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"Yin chi ru jing" Ṫ 603 and Its Indian Original: A Preliminary Survey
Author(s): Stefano Zacchetti
Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.
65, No. 1 (2002), pp. 74-98
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African
Studies
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An early Chinese translation corresponding to
Chapter 6 of the Petakopadesa
An Shigao's Yin chi rujing T 603 and its Indian
original: a preliminary survey'
STEFANO ZACCHETTI
I. The Yin chi ru jing T 603 translated by An Shigao and its Indian
introductory remarks
the
Laterstudy of the Parthian
Han Dynasty),2 An Shigao
the earliest -t~ -r (active
translator since scriptures
of Buddhist 148 A.D., during
into the
Chinese.
This is certainly not without reason.3 On the one hand, An Shigao is the
first historical figure of Chinese Buddhism. His activity at Luoyang f %#
inaugurated the long, glorious history of Buddhist translation. Signs of his
influence can be found in the terminology of several subsequent translators.
Some of An Shigao's renderings were preserved in the standard scriptural
idiom of Chinese Buddhism, and are thus still in use.4
Moreover, a doctrinal lineage-if not a school-dating back to the great
Parthian translator flourished during the Three Kingdom period (third century
A.D.), and exercised a lasting influence on early Chinese Buddhist thought.5
However, An Shigao's relevance is by no means confined to the realm of
Chinese religious studies. His translations are among the earliest datable
Buddhist texts we possess, and generally predate their Indian parallels, when-
ever we find them, by centuries. This makes An Shigao's corpus an invaluable
source for Buddhist philologists.
'I wish to express my sincerest gratitude to several friends and colleagues for helping to
improve this work. Professor Paul Harrison and Professor Tilmann Vetter (under whose guidance
I began the study of An Shigao's translations several years ago) kindly agreed to read an earlier
draft of this article and provided me with many invaluable suggestions. I am also indebted to
Professor Florin Deleanu and Professor Nobuyoshi Yamabe, who kindly sent me copies of their
important works on An Shigao. I also wish to thank Professor Deleanu for a number of important
suggestions, for the most part communicated to me on the Shinkansen heading for Kyoto. Last,
but certainly not least, my heartfelt thanks are due to my dear friend Professor Antonio
Rigopoulos of Venice University, who, with his extensive knowledge of the Pali canon, assisted
me in a variety of ways. Needless to say, I am the only person responsible for any errors in
this article.
2 An Shigao's biography can be found in Huijiao's 4Rk Gao seng zhuan *r iq1JT 2059,
pp. 323a 24-324b 12 (pp. 4-9 of Tang Yongtong's * # ] lq annotated edition. Zhonghua shuju,
Beijing, 1992); translated into Italian by Forte (1968: 152-61); into French by Robert Shih
(1968: 4-12).
3 See also remarks by Antonino Forte in his important study on An Shigao (1995), especially
pp. 6-7.
4 On the whole, An Shigao's terminology is remarkably obscure. One can, however, mention more
or less felictious renderings such as fa ;k, introduced by An Shigao as one of the equivalents of
dharma (e.g. see YCRJ p. 173b 15 and passim, cf. Petakopadesa p. 112, 11 and passim), or shi A- for
vijfiana (YCRJ 173 b 8 and passim) etc. Of course, An Shigao's influence was stronger on the archaic
translations. Thus, for instance, in rendering the Abhidharmic terminology present in the
Paicavim.tatisdhasriki, the two earliest translators of this Praji-aparamita, Dharmaraksa and Wu
Chaluo -' W (*Moksala?), relied heavily on An Shigao's models (especially the YCRJ and the
Anban shouyi jing -4? ,-,, T 602): e.g. see the list of the thirty-seven bodhipdksika-dharmas
in Wu
5 TheChaluo's Fang
key figure guangjing
in this particular jA, T 221tradition
doctrinal p. 2c 8-9, and cf.the
was, perhaps, YCRJ p. 173cmaster
Sino-Sogdian 25-6.
Kang Senghui
century A.D. On An}t-Shigao's
, active in theinKingdom
tradition of Wu
early medieval ., Ig during
Buddhism, theLink's
see Arthur second half
detailed of the third
study (1976); on Kang Senghui, see Zircher (1972: 51-4).
Bulletin of SOAS, 65, 1 (2002). 74-98. ? School of Oriental and African Studies. Printed in the
United Kingdom.
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 75
The
T 603 text under
(Canonical text7discussion in this the
on the aggregates, article, named and
constituents Yinthe
chisense-fields,
ru jing & #,)R
hereafter YCRJ; in two juan ;&)s after the content of its first section, has, in
my opinion, various features of interest in relation to the general study of An
Shigao's translations.
To begin with, the YCRJ is, among the texts ascribed to An Shigao, one
of the four which may be attributed with the highest degree of probability9 to
the great Han translator: it is registered in the earliest extant bibliographical
Dao'an's
the A.-
earliest preface."'
Buddhist The YCRJ
scriptures caninto
translated therefore
Chinese. be safely this
Moreover, considered
text one of
enjoyed considerable success in early medieval Buddhism: one of the earliest
Buddhist works composed in China is a commentary on the YCRJ, the Yin
chi ru jing zhu 141N , T 1694 (hereafter YCRJZ; see part IV below).
However, the YCRJ's main interest lies in its scholastic-oriented content:
indeed this is one of the few treatises which can be safely ascribed to An
Shigao. This is not without importance, since it is connected to the much
debated question of An Shigao's own doctrinal affiliation.
Some hypotheses as to the nature and the origin of the YCRJ have been
raised by modern scholars, notably Yamabe," Ren Jiyu12 and Tsukamoto.13
6 On An Shigao's style, see Ziircher (1991: 283); on his terminology, see also remarks by Vetter
and Harrison (1998: 199-200). A classical description of Han Buddhist translations, from a
linguistic viewpoint, is provided by Ziircher (1977).
The peculiar use of jing A to denote this text, which clearly is not a sutra, was already noted
by Demieville (1954: 353, n. 1) and Ui Hakuju (1971: 184-5 and 199-200).
