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    Aligning Ontology 2003 PDF

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    ( ong Rueschemaver, Dietrich and Jol D. Stephens, 199%. “Comparing Histor Sanne ~A Poca ad oro fanaa Cenpae Si seo 3872. Rucschemayer, Dicerch, Evelyne Huber Stephens, snd Job D. Stephens, 12, Captabie Devalpovone and Bencerssy. Chicago: University of Chieago Pres Salrvon, Wesley. 196, Sentife Explaueon a che Cancel Strumtere of be Medd Princeton, NF: Prineston University es Sarwor, Giovanni. WHT, Theory of Bemeracy Revised, Chatham, NI than ric. 199}, Maferw Eatin clseroum Reverie Boller, CO: Wesco, Sewell, Willan HL, Jr. 1996."Tlnce Bp, 285-30 in’ The Hirtris Tarn in she Homan Scewces, caved by J. MleDonild, Ana Arbor: University of Mbchigan Press, Skocpol, Theda. 1979. Sher and Sail Rewind Crnporarise suds of Frame Huet sf Ghia, Carobeige: Cabrilge Univeriey Press 1994. *Reflosions on Recent Sehalarshipaboot Social Revabutionsand How re Stuy Them.” Bp, 301-44 in Socie# Revi inthe Mader Hart, etd by ‘Thea Shospal, Cambridge; Cambridge University Pres, Skncpal, Theda and Margaret Somers. 180. “The Uses of Campicatve History in Macrosacal iquir.” Conger Sts Suicey and Fiery 22 17, Soult, Sc 176, Compan Masa Sui Sees. glenood CS, Hl Sornees, Margaret R. 1992. "Norsativiy, Narsarive Ment and Seal Action: Rex thinking English Worhing-Clas Fammation." SncnlSceuce Fiowry16-552-6, Sure, Kubin. 1996, “Beyorul History versus “Theory: Sutegic Narrative and Bocinlogies| Explanadon,” Smistgital Meru und Rercarck 24 D432. Wiekham-Crowley, Lint: 1992. Cherri and Nessun in Latin sierice Al Gpuraiie Side of Ieseryrms mad Regimes Since 1956. Princeton, Ne Princeton Universiy Press Xshas, Deborah 11997, Demuaiag Deutsniss Refir and Reston in Crt Rien ‘om Gusnests, 18704-1940, Sunland, CA: Stanford Universicy Pres, a7 Aligning Ontology and Methodology in Comparative Research Peter A, Hall Some ofthe liveliest debatesalout uethoxlology in the social sieaes center oon comparative research, This essay concentrates on comparative politics, 2 Geld often defined by reference we the use of a particular “comparativn omethod,” but it also bears on sociology, whore there is active comtaversy ‘about methodological issues. [use the term “methadoloyy” to eefer tthe scans scholars employ to increase confidence hat che inferences they make shout the socal and politcal world ate valid! ‘The moseimportanc ofthese areinferences about causal eationships, where the object afamethodalogy is to increase confidence in assertions that one variable ar event (s) exerts a causal effect om another {y). ‘One of the curious Feaures of contemporaty debates is that they pay more attention to methodology than to issues of uatology? “Oncology” ‘Lan grt wa Sorel Weer, Suse Dacye, sae Heaunscele, Tim Dishe, Did Cale, ‘ere Guarvtey Lar Migr, Baul Berm Jim Shawh, alien Stay Paul Steaber ‘Chrisdan Tat, Laurence Whitehend nd the elites af his volume for comments entice seesons ofthe aj, and ua Groepar2 Eker far any ucwsices, Tete to both internal” and “terol” validity wherethe former refers tecwofilenee tha the relidanhip che researcher penies berwcen x andy acral essa in he eaze at and and erst cunfence Gen ects rib, he ame seltzer cases liberty clawed ws heft on wh hea canceneaas id inwolresether ts, schathe lero! ‘feo aed the cnublstcent of ning exe, 9 which ae of madelgialiaves bat conered bee pp 2 The ae ado eet hiserdon, ining che ploneting workof Ragin (155, 2000) In sri, ther i lies Bory dete stot epee whi Tie a ht Susy oft ean toe singed iy inereis ken res and pesemoseniam owes a pet ee etal el eon 19% Geblcharp 197 Arar cca. 1008, sa alt refers (0 the cherseter of the world as ir accoally ig. Accordingly, I use the roem to refer to dhe fundamental assumpsions selushies wuike about the nature of the social and political world and especially ubout the nature of causel relodonships within thne world, Ifa methadolngy cansists of teche ‘iques for making observasions about causal relasions, an ontology con- -siss of premises about the deca causal structures of the world from which analysis begins and withaue which thearies aboue the sacial world would spor make sense, Ata fundamental level i i how we imagine the social sworl ro be. Used as itis here to refer to a see of assumptions, of course, an ontul- gy ig a theoretical