You are on page 1of 52

Directions in Urban Place Name Research

compiled by Terhi Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho

Directions in Urban Place Name Research compiled by Terhi Ainial a and Jani Vuolteenaho Kotimaisten kielten

Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen verkkojulkaisuja 23 © Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus Helsinki 2011

URN:ISBN 978-952-5446-65-4 ISSN 1796-041X

CONTENTS

Directions in urban place name research

Foreword Terhi Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho

On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey Mustafa Arslan

Lingual and extra-lingual aspects of development of street names in the Czech Rebublic Milan Harvalík

Street names and context Olga Mori

Newly built fortified cities in New Urbanism style: what kind of names are the streets being given? Riemer Reinsma

APPENDIX:

Collected place names from villages in the Beyşehir county (On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey) Mustafa Arslan

Foreword

In 1316 August 2009, The Research Institute for the Languages of Finland organized an international symposium on urban place name research in Vuosaari, Helsinki, Finland. Over 60 scholars from all over the world attended the first-of-its-kind meeting, paying witness to a considerable upsurge in the interest in the onomastic aspects of urban processes lately experienced in many humanities and social sciences. Even in more fruitful and multiple ways than we initially dared to wish as the organizers, the goals set to the symposium were fulfilled perfectly. Our sincerest thanks belong to all who present in Vuosaari during those enthusiastic days.

Increasingly, urban place name scholars have begun to ask questions such as: In what ways power structures and social identities are constructed and contested through the naming of streets and other urban constructions? What is the role of place names in the formation of lived everyday meanings and cognitive perceptions of urban space? What is the contribution of specific disciplines to the study of urban toponymies, and how might interdisciplinary approaches to it be best facilitated? In the Vuosaari symposium, the keynote speakers professor Staffan Nyström (University of Uppsala) and professor Maoz Azaryahu (University of Haifa) considered these issues from the perspectives of urban name planning and the politics of toponymic commemorations, respectively. In addition, nearly 40 session papers investigated institutional procedures, commercial aspirations and day-to- day meanings related to toponymic landscapes in both historical and present-day urban settings.

This Internet-compilation comprises of four contributions presented in the symposium. In the initiating paper, Olga Mori thoughtfully discusses the contextual embeddedness of street names, in both linguistic and non-linguistic senses of the term. Next, Mustafa Arslan brings to fore the elements of the ancient Luwian language in the present toponymy of Turkey and its county of Beyşehir, in particular. In the following account of the changing historical and political circumstances of naming practices in the Czech Republic, Milan Harvalik stresses the importance of approaching the task of selection of public urban names “with consideration and responsibility” – especially if past mistakes as exemplified by the Czech case are to be avoided. In the final paper, Riemer Reinsma topically points out Dutch instances of a new urban naming trend in which the orientational and descriptive functions of old names are being replaced by deliberately nostalgic onomastic evocations.

Terhi Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho

Mustafa Arslan (SELÇUK university, Turkey)

On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey

Introduction

Located in central Anatolia, the surrounding areas of the city of Konya have been inhabited since Neolithic ages (Kapucu 2008). Most famously, the neolithic Çatalhöyük settlement is known around Turkey and even the whole world. Its history dates back to 7500 BC. In addition, the later presence of Hittite cultures in the region has been evidenced by archaeological and written sources (Bahar 1996). The Luwian language, a most common and longest lived language during the Hittite period, was used in the area in the second millennium BC (Alp 2005).

In the classical age, the Konya region was known as Lykaonia (Bahar 1996), a name obviously derived from the word luqqa in 2000 BC (Alp 2005). For its part, the name Konya is a derivative of İkonnion, or İconium, as it is referred to in the New Testament (Acts of the Apostles, XIII-XIV). In 1069, Seljuqian raiders occupied central Anatolia and the city of Konya (Sevim 1990). After the Malazgirt Battle in 1071, Anatolia was conquered by the Seljuqs. In turn, İconium became known as Konya.

The county of Beyşehir is located in the western part of the current Konya province. It was inhabited in the Neolithic ages, too, as studies regarding this period indicate the culvation of domesticated cereals and peas, as well as the keeping of cattle and sheep (Bordaz 1973). Archaeological studies conducted in Erbaba, the first known settlement in the Beyşehir area, have discovered links between Çatalhöyük and Hacılar settlements in Burdur (Mellink 1976). Hence, Beyşehir and its vicinity were in touch with central Anatolia and Mediterranean region even in the Neolithic ages.

Beyşehir was an important center in the Hittite Period, too. There are two beautiful monuments still left in the area that belonged to the Hittites. While the Eflatunpınar Monument is located in Sadıkhacı town, the Fasıllar Statue, over seven meters in height, lies within a classical Roman stadium in Fasıllar village (Mellaart 1962) (Figures 1a & 1b). Inferred from these monuments and other sources, the Luwian language was commonly used in the region.