8 Two modem studies concerning the YCRJ deserve particular mention. Firstly Ui Hakuju's
Japanese annotated translation (both of the YCRJ and its early commentary, T 1694), which is
part of his posthumous study 'Shina bukkyo saisho no yakky6 gudensha An Seik6 no
kenkyf '- t 4J t, in: Ui Hakuju (1971: 114-200). A detailed
analysis of the YCRJ is carried out in the first volume of the History of Chinese Buddhism ed
Ren Jiyu (1981: 230-96). This latter, though unsatisfactory in places, still proves very useful.
9 See Demieville (1954: n. 1: 353), Zuircher (1972: 33, and n. 83: 331). Establishing a re
attribution is often, in the case of celebrated early translators, a delicate problem. Thus, for inst
over the centuries an increasingly large number of translations were falsely ascribed to An Shiga
ZiArcher, 1991: 278). According to Ztircher's study on Han translations (1991: 297-8), only sixteen
which survive today may be reasonably attributed to the Parthian master.
1o See the catalogue in the CSZJJ, p. 5c 24; Dao'an's preface to the Yin chi ru jing ca
found in CSZJJ p. 44cl-45a (An Shigao's translation is mentioned at p. 44c 19-22). S
Forte (1968: 185-8).
"1Yamabe, in his interesting 1992 study on Yogacara elements in An Shigao's translat
has drawn attention to some similarities in content between the YCRJ (described by Yam
'a type of meditation manual') and part of the Sravakabhiimi section of the Yogdcarabhim
summa of the Yogacara school (Yamabe, 1997: 157-62). However, in my opinion, the elem
shared by the two texts are all very common Buddhist concepts (i.e. skandha, dhatu, ayatana
Four Noble Truths, the pratityasamutpada, etc.), and are better explained as the pa
incorporation of a layer of early Abhidharmic material (see part III below). This being th
similarity, even in the sequence of the terms expounded by the two texts, does not nece
imply a direct genetic connection between YCRJ and the Sravakabhumi.
2At the beginning of his analysis of the YCRJ, Ren Jiyu (1981: 231), probably following
Yongtong (1983: 82) states that it 'belongs to the system of Hinayanic Abhidharma'. Elsewhere
1981: 229 and n. 3) the author makes it clear that the Abhidharma introduced by An Shigao is
the Sarvistivaidin school, even if no detailed evidence for this statement is provided.
'3 Tsukamoto (1985: 84-5) underlines the pivotal role played by the categories of skan
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76 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
dhdtu, dyatana, which he implicitly takes as representative of the whole YCRJ, in the Abhidharma.
At p. 83, remarking that An Shigao is commonly described in the sources as an Abhidharma
specialist (see Dao'an's description in CSZJJ, p. 43c 20), he observes: 'Since in Northwest India
one of the Hinayana schools, that of the Sarvastivada, had already taken root with its well-
developed Abhidharma, it is only natural that a Buddhist practitioner from Parthia ... should be
thoroughly versed in the doctrines of that school, i.e., in Abhidharma'.
14 Pp. 112-40 of the PTS edition; however, according to N~anamoli's convincing analysis (1964,
n. 569/1 p. 187), the chapter, as it has been transmitted, actually ends at p. 153, 11 of the same
edition, but it is incomplete in its final section. Unfortunately, the YCRJ is even shorter, given
that it ends at p. 138, 14 of the Petakopadesa (on this issue see part II, p. 88).
15 Nranamoli (1964: 155) translated this title as 'Compendium of the thread's meaning'; for
his interpretation of the term sutta, see Nanamoli (1962: xxxii-xxxiv).
16 On this text see Nranamoli (1962: xiii-xxvi and 1964 (Introduction), Mizuno (1997: 119-48),
Bond (1996a), von Hintber (1996: 80-2), Norman (1983: 108-9), Warder (1980: 316-9), Lamotte
(1958: 207), Nakamura (1980: 114).
17 According to Potter et al. (1996: 99), 'These books are actually two different recensions of
the same text, the Nettippakarana being somewhat improved and thus accepted as the definitive
version by the Theravadins'; see also annamoli (1962, Introduction), Norman (1983: 110), Warder
(1980: 319), Mizuno (1997: 141). However, more recently von Hiniiber (1996: 81-2) has
convincingly challenged the opinion that the Petakopadesa is older than the Nettippakarana, and
even that the two works are directly connected.
18 Potter et al. (1996: 99), Warder (1980: 299), Lamotte (1958: 174). As preserved in South
Asia, the text corresponding to that underlying the YCRJ has thus become part of the Suttapitaka.
In terms of content, however, the YCRJ gives every appearance of being a sort of Abhidharma text.
'9 On this personage, see Lamotte (1958: 207-9) and Lamotte (1944, n. 2: 109-10); cf. Norman
(1983: 108).
20 Warder (1980: 220).
21 Norman (1983: 108) following Janamoli (1964, p.XI), proposes the second century B.C.
(' or even earlier'; see also ibid.: 110) as the probable date of composition of the Petakopadesa.
This opinion is substantially shared by Bond (1996a: 381: 'around 150 B.c.'), also with regard to
the Nettippakarana. On the dating of the Petakopadesa, cf. below n. 98. Norman (1983: 110; cf.
also Gethin, 1992: 92-4) has observed that in the Nettippakarana there occurs the Arya metre,
whose use in Pali was limited to an early period. This suggests both an ancient date and a
Northern origin of this treatise (or, at least, of some portions). To a certain extent, this hypothesis
holds true also for the Petakopadesa (on the presence of the Arya verses in the latter see von
Hiniber; 1996: 81 ? 168).
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 77
YCRJ22 Petakopadesa23
(p. 114, 13-16)
cattari ariyasaccmni dukkham
(p0173c (p0173c24) )Ijo i&
samudayo A maggo
nirodho , - ca.
Dukkham yatha samasena
~o khandhasarTram [so variant
n. 446/2
n. 14 S.B1:
p. Na"namoli
157): (1964,
dhammacariyam; PTS:
dhammacariyarm] mdnasan,
ca. Samudayo samdsena
avijjd ca tanha ca. Nirodho
samasena vljja ca vimutti ca.
