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MyronWeiner(1)
353
354
(8) One of the earlier attemptsto define the tertiarysector is that of Colin Clark.
See Colin Clark, The Conditions of Economic Progress. 1940.
"
(9) Eric E. Lampard, The History of Cities in Economically Advanced Areas ",
John Friedmannand William Alonso, Regional Development and Planning. A Reader
1964, p. 340.
(10) Ibid., p. 340.
"
(11) See for instance,S. G. Trantis The Economic Progress,Occupational Distri-
bution and InternationalTerms of Trade ", Economic Journal,LXIII, 1953, 6270637.
355
356
(15) See CliffordGeertz, Peddlers and Princes. Social Change and Economic Moder-
nization in Two Indonesian Towns, 1963; and The Social History of an Indonesian
Town, 1965.
(16) Lance Castles, Religion, Politics and Economic Behaviour in Java: The Kudus
CigaretteIndustry,1967.
(17) Another excellent descriptionof the economic structureof the Third World
city is that of Jacques Dupuis, op. cit.
(18) Geertz (1963), p. 28.
(19) Ibid, p. 28.
(20) See J. H. Boeke, Economics and Economic Pokey of Dual Societies, 1953.
357
I
I
Mritt
I
¡i i i
i i
i
i
V [I j
3
CAP'TAL
1 - DEVELOPEDCOUNTRY Ш ÉcoVmV
2 - PRIMATE CITY I 1 BAZAAR-PEASANT
1 ' ECONOMY
► SERVICES
UNDERDEVELOPED
NATION ► GOODS
358
"
invalid. See André Gunder Frank, 1967, and Sociology of Development and
Underdevelopmentof Sociology ", Catalyst,No. 3. Summer 1967, pp. 18-73.
(23) It is interestingto note that after the constructionof this model we found
similar models, devoted to particularproducts,in a study of marketingin Madagascar.
G. Donque, " Le Zoma de Tananarive. Etude géographique d'un marché urbain ",
Madagascar, Revue de Géographie, No. VIII, ianvier-juillet, 1966, pp. 93-273.
(24) W. F. Wertheim, East-West Parallels : Sociological Approaches to Modern
Asia, 1964, pp. 165-81.
(25) Gerald Bréese, Urbanization in Newly Developing Countries, 1966.
(26) See G. William Skinner,Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History,
"
1957. For an example in the rural contextsee D. W. Fryerand J. C. Jackson, Chi-
nese Smallholdersin Selangor ", Pacific Viewpoint, September 1966, pp. 198-228.
359
360
361
362
363
?64
365
it operates cheek-by-jowlwith the capitalist systemin the cities, the pasar is in most
cases as culturally insulated from the modern sector as the peasant sector in the
countryside. Its values, like those of the peasant sector,as we have seen, are at least
as solidly based on social and community factors as on commercial. There are,
however,varyingdegrees of this insulation within the Third World - in fact as we
shall see, in some countries, the labour-absorptivetraditional urban sector scarcely
exists as an independent entity.
(53) Bruce H. Herrick,Urban Migrationand Economic Development in Chile, 1965,
p. 67.
(54) See A. O. Hirschman, The Strategyof Economic Development, 1958, for a
discussion of this position.
(55) See G. C. Allen, A Short Economic History of Modern Japan. London,
" Economic
Unwin UniversityBooks, 1962, p. 125, Also see Tsunehiko Watanabe,
Aspects of Dualism in the IndustrialDevelopment of Japan ", Economic Development
and Cultural Change, April 1965, Vol. XIII, No. 3, pp. 293-312. His statementthat:
" In
general,the combinationof dualism with adoption of capital-usingtechniques in
the industrialdevelopmentof Japan, could be identifiedas one of he key explanations
for her rapid growth", (p. 308) would appear to broadly support the Hirschman
position.
(56) Sir Arthur Lewis, op. cit., 1967, pp. 21-22.
366
A » TIME »• В A » TIME ►Ь
(A) City labour force (B) Total labour force
- ^- _^_ Tertiary
«■■ ^шт ^м Manufacturing
Primary
"
(57) Nathan Keyfitz, Political-EconomicAspeas of Urbanization in South and
SoutheastAsia ", in Philip M. Hauser and Leo F. Schnore,The Study of Urbanization,
1965, p. 296.
367
A ». riMt ,, g д ^ TIMf ^ e
_____ Tertiary
_ ... ... Manufacturing
Primary
"
(58) A reading of Chayanov,A. V. Chayanov, The theoryof peasant economy ",
edited by Daniel Thorner (et al.), Homewood, Illinois, American Economic Association,
1966, makes it clear that this' problem
'
stems from the inability to develop new
conceptsfor the studyof these peasant systems. See also S. H. Franklin,1965, op. cit.
368
369
370
(66) This does not mean that no outlets existed in the Cuban - and other Latin
American-citiesin the service sector. However, the proliferationof occupations within
the sectorwas based not on traditionaltertiaryactivity,but on Western-orientedgoods,
services and other needs - bellboys, taxi-drivers,touts, prostitutes,shoe-shine boys
and so on - and did not create the great number of consequent labour-absorbing
activities as in the traditional pasar. See also Oscar Lewis, La Vida, 1967, for a
descriptionof the way of life of people employed in these occupations.
