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Museveni should do more New effort against Doris Akol: Four UIA’s revolving
for peace in South Sudan HIV/AIDS law year scorecard door swings again

Issue No. 547 Nov 16 - 22 2018 Ushs 5,000,Kshs 200, RwF 1,500, SDP 8

Fixing Bank of Uganda

Museveni meets Mutebile
Behind the scenes efforts to
save Kasekende, Mutebile

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Nov 16 - 22 2018
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Issue No. 547 Nov 16 - 22 2018

News analysis Business Health Arts Motoring

Cover story
Fixing Bank of Uganda
Museveni meets Mutebile
Behind the scenes efforts to save Kasekende, Mutebile

4 The Week
29 Comments
Stella Nyanzi’s new
mission in Luzira prison Can democracy come back?:
America’s ideals of freedom,
democracy, and justice for all
9 The Last Word
are now under open attack
Bobi Wine’s Kyarenga concert: Why
Uganda (like other African countries) keeps
rotating around the same roundabout
36 Health
New effort against HIV/AIDS
law: Activists target media
14 Analysis in fight to repeal sections of
prevention and control Act
Museveni should do more
for peace in South Sudan: After September peace
deal, new report reveals likely hotspots for war
39 Arts & Culture
27 Business
Child scrap
Doris Akol: Four year scorecard: Experts collectors inspire
want more from her new term as URA boss artist

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2 Nov 16 - 22 2018
 Offline

Mississauga, Canada:
Members of the China
Disabled People’s
Performing Art
Troupe take part in
the thousand-hand
Bodhisattva dance
“The reason we may not attend is that
as the FDC party, we do not regard Mr
Museveni as the legitimately-elected
President of Uganda. If that issue
is part of what will be discussed in
December, then FDC management will
sit and take a decision.”Opposition Chief
Whip Ibrahim Semujju on Museveni meet
with Opposition
Butembo, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo:
Health workers wear
personal protective
equipment as they enter
the red zone of an
Ebola treatment centre
run by Médecins Sans
Frontières. The death toll
from an Ebola outbreak “This court has found that the
in the region has risen to
more than 200 applicant is a prominent and
influential person likely to interfere
with the witnesses. He has not
presented a doctor’s letter from the
detention facility where he is being
kept.”Lt. Gen. Andrew Gutti, General
Zhejiang, China:
Court Chairman on Abdullah Kitatta
Workers at the
fifth World Internet
Conference during a
group photo session
outside the venue in
Wuzhen

“Politics should be one eight of the

issues raised during the dialogue,
they should not take over and
become the centre of what is
discussed.”Justice James Ogoola of The
Elders Forum

People arrested in Money President What Uganda owes

300 Kampala last week
during Police operations
Shs3.2bn Museveni gave to
NRM youth
Shs63bn to international
organisations

Nov 16 - 22 2018 3
week
Museveni meets inter-party committee
President Yoweri Museveni held a meeting with a delegation of members of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue
President Yoweri Museveni
asked opposition parties to
fight electoral violence in a
meeting with members of the
Inter Party Organization for
Dialogue (IPOD), a forum of
political parties represented
in parliament. In a meet-
ing at State House Entebbe,
Museveni was positive that if
opposition parties join hands
with NRM, the ruling party,
they can put an end to politi-
cal violence and monetization
of politics. “I urged leaders
Ex-KCC workers renew fight for Shs90bn
In what has become a
recurrent fight, ex-workers
of the defunct Kampala
City Council (KCC) are
demanding their terminal
benefits and salary arrears
following their sacking
in 2012. The workers are
demanding an estimated
Shs92 billion which court
awarded them. A total of
1,013 these former KCC staff
of the opposition political
parties, together with their
supporters, to work with the
National Resistance Move-
ment (NRM) government to
eradicate electoral violence and
the monetization of politics to
give democracy and stability a
chance to flourish in Uganda,”
Museveni said in a state-
ment on his Facebook page.
The IPOD delegation to State
House was led by its chairper-
son Fred Ebil, the secretary
general of Uganda People’s
worked as lawyers, division
town clerks, administrative
assistants, council and
enforcement agents.
Early this year, the
High Court ordered the
government to pay the
workers more than Shs92.2
billion with interest at 6
per cent per year until full
payment. Court ruled that
the former workers were
Congress (UPC). Others were
NRM secretary general Justine
Kasule Lumumba and her
deputy Richard Todwong,
JEEMA secretary general Fred-
rick Kasajja and Democratic
Party secretary general Gerald
Siranda. The meeting was also
attended by Prime Minister
Ruhakana Rugunda. Forum
for Democratic Change (FDC)
snubbed the meeting saying
State House, a government
facility, cannot be sued for
party activities.
entitled to damages for
wrongful retirement from
service and hence be paid
their terminal benefits and
salary arrears. Following the
court judgment, President
Museveni ordered Kampala
Affairs minister, Beti Kamya,
to take appropriate action
to save government from
incurring more financial loss.
Stella Nyanzi’s
new mission in
Luzira prison
Makerere University
researcher and activist Stella
Nyanzi declined bail by the
Magistrates Court to teach
inmates at Luzira prison how
to use social media. Nyanzi
was charged with cyber
harassment and offensive com-
munication after she wrote
Facebook posts insulting Presi-
dent Museveni’s late mother
Esteri Kokundeka. She posted
a grotesque poem on Facebook
insulting Museveni’s mother
a day after the President’s
74th birthday. Her poem was
widely condemned for the
manner in which it attacked
the President’s late mother but
she was equally supported by
those opposed to the govern-
ment. She was remanded until
Nov.22. This is the second time
Nyanzi is accused of offensive
communication and cyber
harassment. In April 2017, she
was charged at Buganda Road
Magistrate’s court for cyber
harassment and offensive com-
munication after she insulted
Museveni on Facebook.

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 Week
Bobi Wine to youths:
Get national ID and vote

WE ARE
During his hugely attended count,” he told cheering fans.
Kyarenga Concert at his One The Kyarenga concert was long
Love Beach in Busabala, in the awaited after police thwarted it

city outskirts, singer and poli-
tician Robert Kyagulanyi aka
Bobi Wine urged youth to get
national IDs and vote. Wine said
that the only way young people
can stop being spectators in the
electoral process is by voting.
“Get a national ID. We are only
left with two years and we shall
show them what we are capable
of come 2021. Whatever we do
minus getting an ID does not
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on two occasions when Nam-
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There were mammoth crowds
draped in red, which is the
colour of Bobi’s People Power
movement. The singer rapped
the government on the dete-
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Kyambogo university staff to get medical insurance

All Kyambogo University staff will
start getting medical insurance come
2019 after the University Council
passed a staff medical Insurance
scheme policy to cater for health
demands of all staff. Vice Chancellor,
Pro Eli Katunguka said an adhoc
committee was selected to enroll staff
for the scheme and the sensitisation
exercise to create awareness among
all staff was done. The university
is currently procuring the service
providers for the services. Katunguka
said the scheme will benefit about
940 employees and their spouses,
including at least four of their
children below the age of 21 years.
The university will inject Shs1b in the
scheme but all staff will contribute
2 per cent of their salary to meet the
expenditures.
“One of the major challenges our
staff has been grappling with is the
high cost of medication. We believe
that with this new initiative, which is
the first of its kind, our staff will get
subsidised medication,” the VC said.

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Week
Race for MUK top job heats up
The top two candidates
vying for the position of
Deputy Vice Chancellor
in charge of Finance and
Administration at Makerere
University are both long
serving academics who
have promised better
management of university
funds. Prof William Bazeyo
joined Makerere in 1985
as a medical student
and has served as head
of department, School
of Public Health deputy
dean, a dean and has since
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last year bean acting as
Deputy Vice Chancellor
in charge of Finance
and Administration, a
position he now seeks to
substantively be appointed.
Prof. Anthony Mugisha
has served as head of
department and dean of
the School of Veterinary
Medicine and Animal
Resources and also worked
at the institution for over
twenty years. Mugisha
wants to negotiate with
government to fully take
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over the university wage
bill among his pledges
while Bazeyo promises to
lobby for manageable fees
and strengthen linkages
with the public and
private sectors to support
both students and staff.
The search committee
chairperson, Prof Joseph
Mugisha, will hand over a
report to the Senate to vote
on the two. Council will
then formally appoint the
winning candidate after
approval.
Arrest warrants issued
for Bakaleke
Police countrywide is on notice to
effect the arrest of former Kampala
South Regional Police Commander
Siraje Bakaleke who is wanted for
trial on charges of abuse of office and
kidnap. Bakalele was a close aide to
former Police boss Gen. Kale Kayihura
and he remains untraceable. “We
have sent the warrants of arrest to all
police stations and the search is still
on,” the Principal State Attorney in
the Directorate of Public Prosecutions,
Alice Komuhangi, told the Anti-
Corruption Court. Bakaleke is accused
of conning South Korean businessman
of over Shs1.4billion. Bakaleke is on
trial on charges on abuse of office,
embezzlement, obtaining money by
false pretence and kidnap. He is jointly
charged with six other police officers:
Robert Munezero, Innocent Nuwagaba,
Robert Ray Asiimwe, Junior Amanya,
Gastavas Babu, Kenneth Zirintusa
and businessman Samuel Nabeta
Mulowooza, the managing director of
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Humour Did you know?

Zoom Air of India has

most female pilots
Airlines have been stepping up their
NRM secretary general Kasule Lumumba has revealed that her childhood dream was to become a nun. efforts to recruit more female pilots to
meet the increasing demand for travel.
Spending on travel and tourism has
spiked in recent years, with customers
keen to spend their money on new
experiences.
There were nearly 350 million more
international tourists in 2017 than in
2010, according to the World Tourism
Organization.
Globally, just 5.18% of commercial
pilots are women, according to the Air
Line Pilots Association International
trade union.
Indian airlines employ the highest
proportion of female pilots at 12.4%.
That’s according to the latest statistics
from the International Society of
Women Airline Pilots (ISWAP).
Zoom Air, a regional Indian airline,
tops the leader board. ISWAP says it
The Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of Parliament has recommended an investigation and prosecution employs nine female pilots out of a
of Keith Muhakanizi, the Secretary to Treasury, for allegedly causing financial loss of Shs114b. total of 30.
Kathy McCullough, communications
chairwoman for ISWAP and a retired
female captain, said that Indian
companies have “aggressively
encouraged more women to become
airline pilots in what they see as an
upcoming pilot shortage.”
A report by Boeing found that
with a growing middle class in India,
commercial air travel is expected to
become more frequent.
In the UK, about 4.77% of airline
pilots are women.
A typical day for an airline pilot
could include flying passengers or
cargo to short-haul or more far-flung
destinations. Commercial pilots’
salaries depend on the airline they’re
working for, the type of aircraft they
fly and their level of experience.
Plans by some MPs to reintroduce a motion seeking to extend Starting salaries range between £20-
their tenure from five to seven years have leaked. 30,000 for those in the cockpit.

Nov 16 - 22 2018 7
Paradise, US: A burned-out car and petrol station remain after Camp fire tore through the area

Bobi Wine’s Kyarenga concert
By Andrew M. Mwenda
Why Uganda (like other African countries)
keeps rotating around the same roundabout
L
ast weekend, Kyadondo East
Member of Parliament (MP), Robert
Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine, held a
“mega” Kyarenga (it’s too much)
concert at his One Love Beach in Busa-
bala near Kampala. Drovees of Ugandans
flocked there to watch their new messiah
sing his new song, “Tuliyambala engule”
(we shall wear the crown). It is a song prom-
ising to liberate Uganda from the “dictator-
ship” of President Yoweri Museveni.
The event happened when I was re-
reading John Gray’s book, `Straw Dogs:
Thoughts on Humans and other Animals’.
In it, Gray, a professor of philosophy at
the London School of Economics, argues
that humans are deluded to think that they
are different from other animals. The only
difference between humans and other ani-
mals, Gray argues, is writing; which gives
humans capacity to store information in
permanent form. Many disagree, arguing
instead that Gray bases more on logical con-
sistence and less on “evidence”.
Gray’s argument appears fundamentally
true. We humans think we are different
from other animals because we are capable
of “rational” as opposed to emotional
actions.
But, as Jonathan Haidt, a professor of
moral psychology at the Stern School
of Business of New York University has
shown in his book, `The Righteous Mind:
Why Good People are Divided by Politics
and Religion’, human reasoning is a slave of
human emotions.
Haidt researched human psychology and
moral reasoning. His findings confirmed
the ideas of the 19th century Scottish Philoso-
pher, David Hume who had argued that
people do not rely on facts and evidence to
arrive at our conclusions. They rely on prej-
udices, biases, values, beliefs etc. We look
for those facts and evidence that support
our values, biases, prejudices and beliefs –
what psychologists call “confirmation bias”.
Many of the Ugandans who went to Bobi
Wine’s concert over the weekend, and the
elites who were promoting it on Twitter,
demonstrate how emotional human beings
can be. It proved that our feelings, not our
rational thinking, drive our actions as it
does among other animals.
Indeed, after writing his eleven volumes
of `The Story of Civilisation’, a 10,000
pages-long study spanning 5,000 years of
human history, 20th Century American phi-
The Last Word
losopher, Will Durant, compressed it into
a book of 100 pages titled `The Lessons of
History’. His conclusion: history is driven
by human nature (our animal instincts), not
human ideals. That is why many of us are
gullible and short-sighted.
Thus, like a herd of antelopes, Ugan-
dans converged on One Love Beach to
buy another dose of ideological cocaine.
Bobi Wine offered them the drug they are
addicted to: denouncing Museveni and
promising salvation – however vaguely.
For many Ugandans frustrated with
Museveni’s long rule, Bobi Wine represents
a breath of air into our politics. What is frus-
trating and depressing in this debate is the
inability of the elite promoters of the One
Love Beach mob to digest lessons from our
history.
Museveni came to power promising liber-
ation from the very evils he is being accused
of orchestrating: corruption, nepotism, trib-
alism and dictatorship.
Museveni argued that these problems
were a result of incompetence, selfishness,
ideological bankruptcy and lack of patrio-
tism by Milton Obote and Idi Amin. And
Museveni was not alone. Practically every
single leader in Africa has come to power
accusing their predecessor of these ills. They
have ruled or left office being accused of
them.
More than half a century later and more
than 300 leaders who have come and gone,
one would expect a different discourse in
Africa – one that looks beyond individuals
and situates these problems in a broader
structural context. It is from such an insight
that we can craft a solution since one cannot
treat a disease they have not diagnosed.
Indeed, if Museveni has failed, it is because
he misdiagnosed the disease by attributing
a complex social problem to individual
agency – Obote and Amin. Misdiagnosis
leads inevitably to wrong prescription.
So we must ask: why do rational human
being believe Bobi Wine is a solution to
Uganda’s problem? In my few encounters
with him and in my reading or listening to
his speeches, I am appalled at how unin-
formed and shallow Bobi Wine is. He has
a set of emotional feelings about the state
of Uganda, and almost no idea of their
cause (he thinks it is Museveni) or a plan on
how to solve them. His only slogan is that
Museveni has failed (he cannot even articu-
late on what) and we need change.
Opinion
Is pointing out Museveni’s perceived
failures sufficient to qualify someone to
be president? (I use “perceived failures”
because on the issues Bobi Wine attacks
Museveni, the president has done fairly
well). I have strong disagreements with
opposition leader and activist, Kizza
Besigye. But he is, even with his many
limitations, a much more informed person
than Bobi Wine. The fact that Ugandans,
especially elites, embrace someone totally
clueless about the problems and needed
solutions for our country only shows why
we have been changing leaders forever
without ever altering the problems we
accuse them of.
It is possible to argue that a leader does
not need to be informed about the alterna-
tive policies needed to “liberate” a country
– itself a hard argument to sell. But let us,
for argument’s sake, accept such warped
reasoning. The only saving grace would
be that such a leader is backed by a coali-
tion of people with progressive interests (I
am thinking of industrialists, for example)
and ideological clarity. Under this context,
it matters less who the person at the top
is because the middle and bottom of the
power pyramid is composed of powerful
and progressive interests.
Look at the interest groups behind Bobi
Wine to glean what future portends for
the government he will most likely preside
over. These comprise international and
domestic groups. His international backers
are a coalition that can only help him pro-
mote the interests of multinational capital,
which Museveni has done for the last 30
years with crippling implications on our
country’s future development. So we are
not changing the major influence on power
but the personnel promoting it.
The second group supporting Bobi Wine
is domestic – Uganda’s professionals
and a hotchpotch of unemployed and
underemployed youths. Both groups
survive or seek to survive on salaried
employment, largely provided by the
state or by multinational capital. This
domestic constituency can only reproduce
a government that relies on patronage – the
very bloated state employment sector we
accuse Museveni of creating. How can this
be a solution to our current problems?
amwenda@independent.co.ug
Nov 16 - 22 2018 9
cover story