Maggo samdsena samatho ca
vipassana ca.24
There are the four Truths: suffering, the accumulation25 [of
cessation, the way. Suffering, to define it in essential terms,26
thought. Accumulation [of suffering] is, in essential terms, i
worldly craving.28 Cessation is, in essential terms, knowledge a
The way is, in essential terms, tranquility and discernment.29
22 The YCRJ is quoted from the CBETA www version (URL: http://ccbs.n
Taish6 vol. 15, downloaded on 17 July 2000), checked against the Taisho printed
from the Taishi's apparatus are quoted only where necessary. In some ancien
YCRJ
sake of (such as theinKorean)
convenience, a few
this article characters
I have (45-,
followed the '-) arereadings.
current printed in peculiar variants. For the
23 The Petakopadesa is quoted from the Pali Text Society edition, according to the page and
line number; variants are quoted, only when necessary, from the apparatus of the PTS.
24 Tr. 1NaTnamoli (1964: 157): 'There are four noble Truths: Suffering, Origin, Cessation, and Path.
Suffering as a compound is any behaviour not according to the True Idea [reading dhammicariyanm,
see n. 27 below] and [like] mentality; Origin as a compound is ignorance and craving; Cessation as a
compound is science and deliverance; the Path as a compound is quiet and insight'.
An Shigao's rendering of samudaya (' the origin [of suffering] ') was widely adopted by other
early translators. This xi W is to be taken in the sense of xi *: 'to pile up': see HYDCD vol. 9,
p. 645b, cf. Karashima (1998: 483); it is, probably, a hyper-etymological translation (cf. udaya,
'increasing, growing, etc.'); see also Vetter and Harrison (1998: 212, n. 4).
26 , corresponds to samdsena, 'summarily', which Nanamoli (1964: 157) renders as 'as
a compound' (probably referring to the combination of two terms which are used to define each
Truth); however, An Shigao's interpretation seems preferable.
27 In this passage, the textual tradition of the Petakopadesa presents some variant readings. Instead
of PTS dhammacariyam, Nanamoli (1964, n. 446/2: p. 157) chose the variant (to be found in another
edition, Rangoon 1956); see Narnamoli (1964: p. xxxiv) dhammacariyam, which he translates
as 'any behaving not according to the True Idea'. However, An Shigao's reading,
4* explain:
to ,IF- ,, one
seems
maytoconjecture
be closerthat
to An
theShigao's
variant khandhasarTram,
original though
simply read *sarTraif here khandha-
ca manasaif ca (I mustis somewhat difficult
thank Professor Vetter for remarks on this point). This reading is also indirectly supported by another
passage of the Petakopadesa (pp. 19, 27-20, 1; tr. &Nanamoli, 1964: 23), where kdya and citta are
mentioned as two of the seven terms under which dukkha can be subsumed. See also the YCRJZ,
which plausibly comments upon this point in similar terms (T 1694, p. 1 la, 23-4): 'The Master said:
the body, [this] is the root of all suffering. Bodily suffering and mental uneasiness: the essential lies in
these two things, therefore [the YCRJ] says "in essential terms" (--)'.
28 1if.- .1~ : this rather obscure expression might reflect, as a free rendering, a variant
*bhavatanha. Cf. the parallel of this definition at Petakopadesa p. 123, 22: avijja ca bhavatanhd ca
(although at this point the YCRJ 176b 12 only has !). Cf. also the analysis of the latter
compound in Petakopadesa p. 118, 23ff.: yo bhavesu rago, etc. ... ayam bhavatanha, which is
translated
senior in the
colleague YCRJ Seishi
Professor (175b Karashima
5) as 4 f ffor"afremarks
o o ;-Jon- fthis
] ofi ot... etc. (I wish to thank my
point).
29 This definition of the Truth of the Path is also mentioned in the Sarvastivadin summa, the
Mahivibhisa,
also de la ValleeT Poussin
1545 p.(1980),
397b 3-4, where it is ch.
Abhidharmakosa attributed
6 n. 3, pp.to122-3
the Darstantika school
and Bareau (1955: (--i-f);
123); cf. see
Deleanu (1997: 37). Another partial parallel to this whole section on the Truths-though without
explicit reference to the ariyasaccaini-can be found in the YCRJ itself: see p. 176b 10-14
(Petakopadesa p. 123, 20-23). Nanamoli (1964: 169) pointed to DTgha ui, pp. 273-4
(Dasuttarasuttanta) as a parallel to that passage. If that is indeed a quotation from the
latter scripture, as seems probable, it is interesting to observe that it does not correspond
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78 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
exactly to any of its other surviving versions: i.e. the Pali Dasuttarasuttanta; the Shi shang
jing *-.At
jing , T preserved in the
1, p. 53a 13-15 andChinese translation
19; cf. also the sutraof theto
next DTrghagama (see Chang
the Daiottarasittra, the ahan
Zengyijing -- , T 1, p. 57c 7-10), belonging to the Dharmaguptaka School (Enomoto, 1986:
25); the Central Asian Sanskrit fragments (cf. Mittal, (ed.), 1957: 56 and 58) and An Shigao's
own translation of the Da'ottarastitra (Chang ahan shi baofa jing -&T+" -# ? .- T 13; cf.
p. 233c 17-19), which represent the Sarvastivadin version of this saitra (de Jong, 1966: 4-5 and
n. 3, 20-21). The wording of the text quoted in the Petakopadesa is almost identical to that of the
corresponding Sanskrit passages, but the sequence of items is completely different.
30 Bond (1996a: 394), Warder (1980: 317-8); according to the latter, this double series of nine
factors represents one of the cornerstones of the particular exegetical method expounded in the
Petakopadesa (see also Nranamoli, 1964, pp. xxiii-xxiv). Indeed, these categories hold an outstand-
ing position also in the Nettippakarana: see Bond (1996b: 405).
So read Song, Yuan and Ming editions (--), as well as Jin k (see Zhonghua Dazangjing
vol. 36, p. 134c 5 and p. 139c 4-5). The Korean edition (and subsequently T 603) has .
32 Tr. Nlnamoli (1964: 163) (I have modified the translation of the section on distortions):
'There are nine terms wherein all the unprofitable comes to be comprised and meets together.
What nine terms? The two root-defilements, the three unprofitable roots, and the four distortions.
Herein, the two root-defilements are ignorance and craving-for-being. The three unprofitable roots
are greed, hate and delusion. The four distortions: 1. To consider the impermanent as permanent
constitutes distortion of perception, distortion of thought, and distortion of view. 2. To consider
the painful as pleasant constitutes distortion of perception, distortion of thought, and distortion
of view. 3. To consider what is not self as self constitutes distortion of perception, distortion of
thought, and distortion of view. 4. To consider the ugly as beautiful constitutes distortion of
perception, distortion of thought, and distortion of view'.