Figures 1a & 1b. The Eflatunp ı nar Monument on the left, the Fas ı llar

Figures 1a & 1b. The Eflatunpınar Monument on the left, the Fasıllar Monument on the right (Photos: Hasan Bahar, June 2007).

Elements of the Luwian language surviving in toponymy

The oldest Luwian elements are found in tablets from the age of Assyrian trade colonies. In the light of personal and place names mentioned in them, the first Luwians came to Anatolia before 2000 BC. While the south of Turkey was known as Luwia during the so-called Old Kingdom, the Luwian language was spoken in the current territory of Turkey until the end of the 6th century BC (Bahar 2005) .

As Alp (2005) has observed, place names with -nt and -ss suffixes – found currently in Anatolia, Greece and even Italy – are originally Luwian. In addition, one can find an abundance of words abra, apra, abra and ibra, and words based on these roots, in the toponymy of the historical area of Luwian Pelasg culture, in particular. As Umar (1993) has pointed out, these words refer to different types of places associated with water, and especially to geographical features with substantial amounts of water in their vicinity. Interestingly, many currently used Turkish place names with -ibr and -ivr roots also appear to be associated with water. My argument is that these names probably are the vestiges of the ancient Luwian language. A number of examples from the Beyşehir county and other regions of Turkey, such as Ibrim (a place near Lake Beysehir), Çivril (a village near a river), İvriz (a village near a spring), or İbradı (a county near Manavgat River), thus betray an original Luwian association with water.

Likewise, there exists an interesting place name in Karahisar village in Beysehir: Cebrail Çesmesi (Figure 2). While the generic term Çesme means ‘drinking fountain’ in Turkish, Cebrail is the archangel Gabriel and also a common first name for males in Turkey. Yet the root -ebr in Cebrail gives a hint that the original name for the age-old fountain and its surroundings was not connected with the Archangel Gabrial (the messenger of God who did not have a duty to do with water), or a person named after him.

Figure 2. Cebr ail Çe ş mesi in Karahisar (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). Another good

Figure 2. Cebrail Çeşmesi in Karahisar (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008).

Another good example of a drinking fountain is located in the ne ighbouring city of Aksehir. Its name is İbre Çeşmesi İbre drinking fountain’ (Figure 3). İbre means ‘pin shaped thing’ in Turkish. Yet this meaning and the feature in question appear to have no relationship whatsoever. As I interpret it, Turkish people named the above two drinking fountains after the (phonetic) model the Luwian people had done before them. However, this history has not attracted scholarly attention so far – not the least because ibre also has an established Turkish meaning (while nobody thinks about its connection with the ancient Luwian language).

Figure 2. Cebr ail Çe ş mesi in Karahisar (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). Another good

Figure 3. İbre Çeşmesi in Akşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, August 2008).

Further, if one looks at the photographs of Çivril, Çivreller, Çivriller and İbrim (figures 4, 5, 6 and 7), it is easy to see these geographical structures matching the definitions of abra, apra, ebra, ibra.

In each case, there is a stream or small river flowing in a narrow bed. Likely, all these names are the relics of Luwian language, renamed during the Turkish presence in Anatolia after the 13th century.

In each case, there is a stream or small river flow ing in a narrow bed.

Figure 4. Çivril in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008).

In each case, there is a stream or small river flow ing in a narrow bed.

Figure 5. Çivreller in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008).

In each case, there is a stream or small river flow ing in a narrow bed.

Figure 6. Çivriller in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008).

Figure 6. Çivriller in Bey ş ehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 2008). Figure 7. İ brim

Figure 7. İbrim in Beyşehir (Photo: Mustafa Arslan, May 008).

Towards an historical understanding of the toponymy of the Beyşehir county

While the purpose of this article is not to present any definite analysis of ancient Luwian elements in the place names of Beyşehir, it is worthwhile to refer to a recent inventory of its toponymy. In the Beyşehir county, there are 8 towns and 36 villages (Alperen 2001; see also the headings in Appendix 1). In them, altogether 2 759 place names were collected for mainly documentary purposes, and without prior intention to trace Luwian elements in currently used vernacular toponymy. However, the collected material included several clues to the existence of such historically borrowed elements from this ‘dead’ ancient language. In this respect, the case of Beyşehir shows how place names are heritages from our ancestors and previous cultures even though current speakers are not necessarily aware of these connections.

As we interviewed the villagers between 2002–2006, we aimed at a many-sided approach to locally used place names. In each town and village, we mainly targeted the interviews to local old-timers. For this purpose, shephards, farmers, and the oldest inhabitants were favoured as name informants. However, to quarantee that the names mentioned in the discussions were in actual use, village headmen were also asked to be present in the interviews. At the same time, we tried to make as much use of uneducated informants as possible. This was because it was observed that educated people (especially those graduated from high schools) tended to alter the vernacular pronunciation of names in the interviews. For instance, they insisted on pronouncing the word for spring as pınar, even though less educated people in many villages often used bunar, munar, muhar or bınar instead of this standard Turkish word. Obviously, analyzing only the standard spellings and pronunciations would have not shown the actual diversity of language and toponymy used in the study area.