Fixing Bank of Uganda

Museveni meets Mutebile
Behind the scenes efforts to
save Kasekende, Mutebile

10 Nov 16 - 22 2018

W
By Haggai Matsiko
hat would you
say if you saw
President Yoweri
Museveni and
embattled Bank of
Uganda Governor
Tumusiime Mutebile in a meeting at
this time? What if that meeting, which
in fact happened last week, stretched
over two consecutive days?
Would you believe sources at State
house who are familiar with the issue
but are not authorised to comment on
it confirming that Museveni in fact
met Mutebile twice on two separate
days last week at State House but
insisting that the meeting had nothing
to do with controversy at the crisis-
plagued central bank?
“They met over other things,” one
source told The Independent, “and it
is normal for the Governor to meet the
president anytime.”
But these are not normal times at
the central bank and speculation has
mounted that Museveni is now ready
to move to fix things at the central
bank.
Around the same time, on Nov.05,
a group of people dumped piglets at
Bank of Uganda premises draped in
placards with the pictures of Mutebile
and Juma Kisaame, the managing
director of DFCU bank which BoU
hand-picked to acquire assets of the
defunct Crane Bank.
The take-over and sale to DFCU of
Crane Bank assets has since become
toxic and drawn public criticism, with
suits and countersuits in the courts.
The raging bad reputation even casts
suspicion on the recent announcement
that Juma Kisaame, the managing
director of DFCU bank which BoU
hand-picked to acquire assets of the
defunct Crane Bank, is quitting.
Kisaame’s quitting has been
interpreted by some as a bid to jump
ship.
It follows a decision by
CDC Group, a UK-based
development finance
institution, in June
to dispose
of some
of its
The take-over
and sale to
DFCU of Crane
Bank assets has
since become
toxic and drawn
public criticism,
with suits and
countersuits in
the court
shareholding in DFCU bank.
The CDC was second biggest
shareholder of DFCU at the time of
BoU-DFCU deal over Crane Bank. It
was, therefore, a beneficiary of the
sharp rise in assets of DFCU which,
some analysts say DFCU acquired for
a song. The CDC decision to sell its
shares when DFCU was going through
a great run also blighted claims made
that the bank’s prospects were bright.
And given the crisis surrounding
BoU, the dumping of piglets was seen
as a form of protest against the BoU
leadership over their handling of the
financial sector.
In the past, piglets painted in yellow
colour—the colour of the ruling party
NRM—and tagged with names of
certain legislators, have been dumped
at parliament to protest against
unpopular actions and decisions by
legislators belonging to the ruling
party.
For some, the dumping of pigs at
BoU is seen as the lowest moment over
the last two years it has been in the
headlines over one controversy after
another. For others, the pigs could
have been the handiwork of those
fighting BoU officials.
Golden parachute for Mutebile
Whatever the case, in the eyes of
the public, the move has been seen as
another in a series of attacks against
the reputation of the BoU leadership.
It is against this background that
reports emerged President Museveni
cover story
had encouraged Mutebile to step
down.
One line suggests that Museveni
is exploring ways of giving a golden
parachute to Mutebile; a once highly
respected central bank who might not
have time left to redeem his image
at the floundering central bank.
Museveni, it is said, might ask 69-year
old Mutebile who in 2016 started
his fourth five year term as Bank of
Uganda boss to step down before
expiry of his term.
Timing of the Museveni – Mutebile
meeting is behind the speculation. The
meeting happened following reports
that one of the BoU board members
had suggested that both Mutebile
and his deputy Louis Kasekende be
removed from their positions. It is
alleged that some members of the
BoU board of directors made the
suggestion to a committee appointed
by President Museveni in March
to quietly investigate affairs at the
central bank.
The special committee led by
Bugweri County MP Abdu Katuntu
comprises of IGG Mulyagonja, some
other members of COSASE who
include Katuntu’s deputy Anita
Among, Mbarara Municipality MP
Michael Tusiime, and some BoU board
members.
The committee completed its report
last month and handed it to Museveni.
This investigation had taken the
pressure off both BoU and Museveni
given that it was being carried out
behind closed doors.
In their draft report, insiders say,
the Katuntu committee recommended
that; among others, some senior
officials at the bank be relieved of
their jobs. It is not clear whether
Kasekende and Mutebile are among
these officials.
But Katuntu is also the head of
the parliamentary committee on
Commissions, Statutory Authorities
and State Enterprises (COSASE) which
has since switched gears to investigate
Mutebile’s running of the central bank.
The COSASE intervention followed
a petition by aggrieved BoU staff
following squabbles over staff changes
Mutebile made on Feb.08.
On March 27, 2017, for instance,
while meeting officials from BoU,
some legislators and IGG Mulyagonja
at State House Nakasero, Museveni
told them to keep BoU issues out of
the press--a pointer that he was getting
concerned about the implications of
the bad press surrounding the bank.
At the time, Mulyagonja had
appeared on radio and was quoted
severally in newspapers criticising
Nov 16 - 22 2018 11
cover story
Mutebile for frustrating her efforts to
investigate claims by whistleblower
that Mutebile’s February 2017
reshuffle was among others driven by
tribalism.
Now COSASE is focusing on BoU’s
closure of seven banks. In its first
sittings on the issue, the committee
kicked Mutebile, Kasekende, and
their team out of parliament after
they appeared without some critical
documents.
Apart from this, the Inspector
General of Government (IGG) is now
also looking into the source of wealth
of top BoU officials amidst allegations
of corruption, insider trading, and
abuse of office.
The Independent has already
reported how one of Museveni’s
influential handlers met Mutebile’s
deputy Kasekende and asked him and
his boss to retire.
In the debate on how to reform BoU,
calls for the two top officials to leave
BoU have gained more traction as
more controversies have rocked the
central bank. Proponents of this view
claim that the reputation of the two
men has taken a hit and any sensible
reform of the bank can only happen
after they have left.
Observers also cite a power struggle
between the two men, which they say
has divided the bank into two camps
rendering it vulnerable and incapable
of performing its duties normally.
However, for others, the President
needs to keep the two men on the
job and work with them to solve the
current challenges facing the bank.
Those behind this line of thinking
12 Nov 16 - 22 2018
say firing the two pillars of the
central bank, who have a combined
work experience of over 50 years
between them of managing Uganda’s
financial sector, will distablise the
bank and send a dangerous signal
about Uganda’s economy at the time it
appears to be struggling.
Firing either of them is also not
a light move given their political
constituencies.
Kasekende is a catholic and a
Muganda with close links to the
powerful Mengo establishment. If
Museveni were to fire him, he would
need a replacement with the same
base. And Museveni is very sensitive to
these things. When he fired former Vice
President Gilbert Bukenya, he replaced
him with another Muganda catholic,
Edward Kiwanuka Sekandi.
As for Mutebile, President Museveni
also tends to be loyal to his loyal
servants and would not want to fire
Mutebile who has served him at the
highest levels since he took power and
is credited for laying a foundation for
Uganda’s economy while his assistant
at State House, Secretary to the
Treasury at the Ministry of Finance and
Governor BoU since 2001.
As a result of all this, others say the
president just needs to wait them out.
At 69 and 60 respectively, Mutebile and
Kasekende are already in retirement
age.
Most importantly, Kasekende’s
contract expires in 2020 and Mutebile’s,
in 2021. The President can keep
them on the job and wait for their
contracts to expire and not renew
them. This, many hope, will also buy
officials investing BoU enough time
to conclude their investigation and
make recommendations that the new
managers of BoU can start from.
Plunging new managers into the
BoU mess would make it next to
impossible for them to salvage the
bank’s reputation, some insiders claim.
Indeed, some of the problems Mutebile
and Kasekende are facing happened
before Mutebile joined the bank.
Three of the eight banks closed by
BoU that parliament is investigating
were closed and sold before Mutebile
joined BoU.
These also happen to be the most
controversial sales. They are; Teefe
Bank (1993), International Credit Bank
Ltd (1998), Greenland Bank (1999) and
Co-operative Bank (1999).
Mutebile joined BoU in 2001 and as
such, banks closed under his watch are;
National Bank of Commerce (2012),
Global Trust Bank (2014) and Crane
Bank (2016).
Blaming BoU’s weak board
Away from this, some experts say,
Mutebile and Kasekende are not the
only problem at BoU. They point out
that current investigations by the
IGG and the latest investigation in
parliament over the closed banks are
likely to be expose junior officers of the
BoU as the real culprits.
Part of the problem BoU has had is
that its board of directors is not the
strongest, insiders say. Failure for the
board to play its oversight role partly
explains why the central bank finds
itself in this mess.
Mutebile and Kasekende sit on

that board as chairman and deputy
chairman, and Bank Secretary, Susan
Kanyemibwa, is the Board Secretary.
Dr. William Kalema, James Kahooza,
Judy Obitre-Gama, Keith Muhakanizi,
and Josephine Okui Ossiya, are the
other board members.
“This board is incapable of providing
oversight to the bank,” said an official
who is deeply knowledgeable about
the inner workings of BoU, “They have
also been sucked into the in-fighting.”
Indeed, some board members do not
see eye-to-eye with Mutebile ever since
he made the Feb.8 reshuffle.
The official added that while in the
past Mutebile was a strong central
banker, when his health deteriorated,
it weakened him and rendered him
incapable of keeping tabs on critical
goings-on at BoU.
“Over the years,” the official noted,
“BoU has done very well on monetary
policy. The challenge has been
managing the financial sector.”
Indeed, the biggest challenges BoU is
currently facing have to do with failure
to manage the financial sector.
And this problem is also a historical
one. The 1999 judicial commission of
inquiry into the closure of commercial
banks blamed the collapse of the
International Credit Bank (ICB),
Greenland Bank Ltd (GBL) and
Co-operative Bank on their owners and
poor supervision by the central bank.
“The primary responsibility for the
failures of ICB, GBL and Co-operative
Bank lay with the owners and
managers,” the commission comprised
of Justices James Ogoola (chairman),
David Porter, and Japheth Katto noted,
“All of them (three failed banks) were
afflicted with the one-man management
syndrome of autocratic corporate
governance - exemplified by Thomas
Katto (ICB), Sulaiman Kiggundu (GBL)
and USAID (Coop Bank).”
The report added that there was no
separation between senior management
and the board of directors in ICB or
GBL, and that management took little
account of depositors’ interests.
“The Board of ICB consisted of
four members of the Katto family,
including a six year-old child. GBL
had two boards of directors but
neither had a say in the running of the
bank, run by the managing director
alone through a tiny coterie of inner-
circle of sycophants,” the report reads
in part.
According to Prof. Phares Mutibwa’s
book, `Bank of Uganda (1966-2016); a
Historical Perspective’, throughout the
1990s Uganda witnessed bank failures
because the Financial Institutions
Statute 1993, gave BoU limited powers.
But even when BoU’s powers
were boosted under the Financial
Institutions Act (2004) and the FI
(Amendments) Act of 2016, old
problems remained as the collapse
of the National Bank of Commerce
(2012), Global Trust Bank (2014) and
Crane Bank (2016), later showed.
BoU has since showed that tycoon
Sudhir Ruparelia was also running
Crane Bank in a similar fashion as the
owners of ICB and GBL.
When it took Sudhir to court on
July 03, 2016, BoU claimed that
Sudhir concealed his 100% ownership
of Crane Bank by introducing fake
shareholders including his wife and
three adult children, one Kasiklal
Kantaria of a phantom company called
White sapphire, one Jitendra Sanghani,
and businessman Godfrey Kirumira.
The basis of these allegations was
reportedly a forensic audit by Price
Waterhouse Coopers, commissioned
by the Central Bank.
Irene Mulyagonja Abdu Katuntu
Junior staff at BoU say they always
raised red flags about the way Crane
Bank was being run but these were
always shunted aside.
Critics say that most of the mess in
Crane Bank gained immunity due to
collusion, corruption, insider trading
and fraud that went undetected or was
covered up.
But BoU’s biggest problem is over
the manner in which it has always
sold these banks. The Auditor
General (AG) investigated the sale of
these banks and found that BoU had
undervalued assets of some of the
defunct banks. In other cases, critical
documents related to the sale had
since disappeared.
All this trouble was resurrected by
the takeover and sale of Crane Bank
to DFCU. BoU controversially sold the
bank to DFCU at Shs200 billion not
cash. Sudhir says that his bank was
valued at over one trillion shillings
and is currently locked in a fight with
BoU.
cover story
Initially, BoU officials appeared
to have the upper hand in this fight
as they sought to slap Sudhir with
criminal charges. Some insiders are
still pushing for this action.
But the turning point for Sudhir
emerged when Justice David
Wangutusi, kicked off the case the two
key BoU lawyers Timothy Masembe
Kanyerezi of MMAKS Advocates
and David Mpanga of AF Mpanga/
Bowmans on grounds of conflict of
interest.
Sudhir had asked that the two are
removed from the case because they
represented Crane Bank until October
20, 2016, when BOU took over its
management and thus the law firms
shared confidential information with
the central bank, which they were now
using against him.
Tired of the endless fight between
Sudhir and BoU, President Museveni
had directed that the two settle out
of court. However, officials at BoU
Juma Kisaame
are divided over this. While Mutebile
had agreed to settle with Sudhir,
his deputy Kasekende is convinced
that Sudhir has no case and that BoU
would trounce him in court.
As a result, efforts to settle have
always been frustrated; keeping the
fight between Sudhir and BoU raging.
Museveni does not like that. He says
he is increasingly tiring of this ping-
pong that continues to erode BoU’s
integrity.
However, the COSASE investigation
in parliament will be before cameras
and open to the entire public. How
parliament handles that public
glare and the sensitive information
that might be unearthed and how
President Museveni responds, might
provide the concrete evidence about
the President’s intentions on BoU,
Kasekende, and Mutebile. Until then,
questions will remain about what
Museveni and Mutebile talk about
when they meet.
Nov 16 - 22 2018 13
Presidents Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Omar al Bashir (centre) pose with Dr. Riek Machar (L) and President Salva Kiir of South Sudan (R)

Museveni should do more

for peace in South Sudan
After September peace deal, new report
reveals likely hotspots for war

By Ronald Musoke Eritrea’s Isaias Afwerki, Ethiopian President Museveni preaches peace

O
n Oct.31, happiness and joy filled
the South Sudanese capital, Juba,
when several high profile leaders
in eastern Africa joined President
Salva Kiir and his former deputy, Dr. Riek
Machar, to celebrate the “return of peace to
South Sudan.”
News of Machar’s return to Juba for
the first time in two years added to the
excitement.
Almost two months earlier, on Sept.
12, the two former allies-now-turned
foes had appended their signatures to
a peace agreement made possible by a
painstaking mediation led by the regional
body—the Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD).
Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni,
Omar Hassan al-Bashir of Sudan, Somalia’s
Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo Mohamed,
Sahle-Worke Zewde and Egyptian Prime
Minister; Mostafa Madbouly, were also in
Juba for the celebrations.
The peace agreement signed under
the theme: “Celebrating the dawn of
peace, appreciating friends, cherishing
reconciliation and unity” signaled the latest
effort to end a civil war which erupted
in 2013, just two years after the newest
independent state on the continent seceding
from Khartoum. Before the outbreak of
violence, Kiir and Machar squabbled over
what observers of the conflict referred
to as unequal distribution of power in
the government with Machar reportedly
feeling shut out from power in his role as
South Sudan’s vice president. At one point
Kiir accused Machar of masterminding
an attempted coup d’état. When Kiir
eventually sacked him in 2013, Machar took
up arms against Kiir later that year.
In his address to thousands of South
Sudanese gathered around Dr. John
Garang’s Mausoleum in the capital,
Museveni; who is one of the guarantors of
the peace, cautioned the South Sudanese
leaders against the dangers of dividing
people along sectarian lines; including
tribalism and religion, and forgetting
development and economic transformation.
“Am sure this is the end of conflict in
South Sudan,” Museveni said.
He described how war is wasteful and
advised that political arguments can be
solved by discussions or free and fair
elections.
Meanwhile President Kiir congratulated
Machar and other opposition leaders for
agreeing to come and celebrate peace. Kiir
said their presence is strong testimony for
peace in South Sudan.