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 79
II. A synoptic table of contents of the Yin chi ru jing compared with the Pali
Petakopadesa (ch. 6)
Leaving aside for the moment other issues of doctrine or textual history, in
this section I will summarize the content of the YCRJ, establishing its concord-
ance to the Petakopadesa. Given that the YCRJ's only surviving parallel is in
Pali, I have indicated in this language the putative originals of the most
important terms occurring in An Shigao's translation; this, of course, does not
33 Following a suggestion from Professor Deleanu, I take juechu Q.,A, here and at p. 176a 7,
together as a translation of paddni, probably in the sense of 'distinct items [of a list]'. The YCRJZ
T, 1694,this
However, p. 17a 14 explains
interpretation jueto,. make
appears as 'to separate
sense from
only with evil
regard thoughts
to the (, opositive
list of nine , ).
factors (YCRJ 176a 7ff.).
34 As Professor Harrison kindly suggested, liu f (' flow') is very probably a direct rendering
of samosarana (cf. the root sr, 'to flow'). An Shigao's translation of this phrase is particularly
obscure (cf. Ui, 1971: 137-8). My rendering is tentative, and mainly follows p. 176a 7-8, where
the list of nine positive factors is introduced; in correspondence to that passage, the Pali parallel
has, mutatis mutandis, the same wording as the list of negative factors (see p. 122, 6-7 and cf.
Nanamoli 1964, n. 492/1 p. 167): Nava paddni yattha sabbo kusalapakkho sarigaham samosaranam
gacchati), whereas the YCRJ, with a typical variation, has a clearer rendering:
, aofgallgo
category the# - #'-6
pure 5 0,:
dharmas (59 =~kusalapakkha)
th , i.e. 'There are nine
to fall under crucial
grouping'. points, which cause the
35 Apparently this is simply a long paraphrase of mulakilesa, 'fundamental impurity'.
36 This, again, must be a paraphrase, not completely correct in this context, of bhavatanha,
'craving-for-being' (as Nhinamoli (1964: 163) translates it), elsewhere simply translated as "
(e.g. p. 175b 5-6); cf. also n. 28 above.
37Here the YCRJ partially anticipates a pattern of exposition of the vipallasas that in the
Petakopadesa is introduced just a few lines later (see n. 48 below), where a categorization of
distortions is established into one, four and three items.
38 That the correspondence between the YCRJ and the Petakopadesa is so close is no surprise:
the typology of the textual tradition is, indeed, quite different from that of the sutras. In the case
of the latter, the existence of several parallel recensions, originating from a common archetype
long ago, is usually the rule. The Petakopadesa is, on the other hand, a single work, with several
peculiar features. The textual tradition of this kind of work is thus less likely to present
significant variants.
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80 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
39 In the Petakopadesa, these two forms of pariiiiad are mentioned only with regard to the
sense-fields (pp. 113, 24-114, 4).
40 The YCRJ confirms Nfnamoli's conjecture (1964, n. 438/1 p. 155); PTS: saifa.
41 According to N&anamoli (1964, n. 444/1 p. 157), 'This twofold division of pariiiaid seems
confined to this work ...'; however, it is not unknown in sources other than the Pali canon: e.g.
in the Sarvastivadin Abhidharma. One can refer, for instance, to the Mahavibhdas T 1545 pp. 175a
9ff., although the definitions provided there are different from those found in the Petakopadesa
(on the jiiainaparijya, see p. 175a 15-16; on the prahanaparijfi, p. 175b 8-9). See also
Abhidharmakosa, vol. 2, p. 677 (tr. de la Vallee Poussin, 1980, Abhidharmakoaa ch. 5 p. 110 and
ibid. n. 1).
one 42 Jingfa
of the .f.f, which
equivalents of the can
termbedharma
translated, after
occurring Harrison
in An Shigao's(1992:
corpus,59), as 'scripture/dharma(s)',
as well as in other is
early translations: e.g. see Lokaksema's Dao xing jing it4- T 224 p. 427b 12 and passim; see
also Harrison
equally occurs(1990: 241). On this
in Lokaksema's term, and see
translations, theHarrison
somewhat(1992:
related rendering . = dharma, which
58-9).
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 81
kdmadhatu, j S, gradually
ariipadhatu) are r4lpadhatu, A &1, k,
surpassed.
(174b 23-175a 24) Long exposition, in three ?458-469
parts, of the twelvefold chain of dependent The Petakopadesa begins
origination. At first (174b 23-c4), the twelve the exposition of the
links (-t - ) are simply enumerated, from avijjda paticcasamuppada.
43 Cf. the exposition of the bodhipiksikas in the Da zhidu lun k~ 4 ~V* (attributed to
Nagarjuna, and translated by Kumarajiva at the beginning of the fifth century) T 1509,
pp. 197b-198a (tr. Lamotte, 1970: 1138-42).
44 ?E.rI is a direct translation of the reading normally occurring in the Sanskrit sources on
the bodhipdksikas, i.e. *samyakprahdna, while Pali sources (as with the Petakopadesa itself, though
not in this part: but see e.g. p. 71, 11 and passim), according to Lamotte (1970: 1123), normally
have sammappadhana. Actually, in this context both forms should be taken as synonyms ('right
exertion '): see the remarks by Edgerton (1953, Dictionary p. 389 b); cf. Gethin (1992: 70-72).
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82 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
radical sinful
ignorance diseases
(A, avijjii) and (.-,, , miflakilesa):
craving for existence
(4 t, bhavatanha); three roots of evil (S ,
akusalamilla): greed (-Sk, lobha), hatred (mAl,
dosa),
(v delusion (.a , moha); four distortions
l, vipalldsa).
Detailed definition of these nine terms, as ?472
follows: ignorance (175b 3-4) and craving for avijjd (118, 22-3),
existence (175b 5-6); bhavatanhd (118, 22-5).
greed (175b 6-11), hatred (175b 12-17), delusion ?473-8
(175b 17-23). lobha (119, 1-9), dosa
(119, 10-16), moha (119,
17-26).
(175b 24-c 13) Detailed exposition of the four ?479-84
distortions. This is one of the most developed vipalldsa (120, 1-121, 3).
and interesting portions of the YCRJ. The entire
passage is characterized by a remarkable display
of ars combinatoria..47 various numerical
45 The appendix, soka, parideva, etc. is also mentioned; in the first occurrence (without Pali
parallel) this list of terms does not seem complete, but cf. p. 175a 19-24 and Petakopadesa 118,
5-10 where the order is: dukkha, domanassa, soka, parideva, upaydsa.