Further, to interpret the meanings of compiled data, we consulted The Contemporary Turkish Dictionary in cases in which place names contained unknown words for us as researchers. As the second step, The Dialectal Dictionary of the Regions of Turkey was resorted to when the above mentioned source did not provide assistance. As Table 1 evinces, the majority of place names used

in the Beyşehir county were references to geographical features, vegetation, family names and their estates, as well as commemorative toponyms.

Table 1. A semantic classification of the toponymic data collected in the Beyşehir county (see also Appendix 1).

1.

Georaphical Structures

811

2.

Water

533

3.

Plants

415

4.

Inhabitants’ names

263

5.

Colours

185

6.

Unidentified names

131

7.

Historical places

114

8.

Animals

100

9.

Directions

91

10.

Events

28

11.

Others

98

Total:

2 769 place names

However, and importantly in the context of this article, we could not find any semantic meaning for some place names from the aforementioned sources (see the subcategory of Unidentified names in Table 1). While further studies on the subject are needed, it is obvious that at least a substantial portion of these names are to be explained by the historically multi-layered nature of toponymy in the Beyşehir county, including the existence of originally Luwian vestiges in it.

With respect to the other ten subcategories in Table 1, some preliminary remarks can be made, too. Often, the case was so that the informants could give some information about names in accordance with their established dictionary meanings. However, I became to realize that in many cases the villagers were not precisely aware of what a place name meant even though it had a dictionary definition. To provide an example: when my informants talked about Görüklük, they said that they did not know the meaning of it. At the same time, however, they could mention that the area to which the name referred reminded a football pitch, or that the cows of the village are gathered there before heading for grazing pastures. Interestingly, a dictionary check gives the word Görük the meaning of a herd of animals (especially cows). This example shows that the original meanings of specific words can be gradually forgotten by new generations. Further, the name-explanations given by locals were sometimes misleading in etymological terms. For instance, the informants very often tried to explain unknown terms in place names through connecting these to legendary events, even though these explanations could be plainly non-sensical. My belief is that thes e kinds of ‘easy’ folk- etymological explanations often prevent people to find out the actual historical meanings behind locally used place names.

Conclusions

As languages are living entities, it is always possible to borrow words and name-elements from other languages to them. Accordingly, these elements can survive in languages and place names

even for centuries. For sure, there exist a range of examples of these kinds of surviving vestigial names all over the world. In this article I have started to illuminate how the ancient elements of the now dead Luwian language continue to hide in the current native Turkish language as if they would belong to that language itself.

Acknowlegement

The study presented in the article has been financed by the Selçuk University Scientific Research Project Coordinating Office (BAP).

References

Alp, S. 2005: Hitit Çağında Anadolu. Ankara ..

Alperen, B. 2001: Beyşehir ve Tarihi. Konya ..

Arslan, Mustafa 2006: Beyşehir’deki Yer Adlarının Kültürel Boyutu. I. Uluslararası Beyşehir ve Yöresi Sempozyumu ..

Bahar, H. 1996: Eskiçağ Konya Araştırmaları I. İstanbul ..

Bahar, H. 2005: Eskiçağ Tarihi. Konya ..

Bordaz, J. 1973: Current Research in the Neolithic of South Central Turkey: Suberde, Erbaba and Their Chronological. Implications. In: American Journal of Archaeology 77:3, 282–288.

Kapucu, N., Palabıyık, H. 2008: Turkish Public Administration From Tradition to the Modern Age. Ankara.

Kitabi Mukaddes, Resullerin İşleri XIV-XV. İstanbul ..

Mellaart, J. 1962: The Late Bronze Age Monuments of Eflatun Pınar and Fasıllar Near Beyşehir. Anatolian Studies.

Mellink, M. J. 1976: Archaeology in Asia Minor. In: American Journal of Archaeology 80:3, 261–

289.

Sevim, A. 1990: Ünlü Selçuklu Komutanları Afşin, Atsız, Artuk ve Aksungur. Ankara ..

Umar, B. 1993: Türkiye’deki Tarihsel Adlar. İstanbul ..

APPENDIX: Collected place names from villages in the Beyşehir county

Milan Harvalík (Praha, Czech Republic)

Lingual and extra-lingual aspects of development of street names in the Czech Republic

Introduction

Street nomenclature, also referred to as urbanonyms in Czech onomastic terminology, belongs to a group of proper names, which is particularly affected by changes during recent years and by extra- lingual influences (cf. Harvalík 2004, 29–34). This fact is particularly noticeable when we compare street names from the past to names that are chosen today.