14 Nov 16 - 22 2018

“The war era has ended, peace and
prosperity has come,” he said. Then he
apologized for being part of the war that
has raged on for five years. He said it was
“a total betrayal against the people of South
Sudan.”
Museveni’s responsibility
Ateny Wek, the spokesperson of the
government of South Sudan called the
agreement “the final, final” deal— to
emphasize a determination not to return to
war.
But it was not lost on anyone that this is
the 12th such peace agreement for South
Sudan since 2013.
So even with the excitement on the
streets of Juba; many observers say it is
hard to believe that the current peace deal
will prevent the country from sliding back
into civil war. It might take months or
even years, but war will erupt unless the
mode of policking in South Sudan changes
fundamentally.
“With the signing of the revitalized
agreement, we should publicly
acknowledge it is one step on the road to
peace, but one which lays the foundation
for all that follows,” David Shearer, the
head of the UN mission in South Sudan told
The Associated Press, moments after the
signing of the treaty.
The International Refugee Rights
Initiative (IRRI) has even produced a report
on South Sudan titled “We do not honour
agreements.”
Thijs Van Laer, the programme director
for Prevention and Resolution of Exile at
the IRRI and author of the report told The
Independent on Nov. 09 that Museveni
should this time use his influence over
the South Sudanese elite, including
President Kiir, to make sure that they stop
their military offensives and commit to
meaningful reform.
“Museveni and his regional colleagues
have the responsibility to see this
agreement through,” he said.
He said provisions on monitoring the
agreement have not improved compared
to the previous agreement, and there are
still no built-in sanctioning mechanisms
for spoilers. He told The Independent that
fighting is still ongoing in different parts
of the country, by signatories as well as by
those who refused to sign the agreement.
“While steps are being taken to prepare
the implementation of the power-sharing
parts of the agreement, which was the main
focus of the discussion in the talks, I’ve
seen little commitment to other parts of
the agreement, such as on accountability,
government reform or the reform of the
security sector.”
Van Laer said although there have been
significant events since the signing of the
September agreement, more needs to be
done to convince people that this time
around, the parties are really committed
to implementing the agreement and
making sure steps are taken towards a
sustainable political settlement.
He noted, however, that this time
it appears some regional countries,
including Uganda, are more supportive
of the agreement than in the past, when
they felt western countries had pressured
parties to sign.
“Also for these regional actors, focus
on power-sharing is not sufficient, they
should also monitor the implementation
of the whole agreement that they
brokered, and sanction those that refuse
to do so.”
Released just days after the Juba
celebrations, the IRRI report was based on
research done earlier. At the time, there
was an ongoing High-Level Revitalization
Forum (HLRF) created by the Inter-
Governmental Authority on Development
(IGAD) to revive the 2015 peace deal.
The report released on Nov.5 noted
how respondents regretted the lack of
implementation of the 2015 agreement,
which the majority blamed on the current
government of South Sudan, while others
blamed the rebel faction SPLM-IO.
The respondents also criticized IGAD
for not sufficiently steering the High
Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) and
its member states, especially Kenya and
Uganda, and for its bias towards the
South Sudanese government.
Several mentioned the reluctance of
the government during the talks and
its reservations when signing under
international pressure; saying it was
news analysis
a precursor to the breakdown of the
agreement in July 2016 when fighting
erupted again in the capital Juba.
They also pointed to a lack of follow-
up on the agreement by regional and
international actors, and to a lack of
pressure on the parties, especially the
government, to implement it. Likewise,
respondents were unanimous in their
criticism of President Kiir’s national
dialogue process announced in 2016.
Most respondents said it was important
to have a countrywide dialogue initiative
to collect citizens’ views. According to the
report, as soon as minimum requirements
related to security and political space are
in place, and when those responsible for
atrocities are held accountable, getting the
views of the people could prevent further
violence and address the country’s many
structural problems.
There was general consensus that
such a forum could go beyond the
narrow focus on power-sharing that
has dominated the latest regionally-
led discussions, and could address
contentious issues, such as the number
of state or localized conflicts, from
escalating.
Going forward, the report recommends
that IGAD should press parties to the
September 2018 agreement to respect
the ceasefire provisions and implement
all of its provisions in a timely manner,
consulting with citizens about their views.
“IGAD should also ensure independent
and adequate monitoring of the 2018
agreement including the ceasefire and
security arrangements, and regularly
publish its results as well as impose
targeted sanctions on actors responsible
for obstruction of peace efforts and for
atrocities.”
According to IRRI, the African Union
should ensure continuous high level
diplomatic engagements with all parties
to the 2018 agreement while the donors
need to support South Sudanese civil
society actors in disseminating the 2018
agreement to South Sudanese citizens in
and outside South Sudan, in monitoring
its implementation as well as in sharing
their findings with regional and
international actors.
IRRI has also asked donors to support the
organisation of a wider national dialogue
process based on inclusivity, minimum
security requirements, and the acceptance
of its facilitation, complementarity with the
2018 peace agreement and a clear mandate
and timetable.
“In order to ensure that citizens feel that
there will be significant improvement for
them this time, setting up a wider dialogue
about such issues, this time beyond
power-sharing and really including South
Sudanese citizens, would be helpful.”
Nov 16 - 22 2018 15
news analysis

A souvenir kiosk in Moscow offers a drawing of Russian President Vladimir Putin holding a baby President Trump, based
on a similar propaganda poster of late Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. Trump’s open embrace of authoritarian leaders such as
Putin makes it difficult for him to combat claims that his administration is not doing enough to prevent election rigging.

How to steal an election

in broad daylight
Autocrats and counterfeit democrats have perfected the art
of rigging polls to stay in power — without breaking any laws.

By Nic Cheeseman & Brian Klaas they slipped their cleanly marked observers noticed the disappearing ink

I
n Ukraine’s 2004 presidential
election, droves of voters turned
out in opposition strongholds,
hoping to oust the incumbent,
Viktor Yanukovych. Upon arrival at
their assigned polling stations, they
received their crisp ballot papers and
pens to mark them with. They dutifully
ticked the box for the opposition —
and against the ruling regime. Then,
ballot papers into the ballot box to be
counted. Having done their democratic
duty, they left.
Four minutes later, their ballots were
blank. Although the opposition voters
didn’t know it, they had been given
pens that were filled with disappearing
ink. The ballot boxes were filled with
stacks of unmarked ballots.
Despite such dirty tricks,
Yanukovych eventually lost. Election
trick — and many others — leading
to the election being rerun. But
Yanukovych’s defeat was unusual.
Incumbents win most elections these
days; for two reasons. First, they
enjoy many legitimate advantages,
such as the ability to set the political
agenda. Second, a remarkably high
proportion of elections are rigged. Most
incumbents have learned to transform
elections from a threat to their grip on

16 Nov 16 - 22 2018

power into something that can instead
be used to tighten it. They’ve figured
out how to rig an election, leading
to the greatest political paradox of
our time: There are more elections
than ever before, and yet the world is
becoming less democratic.
Nowadays, elections are held almost
everywhere. The vast majority of
governments at least go through the
motions of election campaigns and
are rhetorically committed to allowing
citizens to cast ballots to choose
the leaders who will govern them.
However, in many places, that choice is
little more than an illusion; the contest
is rigged from the start.
Era of democratic recession
If you think that poor-quality
elections like the 2004 vote in Ukraine
are an exception, think again: On a
scale of 1 to 10, in which 10 reflects a
perfect election and 1 reflects the worst
possible, the average election around
the world scores just 6 according
to data collected by the Electoral
Integrity Project. In Asia, Africa, post-
communist Europe, and the Middle
East, the figure is closer to 5. Globally,
only about 30 percent of elections
result in a transfer of power. In other
words, incumbents win seven times out
of 10 — and this figure is even lower
in nascent democracies with a recent
history of authoritarian rule.
Over the last decade, there has
been a gradual decline in the quality
of democracy in the world. In 2017,
according to Freedom House, 71
countries suffered net declines in
political rights and civil liberties,
with only 35 registering gains. The
world has become more authoritarian
every year since 2006, and the pace
of democratic decline seems to be
accelerating. Today, nearly 2 in 3
citizens in the world live under a
system of government that is not fully
democratic. In other words, we are
in the middle of a serious democratic
recession.
In our research, we uncover a
striking fact: Authoritarian regimes
that hold elections and manipulate
them turn out to be more stable
than those that don’t hold elections
at all. To understand how dictators
and despots get away with rigging
elections — and how we can stop them
in their authoritarian tracks — we
crisscrossed the globe, conducting
field research in 11 different countries
spread across sub-Saharan Africa,
the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and
formerly communist Eastern European
nations. We interviewed more than
500 elite figures, ranging from prime
ministers and presidents who have
rigged elections to lower-level election
officials; from ambassadors to local
aid workers, and from opposition
candidates to rebels and coup
plotters disillusioned with the state
of democracy in their countries. We
combined those on-the-ground insights
with global data on all elections held
since 1960 to get a broader picture of
trends and to see how the election-
rigging pros have changed their tactics
over time.
The smartest way to rig an election
There are a range of possible
options that autocrats and counterfeit
democrats can use to tip the electoral
scales in their favour. Different
elections require different tools — but
there’s a logic to all of them.
The smartest way to rig an election
is to do so before the ballots have even
been printed. If you have to resort to
rigging with armed henchmen and
stuffed ballot boxes, you’ve already
failed. Today, the most effective
autocrats steal elections well before
polling day.
Russian politicians learned this
lesson long ago. In the 1998 St.
Petersburg local assembly elections,
Oleg Sergeyev was running for
re-election. In power, he had proved
to be quite a thorn in the side of the
city’s governor, Vladimir Yakovlev. So
much so that some expected Sergeyev
could run for the governor’s position
in the future or at least challenge
his authority by campaigning for
reform. A populist operating in a
semiauthoritarian political system,
news analysis
Yakovlev did not take opposition
lightly, and so he allegedly used his
political influence to take Sergeyev out
of the game before he became a real
threat.
Thus, when Sergeyev launched his
bid to retain his seat, he was surprised
to learn the names of two of his
opponents: Oleg Sergeyev and Oleg
Sergeyev. The former was a pensioner,
the latter an unemployed man. Neither
had any qualifications for the office
they were seeking. But they had been
handpicked for one key characteristic:
their names. When voters arrived in the
polling booth, they were unsure which
Sergeyev was their candidate of choice.
Many cast ballots for the “wrong”
Sergeyev, which split the vote and
contributed to Sergeyev’s downfall,
exactly as Yakovlev had intended.
The problem, of course, is that
everyone realised the game that
Yakovlev was playing. Voters aren’t
stupid, and when they see three Oleg
Sergeyevs on one ballot, they know the
election is being rigged.
The best manipulations are those
that can be done subtly and legally but
nonetheless ensure victory. The worst
forms of pre-election manipulation are
easily detected, illegal, and have little
impact. Effective rigging ensures that
you win and that you get away with it
without losing legitimacy.
Such strategies include manipulating
the voter rolls, excluding opposition
candidates from running in
elections, and distorting electoral
districts to maximize partisan gains
(gerrymandering). What all of these
tactics have in common is that they can
be deployed months in advance of an
election when most observers aren’t yet
on the ground and can be presented as
technical or legal decisions as opposed
to political skullduggery. When these
mechanisms are effectively employed,
governments can win elections unfairly
without attracting any of the negative
attention — criticism, sanctions,
international prosecutions — that
inevitably result from the use of other,
cruder strategies in the dictator’s
toolbox.
Sometimes, dictators, despots,
and counterfeit democrats develop
bizarrely ingenious ways to
manipulate elections without breaking
the law. In Madagascar’s 2006
election, for example, the biggest
threat to the incumbent president,
Marc Ravalomanana, came from
an opposition candidate, Pierrot
Rajaonarivelo, who had been banished
into exile outside of the island. It was
clear that if he were able to return and
run for office, he just might win.
Nov 16 - 22 2018 17
news analysis
Under Malagasy election law,
candidates are eligible to run for office
only if they have applied for candidacy
in person — in Madagascar. So, rather
than outright disqualify Rajaonarivelo
from running for office, the president
came up with a different strategy:
make sure that his rival couldn’t land
on the island whenever he tried to fly
home. Whenever his plane was about
to land, the government unilaterally
closed Madagascar’s airports and the
flight had to turn around. Eventually,
the deadline to file the paperwork as
a presidential candidate passed. That
exclusion of an opposition candidate
was certainly illegitimate, but it was
perfectly legal. And with no major
rivals on the ballot, the president
coasted to an easy victory.
Americans and Europeans may
sneer at these tactics, but they are not
limited to Russia and African island
nations. Pre-election manipulation has
been commonplace in consolidated
democracies for a long time.
“Rotten boroughs” — electoral
districts that deliberately included a
tiny number of voters who were all
dependent on a single landlord — were
common in Britain in the early 1800s.
The most notorious example was Old
Sarum, which had no resident voters at
all. The tiny electorate, and the fact that
Old Sarum’s voters were dependent
on their landlord, ensured that the
landlord would always be elected to
parliament. For many years in the
1700s, the borough was owned by the
Pitt family and elected William Pitt the
Elder, who was prime minister in the
1760s.
If you wanted to take a master
class in subtle and legal pre-election
rigging, you might want to travel
to the United States. Despite being
seen as the world’s most powerful
democracy, America is where many
of the rigging techniques used today
were perfected and continue to exert
a powerful legacy. This is particularly
true of two of the most tried and tested
methods for establishing a pre-electoral
advantage: gerrymandering and voter
suppression.
Distorted electoral boundaries loom
large in every U.S. congressional
election. Opinion polls consistently
show that Congress is viewed
favorably by just 10 to 20 percent of
Americans. That is about the same
favourability rating as cockroaches. But
even with that dismal approval rating,
only eight incumbents out of a body of
435 representatives lost their re-election
bids in 2016. This is one of the lowest
turnover rates in the world — much
lower than the equivalent figure in
18 Nov 16 - 22 2018
legislatures in sub-Saharan Africa that
are by other measures considered to be
significantly less democratic.
Some of these uncompetitive
elections are caused by demographic
clustering, where like-minded voters
self-select into districts (just imagine
trying to draw a balanced district of
Democrats and Republicans in San
Francisco or rural Texas, for example).
But gerrymandering also plays a role.
Across the United States, self-interested
politicians get to choose their voters
rather than the other way around. The
worst offenders have been clustered
in North Carolina, Michigan, and —
until a recent decision by the state’s
Supreme Court to redraw electoral
boundaries — Pennsylvania. And there
are offenders on both sides of the aisle:
The tiny
electorate, and
the fact that Old
Sarum’s voters
were dependent
on their landlord,
ensured that
the landlord
would always
be elected to
parliament
Democratic gerrymandering happens
in Massachusetts, Maryland, and to a
lesser extent Illinois; while Republican
gerrymandering happens in Florida,
Ohio, Texas, and Virginia. In net terms,
Republicans have secured a significant
seat advantage in the House of
Representatives, thanks to the cynical
and self-interested way in which
congressional districts are drawn.
This hurts democracy, because for
accountability to work voters must be
able to “kick out the bums.” In turn,
this requires that most elections be
competitive — if they are not, then
politicians can carry on regardless, safe
in the knowledge that they will not lose
their seats. But in the 2016 U.S. House
election, the average margin of victory
was 37.1 percent. In other words, one
candidate got close to 70 percent of the
vote, with their rival finishing with just
over 30 percent. This is a remarkable
statistic that seems more in keeping
with sham elections in North Korea or
Russia than those of the world’s most
powerful democracy. Competitive races
are vanishingly rare. Out of 435 House
seats ostensibly up for grabs, only 17
were decided by a margin of 5 percent
or less, and only 18 others were within
a margin of 10 percent.
These statistics go a long way in
explaining why many Republicans
in Congress seem unwilling to break
with President Donald Trump on
anything of substance; they know that
disagreeing with the president could
mean losing a primary race to a fellow
Republican or, in some cases, losing
to a moderate Democrat in the general
election. The spread of uncompetitive
elections also helps explain why
turnout is so low in congressional
midterm elections; for voters who live
in an uncompetitive district, many
figure, “Why bother?”
While many leaders still feel the need
to hand over bags of cash to influential
village leaders in sub-Saharan Africa
or Southeast Asia, some are now
supplementing this with much more
innovative strategies. In some places,
for example, incumbents who used to
engage in unspeakable acts of violent
repression around elections have
learned that you don’t have to use
violence every time — you just have
to remind frightened voters of those
past abuses. An arsonist does not have
to keep burning down your house to
convey a threat; rather, he can send
the same message by simply shaking a
matchbox anytime he walks past. In the
same way, incumbents can intimidate
voters with innuendo and vague
threats — actions that are not usually
illegal.
Furthermore, those who buy votes
are finding new ways to ensure that
their money doesn’t go to waste. In
the past, voters might take money
to vote a certain way and then vote
their conscience anyway. That made
vote buying an inefficient and highly
uncertain tactic. But some savvy
autocrats have found loopholes: In
some cases, voters are instructed
to pretend that they are illiterate or
blind so that they can vote by voice —
allowing the local henchman who paid
them to hear them cast their ballots the
“right” way and ensure that the voters
have kept their end of the bargain. The
threat of reprisals if the voter is seen to
be disloyal makes vote buying much
more effective.