46 In this part of the Petakopadesa, as &Nnamoli observed (1964, n. 459/1 p. 160), the definition
of sarikhara is missing; he reconstructed it, on the basis of Sarmyutta II 4, as kayasanikharo
vacisankhdro cittasanikharo. However, the YCRJ (174c 6-7) presents the following definition,
apparently based on that of the sanikharakkhandha (cf. 173b 16-19, where cetand is translated
as f) and on Saryutta III 60 (see Vetter, 2000: 205): 'What are the formations, conditioned by
that ignorance? They are the six forms of intentional apprehension (-A l , *cetana). Which
six? Form, sound etc. (up to dhammd); these are the six forms of intentional apprehension inherent
in the body, this is defined as the formations'. On this definition of the sankhard, see also Vetter
(2000: 50-53); de la Vallee Poussin (1980, tr. Abhidharmako'a ch. 1, pp. 28-9 and n. 3 p. 28).
47 As Paul Harrison (1997: 279) has observed, the use of numerical categories, typical of the
Ekottarikagama and of the Abhidharma literature in general, plays a pivotal role in the whole of
An Shigao's translation corpus. In this respect, the YCRJ is no exception. If we consider how
important and productive numerology was within Han thought (this is true especially with regard
to the
pp. 30ff.;New Text
ch. 3, Schoolweofmay
pp. 91ff.), Confucianism g,,; see
perhaps understand whyFung
textsYu-lan, 1953 translated
such as those vol. 2, ch.
by2,
Anesp.
Shigao, obscure and full of Buddhist technical terms as they are, enjoyed an enduring popularity
within early Chinese Buddhism. This fact, which at first sight seems rather puzzling, is usually
explained by recourse to certain doctrinal similarities between early Buddhist translations and
Chinese traditional thought (like respiration techniques: see Maspero, 1967: 194-5). But, in my
opinion, this use (which very probably looked familiar to some Chinese readers) of numerical
categories in An Shigao's translations may also have played an important role in promoting their
acceptance in China. Thus it is not surprising that An Shigao's work was often characterized as
chanshu * , i.e. 'dhydna and numbers' (e.g. see Dao'an's preface to the Anban shouyi jing,
CSZJJ p. 43c 20, and, with particular reference to the YCRJ, his preface to the latter in
CSZJJ p. 44c 18-19); in this context, the term shu, 'numbers', means the numerical categories
such as the five aggregates, etc. (see Ztircher, 1972: 33; Tang Yongtong, 1983: 45).
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 83
48 ' One distortion' (- --1j, eko vipalliso) means the notion of vipalldsa in general (see ?66,
NTanamoli, 1964: 24), as is embodied in the four classical distortions (i.e. considering what is
impermanent as permanent, what is painful as agreeable, what is not self as a self, what is impure
as pure). The second group, that of 'four distortions', is established from the viewpoint of the
objects of the vipalldsas (the YCRJ only has S ~ , but cf. Petakopadesa 121, 9: cattari
vipalldsavatthkni), which are classified according to the headings of the corresponding four
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84 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
tranquility
vipassana), (., samatha) to
corresponding and
thediscernment (,
two mitlakilesas;
non-greed (* k, alobha), non-hatred (T N, adosa)
and non-delusion ({4A, amoha); four notions (i,
safia) opposed to the four vipallhsas
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 85
(gj i-JE,
deeds attasammaipanidhdna)
done in previous lives (g-4 and meritorious
i~, pubbe
puikiatd).56 These four states are expounded
according to the scheme lakkhana-padatthana
(here, as in the case of the paticcasamuppada, the
four terms are linked so as to form a kind of
chain syllogism).
[of deliverance]
These (?,,).62and then linked
are first enumerated63
through the usual lakkhana-padatthdna formula
(however, in the YCRJ also the first enumeration
forms a sort of chain syllogism),
?529-32
(178a 7-16)and
ariyabhumi) Four
fourvirtuous stages
corresponding (~i~j,,
fruits of the 130, 10-22
55 Again, establishing a reliable punctuation in the YCRJ is difficult: the passage dealing with
saddha appears to be corrupt.
56 The four wheels are also dealt with in another text translated by An Shigao, i.e. one of the
sutras which make up the Ekottarikagama anthology included in T 150a (p. 877a 13-19); see
Harrison, 1997: 271. See also An Shigao's translation of the Daiottarasutra, T 13, p. 234a 17-18.
7 Sic: the Chinese translation of this term was probably misconstrued; cf. Nanamoli's rendering
of the Pali (1964: 175): 'Eleven Ideas Rooted in Virtue'. In general, this portion of the
YCRJ contains several problematic translations.
58 YCRJ: ", which is quite puzzling: the Petakopadesa (129, 27-130, 1) has pfti, 'joy'.
59 YCRJ: 4" 1 J'; this is, again, a term difficult to explain, especially with regard to the Pali
counterpart, i.e. (Petakopadesa 130, 1-2) passaddhi, 'tranquility'. The YCRJZ (T 1694 20b 13)
explains $4 as the four satipatthanas.
60 In the lakkhana-padatthdna section (YCRJ 178a 2), An Shigao makes use of the standard
translation k.
61 The Petakopadesa (130, 4) has an expanded reading: yathabh-taaidnadassana, 'knowing and
seeking things as they are'.
62 The YCRJ at this point (177c 12) actually reads: 'having obtained the deliverance, one then
sees the
which, cognition
incidentally, (Y,)'. However,
confirms cf. the lakkhana-padatthdna
Nanamoli's emendation (1964, n. 528/3 p. 176) ofsection (178a130,
Petakopadesa 6): fi ,- L,
8-9 as *vimuttifanadassana.
63 In the first enumeration, after the eleventh factor, the YCRJ (177c 12-13) has a kind of
appendix, showing how from fiina, through some passages, one does not receive any more
suffering. This perhaps corresponds to Petakopadesa 129, 22-23 (see NPnamoli, 196
n. 527/1 p. 175): *ndparam etc. Note that the whole passage is shortened in the Pali.