371
"T1ME
IA) (B)
____ Bazaar - Peasant
- - ... Capitalist
Total Employment
372
CONCLUSION
The latterpartof thisdiscussionshouldnot be seen as a contradiction of
theoriginalpropositionof thearticle. Rather,it has been an attemptto see
theprocessesof changeoperatingin the economiesof under-developed coun-
triesover a time span. To fall back on the diagrammatic we
illustrations,
have takenthe originalDiagram 3 of an under-developed economywith its
traditional
sectorsand the capitalistenclaveoperatingside by side. We have
then injectedthe dynamicof capitalistexpansioninto the model to allow
us to determinewhat the likelyresultsof thisprocessmightbe. We have
(67) It is not easy to quantify this argument. Even in the 1953 Cuban Census,
occupation figures are not broken down in sufficientdetail for conclusive argument.
The census shows that 47 per cent of the active Cuban population were in agricultural
jobs; 18 per cent artisans and machine operators; 8 per cent sellers of goods (some
of whom were possibly in the traditionalsectors); 5 per cent supervisorsand executives;
4 per cent professional groups. The census also looked at employmentin broader
sectoral groups. According to thij breakdown, 4l per cent Nvere in agriculture;
17 per cent in manufacturing;12 per cent in commerce (shops, warehouses, banks,
etc.); 20 per cent in other services and government; 10 per cent in construction,
transportand communications,other public utilitiesand mining. Figures from Censos
de Población, Viviendas y Electoral, Oficina Nacional de los Censos Demografico y
Electoral, 28 February 1953, La Habana, 1955, pp. XLI-XLII.
Neither division appears to leave much room for traditionaltertiaryurban activity
" sellers of " - a mere
except perhaps in the categoryof goods 6 per cent of all
occupations. The evidence is not conclusive, but the conjuncture of a number of
featuresof the Cuban economy - the extremelyhigh proportion of commercialised
farming centred around sugar; the low level of subsistencecrop production and the
high level of food imports;and finallythe small number engaged in traditionaltertiary
activity- seem to supportthe argumentof this paper.
373
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- -^- - '
i1
i
come to the conclusion that, in the long term, the predictions of the first
group of writersare likely to have the greater validity because of the type
of change taking place.
But this does not in any way invalidate the original proposition which
establishes the model of an under-developedeconomy at a certain period of
time. Diagram 6 illustratesthe point by settingout the two static models -
one which we mighttermthe " Indonesian" example with only partial infiltra-
tion of the still largelytraditionalurban/ruralsector by the capital-intensive
" "
sector; the other the Cuban model in which the penetrationhas continued
to such a degree that almost the entire economy has been Westernised by
the capitalistsector. These are the two poles. What we have been discussing
in the latter stages of this paper is the process which could lead from the
one to the other.
374
I 1__ [
J I
Satellite
l: L rrfH|
»-••■Г" T---^~ Countryside ■■-il J :
i
METROPOLITAN CAPITAI INUNSM ( ¡P[AVA1 CASH CROP
PRODUCTION APPROPRII 'ON LJ PRQD'JCTON
INDIGENOUS (V-PiTAL-iNUNSIvE I 1RA-A^ ' с -■-' ■t гтпрс.
pi >«„~ч
BA> UK К .-.LiUKb
PRODUCTION APPROPRIATION [ j
" Reflections
K. B. Griffin, on Latin AmericanDevelopment",
(68) For instance,
OxfordEconomicPapers,Vol. 18, No. 1, March1966 and A. GunderFrank,op. cit.,
pp. 248-54;
375
thecountries
precisely, of theThirdWorld are at differentstagesof develop-
ment- or under-development - as a resultof theirvaryinghistoricalexpe-
riencesof capitalism,their indigenoussocio-economicstructures, and the
interactionof the one on the other. Althoughin the long termthe first
groupmaybe provedcorrectin its predictions, revolutionarychangewill not
proceedalong a broad frontin the shortor even mediumterm. Rather,it
appearsmore logical that the revolutionarychangeswill be delayedlonger
in countrieswherethe traditionalstructures are more resilient,and where
thereare social and economicoutletsforthe indigenouspopulation,than in
wherethesestructures
countries have been subvertedby capitalistpenetration,
or whereno effective traditional
structures
ever existed.
LE MOUVEMENT
DETRANSFORMATION REVOLUTIONNAIRE
ET LA VILLE DU TIERS MONDE -
UNE THEORIE DE L' « INVOLUTION » URBAINE (1)
(résumé)
(1) Le mot « involution » employé dans le sens botanique dans le texte anglais ne
peut guère se traduiredans le texte françaisque par le mot « intégration», bien que
le terme « involution » implique en plus une notion de reploiement d'une activité
à l'intérieur d'une autre activité, comme la croissance des feuilles à l'intérieur d'un
bourgeon.
376
377
378