In short, while more elections are
being held and more elections are being
monitored to verify their integrity,
the entire business of elections has
become a bit like a game of Whac-a-
Mole. Whenever Western observers get
good at detecting and condemning foul
play, opportunistic incumbents just
shift their tactics or get better at hiding
them.
The consequences of rigging are
often negligible. There are countless
elections that were blatantly and
absurdly rigged and were never
noticed or condemned by international
monitors, either because of a
technicality or because of geopolitical
favouritism. Despite the wide range of
rigging tools frequently deployed, only
20 percent of elections are condemned
for cases in which significant
manipulation was detected — and
foreign aid was cut off following only
6 percent of all elections, suggesting
that in most cases where manipulation
was detected, the regime did not suffer
financially.
Things are going to get worse before
they get better. Many western nations
are turning their backs on democracy
abroad. As Europe grapples with
the internal challenges of Brexit and
the rise of authoritarian populism in
Hungary and Poland, it is less able
to support democracy outside its
borders in places like Madagascar and
Myanmar. And the benefits of Trump’s
“America First” turn are readily
apparent to the counterfeit democrats
of the world. Elites in the upper
echelons of many governments pay
close attention to what is happening in
Western capitals — and Washington
in particular. They take cues from the
White House as a metric of what they
might be able to get away with in the
future. When the signals from the West
clearly show an appetite for punishing
those who rig elections, there is some
scope for deterrence.
But instead, since Jan. 20, 2017,
Trump has sent unequivocal signals
to those who rig elections that they
will not be punished. In fact, he has
openly embraced and spoken highly
of authoritarian strongmen across the
globe — from China’s Xi Jinping and
the Philippines’s Rodrigo Duterte to
Russia’s Vladimir Putin and Turkey’s
Recep Tayyip Erdogan. While
many Western observers were busy
condemning sham elections in Turkey
and Russia, Trump picked up the
phone and congratulated both leaders.
And for those who want to rig
elections by jailing journalists or
imprisoning opponents, it’s hard to get
a clearer signal than Trump’s nearly
daily attacks on what he calls “fake
news,” which makes the media, in his
words, “the enemy of the people.”
These signals matter, and they make
it harder to combat election rigging.
After all, if election observers condemn
an election but the president of the
United States calls to congratulate
the leader anyway, it undercuts the
value of election monitoring and the
fear of consequences among election
riggers. There is a real risk that, in the
future, the exposure of election rigging
could pose even less of a threat to
authoritarian regimes than it has in the
past.
The tactics outlined here may
seem new, but they are old news to
the world’s dictators, despots, and
counterfeit democrats. For decades,
they have been fine-tuning their
strategies in order to hold elections
that only they can win. Over time, their
trial-and-error efforts have produced
rigging techniques that, unfortunately,
work. The government prints the
ballots, lets people show up to vote,
and — almost without fail — wins and
retains power. The hallmark of these
elections is that we usually know who
will win well before the counting ends.
That’s not how democracy is supposed
news analysis
to work.
In the 21st century, strongmen
have learned that it’s easier to stay in
power by rigging elections than by
not holding them at all. Right now,
those who rig elections are outfoxing
not only their own citizens but the
international community as well.
Unless we learn how to identify those
strategies and address them, then the
quality of elections will continue to
decline. Over time, this is likely to call
into question the basic legitimacy of
democracy, as people grow frustrated
with elections that fail to bring change.
One of the main things that
democracy has going for it today is
that despite its limitations, it remains
the preferred political system of
most people living in Africa, Latin
America, and post-communist Europe,
according to surveys conducted
by organisations such as the
Afrobarometer and Latinobarometer.
But this support has limits. If
democracy continues to generate
instability and tension without actually
delivering accountability and inclusion,
authoritarian alternatives will start to
look increasingly attractive.
This article was adapted from Nic
Cheeseman and Brian Klaas’s new book,
`How to Rig an Election’.
Nic Cheeseman is a professor of democracy
and international development at the
University of Birmingham, the founding
editor of the Oxford Encyclopedia of
African Politics, and the author of
Democracy in Africa: Successes, Failures
and the Struggle for Political Reform. (@
fromagehomme)
Brian Klaas is a Fellow in Comparative
Politics at the London School of Economics
and the author of The Despot’s Accomplice:
How the West is Aiding & Abetting the
Decline of Democracy. (@brianklaas)
Source: Foreign Policy magazine
Nov 16 - 22 2018 19
news analysis
Women await treatment at the new women's hospital
Mulago’s referral
system failure
New specialised women’s hospital sinks back to the old ways
By Flavia Nassaka
O
n Oct.16, a week after President
Yoweri Museveni officially
opened the new Mulago Spe-
cialised Maternal and Neonatal
Hospital in Kampala on Oct.09, The Inde-
pendent visited the facility. The expectation
was to see an efficiently run facility with
smiling health workers attending to patients
in clean beds, using high end technology
since the first days of free care had come to
an end.
Instead, the scene was quite familiar for
those who have visited any of the public
health facilities or the main Mulago Hospi-
tal before it closed for repair.
Women lay desperately on the floor in an
open space at the spacious reception area
seemingly waiting for treatment. Yet more
were pleading with security personnel at
the gate to allow them entry.
The facility was opened on the idea that
it will run by its own specialists and have
its own new equipment. It was a turn-key
project with the Arab contractors who built
it under agreement to hand over a finished
hospital with everything from equipment
to hospital beds and health workers fully
20 Nov 16 - 22 2018
trained to work there. But now, it appears,
the dream hospital is fast reverting to the
old Mulago ways.
It was impossible to imagine this was
the new hospital that was opened with
strict referral rules to only handle cases that
require super-specialised care that could not
be handled by lower facilities. So what has
gone wrong?
Nothing but minor glitches, according to
Dr. Diana Atwiine; who is the Permanent
Secretary of the Ministry of Health.
When asked about this at a media brief-
ing, she said: “What has been stopping
Mulago from handling referrals are these
small glitches but we are now slowly identi-
fying and solving them. This overcrowding
because of headaches, malaria will soon
stop,” she said, “Our specialists are busy
treating malaria. Some get frustrated that
they aren’t practicing their specialties and
end up leaving the country.”
But for Kyamureesire Rutaagi, the issues
of the New Mulago Hospital extend beyond
the glitches the public sees. The former
lecturer at Makerere University Business
School says Mulago has a management
problem. The management expert says if
this is not fixed; the touted referral system
might remain a dream even with the entire
necessary infrastructure in place.
“what Mulago needs is a manager,”
Rutaagi says.
He explains that managing the referral
system requires basic resources to imple-
ment such as human resources and the
right technologies to deliver services with
efficiency. He says these should be supple-
mented by efficient planning, quick deci-
sion making, and supervision.
“Doctors are not trained in manage-
ment,” he says, “As much as it’s important
for one to have medical knowledge, mana-
gerial skills are key to be able to plan and
ensure policies are implemented.”
Some doctors, it appears, would agree.
Dr. Richard Idro, a pediatrician at Mula-
go Hospital says the challenge for health
workers is that they cannot just send away
dying people and that people know they
will find all the expertise they need at the
national referral.
“They are better off waiting in queues
at Mulago with hope than not getting
anything at lower facilities”, he says,” no
patient will want to queue when they know
they can get the same service at Kiswa or
any other lower facility.”

Idro says there appears to be no alter-
native and the overcrowding of the new
facility should communicate to healthcare
managers in the country that the people do
not trust that they can find care at the lower
facilities.
He says Mulago should be creating con-
ditions where patients know that if you go
there without a referral note you will not
access care, but he adds that “the country is
ages behind in terms of implementing poli-
cies such as the referral system”.
“One needs to look at how medical
records are stored” he says, “It has become
worse now. People come with exercise
books, we write and they take them back.
We now don’t have any medical records
as hospitals; so you can imagine the sort
of conversation you will have if a doctor
from a higher facility contacted you about a
patient.”
Government health facilities still use old
style paper forms decades after the coun-
try adopted the referral system cascading
access to care from Health Center 1 or Vil-
lage Health Teams and Community Health
Workers (CHEWs) as first point of care, to
Health Center IVs, district hospitals, region-
al referrals up to the level of the national
referral.
The problem was noted and in 2006,
when complaints of loss of records
increased, Mulago appointed a committee
to assess the possibility of having a com-
puterized record keeping system. Nothing
came of it.
Plans to have this system were again
hinted on in 2017 when, during a tour of the
women’s hospital and renovation works
at the main hospital; the Mulago Hospital
Director Baterana Byarugaba announced
that they were installing a cyber optic cable
to implement a customized Integrated
Hospital Management system to enable
them share and compare patient informa-
tion easily with regional referral hospitals
and the Kiruddu and Kawempe annexes of
Mulago hospital. This is where most of the
patients referred for super specialized care
are expected to be from.
Dr. Diana Atwiine, the PS says the tech-
nology and everything will be in place early
next year when the refurbished Old Mulago
is expected to open and a more efficient
US$12 million ambulance system will be
introduced to ease the referral system.
She said the National Development Plan
2020 guides the leaders to implement the
referral system.
Dr. Lawrence Kazibwe, the Deputy
Director at Kawempe Hospital also says
what they are learning from this is that
implementing a referral system is more
than having structures and buildings. He
gives an example that as big as his facility
is, he only has three ambulances to transfer
patients when they need special care.
The situation at Mulago, it appears, is
putting the much touted referral system to
a test and the wing facilities are feeling the
pressure.
The added pressure is felt at every
department at the Kawempe hospital. At
the radiology department, equipment pre-
news analysis
viously used in the private wing has been
transferred to the new hospital. We could
not verify this but only one ultra sound scan
was in use when we visited and it is in the
general wing.
One of the top doctors here is J.B Tezita,
who is also a long time consultant obstetri-
cian. Previously he was based at the private
antenatal wing of the Obstetrics and Gyne-
cology extension of Mulago National Refer-
ral Hospital.
Monday is a busy day for him as it
is antenatal day at the private wing of
Kawempe. Women and couples flock his
clinic for antenatal solutions, conception
interventions, and post-natal advice.
He is usually at the clinic by 8am but
his patients keep increasing and queues of
patients soon flow into the corridor.
Oct.29 was a typical chaotic day. Patients
scrambled for sitting space on benches in
front of his consultation room. But by 9am,
the doctor had not arrived. The crowd kept
swelling as no one was leaving. Some chose
to stand – not bothered by the seemingly
unclean terrazzo floor with stains of dry
blood drops and a stench that occasionally
swept through – probably from a pile of
hospital waste behind the building.
About 30 minutes after midday, Dr.
Tezita arrived. He seemed overwhelmed by
the numbers.
“I had asked someone to stand in for
me,” he explained, “I had a case at the
women’s hospital.” Then he was inter-
rupted by a phone call and he seemed to be
giving instructions to the caller on how to
handle another patient.
Then he did something unusual; he
advised the women to transfer to the
new women’s hospital if they want. The
suggestion was odd and showed how
specialists like Tezita now have to divide up
their time between seeing mothers admitted
at both the general and private wing, attend
to those coming in for antenatal at the
Private wing and specialised cases at the
new hospital. It is clear they cannot wait
for the referral system that Dr. Atwiine
promises to kick in.
*terms and conditions apply
AfricellUG @AfricellUG
Nov 16 - 22 2018 21
feature
Lion poaching
The brutal new threat to
Africa’s prides
The big cats are horribly easy to kill with poisoned meat,
allowing poachers to hack off their faces and paws
By Damian Carrington in Limpopo national park,
Mozambique
T
hat’s fresh, just a few hours old,”
says Kris Everatt, pointing at a clear
print of a lion’s paw in the hot dust.
“It’s the ghost pride.”
The print is female. A bigger male print
is soon spotted, also leading towards a pre-
cious water hole, then a smaller one. “A cub,
less than two years old,” he says.
The anti-poaching patrol continues its
careful tracking across the parched land-
scape of Limpopo national park (LNP)
in Mozambique. Hippos wallow nearby,
crocodiles sun themselves and baboons yell
alarms calls at the rangers – but the team
don’t find the lions.
Everatt, from the global wild cat conser-
vation group Panthera, is pleased nonethe-
less. “I’m so happy – at least there are still
lions here.” The ghost pride, who live along
the Machampane river, have very good
reason for being elusive – they have been
deliberately poisoned three times since
2015. Nine lions died, their faces and paws
hacked off by the poachers, and the Lim-
popo park’s lion population is in freefall.
The targeted poaching attacks are a new
and horrific danger to lions, which were
already under serious threat across Africa
22 Nov 16 - 22 2018
from destruction of habitat and the snaring
of their prey for bushmeat. There are now
fewer lions left than elephants.
“Poaching has the potential to be incred-
ibly detrimental to Africa’s wild lions,” says
Everatt. “This is something we definitely
didn’t need – another huge challenge.”
“It happened really fast in Mozambique,
and it could happen really fast in the rest of
Africa,” he says. Lion poaching has already
been reported from Zimbabwe, South Afri-
ca, Tanzania, and Uganda. “You could end
up with the only place left with wild lions in
Africa being Kruger national park,” a well-
protected refuge across the border in South
Africa, he says.
The poaching problem is especially wor-
rying because it is far easier to poach lions
than elephants or rhino. Lions scavenge, so
poachers only need to snare an antelope,
poison the carcass with pesticide and wait.
“I feel like I am racing the poachers to
find the lions, and they have the advantage
because they don’t actually have to see the
lions,” says Everatt. “Lions are much easier
to kill than to study.”
On the way back from the patrol, Everatt
stops his Land Cruiser to watch African
white-backed vultures circling a couple of
hundred metres away – they could signal
a predator kill and, perhaps, lions. Striding
off, he kicks a rusted blue enamel bowl dis-
carded in the dirt. “Poachers,” he spits.
There are 20 or more vultures roosting in
a tall dead tree, suggesting a big animal has
been killed nearby. He walks downwind:
“I use smell all the time, so much so that
the smell of a rotten animal is actually good
to me now. I have found a lot of poaching
incidents this way.” But, again, no lions are
found.
Even technology doesn’t guarantee a
successful search. The day before, Everatt
searched for a big male, Culu, who roams
between Mozambique and Kruger national
park, coming close to some infamous
poaching villages. Everatt has collared
Culu, but standing on top of his vehicle
with an antenna listening for a radio beep,
he found the lion elusive this time.
“I think Culu is going to be poached,”
he says. “It is kind of inevitable. There are
a lot more poachers than rangers.” LNP
is roughly seven times the size of Greater
London in the UK but has just 100 rangers
in the field.
Time is against the Limpopo lions. Their
numbers have crashed from 66 to 21 in only
five years, according to survey data soon to
be published by Everatt. Based on the prey
available, the area should support up to 200
lions.