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86 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
('etymological translation:
to touch, grasp'? - 4tA
This is possibly (sila) # expression,
a vernacular (vata, probably interpreted
not recorded in HYDCD;as derivative
anyway, of V vrt) 4, W
cf. pard-mri). There are also some variants (e.g. p. 178a 18-19: ' *-4t, corresponding to
Petakopadesa 130, 25), which are even more obscure.
7 The term 4 A, 'mutually corresponding', is probably a hyper-etymological translation (cf.
abhi-sam-i, 'to come together' etc.).
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 87
72 Already mentioned at p. 176b 19-23, in the portion relating to samatha and vipassand, with
a clearer rendering: fij ...~,5, (nibbdna with residue, without having gone beyond [the
world])
going and ,the
beyond 4*.~ e,~,f-*-.,# (nibbdna without residue, which has already succeeded in
world).
7 Perhaps *W1, corresponds to thTnamiddha- (see Petakopadesa 137, 12).
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88 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
uddhaccakukkucca)74 and
(137, doubt13-19)
(180a
ud
vicikicchd). and kukkucca;
(137, 20-138, 4)
vicikiccha.
The YCRJ ends abruptly at this point,"75 while the Pali Petakopadesa goes
on describing the nine anupubbasamdpattis.76
There are two possible explanations of this fact. Perhaps An Shigao, for
unknown reasons, could not complete his translation. Or, more plausibly, a
lacuna occurred in the Chinese text of the YCRJ at some point in its trans-
mission.7. In any case, it is quite certain that this gap was not originally
present in the Indic text used by An Shigao: apart from general considerations
with regard to doctrinal consistency, this can be demonstrated from the follow-
ing observation. At p. 180a 14-15 the YCRJ introduces the first jhana, which
is defined as 'having abandoned five categories, being in agreement (?) with
five categories'.78 The second group of terms mentioned in this definition,
those to which the first jhana is connected (sampayuttam), are treated in a
subsequent portion of the sixth chapter of the Petakopadesa (pp. 139, 2-23;
? 564-7) which, therefore, was also present in the original of the YCRJ.
(180a
cf. 27): *, [all 137,
Petakopadesa witnesses: j1] '., 'itcittassa
14: avapasama is equivalent to the fact
(I have emended ' tothat
, alsothe
on mind is not
the basis calm';
of YCRJZ
T 1694, p.24b
supports 21: NL-.:t
Nfinamoli's ,, which might
interpretation reflect,
of uddhacca as a paraphrase,
as 'agitation' the
(1964, p. 184original reading).
? 558. See Th
A critical
Pali dictionary, vol. II, 9, 418-9). It is noteworthy that elsewhere An Shigao gave a different
rendering of auddhatya: in his Da'ottarasitra T 13 p. 234c 26 (see also remarks on this passage
by dep.Jong,
1953, 1968,
161b-162a). Onn.the
4 other
p. 19)hand,
this the
term is translated
correspondence as A,9,
between ,ri,''joy, amusement'
remorse', (cf. Edgerton,
and kukkucca
('worry' acc. to N~anamoli, 1964 p. 184, ? 558) poses no problems, this being a rather common
rendering of the term (e.g. see Da zhidu lun *. 4~k J T 1509, p. 184c 5-ff.; CPD II, 9:4196 see
also Edgerton, 1953, Dictionary, p. 195b s.v. kaukrtya); the Petakopadesa itself (137, 17) glosses
kukkucca as vippatisdro.
75 At the end of the text in the Taish5 edition (180b 10-c 3) an apparently unrelated text (the
Foshuo
tion, huiyin
however, bailiushisan
is found dinglie
only in the +;-i,.
Korean )P on
edition 9-hwhich
" .i) the
hasTaish&
been is
inserted.
based (seeThis interpola-
Korean
canon r%
occurred kAk1
during the.,engraving
vol. xx, of
p. the
507c 6-508a
plates 14; colophon
(see the T 603, n. 29, Korean
in the p. 180;canon,
T 1694,
vol. n.
xx,26, p. 24), and
p. 508a 14, reproduced at p. 24c 24-5 of T 1694; Ui, 1971: 200). Therefore, it can safely be expunged.
76 By a curious coincidence, even the final section of the sixth chapter of the Pali Petakopadesa
is incomplete: see Nfanamoli (1964, n. 619/1, p. 209). Also the subdivision into chapters, as it has
been transmitted in the manuscripts of the Petakopadesa, is wrong, as the final section of the sixth
chapter was wrongly enclosed in the seventh (Nanamoli, 1964, n. 569/1, p. 187).
7 In CSZJJ p. 39c 19-20 (in the section on Commentaries) the YCRJ is described as 'an
incomplete canonical text (At!) translated by [An] Shigao'. This observation (by Dao'an?) very
probably refers to the lacuna at the end of the text. Apparently, already by the time the
commentary YCRJZ was composed (i.e. presumably the second half of the third century), the
YCRJ ended at this noint.
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 89
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90 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
Tthe Kaiyuan
2154 ShijaoseeluFang,
pp. 651a-662a; Fj ;F,1991:
k., 15).
(completed
There was730
evenA.D.), to list
a certain such toabridged
tendency translations (see
exaggerate:
shorter recensions of sutras were normally interpreted as abridged translations of larger originals
(i.e. quite the opposite of what modern philologists generally believe): on this issue see, for
example, Demieville, 1950: 389 and n. 1. We can be sure that if there was the slightest evidence
that the YCRJ was only a selection, this would have been pointed out. Incidentally, neither the
name of Mahakaccayana, whoever he was, nor the title Petakopadesa (or Petaka) are ever
mentioned by Chinese sources on the YCRJ.
90 This structure, characteristic of the Petakopadesa's method, is dealt with in detail in
ch. 5 pp. 93, 20-95, 21, tr. &Nanamoli, 1964: 125-8; see also Bond 1996a: 390.
On this portion of the Petakopadesa, Ndinamoli, in his introduction to the Nettippakarana
(1962: pp. xx-xxi), made some remarks of particular significance, if we consider that he was
unaware of the existence of the YCRJ: 'Pe ch. vi is a kind of " omnibus chapter ". Its position is
unexplained, though it can be taken to introduce ch. vii. It is the only one which contains some
exemplifying material definitely not found in the Netti ...'