From the oldest times to the 19th century

The oldest street names have been preserved from mediaeval times, when their origin was conditional to the basic function of the proper name – i.e. naming the streets to differentiate and distinguish a specific identified object from a group of similar objects (i.e. differentiate one street or square from other streets and squares in the town). Each such name subsequently enabled clear identification of the named object and also proper orientation within the town. Spontaneous origin of the first street names, which was not officially regulated in any manne r, variability and only gradual stabilisation of these names, was typical for the aforementioned period. The street name was usually inferred from the shape of the street (Krátká ‘Short Street’, Široká ‘Wide Street’, Lomená ‘Crooked Street’) and their direction towards a specific town (Pražská ‘Prague Street’, Plzeňská ‘Pilsen Street’), the presence of secular or church buildings near the street or on it (Klášterní ‘Monastery Street’, Františkánská ‘Franciscan Street’ – named for the Franciscan monastery), the profession of guild members whose workshops were located on the street (Řeznická ‘Butcher’s Street’, Koželužská ‘Tanner’s Street’), the nationality of the inhabitants (Německá ‘German Street’), in an infrequent number of cases a street could also be named after the owner of a house or land located there (for instance Kaprova ulice in Prague, which was named after a burgher from a patrician family and later on the Old Town Mayor and Reeve, Pavel Kapr of Kaprstein (died 1582), who purchased a house here).

New street names – new motivational aspects

During the 19 th century other important sources of new names were added to this group of motivational aspects – names selected for distinguished and famous people from political and social life and according to important events. Later on, chiefly during the 20 th century, names of various organisations, movements and important days were also used. The street name acquired a new function in addition to the purely expedient and pragmatic reasons for naming – i.e. in honour or in dedication of a famous or distinguished individual. The aforementioned trends are not specific to

the Czech environment – it can be said that they were also applied in other countries. Apart from the endeavour to honour the person for whom the street was named in this manner, new motives for naming were also required by the rapid growth of towns, whose area limited for centuries by the mediaeval town ramparts was no longer sufficient for the newly established quarters, streets and squares and other public areas. At the same time as industrial development towns extended far out beyond their former city limits and new names were needed for the newly established areas. However, on the contrary to previous periods, these names came from above and followed an official route. But names of distinguished and famous people were not usually reserved for the streets created in the suburbs. The importance and position of a person in society should also correspond to the location of the street, square or waterfront in the town named after him/her. Consequently a number of old authentic names slowly began to disappear from the centre of town.

The accompanying phenomenon to this trend is also the fact that many street names in honour of a specific person tend to be subject to the momentary political and ideological orientation of the government. It is these names that begin to be perceived as inappropriate following social and political changes in the country, coming under heavy pressure from the public and consequently these types of names are rapidly replaced. The street nomenclature subsequently appears very unstable, which is in conflict with its primary function – to provide clear orientation. Furthermore, as stated by I. Lutterer, “Frequent changes to names result not only in noticeable national economic damages (forced replacement of street name signs, printing new town plans, manufacture of new stamps and signboards, transformation of masses of so-called headed paper into waste sheet), but chiefly in moral loss of faith in the reliability of existing address books and other aids to orientation, mistrust of the existing nomenclature as a whole and the resulting disrespect towards ideological principles, on which selection of the name is based” (Lutterer 1988, 126).

The changes of street names in the 20th century

To illustrate, we can use street nomenclature material from several Czech towns to summarise the most important political changes and reversals during the 20 th century that took place in our lands, which were followed by streets being renamed to a lesser or greater extent; at the same time the general characteristics of the group of names that the renaming chiefly affects are given. We also give changes of a non-political aspect, which occurred after municipalities merged or joined city wholes, when, in the spirit of the principle that applied in the Czech Republic, two identical names could not appear within the cadastre of one town and duplicate names were replaced with new names.

The first important turning point occurred in 1918, after the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and origin of the Czechoslovakia, accompanied by removal of names reflecting the imperial period (Ferdinandova třída 1 ‘Ferdinand Street’, náměstí Františka Josefa 2 ‘Franz Joseph Square’). This was followed by loss of the border areas in 1938 and the German occupation in the following years, when all names evoking the traditions of the First Republic were removed (Masarykovo nábřeží 3 ‘Masaryk’s Waterfront’, náměstí 28. října 4 ‘28 th October Square’, ulice Legionářů 5 ‘Legionnaire’s

  • 1 Ferdinand V. The Kind (1793–1875), Czech King and Austrian Emperor (1835–1848).

  • 2 Franz Joseph I. (1830–1916), Austrian Emperor (1848–1916).

  • 3 Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk (1850–1937), First Czechoslovak president (1918–1935).

  • 4 28. 10. 1918 – Independence day in Czechoslovakia, state holiday.

  • 5 Legionář (pl. legionáři) – identification of members of Czechoslovak units fighting during the 1 st World War for the Allies (France, Great Britain, Russia).

Street’) and representatives of the third Reich were celebrated (Adolf Hitler Platz, Goebbelsstraße). But these names were spontaneously removed and replaced at the end of the war in 1945.