“Targeted poaching has emerged over the
last few years to be the number one threat
to the viability of these lions,” he says.
“The decline is so steep that you would not
expect lions to be around in the park in a
couple of years’ time.” The change from
2014 is so stark that Everatt thinks that must
be when criminals first showed up wanting
to buy lion parts.
Who is driving the demand for lion teeth
and claws is unclear: illegal trade is by its
nature shady. But they have turned up
alongside elephant ivory and rhino horn
in shipments destined for east Asia. There
is also a local market in southern Africa for
use in traditional magic.
A few poached lions have also had their
bones removed, potentially linking them to
the controversial legal trade in farmed lion
bones in South Africa. With just a few thou-
sand tigers left, lion bones are now being
used as replacement in Asian tiger cake and
wine.
Camera traps set for wildlife in LNP have
snapped poachers returning from Kruger
with tusks and rhino horn. But rhinos,
already wiped out in LNP, are becoming
rarer, so it appears lions are now being
targeted as another way to make money,
says Everatt: “A lot of the time it is the same
people, and often on the same trip.”
The most recent poaching attack in LNP
hit the ghost pride in January: four lions
died, along with dozens of vultures. One of
Everatt’s team broke down in tears at the
sight of the mutilated carcasses.
“It’s gruesome and I do have an emotion-
al reaction, but I try not to,” he says. “You
couldn’t deal with it if you did. It just keeps
happening.”
But such sights spurred Everatt to set up
his six-strong Lion Unit in LNP. “If I had
not, I think there would probably be none
left.” The unarmed unit, which has seized
poison before it could be used and removed
many bushmeat snares, is led on the ground
by Samuel Bilério, a young veterinarian and
trained ranger.
“We are worrying about seeing poach-
ers, as some have guns, but we have good
morale,” Bilério says. “We are not here to
fight, but to protect the lions and teach peo-
ple.” Lack of education and opportunities
for local people is a key issue, he says, with
little tourism in LNP to date: “If I was born
in one of the villages here, I would be the
poacher, I wouldn’t have a choice.”
Tackling the conflict between villagers
and the lions that sometimes kill their cattle
is crucial, as the trade in lion parts now adds
an extra incentive to retaliate.
Cornélio Miguel, the warden of LNP,
says: “In the villages, they know these
animals as their enemy.” Lion guardian
schemes are being developed, aiming to
build on successful schemes in Zimbabwe
and Kenya where villagers are employed
to keep cattle safe and chase off lions with
blaring vuvuzelas.
The devastation of lion prey by snaring
for bushmeat to eat or sell is another big
problem, despite it being outlawed in LNP.
One way this is being tackled is with 17
irrigation schemes to ensure food crops can
survive droughts and that farmers can grow
cash crops. Victor Sithole, who farms 110
cattle in the nearby village of Timhodzoene,
says he has a problem with lions every few
years, but adds: “The biggest issue is lack of
water and grass.”
LNP is also relocating 2000 families from
eight villages in LNP to outside the park.
It’s a difficult choice, says Miguel: “Some-
times you have to make the right decision
for conservation.”
The park authorities welcome the help
Everatt’s unit is giving to their anti-poach-
ing efforts, which have stepped up in this
year. “It is a fantastic concept,” says Peter
Leitner, project director at LNP. “It is show-
ing a presence in areas we would not have
got to.”
LNP has also brought in expertise from
the DAG Conservation Trust, set up by a
former army colonel from Zimbabwe. There
are 26 people in the team and two helicop-
ters to chase poachers.
“There have been a lot of contacts in the
past two months,” says coordinator Sean
van Niekerk. “They usually run. But if
the guys have rhino horn, you are in for a
fight.” A computer screen in their opera-
tions tent shows 12 poacher groups tracked
across the park in September alone.
The lion poaching epidemic has also
struck South Africa, but here captive lions
– which outnumber wild lions – are the tar-
get. Tzaneen Lion and Predator Park, near
Kruger, houses 60 lions and has been hit
three times in three years, leaving nine lions
dead and with their faces, paws and tails
hacked off.
“It is disgusting to see the animals cut up
feature
in front of you,” says park manager Jeanine
vd Vyver. “But if you are poor, it is a very
good way to earn money in one go.” She
thinks the criminals may earn 25,000 to
55,000 rand ($1,800-$3,900) per lion.
Kelly Marnewick from the Endangered
Wildlife Trust in Johannesburg says 71 cap-
tive lions have been poached in the last two
years: “It certainly shows there is demand
for this product.” That is a worry for captive
and wild lions alike, say researchers.
Andrew Loveridge, a Zimbabwean lion
scientist from the University of Oxford,
UK, says: “Incidents where lions have been
specifically targeted by poachers are a huge
concern.” Research shows “an escalating
trend in the trade of lion products is an
increasing threat to some national popula-
tions”.
Researchers are now trying to establish
what is driving the demand, he says: “We
do know that trophy hunters have been
approached for access to lion carcasses
(after skull and skin is removed), with up to
$1,000 a carcass offered.”
In LNP, all those involved in conserva-
tion are optimistic that the annihilation of
wildlife seen in past years can be turned
around and that LNP has the potential to
one day rival the incredible density of wild-
life seen in Kruger, which is visited by 1.8
million tourists year. “LNP could be full of
wildlife,” says Everatt.
“We are increasing our presence on the
ground, we are seeing more, chasing more
and finding more,” says Miguel. “With all
our efforts we are moving to a better place –
but poaching is still a challenge.”
Back out in the bush by the Machampane
river, Bilério remains on the trail of the
ghost pride. They remain in deadly peril.
With his team, he has been their protector
for six months now and remains resolute. “I
will see them,” he says. “They will not die
before I see them.”
Nov 16 - 22 2018 23
Doris Akol: Four
year scorecard
Experts want more from her new term as URA boss
By Julius Businge
D
oris Akol, the Commissioner
General for Uganda Revenue
Authority (URA) must be a
happy woman at the moment.
While on a six months maternity leave
that ends in February next year, she
recently got the news that her contract
had been renewed for another four
years up to 2022.
Commissioner General is one of the
most powerful positions in the country.
Sources familiar with this development
told The Independent that her bosses,
President YoweriMuseveni and Finance
Minister, Matia Kasaija, were impressed
by her performance recorded from
FY2014/2015 up to FY2017/2018 during
which, revenue collections have grown
year-on-year. However, she has failed to
hit or surpass annual targets.
A detailed document shared by URA
officials to The Independent showing
performance for the last four years
indicates, total gross revenue collection
has exceeded Shs48.7trillion which is
an average of over Shs12 trillion per
annum or Shs1trillion per month.
There has been visible growth
in revenue from Shs9.7trillion in
FY2014/15 to Shs14.5trillion in
FY2017/18 indicating an absolute
growth of Shs4.8trillion.
Tax to GDP ratio has improved
from 12.33% to 14.33% by the end of
FY 2017/18. Additionally, the tax to
national budget ratio has improved
from 69.04% to 73.9% in FY2016/17 and
71.5% in 2017/18.
The total number of registered
taxpayers has increased by 108.8% from
632,379 to 1,320,691 in the period under
review.
Officials say this performance was
boosted by various initiatives over
time including the Tax Registration
Expansion Program (TREP), robust
tax education and sensitisation
campaigns and block management
(physical identification and mapping of
24 Nov 16 - 22 2018
Doris Akol
Matia Kasaija
taxpayers.)
In the East African region, the URA
revenue growth has been the highest
recorded at 15.1% ahead of Tanzania
Revenue Authority at 13.1%, Kenya
Revenue Authority at 10.8%, Burundi
Revenue (OBR) at 8.4% and Rwanda
Revenue Authority at 12.8%.
Supporting factors
Officials say while the informal
sector is estimated to cover up to 49%
of the economy, under TREP, URA
has for the last four years collaborated
with other government agencies;
Kampala Capital City Authority
(KCCA) and the Uganda Registration
Services Bureau (URSB) to formalise
businesses.
URA has deployed staff at One Stop
Shops (OSS) in over 34 municipalities
to ensure that taxpayers register their
business name, acquire trade licenses
and register for taxes under the same
roof.
The other is taxpayer education and
compliance where several activities
like countrywide budget breakfast
meetings, tax katales, familiarisation
visits to the top taxpayers, university
debates and establishment of tax
societies in all the major universities.
There has also been revitalisation
of rental income taxation that saw the
development of the proposed rental
tax policy in FY 2018/19. There has
also been launch and implementation
of the receipt utilisation initiative
aimed at boosting book keeping
amongst small businesses. This
campaign also intends to nurture a
culture of issuing and demanding
for receipts amongst the citizens
whenever purchases or sales are
made.
The other reforms are;
operationalisation of the one stop
border posts, regional electronic
cargo tracking system, the centralised
document processing centre, the
Uganda electronic single window, the
electronic issuance of certificates of
origin, authorized economic operator,
implementation of single customs
territory and rolling out camera and
surveillance system.
The other achievements recorded
during the period are the launch of
a Tax Agent Registration Committee
(TARC) to regulate the operations

of tax agents and the launch of
construction of the Shs139bn URA
building which is about to be
completed.
However, amidst increased
revenue collections, there have been
challenges including non-compliance
by some taxpayers, smuggling of
goods at borders, a volatile economic
environment, and tax avoidance by
some taxpayers and failure by some
people to understand a number
of taxes which has resulted into
resentment.
These challenges are partly to
blame for the persistent revenue
shortfalls recorded annually during
Akol’s four year term. For instance,
in FY2014/2015, the shortfall was
Shs139bn, in FY2015/2016 it was
Shs404bn, in 2016/2017 it was
Shs458bn and last FY 2017/2018 it was
Shs600bn.
Expert views
Frederick Kibbedi (CPA), a partner
at PKF, an accounting and business
advisory firm told The Independent that
Akol’s performance has been good but,
going forward, her new term should
focus on improving performance of the
electronic register and the incidence of
transactions.
“If the creation of invoicing registers
is accelerated and widely implemented
then more taxpayers will get on the
register,” Kibbedi said.  
He also said that tax formulation
and administration needs to be more
consultative and forward looking while
maintaining the development agenda
to avoid taxpayers resisting new taxes
like one on mobile money.
Phillip Niwamanya, a tax consultant
at KPMG Uganda told The Independent
that Akol’sperformance for the last four
years is commendable but it falls short
of the World Bank recommendation.
“The World Bank is of the view that
Uganda has the potential to have a
tax to GDP ratio of 20% and above,”
Niwamanya said.
He suggests that more should be
done to widen the tax base. Options
for doing this, he said, are focusing on
taxing the digital economy because that
is where a lot of value is being created.
He added that the government could
implement provisions of the law such
as the requirement to issue electronic
invoices that are aimed at widening the
tax base in addition to requiring every
individual whether formally employed
or not to file an annual income tax
return.
Niwamanya urges Akol and team
to carryout regular and effective tax
audits including training of officers
in this area. He also said that URA
could collaborate more with other tax
authorities to curb tax avoidance by
digital companies and multinationals
in addition to enhancing its taxpayer
education programmes.
Niwamanya says Uganda’s tax
policy is supportive of Akol’s efforts
given that it is focusing on curbing
tax avoidance by multinationals and
widening the tax base in addition to
attracting Foreign Direct Investment
(FDI).
“In the 2018 tax amendments, several
exemptions ranging from income tax,
VAT and stamp duty were extended to
developers and operators of industrial
parks and free zones,” he said.
Going forward, he said, anticipated
improvement in economic performance
has the potential to attract more FDI
which will result into improved tax
collections.
John Mark Agong, the budget policy
specialist at Civil Society Budget
Advocacy Group (CSBAG) advises
Akol to expand the TREP project to all
URA annual revenue contributions to budget framework
Revenue metric 2014/15
Net revenue (billions) 9,715.6
Tax to GDP-ratio (%) 12.33
Tax to budget (%) 69.4
Source: URA and MoFPED
the districts to increase the number of
taxpayers.
He said that URA should go beyond
their mandate and participate in
activities geared towards showing the
value of tax to taxpayers.
But he said that Akol’sperformance
in the new term will depend on how
the designers of tax policy and the
budget spend on key sectors of the
economy like agriculture.
“Investing more money in
agriculture would increase economic
activity and taxable income since
majority of the population is employed
there,” he said.
He also said that URA and
government in general should study
the difficulties taxpayers are going
through while paying tax as one way of
enhancing stakeholder relationship and
tax compliance.
While presenting the views of the
private sector at the budget conference
for the FY2019/2020 in September this
year, Patrick Bitature, the chairperson
of the Private Sector Foundation
Uganda targeted both the URA and the
government.
business
He said that for the country to collect
more tax, savings by the people must
be encouraged.
For instance, he said that the larger
part of the population and only up to
20% of the taxpayers are accounting for
more than 80% of the tax revenue.
He also said formalisation of the
economy is critical in supporting
revenue growth. Available data shows
that more than 8million Ugandans who
should be paying taxes are outside the
tax bracket.
“While we appreciated the
expenditure and review plan in last
year’s budget framework paper, there
was concern that the budget was strong
on expenditure and deep on taxation
but quite weak on wealth creation
which would otherwise be the best way
to increase Uganda’s domestic revenue
mobilisation,” he said.
He added that the current tax
regime does not seem to mirror
what government highlights in
the medium term, with the theme
“industrialization for job creation and
2015/16 2016/17 2017/2018
11,230.9 11,719.6 14,456.11
13.51 14.05 14.33
60.2 73.9 71.5
shared prosperity”.
And that the tax regime does not
support production and value addition
in the case of excise duty.
“A tax regime that deters innovation,
constrains business startups and
formalisation, and widens the income
inequality goes against the good
intentions of our budget strategy as it
will not be consistent with job growth
and shared value,” Bitature concluded.
Going forward
According to the revenue
performance document, URA officials
say the outlook into the future will
focus on exhibiting more resilience
and commitment to increasing
domestic revenues; cultivating
taxpaying culture amongst all citizens;
engaging more strategic partners to
support advisory and exchange of
information.
“We will seek to further simplify
business processes, provide client
centric solutions delivered by quality
human resources both in terms of
professional competence and attitude
of service,” officials said.
Nov 16 - 22 2018 25
business
UIA’s revolving door
Investment agency is hunting for a new ED
as it waits for IGG report on restructuring
By Ian Katusiime
A
fter making a detailed
presentation about
investment licensing at a
breakfast meeting, Basil
Ajer, the Acting Executive Director of
Uganda Investment Authority (UIA),
held his breath and said he intended
to clear the air about something.
“I want to assure you, we are stable
and working well. The resignation
letter is normal,” he said on Nov. 7 at
Kampala Serena Hotel. Ejir handed in
his resignation after four months as
acting head of UIA but perhaps what
was not normal was the six-month
notice he gave to the board and the
line minister.
Ajer assumed his current role in
June when Jolly Kaguhangire, his
predecessor, was ousted from office by
the board of directors due to abuse of
office. The concern of most observers
is the news that continually surrounds
the investment agency as opposed
to why it was created-attracting
investors.
A source at UIA told The Independent
that Ejir had got another job in one
of the ministries meaning that the
board will have to spend more time
and resources as they hunt for a new
executive director.
UIA Board Chairman Emely
Kugonza told The Independent
during the meeting that when the
restructuring process was halted by
the Inspector General of Government,
Irene Mulyagonja, it left the agency in
sort of a limbo.
“We had started the recruitment
process then the whistleblower came
in. We had recruited the directors; we
are at the level of appointment.”
The current directors were told to
re-apply and as they wait for their fate
it is not yet clear, who will stay and
who will be sent packing.
However, sources at UIA also say
the five directors were given short
term contracts when the restructuring
process was afoot.
As a result, the directors at UIA
are in acting capacity but Kugonza is
defiant about the situation.
“We will manage the situation as we
26 Nov 16 - 22 2018
UIA Acting Executive Director Basil Ajer
wait for the IGG report.”
He says UIA directors will be
in substantive capacity as soon as
possible.
The five are Prossy Kikabi
(Investment Facilitation and Aftercare)
Joseph Kiggundu (One Stop Centre),
Sheila Mugyenzi (Investment
Promotion), Richard Tebandeke
(Finance and Administration), and
Eria Kaweireku (SME).
Kaguhangire tenure
Kaguhangire, it is also said, got the top
job through the intervention of a powerful
female politician who has pushed through
similar appointments after some of the
shortlisted candidates like Edgar Agaba,
Morrison Rwakakamba were snubbed.
From the time Kaguhangire took
over in early 2017, UIA has been
rocked by one saga after another. She
was accused of hiring auxiliary staff
Investors in Uganda for Q1 for FY2018/19
Country Amount
(Million $)
Uganda 82.8
Lebanon 65.0
United Arab Emirates 51.2
India 12.0
China 5.5
outside the scope of her mandate.
According to sources at UIA, these
positions were previously non-existent
but she personally hired them and
paid them over and above what they
were supposed to earn. She was also
accused of spending excessively on
travel.
According to inside sources,
Kaguhangire clashed with two
directors Hamza Galiwango, then in
charge of land division and Kiggundu.
Kaguhangire’s relationship with
Galiwango is said to have been so
bitter that at one point, she instigated
the arrest of Galiwango by operatives
of Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence
(CMI), and the latter spent three days
in custody. Galiwango has since left
UIA.
On Oct. 26, the Kugonza-led
UIA board formally terminated
Kaguhangire’s contract after a tenuous
interdiction period of four months.
According to a letter by the board, she
was fired based on the findings of an
independent investigation conducted
by a six-member committee into the
accusations levelled against her.
Kaguhangire was facing accusations of
insubordination and corruption.
New Middle East investors
Meanwhile in his presentation, Ajer
revealed that the second top most
investments in Uganda for the months
of July, August and September came
from Lebanon, followed by United
Arab Emirates. The top most investors
were Ugandans.
Investors from the two Middle
Eastern countries eclipsed those from
India and China who came fourth
and fifth in the first quarter of the
FY2018/2019.
Ugandans invested US$82million in
their country while Lebanon sunk a
% age total of US$65million with the arrival
of a financial services company.
34.9 UAE investors have invested
US$51million in the areas of
27.4
agricultural production, value
21.6 addition and agro-processing. India
5.08 and China, the traditional investment
behemoths in Uganda brought in
2.32 US$12million and US$5million
respectively.
 Executive Style
New facility to boost
Kampala’s waste management
What are the key elements
in your management
M
philosophy?
y management
philosophy
is driven by
three things;
consistency, experience
and honesty. I also believe
in involving in performing
the work as opposed to
sitting back and waiting for
results.
What is your assessment
of the performance of
plastic waste management
in Uganda?
We are not doing well
considering the quantity of
litter in the city and other
parts of the country. This
is owed to weak policies,
weak enforcements and
infrastructure inadequacy.
There should be policies
to support the entire waste
management cycle. For
instance, if one takes bottled
water, there should be a
recycle point where that
bottle is disposed-off, and
recycled into other valuable
items. There should be an
idea of following up on the
waste stream.
Why is the country not
doing well in waste
management yet more
than 300 companies
have complied with the
presidential directive to
recycle plastic waste?
The challenge lies in
collection. It happens that
waste management is not
a core business in most
companies that produce
plastics or use plastics as
raw materials, and this
makes the entire process of
addressing this challenge
difficult. There’s need for
a combined effort on how
plastics and other products
that turn into wastes are
produced, consumed,
collected and managed. As
along that is not addressed,
these challenges will keep
haunting us.
Some companies have
in-house solutions for waste
management but have no
solutions for the products
that leave their company
premises.
What is the best way
to promote waste
management and principles
of responsible littering
countrywide?
Good waste management
practices start with
individuals, institutions
and the government. The
laws are already in place
including the National
Environmental Management
Act and Local Government
Act. The challenge lies in the
fact that people don’t get to
know of such information
because of low levels of
sensitization on how to
reduce waste footprint.
With regard to collection
Rodney
Mukula is
the managing
director of the
Kampala based
Asante Waste
Management
Limited. He
spoke to The
Independent’s
Agnes E
Nantaba about
challenges
of waste
and plastic
management
and the
probable
solutions in
Uganda.
and dumping, people are
not involved in understating
how their waste moves from
the bin and where it ends
up. This creates a challenge
because so much waste
will end up in landfills
and illegal dump sites. The
solution is in improving
infrastructure in terms of
waste recovery facilities
where it is sorted, and
recyclers who have value
for it can make sense of it
and return it to the chain as
valuable products.
The capacity to collect and
recycle plastics in rural
areas is still low yet they
are some of the biggest
users of the polythene bags.
How can this be addressed?
It has to be a collective
effort involving government
and other partners. The
government alone is not able
to handle it due to limited
resources and man power.
It has to carry out a lot of
sensitization so that people
Nov 16 - 22 2018
are able to understand that
waste is not just garbage
but can be turned into a
big business and empower
local communities.
Most of the city’s
drainage channels have
been blocked with plastic
wastes, a situation that
has accelerated floods
in the city. How can this
problem be solved?
We are in the process of
setting up the country’s
first material recovery
facility where waste
collectors and other people
can dump their waste
prior to transferring it
to the landfill. Plastics,
paper, metals, glass
and other wastes will
be sorted and given to
those who use this same
waste as a raw material
for their processes. This
will increase lifespan of
landfills and efficiency of
collection that translates into
less litter on the streets and
the drainage channels.
What is your projection
of waste and plastic
management for the years
ahead?
We should be a in a better
place in terms of waste
management and recycling.
There is willingness from
government, authorities and
private sector to implement
better urban development
programmes for waste. For
instance, Kampala Capital
City Authority has a bigger
landfill that also offers
value addition to waste.
The laws are updated to
incorporate the current
lifestyles and standards;
there is also willingness
from manufacturers for the
changing mindset on the
approach of waste.
27
Business
E-payment
Mastercard CEO
promises Uganda
T
hrough its cashless pay-
ment solutions and oth-
er services, Ajay Banga,
the President and CEO
of Mastercard promised more
innovations to facilitate transac-
tions in delivery of financial and
related services at a recent visit
to Uganda. Banga, who also
met with Ruhakana Rugunda,
the Prime Minister, said, Mas-
tercard continues to support
digital payment ecosystems that
would feed into the country’s
growth roadmap and boost
financial inclusion. The compa-
ny’s infrastructure is behind the
popular MTN Uganda Momo
Pay service and the recently
launched pay-as-you-go solar
program dabbed M-KOPA.
Management
Former Airtel director joins solar company
V
illage Power Ugan-
da (VPU) has ap-
pointed Ali Balu-
nywa (Pictured) as
managing director, accord-
ing to a statement released
on Nov. 01. Prior to joining
VPU, Balunywa worked
as sales and distribution
director at Airtel Uganda
and held various leader-
ship positions with British
American Tobacco and East
ict
Multinational firm launches innovation challenge
A
merica’s mul-
tinational firm,
Johnson & John-
son has launched
the Champions of Science
Africa Innovation Chal-
lenge. This is the second
continent-wide competition
calling on African innova-
tors to submit ideas for
innovative technologies,
products and solutions that
have the potential to create
positive impact for African
communities. The challenge
focuses on identifying scal-
able and sustainable solu-
tions to major health and
28 Nov 16 - 22 2018
csr
Stanbic sinks Shs250m in MTN Marathon
S
tanbic Bank has
handed over
Shs250million to
MTN Uganda as
its contribution towards
the 2018 MTN Kampala
Marathon. The Bank has
been a key long-term
partner and supporter
of the Marathon since its
inception 15 years ago.
This year, the event will
take place on Nov. 25 and
proceeds will go towards Stanbic Bank CEO, Patrick Mweheire handing
improving maternal health over a cheque to MTN CEO, Wim Vanhelleputte.
in the country. While
handing over the cheque Marathon, a remarkable on Nov.07, MTN Foundation
on Nov. 08 in Kampala, event that reaches out to announced it had donated
Patrick Mweheire, Stanbic’s thousands of Ugandans Shs50m towards the relief
chief executive officer said, through initiatives that aim efforts of the landslide
“We are proud to be an to transform lives in our affected people in Bududa,
annual partner in the MTN communities. Meanwhile, Eastern Uganda.
Management
Data firm, Raxio
African Breweries. Com-
pany officials said, Ali’s appoints new VP
R
arrival adds a strong sales
focus and completes VPU’s axio Data Centre Limited, the first
all-Ugandan management Tier III carrier-neutral data centre
team. “Balunywa’s strong in Uganda, has appointed Abdul-
sales background in fast Rahman Baguma Ahmed (Pictured)
moving consumer goods as the Vice President-Technology and Opera-
in Uganda positions VPU tions. Baguma is a Ugandan national with
to further expand its reach 15 years experience in large IT projects fo-
within Uganda…critically cused on data center infrastructure planning,
to last-mile customers in architecture, designing, implementing and
rural areas,” officials said. management. Since 2006, he has worked at
MTN as the Infrastructure Manager covering
Uganda, Zambia, Swaziland and Rwanda.
Speaking on the appointment, the Raxio
General Manager - James Byaruhanga said:
“Abdul’s appointment is timely, we prepare
for the ground breaking of the data center in
environmental problems charge of operations and Namanve this month.” On his part, Ahmed
for Africa’s population. The partnerships at Johnson & said: “I am more than excited to be part of
challenge will support Af- Johnson said by solving this iconic project that will definitely change
rica-based entrepreneurs in last-mile challenge through the way we do business.”
creating innovative health local empowerment of-
care products and services. fers the greatest potential
Officials said in a Nov.08 impact in the fight against
notice that entries must public health challenges
demonstrate the potential and that it can help fuel the
for scale from proof of local economy and catalyse
concept stage to long-term infrastructure investments.
sustainability. Josh Ghaim, Johnson & Johnson is fami-
the chief technology officer ly of companies comprising
said participants with the of one of the world’s largest
best solutions will receive health care companies and
up to US$50,000 in funding is drawing on over 85 years
and other support. Alma of engagement in Africa in
Scott, the vice president in over 25 countries.
 Business