eonstruet, ancl che line between it anu! the “thearios" of social sclenee isa fine ane. However, use use term to refer ca espe- cially funelamencal assumptions abou the causal structures af the social ar polities! world that may or nay not be explicit in a theory but are always implicit in the “aniddle-range” theories on which most comparativsts con- eenirme, In this sespece, ontologies are unalngons #0 the "scciaeconamic machines” that Cartwright (1997) posits ax the indispensable antecedent for more specific causal statements. Many theories about a phenomenon, such as stable democracy, neacarparstit arrangements, or political rolee- ance, share che same overarching ontology, but different theories can also reference different oatolagis. ‘Ontology is ultimarely erucial rn mw#heclology because the approprince ness ofa particular set of mctheds for a ven problem curs un assumpcions about tke nurure af the causal selatios they are meant co discover, It mmabes line seneeta apply methods desigrel mmesablish the presence of functional relationships, for instance, ifwe confronca world ia which causal relation shipsare not funetional. To be valid che methodologier ced in a field must by congruent with its prevailing ontologies. Tos jee alvious. “Hlowever, my analysis is motivated by the observacion dhata substancal gup has opened up between the methodologies popular in comparative politics andl the ontologies dhe Buld embraces. Compacative politics is a nee with snany euerents but, as Lijphare (1975, p. 165) neces, ther been “a postwar trend in cemnparative politics” towarl statistical methads, based preeminently an the standard rogeession model? InPucatial texts now give priority tm such approaches, and may scholars have become critical of other methods (Geddes 1990; King, Keuhane, and Vecba 1994, * The current popalariey of wnledsensseesione ine seicaseyrowiansis ane mania fshin rend, 374 “Aligning Qotolagy aral Metololegy Goldchorpe 1997), Over the same perind, the ontologies of the field have moved in a different direction: toward theories, such as those based on path dependence or srateyic interaction, whose conceptions of the cams seructuces undeelying outcomes are-ac odds with dhe assumptions reqpited for sandard regression teelenigues and conventional comparative method ve provide valid coisa inferences (ef, Bates, Greif, Levi, Roventhl, anc ‘Weingast 1998; Pierson 2000a}. The onsologies of comparacive policies have substantially outrun its medbodulogies. ‘The purpuse of this essay isto reexarning the aligoment ofuntalugy and sncthodolagy in comparative polities with a-view se establishing the ray- aioude of the prablem and potential solutions fr it, Tt hegins wie a br accounc of the deselapment af the field in order to shows hor ontologies and methodologies developed in tndem. I then-cximine the canremporary slivergonce beaveen ontology and methodelogy in more detail. After re» ‘iewing several response: to that divergence, argue that smull-N research designs based on tic process analysis offer considerible potential for resolving the dilemmas posed by this eiveryence. [conclude by noting ‘ts implications of these developmencs for conventional underscondings of vase studies and the comparative metho, ‘Thre Development of Ontology ated Metboulology in Comparative Politics A complece sucvey of how the intricate relationships between oncology and nethedology developed in comparative policies is beyond the scope of this essay: However, a synoptic review will illustrate how chese two sides of scholarship developed in tandem. At the cost of sonue simplification, we ram see haw the field hac moved eo ies eurrene erase ars ‘As Eckstein (1963) points nut, the modern field of comparative politics ccigieaced with the snudy of constitutions and legal systems, This was the bocigvrl “natinutionalism The approach focuscd on the formal institutions of governance and, while appropriately cynieal abou their more ceremonial feawures, tended 10 assume that one could say most of what needed 10 be 4 Far mare enteaiveeviens of therstical development inthe Geld of omparaie poles ‘ee Eaten and Apar (1962), Dll and fTardzeare (1972), Ciloste€1 981), anal Lchbac ted Zesbermss (927). said obout the pucks of mation by describing its legal system and nation history (cf Bagehut 1847; Wlonn [89% Friedrich 1950; Eckstein and pro 1963), Frucn