92 This interpretation is also suggested by Ren Jiyu (1981: 266-7).
93 Actually, the list of nine terms has craving-for-being, bhavatanha, (see no. 36 above); but
also simply tanha in Petakopadesa, 121, 18.
94 See Vetter (1988: 31) and ch. x (esp. p. 45ff.).
95 According to Warder (1980: 318), the content of the eighteen root terms can eventually be
reduced to the pair of'dyads' (i.e. the two milakilesa, avijj] and tanha, and the two corresponding
remedies, samatha and vipassana). This statement is most probably based on ? 1103 of the
Petakopadesa (p. 256, 13-25; tr. Nanamoli, 1964: 344-5), where this reduction is explained
together with other combinations of the eighteen root terms.
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 91
IV. Conclusions
In this last section, I shall try to draw some conclu
of the YCRJ as a part of the Petakopadesa. Th
different points of view, as we are dealing wi
bridging two distinct traditions.
Concluding how this finding can contribu
Petakopadesa is beyond my competence. Nevert
history already dealt with in the preceding section
hoping to stimulate specialists in Pali literature
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92 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
99 Two other scriptures which might have been translated from a Pali original are the Vinaya
provided by Paul
(Yogacarabhiimi) Harrison
T 607 (1997:
translated by An280; seehas
Shigao alsoclear
Harrison, forthcoming).
Sarvastivfdin elements; onThe
thisDaodi jing ~At.j
text see
Demi6ville (1954) and Deleanu (1997). An Shigao's Daiottarasutra also reflects the Sarvastivadin
version (see above n. 29). For other texts and general remarks, see Vetter and Harrison, 1998,
n. 3, p. 197; Yamabe, 1997: 154-5; Ren, 1981: 229; Deleanu, 1992: 50 and 1993, p. 17 e
n. 93 pp. 41-42; in the latter passage, Deleanu rightly stresses the complexity of this issue, given
that in several places An Shigao diverges from 'Sarvastivlda orthodoxy' so that we cannot
exclude influence from other schools (see also Ui, 1971: 408-10, 451-2); moreover, the Sarvastivada
itself was far from being a homogeneous tradition (Deleanu, 1997 n. 54 pp. 51-2).
o05 Lamotte, 1958: 578 and 581; Warder, 1980: 345; Hirakawa, 1990: 234-5; and, with regard
to An Shigao, Tsukamoto, 1985: 83.
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 93
An Shigao's
Senghui exegesis
(see above, n. 5),of the Anban
as referred shouyiby
to directly jing
the"SA ,' & Ak (T 602) to Kang
latter."1
Kang also specifies, in the same passage, that he assisted Chen Hui in
writing a commentary on the Anban shouyi jing, probably on the basis of
An Shigao's own exegesis."' This is of great significance also with regard to
the YCRJZ, since its composition might have been the result of similar
106 On this important exegetical work (translated into Japanese by Ui together with the
YCRJ), one can refer to Whalen Lai's interesting-though not always acceptable--study (Lai,
1986); see also Ziurcher, 1972: 54. On the textual history of the YCRJZ, see the Appendix below.
1 Tang Yongtong, 1983: 97.
108 The YCRJZ has an anonymous preface, clearly written by the author of the commentary
(Tang, 1983: 45; Tsukamoto, 1985: 92), who calls himself Mi g?. It is possible that this Mi is the
same person as Chen Hui, but there is no direct evidence (Tsukamoto, 1985: 93). Moreover, the
biographical sources dealing with Kang Senghui and Chen Hui do not mention a commentary on
the YCRJ. A number of glosses in the YCRJZ (especially in the first juan) are introduced by the
formula 'the Master said' (0i-Z), and some hypotheses have been advanced by modern scholars
about the identity of this master: An Shigao himself, as proposed by Tang Yongtong (1983: 45),
Kang Senghui (Ztircher, 1972: 54), or even Zhi Qian tj- (Lai, 1986: 86). Each hypothesis has
its own advantages and disadvantages. An Shigao does not seem a good candidate for direct
authorship of these glosses, because in a number of cases they are clearly based on the already
translated text, even with some mistakes, and are therefore unlikely to have been comhposed by
the satisambojjhaiiga
i.e. translator himself. See,
(YCRJ p. for
174bexample, T 1694 p.
5, Petakopadesa p. 115,
12c 5-6, where,
6), the in explaining
'Master' the term
wrongly glosses it ,-,
(i.e. sambodhi-), as 'To discern good and bad [thoughts] ( ~ - ,--- ). As soon as bad
thoughts arise, they are extinguished, as soon as thoughts related to the Path arise, they are
supported'. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note that this interpretation, incorrect as it is, partially
reflects a genuine Indian exegetical tradition: cf. the Da zhidu lun k 3 )! T 1509 (p. 198c
5-6; cf. Lamotte, 1970: 1149, where this passage is translated differently): 'The smrtisambodhyariga
consists of two points: it can collect the good dharmas, and it can obstruct the bad ones'. In
short, I think we can better explain the features of this gloss (i.e. resemblance to a not completely
understood original Indian source) as resulting from the transmission of a remote oral teaching.
Thus we cannot exclude the possibility that An Shigao is the indirect source of this and possibly
other glosses of the YCRJZ. That the Parthian translator also used to elucidate the scriptures
verbally
this issue,issee
corroborated by Yan
Zacchetti, 1996: 8-9. Fotiao's #jl4?-j first-hand record in CSZJJ p. 69c 27-28. On
109 Ziircher, 1972: 54; Ui, 1971: 183 (cf. also the preceding note).
110 See Kang Senghui's preface to the Anban shouyijing, in CSZJJ T 2145 p. 43a 1-c 3, esp. b
26-c 3; see also Link, 1976: 63-4 and 67-80 for a complete translation of this important
document.
111 Kang Senghui (CSZJJ p. 43b 29-c 1) wrote (I quote Link's translation, 1976: 80): 'Ch'en
Hui annotated these doctrines and I aided in consultation and revision. If it was not from the
master, it was not transmitted [by me] since I dared not [add anything] on my own initiative'
(445,14',,,
Yongtong, gJtg~fiiI-/o
1983: 45) argues: 'SincePK'ang
;ot',Seng-hui
; izo ).was
Link (1976:monk,
an ordained 64; see also who
and those Tang
transmitted the An-pan shou-yi exegesis to him were Chinese laymen, it is very unlikely that he
would refer to any one of them as "master ". It therefore seems certain that the "master" her
designates only one person, An Shih-kao'.