Vivo Energy launches

new fuels
By Julius Businge “The new Shell FuelSave

F
uel distributor, Vivo
Energy Uganda has
launched new fuels
with additives to give
motorists best and extra levels
of performance. Speaking to
motorists during a tour of the
company’s depot in Namu-
wongo near Kampala city
on Nov.12, Gilbert Assi, the
company’s managing director
said the new additives are con-
tained in Shell Fuelsave Un-
leaded, Shell FuelSave Diesel
European Union Ambassadors and the Norwegian Ambassador to Uganda, and Shell V-Power.
pose for a picture with officials from Ministry of Works and Transport as
Assi said that motorists will
well as Colas and SBI (the companies building Hoima International Airport). detect the difference in the fuels
Construction of the $264 million airport which started in April 2018 will take
when they realise that they are
48 months and is due for completion and handover in April 2022. doing more kilometers for the
same amount of fuel compared
to experiences before. He also
said that new additives make
the engine last longer and
motorists spend less on main-
tenance.
Assi said that the new fuels
have been enriched with
dynaflex technology which is
designed to help combat the
buildup of dirt deposits in car
engines. The new fuels are cur-
rently sold at some fuel stations
with a plan to sell it to other
parts of the country in the near
future.
Stanbic Bank Senior Marketing Manager Sonia Karamagi (L) together with the
Chairman of The Black Pirates Rugby Club, Edmond Owor displaying a jersey
after the duo announcing a Shs50million sponsorship deal from the bank at
Uganda Manufacturers Association on Nov.12.   The Independent/J.Businge
Unleaded helps reduce engine
friction and has been demon-
strated during driving from
city to the highway,”Asssi said
adding, the new fuels would
not change pump prices.
In a related development,
Assi urged government to be
more visible while dealing with
players who adulterate fuel at
the expense of consumers and
genuine industry players.
“A liberalised market
requires government to do
more controls,” he said.
This new development
comes at a time pump prices
for petrol are quoted at an aver-
age of Shs4200 for petrol and
Shs3,800 for diesel compared
to an average of Shs3,700 and
Shs3,400 last year for the same
category of fuels.
Increasing global oil prices
and new tax measures by gov-
ernment locally are cited as fac-
tors behind the price increase.
The new prices are mostly
quoted by leading industry
players including Vivo energy.
Assi said high prices at their
filling stations are in line with
big investments made in tech-
nology and related safety and
innovation services.

Weekly share price movement (Nov 02, 2018)

Security Nov 02 Oct. 26 Movement
BATU 30,000 30000 00
BOBU 140 140 00
CENT 1,398 918 54.2
QCL 259 253 2.4
DFCU 849 849 00
EABL 6,644 6,950 4.4
EBL 1,444 1,438 0.4
JHL 15,824 15,850 0.12
KA 436 426 2.3
KCB 1,398 1,484 5.8
NIC 16 16 00
NMG 2,576 2,579 0.1
NVL 349 350 0.3
A Vivo energy employee explains to motorists and journalists how the SBU 33 33 00
company goes about testing of fuel before dispensing it to filling stations UCHM 20 24 16
in the market. This was during an exclusive tour to the company’s depot in UCL 22 23 4.3
Namuwongo, a Kampala suburb on Nov. 12.   the Independent/Julius Businge UMEME 345 347 0.6
ALSI -- -- --

Nov 16 - 22 2018 29
COMMENT
By Ian Buruma
What now for America?
After winning the House, democrats shouldn’t focus on
shared loathing of Trump to win the nation
A
t least it wasn’t a disaster. If
the Democrats had failed to
secure a majority in the US
House of Representatives,
President Donald Trump would
have felt almighty, with all the dire
consequences that would entail. But the
Republicans still control the Senate, and
that means that the judiciary, including
the Supreme Court, will be pushed
further to the right. And the election
of Republican governors in major
states like Ohio and Florida means
that electoral districts can be finessed
to boost Trump’s reelection chances in
2020.
One of the most common political
clichés ahead of these midterm elections
was that they were a “battle for
America’s soul.” It is easy to imagine
Republicans and Democrats standing
for two different versions of the country:
one is overwhelmingly white, modestly
educated, not very young, strong in
rural areas, often male, and proud to
own guns; the other is better educated,
younger, urban, racially diverse, more
female, and keen to control guns. These
are caricatures, but they express a very
recognisable reality.
Though both sides believe they are
patriotic Americans, their idea of
patriotism could not be more different.
The writer James Baldwin put the case
for “progressive” patriotism well: he
loved America more than any country in
the world, and for that reason insisted
on the right to criticise her perpetually.
Trumpian patriots would have
denounced Baldwin as a traitor.
The big temptation for the Democrats,
now that they have won control of the
House, is to make the most of what they
see as their greatest strengths: racial and
gender diversity, and a shared loathing
of Trump. This would be a logical
position. Trump is indeed dreadful, and
the Democrats could legitimately claim
that older, rural white men are less
representative of America today than
the young, the urban, the nonwhite, and
newly empowered women.
And yet, to focus the Democratic
agenda on Trump and diversity
would be a mistake. There will be
pressure, especially from younger
30 Nov 16 - 22 2018
Democrats, fired up by their success,
to impeach the president. But as long
as the Senate, which would have to
convict him, is in Republican hands,
an indictment by the House would
be practically meaningless. Even if
impeached, he would still be president,
and Republicans would be inclined to
defend him even more fiercely.
It is certainly a good thing to have
more women and nonwhite, non-
Christian representatives in the
legislature. This provides a refreshing
and necessary contrast to the
Republican Party, which has remade
itself in the image of its leader: angry,
white, and often openly racist. But to
fight Trump’s identity politics with
an equally aggressive form of identity
politics would make political tribalism
worse, and could make it harder for the
Democrats to win national elections.
There is always a danger that the
Democrats will be divided, with
younger radicals pitting themselves
against the mostly white establishment.
But the Republicans, who seem utterly
united behind their leader, have a
problem, too. The socially liberal, highly
educated Republicans who used to be
the backbone of the party have been
pushed so far to the margins that they
are almost invisible. John McCain was
perhaps the last of those Mohicans.
The Democrats should capitalise
on that. And the way to do it would
be to put less stress on sexual, racial,
or gender identity, and more on
the economy. This might seem a
naive strategy during an economic
boom, when Republicans can boast
of record-low unemployment. But
even many traditional laissez-faire
conservatives should recognise that
a yawning divide between rich and
poor is not good for business. Henry
Ford, who was not a fount of wisdom
on many matters, recognised that if
you want to sell cars, you have to put
enough money into people’s pockets so
that they can buy them.
This, too, is an issue close to America’s
conflicted soul. For some, American
identity is based on red-blooded
capitalist enterprise and rugged
individualism, unhindered by excessive
government regulation in the pursuit
of material happiness. But for others,
America stands on an ideal of greater
social justice and economic equality
– which nowadays should include
a commitment to address climate
change (a barely-discussed issue in the
midterms), given that global warming
will harm the poor more than the rich.
There have been boom times for the
very wealthy, such as the Gilded Age
in the late nineteenth century, when 2%
of American households owned more
than a third of the country’s wealth,
or indeed our own time, when the top
1% owns almost half the wealth. And
there have been periods of reform,
when governments tried to redress the
balance. The most famous example is
Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal in the
1930s.
It is clearly time for New Deal II.
Instead of promising more tax breaks
for the richest citizens, a more equitable
fiscal policy could pay for necessary
bridges and other public goods and
services that would improve everyone’s
life. Affordable health care for all
citizens is a mark of a civilized society.
The U.S. is still a long way from that
goal. The same is true of high-quality
public education. It is grotesque that
so many people who stand to benefit
from such “socialist” policies are still
persuaded to vote against them because
they are supposedly “un-American.”
Concentrating on egalitarianism
would appeal to liberals, of course, but
it should not alienate moderate voters
either, because more equality would
be good for the economy. And it might
even persuade some angry, poor Trump
supporters to recognise that his pseudo-
populism is not about helping the left-
behind folks in Rust Belt cities and rural
hinterlands. It is about giving even more
money to the very few. The Democrats’
core message for the next two years
should be that in a plutocracy, everyone
else loses.
Ian Buruma is the author, most recently,
of A Tokyo Romance: A Memoir.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2018.