Post-war development in East and Central Europe led to replacement of one non-democratic regime with another and so, after the communist party took over government of Czechoslovakia in 1948, names symbolising the traditions and values of pre-war Czechoslovakia disappeared en mass, similarly to events in 1939. New names honouring communist statesmen, politicians and ideologists such as Gottwaldovo náměstí 6 ‘Gottwald’s Square’, Stalinova třída ‘Stalin Street’ replaced the old names. The reality of the existence of society at that time was frequently reflected in the names (ulice Budovatelů 7 ‘Maker/Builder Street’, náměstí Pětiletky 8 ‘Five Year Plan Square’).

There was a slight deviation from this trend at the end of the nineteen fifties and the beginning of the sixties in connection to the discovery of the cult of personality, after which some names were replaced with socially more acceptable and ideologically less influenced names. This trend culminated during the so-called Prague Spring (a period of Czechoslovak development in 1968, which was suppressed by the invasion of the Warsaw Pact armies on 21/08/1968 and so-called normalisation). We can also find traces of these events in street nomenclature, even though they are not as noticeable as during previous events.

The most recent changes to street names and names of public areas occurred at the turn of the nineteen eighties and nineties as a result of political changes that took place in Czechoslovakia in November 1989. Names linked to the communist regime disappeared and a return to the traditions of the so-called First Republic (1918–1938) was characteristic during this period, whether the pre- war name was renewed (First Republic – Štefánikova 9 , after the war – Urxova 10 , now Štefánikova again) or not. The reasons why a new name was chosen and the First Republic name was not renewed chiefly included the fact that the importance of the individual for whom the street was named before the war was not as great from today’s viewpoint as it had been then. It is also for this reason that it is felt necessary to choose to name a street for an individual who truly is generally well known. Apart from this there were also cases when, due to interruption of the continuity of the street nomenclature, the name used during the First Republic was given to a different street in 1989 than the street that originally bore that name before the 2 nd World War.

The summary given above infers at least one important circumstance worthy of consideration. The longest period of relative stability lasted for approximately twenty years. This means that the members of any generation experienced at least one, but more frequently three or even four periods, of extensive renaming during their lives. People oppose the complications in orientation caused by this, therefore the original name may survive in the local area, or the unofficial name is used (for instance in the town of Hořovice in Central Bohemia Pražská ulice ‘Prague Street”’ was renamed Tankistů ‘Tanker’s Street’, however none of the local inhabitants used this name during ordinary unofficial contact and at the beginning of 1990 the street name was replaced with the original name of Pražská). The new name is sometimes unable to replace the old name in the subconscious.

  • 6 Klement Gottwald (1896–1953), the first Czechoslovak communist president (1948–1953).

  • 7 Under the communist regime in Czechoslovakia the term budovatel ‘maker/builder’ was chiefly perceived ideologically as in ‘maker/builder of communism’, ‘maker/builder of socialism’, etc.

  • 8 Pětiletka – five year plan, an economic plan specified by law for a period of five years, initially in the USSR and later on in other countries with a centrally and directive managed economy on the basis of this example.

  • 9 Milan Rastislav Štefánik (1880–1919), a Slovak astronomer, politician and statesman, a colleague of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryke, and one of the most important figures in the Czechoslovak foreign resistance during the First World War. 10 Eduard Urx (1902–1942), a Slovak and Czech newspaper reporter, literary critic and writer, a communist.

How to choose street names?

Under the given circumstances there is no need to emphasise that every potential change in street names must be thoroughly and carefully considered and all advantages and disadvantages resulting from the new name must be fairly weighed. This also applies to selection of names for newly established streets, during which it is necessary to adhere to the relevant regulations. Czech legislation does not permit streets to be named for people who are still alive, because their contribution to the state and society has not yet been proven.

An analysis of current Czech urbanonymy (David to appear) indicated that 44% of all street names in the Czech Republic are in honour of an individual. Comparison material pertaining to selected towns showed that, in most cases, these names make up more than 55%, in some localities even 70% and in specific cases up to 80% of street names. Names of distinguished and famous individuals (a total of 78% of all analysed urbanonyms) are used most frequently to honour these individuals. These names predominantly represent figures of Czech 19 th century cultural history (writers, composers, artists – 53% of all urbanonyms used to honour an individual) and subsequently important figures of the Czech Reformation (17% of all urbanonyms used to honour an individual).