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94 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
112 Compare, for instance, the definitions of yin J* (skandha) in the YCRJZ p. 9c 11-12 (Lai,
1986: 87) and in Kang Senghui's preface to the Anban shouyijing, CSZJJ p. 43a 5-9 (Link, 1976:
68-9); the process of existence as described in YCRJZ p. 10a 26-b 2, and in two texts by Kang
Senghui: CSZJJ p. 43a 9-13 (Link, 1976: 70-2: similar metaphor of seeding), and Liu du ji
jing i, R f~I T 152 p. 51c 25-26 (on the endless spirit being co-substantial with the 'Original
ether' t1tL). These similarities were already observed by Tang Yongtong (1983: 98-100). Of
course, it is difficult to decide who influenced whom, but the parallelism is beyond doubt.
113 Significantly, the particular connection between the two texts is also emphasized by the
preface (see above n. 108) to the YCRJZ (T 1694 p. 9b 14-15): '... The aggregates and the
constituents [i.e. the YCRJ] are a denomination of the practice: they circulate separately, though
having the same origin as the Anban [shouyi jing]'.
"Z0ircher, 1972: 186. We know that the great scholar and religious leader Dao'an it-(
(312-385 A.D.), while in the North, studied and commented on the YCRJ together with Zhu
Faji15:1 Also
?i, and Zhi Tanjiang
Lamotte t * treated
(1958: 207-8) 4: see CSZJJ p. 45a 8ff.;
the Petakopadesa Link,
apart 1958
from n. Theravadin
both 6 p. 8 and and
p. 11.
Sarvastivfdin Abhidharmas, concluding his exposition with these words (Engl. tr. p. 190), 'one
thing appears to be certain: the present Abhidharmic tradition is independent, since neither the
Theravfidins nor the Sarvastivfdins considered Mahaka-tyayana the Elder as authoritative at all'.
On the presence of non-Theravadin (i.e. Sarvhstivadin etc.) doctrines in the Nettippakarana see
Mizuno, 1997: 143-14.
116 See above n. 29 and 50. See also Mizuno, 1997: 133 (on the three khandhas of the attharigiko
magro) and Ui, 1970: 200.
SAmong the scriptures quoted in the YCRJZ (see the list provided by Tsukamoto, 1985:
90-91), there are several Mahayana works. See also the remarks by Forte, 1995: 70-73.
118 See above notes 29, 41 and 50; cf. Mizuno, 1997: 134 and 142-4.
119 On the ancient edition collated by the editors of the Taishj and the Zhonghua, see,
respectively, Uryfizu et al., 1964: 105, and Li Fuhua, 1996: 85.
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AN SHIGAO'S YIN CHI RU JING 95
so-called
edition Kaibaoby
engraved zang -Aof-1,the(Canon
order of inthe
emperor Kaibao
Sichuan era), the
between 971 Northern
and 983 Song
A.D., of which nothing but a few fragments survive.130
120 The YCRJ is in vol. 20, pp. 89-96 of the facsimile reprint.
121 Vol. 20, pp. 493-507 of the facsimile reprint.
122 Vol. 66, pp. 889-917 of the facsimile reprint.
123 This is the witness referred to as 'Song' 5 in the Taisho's apparatus; another printing of
the canon carved at Siqi is quoted as 'Zi' `, in the Zhonghua. The actual relationship between
these two witnesses is not completely clear, and cannot be worked out by simply examining the
variants collated in the Zhonghua and Taish5 editions. Indeed, the history of the Buddhist editorial
activity carried out at Siqi during the two Song dynasties presents some obscure points. Whether
there had been one (as seems probable) or two Siqi editions of the canon has been a much
debated issue: see Demi6ville's appendix to Pelliot, 1953: 133, Ch'en, 1951: 210-12, Li, 1991,
vol. 3: 1455-61 (reprint of' Siqi ban zangjing' ,.S fi ), esp. p. 1457, Uryuzu et al., 1964: 53.
124 i.e. the witness referred to as 'Imperial Household' 'g- in the Taisho's apparatus, which
conflates two closely related editions engraved at Fuzhou between the eleventh and twelfth
centuries: see Demi6ville, 1924: 185, Urytizu et al., 1964: 49.
125 Referred to as 'Yuan' .it in the Taish6's apparatus and 'Pu' -- in the Zhonghua.
126 Nan r in the Zhonghua's apparatus, fifteenth century.
127 ' Ming' a in the Taisho's apparatus, 'Jing' J in the Zhonghua.
128 Forte (1968: 187) has pointed out an interesting inconsistency in some ancient biblio-
graphical catalogues: while the Da Tang Dong/ing Da jing'ai si yiqie jing lun mu
jkthe*~*~,?,k
of -4-, "- as+)7fit*
YCRJ's manuscript 22 (p. 186cEl2),Tother
2148 (composed
catalogues in 665
describe this A.D.)
scripture records
as consisting the number of folios
of 32 folios. As Forte observes, only the former number is consistent with the text as it has been
transmitted in T 603. Then it is not impossible to conjecture that the number of 32 folios refers
to the text plus the interlinear commentary (i.e. as in the early editions of group 1 above). On the
other hand, this fact suggests that a redaction of the YCRJ without glosses is likely to have
circulated even in the period of the manuscript canons.
129 Cf. T 603 n. 29 p. 176=Zhonghua vol. 36 p. 142b 8-10; n. 29 p. 178 =Zhonghua p. 145a
20-21; n. 32 p. 178 =Zhonghua p. 145b 14-16, and passim. It is noteworthy that, if we are to trust
the Taishi's apparatus, Fuzhou also shares these-and only these-three errors. On the other
hand, Siqi and Jin continue to display a long series of common interpolations. The stemmatic
position of Fuzhou's YCRJ requires further investigation.
130 On this edition, see Tong, 1991; Uryizu et al., 1964: 30-36; Chikusa, 2000: 313-8. The analysis
of the YCRJ seems to confirm Li Cheng's unsupported statement that Jin (directly) and Siqi (by
contaminatio) are based on the first, unrevised redaction of the Kaibao zang (see Lti, 1991, vol. 3
p. 1446, 'Jin ke zangjing' .*jiM; 1991 vol. 3 p. 1461, 'Siqi ban zangjing').
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96 STEFANO ZACCHETTI
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