By Joseph E. Stiglitz
Can democracy come back?
America’s ideals of freedom, democracy,
and justice for all are now under open attack
T
he United States has long held itself
up as a bastion of democracy. It
has promoted democracy around
the world. It fought, at great cost,
for democracy against fascism in Europe
during World War II. Now the fight has
come home.
America’s credentials as a democracy
were always slightly blemished. The
U.S. was founded as a representative
democracy, but only a small fraction of
its citizens – mostly white male property
owners – were eligible to vote. After the
abolition of slavery, the white people of
America’s South struggled for nearly a
century to keep African-Americans from
voting, using poll taxes and literacy tests,
for example, to make casting a ballot
inaccessible to the poor. Their voting
rights were guaranteed nearly a half-cen-
tury after the enfranchisement of women
in 1920.
Democracies rightly constrain majority
domination, which is why they enshrine
certain basic rights that cannot be denied.
But in the U.S., this has been turned on
its head. The minority is dominating the
majority, with little regard for their polit-
ical and economic rights. A majority of
Americans want gun control, an increase
in the minimum wage, guaranteed access
to health insurance, and better regulation
of the banks that brought on the 2008
crisis. Yet all of these goals seem unat-
tainable.
Part of the reason for that is rooted
in the U.S. Constitution. Two of the
three presidents elected in this century
assumed office despite having lost the
popular vote. Were it not for the Electoral
College, included in the Constitution at
the insistence of the less populous slave
states, Al Gore would have become presi-
dent in 2000, and Hillary Clinton in 2016.
But the Republican Party’s reliance on
voter suppression, gerrymandering, and
similar efforts at electoral manipulation
have also contributed to ensuring that
the will of the majority is thwarted.
The party’s approach is perhaps
understandable: after all, shifting
demographics have put the Republicans
at an electoral disadvantage. A majority
of Americans will soon be nonwhite,
and a twenty-first-century world and
economy cannot be reconciled with a
male-dominated society. And the urban
areas where the majority of Americans
live, whether in the North or the South,
have learned the value of diversity.
Voters in these areas of growth and
dynamism have also seen the role
that government can and must play to
bring about shared prosperity. They
have abandoned the shibboleths of the
past, sometimes almost overnight. In a
democratic society, therefore, the only
way a minority – whether it’s large cor-
porations trying to exploit workers and
consumers, banks trying to exploit bor-
rowers, or those mired in the past trying
to recreate a bygone world – can retain
their economic and political dominance
is by undermining democracy itself.
That strategy includes many tactics.
Aside from supporting selective immi-
gration, Republican officials have sought
to prevent likely Democratic voters from
registering. Many Republican-controlled
states have instituted burdensome iden-
tification requirements at polling sta-
tions. And some local governments have
purged such voters from electoral rolls,
reduced the number of polling stations,
or shortened their hours of operation.
It’s striking how difficult America
makes it to vote, to exercise the basic
right of citizenship. The U.S. is one of
the few democracies to hold elections
on a workday, rather than a Sunday,
obviously making it more difficult for
working people to vote. This contrasts
with other democracies, like Australia,
where citizens are required to vote, or
with some states, like Oregon, which
have made it easier to vote through mail-
in ballots.
Moreover, a system of mass incarcera-
tion that continues to target African-
Americans has historically served a
triple function. Aside from providing
cheap labour and driving down wages
(even today, as Columbia University’s
Michael Poyker points out, some 5% of
America’s industrial output is produced
by inmates), this system was designed to
deny those convicted of a crime the right
to vote.
When all else fails, Republicans seek
to tie elected governments’ hands, in
part by packing the federal courts with
judges who can be counted on to strike
COMMENT
down policies that their donors and sup-
porters oppose. Important recent books,
such as Duke University historian Nancy
MacLean’s `Democracy in Chains’ and
University of Oregon political scientist
Gordon Lafer’s `The One Percent Solu-
tion’, trace the intellectual origins and
organisational mechanisms of the Repub-
licans’ assault on democracy.
America’s ideals of freedom, democ-
racy, and justice for all may never have
been fully realized, but now they are
under open attack. Democracy has
become rule of, by, and for the few; and
justice for all is available to all who are
white and can afford it.
Of course, this is not just an American
problem. All over the world, strongmen
with little commitment to democ-
racy have taken power: Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan in Turkey, Viktor Orbán in
Hungary, Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland,
and now Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. Some,
looking at the past, say that this, too, will
pass. Think of all the nasty dictators in
the 1930s. Think of those, like Salazar
in Portugal and Franco in Spain, who
survived into the post-World War II era.
They are all gone now.
A moment’s reflection, though, should
remind us of those dictatorships’ human
toll. And Americans must confront the
fact that their president, Donald Trump,
has been aiding and abetting today’s
crop of budding despots.
That is only one of the many reasons
why it is so important this year to have a
Democratic Congress that can provide a
check against Trump’s authoritarian ten-
dencies, and to elect state and local offi-
cials who will restore the vote to all those
entitled to it. Democracy is under attack,
and we all have an obligation to do what
we can – wherever we are – to save it.
Joseph E. Stiglitz is the winner of the
2001 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic
Sciences. His most recent book is
Globalization and its Discontents
Revisited: Anti-Globalization in the Era
of Trump.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2018.
Nov 16 - 22 2018 31
COMMENT
By Abbey Semuwemba
Museveni is just a lucky man!
Although there is a lot of speculation as to why he has lasted
long in power, that is the most charitable interpretation
W
e have all heard scurrilous
stories about President
Yoweri Museveni - and
believed some of them
-even if we would never make any
such claims in public. I don’t think
anyone who had dealings with
Museveni was in any doubt about his
attraction to politics; whether dirty
or otherwise. His outsize personality
remains a strong drawing card, and
even his lifelong ugly hat and suits,
and jokes, guarantee headlines.
Although it is anyone’s speculation as
to why he has lasted long in power, the
most charitable interpretation is that
he is just a lucky man. Hypothesising
apart, however, his luck has been seen
in several incidents. Starting from the
1980s Bush war when then-Uganda
Army commander Oyite Ojok’s plane
crushed, at a time when NRA was
losing the war, to current events, you
see lady luck following Museveni in all
he does.
Joseph Kony and his Lord’s
Resistance Army rebels came and
went, and Museveni is still standing.
Opposition stalwart Col. Rtd. Kizza
Besigye came and is probably the
closet to see him leave power, but
Museveni is still everywhere. Gen.
David Sejusa aka Tinyefunza came,
threw his toys out of the tram, but
he is now as quiet as an elderly in a
nursing home.
There was a massacre in Kasese after
the 2016 elections but there was not
any mention of it in the international
press. Former Prime minister Amama
Mbabazi came, excited some people
but he is now more like a smiling duck
on a lake waiting to drown. There has
not been a single coup attempt, at least
officially, ever since Museveni became
president in 1986. He has sold almost
all state enterprises and the public
are just suffering in silence. He has
passed rubish laws in our parliament
and everybody is just looking on. He
has told so many lies and nobody has
ever tried to hold him accountable.
The donors love him to bits to the
desperation of majority of Ugandans.
He published no views whatsoever
about “elimination” of Muslims self- or
32 Nov 16 - 22 2018
otherwise. But Uganda Muslim leaders
have been assassinated, Muslims jailed
in bigger numbers, and more and
Museveni is still defended by a lot of
Muslims. Some are even my friends.
Museveni is financially predatory,
but then as some have famously
remarked, he has to be because he
had nothing before the presidency. A
less grasping man would have gone
under and not enriched himself using
state resources, as former Presidents
did, but not him. He has openly been
doing it since 1986 and he now feels
comfortable putting his fingers in
national coffers for anything he wants.
He has borrowed more money than
any president in our history, such that
it will take generations to pay it back,
and he keeps getting away with it.
Without wishing to be unduly
rude, I would suggest that unless his
opponents study the man himself;
especially get into his brain, none
other than God himself will take him
out of power. Let us analyse some
of the opponents that people are
now parading against him, minus
Besigye. Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi
Wine, for example, although he can
find the heart of a character, is not
an intellectual presence and he is a
People have
nicknamed
him
“Bosco” in
reference
to his failed
bicycle
irrigation
scheme
novice. His ability to sing music in the
true sense of the word is in question.
People only support him because
they are super desperate for change,
and they have seemingly lost hope in
Besigye.
Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu , in
contrast, is an excellent speaker
with an analytical mind but his FDC
presidency was probably the weakest
moment of the party. The fact that he
is a Munyarwanda by tribe, though
not a fault, is likely to be used against
him. Not that I have personally got
anything against Banyarwanda; it’s
just that ethnicity is still a big factor in
our politics. Nevertheless, I still think
that majority of FDCs saw Muntu
as a saboteur within the party. Few
shed tears when he quit the party. I
believe a man is not punished for the
good he does, but for the evil he does.
Now, Muntu is spending most of his
energy on weakening FDC rather than
Museveni. Pity!
As a postscript to this, I find it
interesting that when personal heroes
are questioned, we seem to find this
wall of defensiveness and something
verging on screeching personal
attack, and a recourse to notions of
‘beyond reasonable doubt’ and other
such nonsense. This totalitarianism
of the mind, I feel, is the one keeping
opposition supporters at each other’s
throats, instead of targeting Museveni.
Museveni has, however, had his
uncomfortable moments in recent
years. His proclivity for gaining
weight and a sickly arm have become
a topic of public discussion. He has
been booed off a few times; especially
whenever he visits sites of on-going
assassinations. People have nicknamed
him “Bosco” in reference to his failed
bicycle irrigation scheme. One can
characterise his lapses as sinister; but
they can be attributed, rather, to a
happy-go-lucky style, a large ego, and
certain carelessness.
Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba is a political
commentator based in the United kingdom
abbeysemuwemba@gmail.com
New effort on HIV/AIDS law
Activists target media in fight to repeal prevention & control Act
R
By Ian Katusiime
osemary Namubiru, a nurse,
was in 2014 sentenced to three
years in jail for criminal neg-
ligence over what seemed a
potential infection of a baby
with HIV the virus that causes
AIDS. Her crime was that as an HIV posi-
tive nurse, she placed the life of a baby in
danger when she pricked herself with an
injection she was administering.
In her defence, Namubiru said she
pricked herself accidentally as sometimes
happens among medical workers. But her
pleas were cast aside as police and swarms
of media cameras swooped on her. Test
results for HIV infection on the baby were
negative but Namubiru still served her
sentence.
When she was released after one year
of her sentence, she reportedly got threats
to harm her from her neighbours and had
to travel to the countryside and stay away
from her home in Kampala for several
months for her safety.
Although Namubiru was not charged
under the HIV and AIDS Prevention and
Control Act 2014, her case was widely
discussed recently at a symposium organ-
ised for journalists by Uganda Network
on Law, Ethics and HIV/AIDS (UGANET)
meant to discuss better ways for which the
media can report about the law. The sym-
posium was held at Imperial Golf View
Hotel in Entebbe.
UGANET has already challenged the
law in the Constitutional Court but they
say the symposium with journalists on
Nov.6 and 7 was necessary to carry out
more media sensitisation on the law. They
said they have faced an uphill battle chal-
lenging the law; especially its provisions
on disclosure of HIV status.
“The vagueness of some provisions of
the law has caused many arrests,” says
Dora Musinguzi, the Executive Director of
UGANET.
Some of the contentious provisions of
the law include Article 18 (2) (d) where the
results of an HIV test may be disclosed or
released to “a medical practitioner or other
qualified officer who is directly involved in
the treatment or counselling of that person,
where the HIV status is clinically relevant.”
Musinguzi says this is “too wide a win-
dow” for the medical officer to operate in.
The other provisions of the law are those
that criminalise “attempted transmission
of HIV” and “intentional transmission of
HIV”. The argument against this provision
is that it interferes with medical ethics and
the doctor patient relationship. She added
that criminalisation of HIV positive per-
sons fuels discrimination as happened in
the case of Namubiru.
Members of UGANET were unhappy
with the way journalists covered Namubi-
ru’s arrest. The general feeling was that the
media led the public trial and conviction of
Namubiru.
Beatrice Were is the embodiment of
living positively with HIV; the virus that
causes AIDS. She was a young woman
when she discovered she was HIV positive
in 1991. Two years later, she lost her hus-
band and thought her world had ended.
She even wrote a will. But thanks to a sup-
port environment, she took on a new turn
as an HIV activist. Over the years, she has
spoken at various forums both in Uganda
and abroad.
However a few years ago, Were said at
the symposium, she started worrying not
because of the deadly virus but due to the
HIV and AIDS Prevention and Control
law. She said it has hindered some of her
dreams.
“I love children and have always wanted
to start a kindergarten but that law may
kill the business,” she said and is worried
of Article 18 (2) (e) in the HIV law which
states that results of an HIV status may be
disclosed to “any other person with whom
an HIV infected person is in close or con-
tinuous contact including a sexual partner,
if the nature of contact, in the opinion of
the medical practitioner or other qualified
officer, poses a clear and present danger of
HIV transmission to that person.”
This means that a doctor can disclose
the status of someone living with HIV to
friends, workmates depending on the doc-
tor’s assessment of the closeness. This pos-
sibility is something that alarms activists
like Were.
She says the law ignores the high level
of stigma attached to HIV/AIDS sufferers
in Uganda and the caution required when
disclosing a positive status.
She says, for example, she cannot start a
kindergarten for fear of the law because a
medical practitioner might disclose her sta-
tus to children under her care and frighten
some of them even if she poses no danger
to them.
“I feel like the government is fighting
people with HIV,” she says.
She says the proposed law is the latest
sign that the government is making lots of
steps backwards since the 1990s when it
was regularly praised for its progressive
policies on HIV/AIDS.
Were and other members of UGANET
say the government largely ignored their
views as the law was being made despite
efforts to make their contribution.
HIV activists say that with the law in its
current form, fewer people will be willing
to come out on their status given the cur-
rent environment.
“When the law is not there, you see a lot
of Beatrices (Were) and less of Namubi-
rus,” Musinguzi remarked.
Members of UGANET also oppose man-
datory testing for HIV, citing mainly cases
of partners of pregnant women.
“While some of these laws are well
Nov 16 - 22 2018 33
health
intentioned, mandatory testing laws are
regressive,” says a lawyer who did not
want to be named. “They drive people
away from health facilities for HIV pre-
vention and counselling,” she added.
Were says she is concerned about those
who unlike her may fear disclosing their
status and withdraw further due to the
current legal regime.
“The law is a toxin in the environment
of HIV where we have invested so much
in the fight,” she said.
Activists selfish?
But Dr Medard Bitekyerezo, the chair-
man of the National Drug Authority and
who was key in the composition of the
law when he was a Member of Parlia-
ment for Mbarara Municipality says
those who are against this law are being
‘’selfish’’.
“What happens when someone who
smokes marijuana rapes your 12-year old
daughter and infects her? Of course you
test her and also this person to protect
other people from him,” he explains.
Bitekyerezo says in the process of mak-
ing this law, he and other MPs made seri-
ous consultations where a number of case
scenarios were drawn up. “We are not
traumatising or criminalising anybody.
What is wrong with somebody knowing
their status and then putting a safeguard?
Let them not be selfish.”
He tells The Independent that part of
the information that was used during the
making of the law was gathered when he
was chairman of Board of Trustees AIDS
Information Centre (AIC).
On the charge of criminalisation, he
says not everybody with HIV is bad-
hearted. “There are some people who
have HIV and behave more responsibly
than those who are negative,” he adds
that some of those who are positive are
living safer lives.
Bitekyerezo who says he spent a lot of
time in Mbarara treating HIV positive
people says some of the clauses in the law
have been misinterpreted. “There is no
doctor who is going to disclose anyone’s
status. He says the law is meant to help
people who may be positive but have
negative partners and are looking to con-
ceal their status from the negative one.
“Activists don’t want to help people.
The message to doctors and nurses is
simple- safeguard the people in your
hands, protect them from HIV.”
Outside the air-conditioned confer-
ence rooms of the luxurious Imperial
Golf View Hotel, as those for and
against argue and face off in courts
of law, the media must now find new
ways to cover contentious cases of
HIV positive persons like Namubiru
who may get caught under a dis-
puted HIV law.
34 Nov 16 - 22 2018
Breast cancer
screening
How does it truly impact survival?
By Maria Cohut breast cancers leading to death within
I
n the medical world, there is an
ongoing debate about the extent to
which regularly screening for breast
cancer actually improves a person’s
chances of survival if cancer is detected.
New research tries to settle that debate.
Breast cancer is the most common
type of cancer diagnosed in women.
According to the World Health
Organization (WHO), more than 508,000
women may have died in 2011 alone
due to causes related to breast cancer.
However, most forms of breast
cancer are highly
treatable, and
the assumption
usually is that
the sooner it is
diagnosed, the
more effective the
treatment will be.
Recently,
specialists from
Queen Mary
University of
London in the
United Kingdom,
the Falun Central
Hospital in Sweden, and numerous
other research institutions worldwide
set out to establish just how important
breast screening is in increasing survival
rates following diagnosis.
The research, which took into account
the medical information of over 50,000
women, found that breast screening is
highly beneficial. The study paper is
now available in Cancer, a journal of the
American Cancer Society (ACS).
60 percent lower risk of death
In their study, the research team
analyzed data collected from 52,438
women with ages between 40 and 69.
Some of these participants opted to
receive breast cancer screening over a
39-year period, in 1977–2015, in Dalarna,
Sweden.
To improve the assessment of how
organised breast screening initiatives
would impact health outcomes, the
experts who conducted the recent
study used a new method that involved
calculating the annual incidence of
10 years and within 20 years following
diagnosis.
The investigators found that the
women who had joined an organised
breast cancer screening program had a
60 percent lower risk of death within 10
years following breast cancer diagnosis.
They also had a 47 percent lower risk of
death within 20 years after breast cancer
diagnosis.
All the participants who were
diagnosed with breast cancer, the
investigators note, received the
appropriate treatment for the cancer
stage they were
experiencing, in
line with the most
recent national
guidelines at that
time.
The researchers
believe that
screening allows
specialists to
detect cancer
tumors at an
early stage, which
means the tumors
can be treated
sooner, and they will respond better to
therapy.
“Recent improvements in treatments
have led to reduced deaths from breast
cancer,” says senior study author Prof.
Stephen Duffy, from Queen Mary
University of London.
“However, these new results
demonstrate the vital role that screening
also has to play, giving women a much
greater benefit from modern treatments.
We need to ensure that participation in
breast screening programs improves,
especially in socio-economically
deprived areas.”
“Our results, from precise, individual‐
based data covering 6 decades, should
provide women and their physicians
with reassurance that participating in
regular, high‐quality mammography
screening is the best way to reduce the
risk of a premature death from breast
cancer,” the study authors conclude in
the published paper.
 ART | BOOKS | SOCIETY | TRAVEL | CULTURE
S
By Dominic Muwanguzi
craps of metal,
plastics, rubber
and more are ev-
erywhere in Kam-
pala; especially in
low income areas
where dumping many people
cram into small spaces, leaving
no room for proper garbage
disposal. These are the treasure
troves of scrap dealers who
rummage through the heaps
waste in search of either valu-
able items to sell to scrap mer-
chants or collecting tonnes of
wastes to be traded to recycling
factories. Many are youngsters
or even children. Their work
has become important to the
community since they are a
form of unconventional clean-
ers of the environment.
The scrapers are the inspira-
tion for David Kigozi’s recent
solo exhibit at Umoja Art Gal-
lery. He paints groaning under
the weight of sacks of scrap on
Child scrap
collectors
inspire artist
their backs or heads, some hag-
gling over pay with garbage
merchants and others braving
the bitter weather. The irony in
the paintings is difficult to miss;
these are children who have fast
transformed into adults because
of poverty. They are haggling
with traders instead of going
to school. The slum dwellers
around the city understand this
pain easily.
Kigozi’s work is social com-
mentary on the social ills of
post-modern society where
everyday survival is more
emphasized than anything else;
including education. Children
have always interested Kigozi.
He previously painted them
playing outdoors or performing
household chores.
This time he is piqued by
the emerging trend of robbing
these young people of their
innocence. Yet the artist veils
his concern with his signature
stroke of bright hues as if to
suggest that after all, it is not
bad to let the children work
or as a symbol of optimism:
with a collective effort, we can
Nov 16 - 22 2018
change the destiny of these
young people.
In the text to exhibit the art-
ist writes: “Society has shifted
to a “Use and throw” culture.
Chances are if the right infor-
mation is disseminated, and
the public sensitised further,
solid waste can be turned into
income via recycling, subse-
quently there will be a reduc-
tion in the waste that ends up
in the drainage or at various
collection points or at the
landfills.” Kigozi’s art creates
awareness on the problem of
garbage dumping and vali-
dates the notion of how artists
continue to fortify their rela-
tion with the public through
dealing with everyday sub-
jects in their work.
Kigozi’s exhibit is titled
`Scrapers’ exhibit and is
showing now at Umoja Art
Gallery in Kamwokya in
Kampala, opposite Kobil Petrol
Station
35
 Why Meghan won’t wear dresses by friend Beckham
Meghan Markle and
Victoria Beckham have
become quick friends
since the actress left
America behind for a
royal life with Prince
Harry in England.
For close observers of
Markle’s wardrobe—of
Man distrusts real
women, marries
virtual wife
A 35-year-old Japanese man
who shunned romantic relation-
ships with real women after
being humiliated and bullied by
them recently married a popular
virtual pop-star named Hatsune
Miku; an animated 16-year-old
hologram with huge anime eyes
and aquamarine pigtails. He
said he simply wasn’t interested
in real women.
The November 4 wedding cer-
emony in Tokyo was attended
by around 40 guests, including a
member of the Japanese Parlia-
ment. His mother and relatives
refused to attend. Even in a
country obsessed with anime
and technology, and where
romantic relationships and mar-
riage have become worryingly
rare, Akihiko Kondo’s wedding
was seen by most as shock-
ing. But he urged everyone to
keep an open mind, “consider
all kinds of love and all kinds
of happiness”. He wants to be
recognised as a sexual minor-
ity who simply cannot even
imagine dating real women. He
said his virtual wife has several
advantages over human females;
she doesn’t cheat, age or die.
36 Nov 16 - 22 2018
which there are many—it designs, one she had
might be surprising that well before she became
Markle has yet to wear an a royal. Apparently
ensemble by her designer Beckham’s styles suit
pal. Apparently, though, women with a long
there is a reason for that. upper body and short
The Duchess of Sussex legs. Instead, Megan has
revealed that she has one very long legs and short
issue with Beckham’s upper body.
Man sues to change his age from 69 to 49
A 69-year-old Dutch man I’m on Tinder and it says I’m
who claims to feel much young-
er than his actual age has gone
69, I don’t get an answer.” He
sued after his local authority
to court to make himself legally refused to legally change his
20 years younger. Emile Ratel- birth date from 11 March 1949
band, a media personality and to 11 March 1969. His case
self-described “positivity guru”, has caused controversy and
recently told a court in Arnhem, even judges conceded that a
Holland, that he did not feel few years ago, legal gender
comfortable with his true age
and compared his desire to have
changes were considered
impossible, while these days
it legally changed. they are common in many
“When I’m 69, I am limited. developed countries. But it
If I’m 49, then I can buy a new raises some questions, like
house, drive a different car, I what happens to the 20 years
can take up more work. When that would be erased.
Spanish club install TV-urinals
Real Madrid, one of the world’s
most popular football clubs is
currently testing TV urinals in the
men’s bathrooms of their stadium,
Sandiago Bernabeu, and it’s not the
only one. One would think that the
management of the Spanish club is
trying to make it easy for fans to follow
the action on the field even when
going to the bathroom, but according
to several news reports, the footage
played on these screens will focus
Samsung, Google’s
new phone unfolds
into 7.3-inch tablet
Samsung has finally taken
the wraps off its futuristic
folding phone. The prototype
version boasts an Infinity Flex
Display, which enables it to
transform into a phone or a
tablet when it’s opened and
closed. Samsung says the 7.3-
inch ‘Infinity Flex Display’ can
be folded ‘hundreds of thou-
sands of times’ thanks to the
display’s thinness and flexibil-
ity. The screen has a protec-
tive layer, giving it the same
finish as a photo, that’s both
flexible and tough. There’s a
small screen on the outside of
the phone and another, larger
display that reveals itself once
the device is unfolded.
mainly on advertising. It’s much
more profitable. The TV urinals
were created by a Swiss company
named Swiss Invent which found
that while peeing, men spend an
average of 30 seconds staring down
and not focusing on anything else.
This seemingly small window of
time is apparently very valuable if
you can slot in three commercials
and these screens do just that.
By Agencies
P
revention is always
better than the cure
and looking after your
vehicle and keeping it
well maintained is the best way
to avoid costly repairs. With
more components and a more
complex design, turbocharged
engines are a little different-
which means they benefit
from a bit of special treatment
when it comes to driving and
everyday care. We offer five
driving and maintenance tips to
keep your turbocharged car in
tip-top condition.
Warm up your engine
Oil needs to warm up before
it can effectively lubricate
your engine, which means
it’s a good idea to take it easy
on the accelerator pedal until
your car has warmed up. This
is because when you first start
your car, the cold oil is at its
thickest, which means the oil
pressure needs to be higher
to pump it round the engine.
This puts extra pressure on
0783 614601/ 0753 614601
Turbo driving tips
Get more from your car
and protect your engine
the oil seals. As the engine
temperature increases, so does
oil temperature. This thins the
oil, enabling it to run more
freely and lubricate the moving
parts of your engine. So wait at
least 10 minutes before putting
your accelerator pedal down.
Cool down
Just as you need to warm
up your engine, you need to
let it cool down. Extended
journeys and high speed
driving creates a lot of heat in
your turbocharger, and if you
turn off the engine whilst it’s
still hot, you can cook the oil
inside, leading to unnecessary
buildup of carbonised oil inside
your turbo. To avoid this, leave
your engine running for a
couple of minutes to cool down
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Mercedes Benz GLS
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and circulate the oil before
switching the ignition off.
Oil!
Proper oil management is the
single most important aspect
of turbocharger care, and will
extend the lifespan of your
engine. Oil helps to lubricate
the moving parts of your
turbo, and your engine needs
a constant supply of the right
kind of high quality oil to work
effectively. Make sure you
choose the right quality oil for
your engine.
Cruise carefully
It might sound simple, but
the faster you accelerate and
drive, the harder you push
your turbo and the more stress
you subject your engine to –
Only available at Spear Motors Limited
www.spearmotors.co.ug
Nov 16 - 22 2018
which will reduce its lifespan.
Turbochargers are rigorously
stress tested to ensure that they
can stand up to lots of driving
at high speeds, but that doesn’t
mean they are invincible. So
when cruising, try to go light
on the accelerator, using the
minimum amount of force
required to maintain your
desired speed. In addition to
protecting your engine, this will
also help you to improve your
fuel efficiency.
Use your gears
If you’ve got a manual car, it
can be tempting to rely on the
power of the turbo for tasks
like overtaking and driving up
long hills, rather than using the
gears of your vehicle as you
would in a non-turbocharged
vehicle. Don’t. Driving in this
way puts unnecessary strain on
your turbocharger, and giving
it a break and dropping down a
gear when passing or climbing
hills will help to prolong the life
of your turbo.
37
Profile
George Stanley Nsamba:
the short film hero
By Agnes E Nantaba
G
eorge Stanley Nsamba also known
as NES is a Ugandan Film Maker
and Cinematographer. He uses
films made on a small budget
for social change. Nsamba rose through
the ranks with his first short film ‘Crafts;
the value of life’ in 2015 and later ‘Silent
depression’ in 2016. Silent depression is a
12 minutes story told with musical rhymes
and footage of everyday life of Kampala’s
street dwellers. The film also tells a story of
how young people have gotten so attached
to social media and the internet which
cuts them off from physical interactions.
Nsamba portrays several facets of failed
dreams including a rapper who struggles
writing her verse but has no hit, the lawyer
who just lost two court cases wondering if it
is the right career, and the model dreaming
about runways at Paris Fashion week but is
turned down at several auditions.
`Silent depression’ has since become a
cult reference for the effect of smart phones
on humanity. The film was regarded the
most prolific film that screened at the 5th
annual Slum Film Festival in Nairobi by the
press and digital media.
“It was used as a case study in the
national museum of Scotland on October
10, 2017,” Nsamba says.
“It has gotten 28 nominations and was
picked by Reuters as film of the year so it
remains my biggest project because of its
impact and being an eye opener for the
youths”. His other films include ‘The Dum-
my team’ a story about HIV testing and
parents letting kids live their dreams, while
‘Time irreversible’ is about HIV protection
cautioning people to be extra vigilant since
HIV cannot be seen on one’s face. Nsamba
is also the founder of Ghetto Film Project a
charity organisation that uses film to reha-
bilitate, empower, mentor and tell stories
from the slums of Kampala. He is a motiva-
tional speaker, children rights activist, and
spoken-word artiste.
“I do poetry for people who don’t want
to stick to the norms of word play,” says
Nsamba. “It’s more of free expression for
ideas and beliefs through art and it relates
to how I was raised”.
Nsamba’s draws his inspiration for film
from a documentary that was shot about
his mother in 2008. The documentary titled
‘Greater’ portrays a woman who fights
through all odds with HIV/AIDS and man-
ages to get back on her feet. Shot by Italian
film makers, the documentary won at the
38 Nov 16 - 22 2018
Bubble Gum Film Festival in France. So off by the death of his close friend in the
Nsamba’s main inspiration was to do more July 2010 attacks. His long stay in the ghetto
than that the documentary. explains why his works are closely associ-
He says, “That explains why my films are ated with slum life.
bent more towards documentaries”. Nsamba is currently working on his first
The inspiration pushed him to quit school feature which he says is an FGM story.
at Makerere University in his first year pur- He went to Naguru Infant School,
suing a bachelor’s degree in industrial and Naguru Katale Primary School, and several
Fine Arts to start the Gheto Film Project. secondary schools.
Previously a drug addict who survived
depression on two counts, Nsamba chose to
use film to help young people discover their
purpose in life.
His films have garnered 68 nominations
and film selections from film projects all
over the world in a period of four years.
These have come with four interna-
tional awards.
Recently, Nsamba took on to using
film and documentaries to inspire
youths to get back into agriculture.
Nsamba was born Mulago Hospital
where both his parents worked and
resided. About six years after birth, his
parents separated leaving him and two
other siblings in the hands of a single
mother, Vicky Aryenyo.
He is the middle child of the three.
With his mother, they moved to
Naguru not only to stay in a huge
slum area but an unfinished building
that flooded during heavy rain. Life
became harder when their mother
was diagnosed with HIV, and live on the
verge of death. This left the toddlers at the
mercy of neighbors and onlookers. As the
situation worsened, Nsamba resorted to
carrying trash in exchange for old newspa-
pers that he sold to put together money for
the family food. He also took to robbery
and use of drugs as a young teenager.
He battled drug addiction for
years until the journey to
end it was sparked