Only after an extended period of time has elapsed will it be clear whether the importance of specific distinguished and famous individuals is ephemeral and whether their name truly deserves to be recorded for subsequent generations. Care is necessary particularly with respect to names of politicians and statesmen, while scientists, poets, writers, painters and other artists usually prove their contributions to the scientific and cultural world during their lives. The names of individuals must be acceptable to as much of the general public as possible, prejudice and decision making by a narrow group of people “above us“, which has become standard during recent years, has no place here. An important person may also be honoured with a memorial plaque and consequently there is no need to change the established name of a street for this purpose. Furthermore the celebrated individuals are not greatly honoured if the street named after them is dirty, neglected, with broken pavements and house facades in disrepair. A sensible solution was reached in Řevnice not far from Prague, when the town council proposed a street be named after the tennis player Martina Navrátilová, who started her sports career here, but with respect to the poor technical condition of the local streets, this plan was abandoned (Harvalík, 1993–1994, 215), not mentioning the fact that it would not be possible to name a street after M. Navrátilová at present because this would be in conflict with the principle of not naming a street or other public place for a living person.

The issue of what principles to apply (or should be applied) when naming streets, squares and other public areas is as serious as the problem of renaming streets in Czech smaller and medium-sized towns. One of the key requirements when selecting a name seems to be the principle that the name should have some connection to the named object. This indicates that when naming a street for a distinguished and famous individual, it is appropriate to select names of local natives and people having a specific relationship to the given locality (for instance Slavíkova ulice in Hořovice is named after Josef Slavík /1806–1833/, the violin player and composer, a native of nearby Jince). This prevents uniformity and stereotyping when selecting a name.

A suitable source that should be utilised to the greatest degree possible is existing minor place- names (such as Na vršku ‘Knoll’, Pod vinicí ‘Below the Vineyard’, U potoka ‘By the Stream’, U koupaliště ‘By the Swimming Pool’, U pramene ‘By the Spring’, U katovny ‘By the Hangman’s House’, Pod Dražovkou ‘Below Dražovka’ – i.e. below the Dražovka forest park). The advantages of this procedure are indisputable. A street name, which is based on the established local name, is

familiar to the inhabitants, and this also prevents situations when the official given name and the unofficial name co-exist. A specific option, limited in practice for understandable reasons, is direct transformation of the descriptive identification of the object into a noun – the square in Žebrák in central Bohemia is called Náměstí ‘Square’. However, the aforementioned solution is only possible if the named object is the only one of its type in the town – otherwise it could be confusing.

Another characteristic property of smaller towns is the connection between a street name (motivated by the name of a distinguished or famous individual or otherwise) and an object located on it. In many Czech towns the name Komenského ulice 11 ‘Komenský/Comenius Street’ is frequently given to a street on which a school is located, in the same manner the above-mentioned Slavíkova ulice in Hořovice was for many years the location of a primary art school where children learnt to play the violin, there really is a garden centre in Zahradní ulice ‘Garden Street’ and a Sokol (a fitness training organisation in the Czech Republic) building in Tyršova 12 ‘Tyrš Street’.

The language aspect is important for selection of urbanonyms, and should simplify their use in verbal and written communication as much as possible. For these reasons we cannot recommend names made up of multiple words, particularly including appositional adjuncts (of the type náměstí Primátora dr. Václava Vacka ‘the Square of Mayor Dr. Václav Vacek’, ulice Mezinárodního dne dě‘International Children’s Day Street – cf. Lutterer 1988, 127); care should also be taken when selecting names containing prepositions.

Conclusion

The existing development of street nomenclature, both in the Czech Republic and in other countries, shows that it is necessary to approach the important and serious task of selection of names of streets, squares or other public spaces, with consideration and responsibility. If not, then past mistakes are repeated and the chosen names will have to be changed again in several years time. This undesirable procedure can only be prevented by using those principles that have proven they are correct and endeavours to make the individual names clear and apposite and the street nomenclature system for towns stable. The need for inclusion of the linguistic aspect during selection and standardisation of urbanonyms is clear (fortunately it is now standard that linguists are usually members of municipal committees for creation of street nomenclature) – their general- purpose language codification and the related requirement of application of language culture principles is an essential condition for problem free integration of urbanonyms into standard communication.

References

David, Jaroslav (to appear): Kapitoly z české oikonymie 20. století (místní jména – honorifikace, ideologie, reklamnost) [Chapters from Czech Oikonymy of the 20 th Century (Place Names – Honorification, Ideology, Advertising Potential)]. Praha: Academia.

11 Jan Amos Komenský (Comenius) (1592–1670), a Czech religious thinker, founder of modern pedagogy, poet, linguist, cartographer and philosopher. 12 Miroslav Tyrš (1832–1884), a Czech physical education worker, politician and art historian.

Harvalík, Milan 1993–1994: Ulice Martiny Navrátilové? [Martina Navrátilová Street?], Onomastický zpravodaj 34–35, 215.

Harvalík, Milan 2004: Synchronní a diachronní aspekty české onymie (problémy a perspektivy české onomastiky) [Synchronic and Diachronic Aspects of Czech Onymy (Problems and Perspectives of Czech Onomastics)]. Praha: Academia.

