सवपकदक कक . शत. अजठरनवकडकर). पठणण, १९७०.

वणवलवगकर, रकमचवद नकरकयण. जकनणशवरतचत शबद-भकवडकर. मठवबई, १९५९.

वतद, वचव. वव. आवण पकव. दक. गठणण. मरकठत भकषणचत उतपतत. मठवबई, १९६८.

वशवदण, वव. रक. "ककनडत आवण मरकठत." कण सरत, वडसतबर १९२३.

शणवकरतकर, दतरकज. सथकनमकगरदशरक. घवगरगकवव, १९७०.

सहसबठदण, पठ. ग. महकरकषष सवसकक तत. पठणण, १९७९.

सकठण, शरद कण शव. अनठभवकमकतकचक पदसवदभरकवश. मठवबई, १९८९.

"जकनणशवरत शबद पयकरय," १८६५ (ms. in Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune; cf. कण सरत,
तक. २.१.१९८९.
यकवशवकय ववववध जकन ववसतकर (मठवबई), महकरकषष सकवहतय पवतकक (पठणण), मरकठत सवशवधन पवतकक (मठवबई), ववदभर सवशवधन मवडळ वकवषरक (नकगपशर), भकरत
इवतहकस सवशवधक मवडळ ततमकवसक (पठणण) इतयकदत सवशवधन वनयतककवलकण .

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Bhandarkar, Ramkrishna Gopal. Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the

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