George Stanley Nsamba’s Liteside
Any three things that we
I
don’t know about you?
love people regardless
of who they are. With
love comes patience and
understanding. I am also
a hardworking man because
I believe that nothing in this
world can be attained for
free.
What is your idea of perfect
happiness?
Happiness is when the
person next door is happy.
It’s selfish to be happy when
the other person is hurting;
happiness is communal and
not a single person’s job.
What is your greatest fear?
My greatest fear is working
every single day to make
people happy only to realise
one day that I am not really
happy.
What is the trait you most
deplore in yourself?
I am too patient and
sometimes it’s really bad
because some people will
take you for granted.
What is the trait you most
deplore in others?
Dishonesty; I prefer
someone hurting me with the
truth than a lie.
Which living person do you
most admire?
My mother Vicky
Aryenyo; She is a
fighter and so
selfless.
What is your greatest
extravagance?
Art pieces; whenever I
move and fall in love with art
pieces, I’ve got to buy.
What is the greatest thing
you have ever done?
My film career had so
many rejections but my
mother believed in me. Many
people kept pointing to other
alternatives but I kept going
and odds didn’t deter me.
I still fought through until
2015, when I had my first
break through of ‘Crafts; the
value of life’.
What is your current state of
mind?
I am happy.
What do you consider the
most overrated virtue?
The parliament is way
too big for a small country
and spends too much time
discussing things that don’t
translate into anything
tangible. We spend too
many resources facilitating
it and yet it’s covered with
selfishness. If resources were
allocated the right way and
fruitful ideas discussed, this
country would be in a better
place.
What does being powerful
mean to you?
Looking beyond another
person’s faults and living not
in the moment but in time.
On what occasion do you
lie?
I am the biggest liar that
you will ever meet because
every single film starts off
with a lie that translates into
a story.
What do you most dislike
about your appearance?
I am totally okay with the
way I look.
Which living person do you
most despise?
Anyone that neglects their
parental roles.
What is the quality you most
like in a woman?
Love and patience; it takes
patience to raise a child and
tolerate a man.
What is the quality you most
like in a man?
Love and with it, comes
patience and understanding.
What or who is the greatest
love of your life?
I don’t love my mother
by default but because she
is my world and one person
who believed in me when
everyone lost hope in me.
When and where were you
happiest?
The day I walked through
a crowd of people only to
face my mother smiling at me
after a long illness in 1999.
When my first award for ‘The
dummy team’ won at the
Silicon Valley short African
film festival as best narrative
short film.
Which talent would you
most like to have?
I want to re-awaken my
boxing talent though not as a
career.
If you could change one
thing about yourself, what
would it be?
Nothing that I have
thought about.
Where would you most like
to live?
I wouldn’t live anywhere
else on this planet; Uganda
has very loving people, good
weather and food.
What is your most treasured
possession?
I treasure family and
friends.
Nov 16 - 22 2018
Q&A
What do you regard as the
lowest depth of misery?
I recall the nights when
our mother lost hope and
gave us up for death; it was
a very low moment for us. I
wouldn’t wish any child to
reach such a point .
What is your favorite
occupation?
Cinematography; I like to
be behind the camera.
What do you most value in
your friends?
Honesty, loyalty and
having their back.
Who are your favorite
writers?
I would be torn between
Simon Oliver Sinek and Jim
Rohn; their writings teach
a lot about re-inventing
ourselves in life and thinking
differently at the different
ages.
Who is your hero of fiction?
Denzel Washington and
Morgan Freeman; I like how
they re-invent themselves in
every new role.
Which historical figure do
you most identify with?
Tupac Shakur has had
more influence on me than
anyone else; I have followed
his poetry and live by one of
his quotes ‘I am not saying I
am going to change the world
but I guarantee you that I
will spark the brains that will
change the world’. I am glad
to be one of those brains.
What is your greatest regret?
I believe that everything
happens for a reason.
How would you like to die?
At home with my family
and friends around.
What is your motto?
Live the life you can so that
you don’t regret tomorrow.
39
Global comment
By Akinwumi A. Adesina
Africa’s bright investment future
The recent Africa Investment Forum provided
a safe, stable marketplace to accelerate deals
F
or any investor interested
in Africa, there was only
one place to be last week:
Johannesburg. When the
three-day Africa Investment Forum
opened on November 7, a total of
61 deals with an estimated value of
more than $40 billion were featured in
“Boardroom Sessions,” while another
$28 billion was showcased to investors
at the “Gallery Walk” marketplace.
The deals were curated from a total
of 230 projects worth over $208 billion,
spanning sectors such as energy,
infrastructure, transport and utilities,
industry, agriculture, information and
communications technology, telecoms,
water and sanitation, financial
services, health, education, hospitality
and tourism, housing, and aviation.
Risk, or at least the perception of it,
has long been a major impediment to
attracting foreign direct investment in
Africa. But the African Development
Bank (AfDB) is tackling this problem
head-on by removing barriers that
have stemmed the flow of investment
finance into the continent. The
transaction-based Africa Investment
Forum is the most important step in
this process.
By bringing together multilateral
financial institutions, pension funds,
sovereign wealth funds, and private
investors, the AfDB aims to create a
mechanism to reduce market, political,
and financial risks, and in the process
improve the ease of doing business.
As part of this effort, the investment
forum prioritised public-private
partnerships and private-sector deals.
The message aim to be delivered is
simple: Africa is open for business.
African economies offer tremendous
opportunities, especially in energy;
infrastructure such as roads, railways,
and ports; and agriculture, minerals,
oil, and gas. But Africa must turn this
potential into streams of wealth for
greater prosperity on the continent.
Achieving that requires supportive
government policies. In every
country, the AfDB is engaging with
policymakers to improve the legal and
regulatory environment and create a
40 Nov 16 - 22 2018
more predictable business climate.
These efforts are already paying off.
For example, interest in $50 billion
worth of investment-ready projects
that the AfDB made available for pre-
Forum screening has been higher than
anticipated.
We are delighted that several
multilateral financial institutions –
including the International Finance
Corporation, the World Bank, the
Asian Infrastructure Investment
Bank, the Islamic Development Bank,
the European Investment Bank, the
European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, and the Inter-American
Development Bank – are cooperating
with the AfDB on this effort. Many
major financial institutions within
Africa – including the Afrexim Bank,
the Africa Finance Corporation,
the Trade and Development Bank,
Africa50, and the Development Bank
of Southern Africa – are also involved.
For the first time, these major global
and regional financial institutions are
cooperating to help de-risk investment
projects at scale.
Of course, pledges of partnership
are not the only reason for optimism;
For starters,
real GDP
growth is
forecast to be
3.5%
this year and
4%
in 2019
economic trends are also strong.
For starters, real GDP growth is
forecast to be 3.5% this year and 4%
in 2019. Today, Africa includes five
of the world’s ten fastest-growing
economies.
Africa has also become the world’s
second-most attractive investment
destination. According to the United
Nations Conference on Trade and
Development, inward foreign direct
investment (FDI) is expected to
increase by about 20% this year, to $50
billion, from $42 billion in 2017.
Finally, Africa’s pension funds,
insurance funds, and sovereign wealth
funds are collectively valued at more
than $1 trillion dollars. If Africa could
leverage this wealth to attract just 1%
of all global assets under management,
estimated to total more than $131
trillion, the continent’s need for $130-
170 billion in annual infrastructure
investment could be met. As matters
currently stand, Africa faces an annual
financing gap of $68-108 billion.
Africa has a huge population to
drive consumer demand, a rising
middle class, a dynamic youth
population, and rapidly reforming
governments that are keen to attract
these investments. The Africa
Investment Forum provided what
has been missing so far: a safe, stable
marketplace to accelerate deals.
As anyone who travelled to
Johannesburg this week saw, Africa
is doing its part to transform the
investment landscape. The Africa
Investment Forum’s goal is simple:
provide a smooth runway for
investments in Africa. What we need
now are investors who are ready to
seize the tremendous opportunities in
Africa – and at the continent’s premier
investment marketplace.
Akinwumi A. Adesina is President of the
African Development Bank.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2018.
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