Lutterer, Ivan 1988: Názvy pražských ulic z hlediska praxe. [Prague Street Names in Practice]. In:

Žigo, Pavol (ed.), Urbanonymia. Zborník prednášok z 2. celoštátneho onomastického seminára Modra–Piesky 8.–10. októbra 1986, 125–128. Bratislava: Univerzita Komenského.

Olga Mori (Germany, Münster)

Street names and context

Relation between street names and their contexts

Street names, also known as odonyms, have already been studied from different points of view taking into account mainly the designation itself. However, these designations do not always exist quite isolated or free from context as Karl Bühler means (1982, 159). They function in contexts and it is necessary to analyse the relation between the odonyms and their context. Coseriu (1973, 282– 323; 1980, 68–93) distinguishes three types of speech contexts: the idiomatic, the verbal and the extra verbal context. The idiomatic context is the language itself. Each speech sign which is realized in discourse is related to the whole language, to the idiomatic knowledge of the speakers. The verbal context is that which is said before or after each sign or part of discourse. The words immediately preceding or following the speech sign constitute the immediate verbal context while the mediate context can even cover the whole discourse. All non-linguistic circumstances known to the speaker build up the extra verbal context, which has several subtypes: physical, empirical, natural, practical, historical and cultural. In this paper I present and exemplify only some aspects of this subject. The relation existing between the linguistic signs and the contexts is also valid for odonyms (Mori 2007).

To start with, I deal with the relation between odonyms and their synphysical context according to K. Bühler (1982, 159) or physical context according to Coseriu (1973, 315), who thinks that this type of context comprehends everything that can be seen by the participants of the speech act, but if a sign has been written or printed, its physical context is that on which the linguistic sign is written or attached. From the practical point of view, to guarantee the identification of the streets, odonyms are written on signs which constitute their physical context. The street signs are not identical everywhere. They are made of different materials, mainly of enamelled metal in white, blue, grey or green, but old signs painted on the walls and others made of marble or of tiles can be seen as well. Besides, these street signs serve not only to localize urban toponyms but also have historical, political and aesthetic value. From the typographical aspect, different types of letters are used.

It is also our purpose to observe and analyse the role of the immediate verbal context of the odonyms, that is to say, the texts which appear on the street signs usually below the odonyms. In most of the street signs, only the odonym can be seen. The norm is not the same everywhere; it varies in different countries and even among communities of the same country. For example, in the city of Münster, Germany, most of the street signs which identify a street only have the identifying odonym, but one street sign, at one or both ends of the street may have a context.

City of Münster, Germany Due to this fact, it is important to verify what is usually

City of Münster, Germany

City of Münster, Germany Due to this fact, it is important to verify what is usually

Due to this fact, it is important to verify what is usually written on the signs and in which language. The immediate verbal context is related to the idiomatic context and to several subgroups of external contexts.

Non linguistic signs on street signs

It may happen that other non linguistic signs appear together with the odonym on the same street sign, for example, diacritic signs such as arrows pointing to the direction or the location of the street, the city or country flag or emblem, as well as Roman numbers indicating a former division in blocks and pictures. All of them are immediately related to the street name and complement it. They tell us in which direction the street runs or where it is, to which city, district, or country it belongs or the numbers of buildings which are in that part of the street. If pictures appear they hold a corresponding relation with the odonym.

An unusual type of beautiful street signs is found in the historical centre of some Spanish cities. Above the odonym, there is a picture which evokes the name of the street by means of a visual image. Thus, both signs, the pictorial and the linguistic, appear on the same physical context. This complementary semantic information not only embellishes the street signs but helps to make clear the motivation of the odonym when it derives from words already out of use.

Examples of different street signs

By means of a selection of examples from several countries I will show some of the variants found to make the street signs. It is also relevant to observe of which material the street signs have been made, how they have been designed and where they are placed.

First of all, I will show the simplest ones: those of La Plata, Argentina, where the referent has been identified not through a linguistic sign but through a numeral.

City of La Plata, Argentina However, when streets are iden tified by means of odonyms, several

City of La Plata, Argentina

However, when streets are identified by means of odonyms, several ways to make up the street signs call our attention. They show differences in countries with more than one historical language and among linguistic zones of the same historical language. Here we can only show a limited sample of examples. In Buenos Aires, Argentina, the simplest type of street signs with the name of the street without the generic term calle (‘street’) can be found. Only other generic terms except calle appear on the street signs.

City of La Plata, Argentina However, when streets are iden tified by means of odonyms, several

City of Buenos Aires, Argentina

All odonyms evoke an idiomatic context, in this example, the Spanish language, but they show special features according to the different linguistic zones of the same historical language. In this particular sign of the city of Buenos Aires, below the odonym, there are numbers indicating the numbers of the buildings which are in that part of the street. In Argentina, if the plan of the city is geometric, each block has 100 meters. This plain street sign in blue is framed by a white line. Besides, there is a small square shield with one arrow indicating the direction. If the structure of an odonym has several words, these are distributed in two or more lines.