dhe perspective af causality, the ontology vaderlying the field ‘was cireumseribed, Although the nacueal world is said to be governed by Lavlike regularities, che fiona oF he polivieal weld were sce primarily as the produet afmational histories. [n this respect, che incipient fieht oF comparative poliies was less developed than dhove of soctology, OF economies, where Mars, Weber, Durkicim, Marshal, end others a begun to posit general causal forces dziving social and p “The methods adopted by the pioneers in this fick were apprupriate to such an ontology. The wialyses werg Icgely desceiptive, often idioe eraphic in the sense thos they sought complete understaniling of one case rucher dhan generalizations that could travel aeross ease, and their rien tation +as frequently nocmative, Where the early comparativises engaged in eausal explanation, they adopted the methods of historians focused on, Hetailed narrative about the chain of events leading up to a phenomenon, Crose-natiaeal comparison concentrated primarily aa formel institutions Altkougls the study of American politice became more sophistieate in the interwar years, following the paths blazed by Bentley (1908), Lasswell 0946), and Scuatschneider (1935), che ambitions of eemparstive politics remained ciccumspect, lis methods were appropekae to its ontology, bit, ‘de Laver miicaced against systematic exoss-national generalization. ‘The Comporstive Revalunon In this enmtext, developsnesits:in te field during the 1950s and 1960s were! genuinely revolutionary. Although ofen conserucd as methodolagical, they ‘were initially ontological. Following American studies that found mbole new diittensions to politics hidden bencatl the facial goweramencal sy- tent, in the clash of social imterests and the operation af political machines, the field expanded its conception uf what lay within the purvicw of political inquiry. Secking cemns with which tn characterize the broader ambit of tit new politics, Easton (1983, 1963} and Almond (1956; Amend and Porvell 1966) summed for inspiration to Parsonss (1951) view af social relations a5 strucuired patterns of roles and belies fostered by an overarching social system (of. Mecton 1949). They esnerged with 2 concept of the “political aystem™ whose operntian wal stuctured nat only by gaveraunental inst tutions, ut by a wide range of formal and isforuval relationships among individuals, rooted in the secondary associations of a nation or ics political | 376 1g Ontology and Mechadology setofvalues ur attitudes often affeccve or norma ‘ec in nature (Almond and Verba 1963). This expansion ia the scope of alia inquiry was the fest hey postwar development revolutionizing the rudy of comparative politics. “Theseoond wasa movement coward viewsehat sav the political world in terms nonally applied to the natueal world, namely, asa sphere envemes tyr el clon that take te fonn of lute epalaies operating 1 Gos BOSE and ime. With tis ontological hil, de new poll seience esate norogielinguiayoreated to De dicey of casi genec- iaations expected co bold acrass a diverse range of cases. Explanation wns construed ar a process of identifying “eovcring laws” under which specific Leer Eetand Ge ean Souler Menanedl mented is Soapcee ‘Sonolist rerms, vo imply someshing liky fogkal nevessity ar, in eenpisicist erm, 4s constanceonjunetion, thatis, to demote the Fact finds x ane Suds y (Elunte 1748; Hempel 1965; Magel 1961; Moon 1973). ‘Comparative polled 4 mee ion "The thitd development ccntzal to entoleyieal aife of the 1950s and 19606, drawing on biology rather than physics for inspiration and allendsnly copa wilh hc adhe was the glowing porary of fanctionslisc conceptions of rauenion. Generally speaking, a functionalist vicw assumes that she presence ofa phenomenon san be exlainl bys ences (Elster 1983), The presence of a specific set of political in- stitutions, far instance, might be explained by che concibutien it makes to the efficient fmetioning ofa social or political sysvem, ‘The holism char- acteristic of postwar views ofthe politica! syxtezn encouraged funcxionalist perspectives. If the polity forms a coherent whole of interselsted part, it fs but = short step to see the relationships among these pars as functional “These ontological shifs encouraged a set of methadalogleal derelap-

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