In Spain the norm is not identical to the Argentine even if the same historical language is used. The generic terms are also written on the street signs but due to the fact that not all generic terms coincide in different linguistic zones, it may happen that speakers of other regions do not understand some of them.

In Argentina, usually no biographical information about the person whose name has been given to a street appears on the street signs. In Práctico Poliza nothing has been added to the odonym either on the new or on the old street sign. A third tablet of bronze tells us that Poliza was a civil hero.

In Spain the norm is not identical to the Argentine even if the same historical language
In Spain the norm is not identical to the Argentine even if the same historical language

City of Buenos Aires, Argentina

Other sign posts are used to indicate the direction of the traffic. The following example has the trade names of those firms which have probably contributed towards the expenses, plus both names of this well-known central street of Buenos Aires Diagonal Sur and Pte. Julio A. Roca and the numbers.

In Spain the norm is not identical to the Argentine even if the same historical language

City of Buenos Aires, Argentina

Sometimes, in Argentina, the odonyms can also be seen together with the number of the houses on small signs attached to the wall, that is to say, on a new physical context. Due to this repetition, it is easier to locate the buildings as well as to remember the name of a street.

Sometimes, in Argentina, the odonyms can also be s een together with the number of the
Sometimes, in Argentina, the odonyms can also be s een together with the number of the
Sometimes, in Argentina, the odonyms can also be s een together with the number of the

City of Baradero, Argentina

It also happens that some shops in a certain street are named with a homophone of the odonym. In this way, this name appears on a new physical context with another function.

In bilingual regions, passers-by are faced by two different street signs, each one in one of the official languages. For this reason, each one will evoke its idiomatic context, for example, in Strasbourg, French or the dialect of Alsace.

Sometimes, in Argentina, the odonyms can also be s een together with the number of the

City of Strasbourg, France

Sometimes, in bilingual cities, for example in Valencia, Spain, four or five street signs and sign posts have been placed near to each other, some of them in Catalan, some others in Spanish. While the modern ones in blue identify the streets, some old ones still remain, and, finally, other sign posts in green point out the direction of the traffic.

Verbal contexts of odonyms

The immediate verbal context of an odonym consists of all linguistic signs which give some information about the odonym and, usually, follows it. This context may appear on the same street sign together with the odonym as in the following example of Strasbourg.

Sometimes, in bilingual cities, for example in Valenc ia, Spain, four or five street signs and

City of Strasbourg, France

The odonym, Passage Hans Haug written in capital letters calls our attention. Immediately below it is the verbal context in small letters except the first one. The text “Conservateur des musées de Strasbourg de 1920 à 1963. Créateur du musée de l´Ouvre Notre-Dame” explains that Hans Haug was director of the museums of Strasbourg from 1920 until 1963 and the founder of the museum l´Oeuvre Notre-Dame. Besides, an arrow points out the way to the passage. The street sign is blue with white letters and frame.

Some other times, the immediate verbal context is found on a second sign placed below the one with the odonym as in the city of Weimar, Germany.

City of Weimar, Germany Occasionally, the verbal context is placed on anothe r sign which is

City of Weimar, Germany

Occasionally, the verbal context is placed on another sign which is not attached to the first one. In the city of Alicante, Spain, there is a plain street sign with the name Calle San Fernando in Spanish. In front of it, there are two signs: on one of them is the odonym in Catalan Carrer San Fernando, and on the other one appears the immediate verbal context giving the motivation of the odonym:

Fernando III El Santo, Valparaíso 1201 – Sevilla, 1252, Rey De Castilla y León Fundó La Universidad De Salamanca y Las Catedrales de Burgos y Toledo (Ferdinand III, the Saint. Valparaiso 1201-Sevilla 1252. King of Castile and Leon. He founded the University of Salamanca and the cathedrals of Burgos and Toledo). Both of them are decorated with a geometric edge.

City of Weimar, Germany Occasionally, the verbal context is placed on anothe r sign which is

City of Alicante, Spain

City of Weimar, Germany Occasionally, the verbal context is placed on anothe r sign which is

The norm of each country about the use of an immediate verbal context varies. In Argentina, for example, it is not so frequent. However, in Europe, as some of the designations of the streets are very old, the immediate verbal context is sometimes indispensable in order to know the motivation of the odonym. For example, in the city of Münster, Germany, there are different types of immediate context. Besides the usual ones which provide biographical information about the person who has been commemorated with an odonym, other contexts explain the etymology of the name or mention the names that a street has received in the course of time, as in:

City of Münster, Germany In Wevelinghofergasse the context “1820 Wevelingsche Gasse. Später Verknüpfung dieses Anliegernamens mit

City of Münster, Germany

In Wevelinghofergasse the context “1820 Wevelingsche Gasse. Später Verknüpfung dieses Anliegernamens mit der von 1369 bis 1773 belegten Bezeichnung Witthoverstegge” explains that in 1820 the name was Wevelingsche Gasse after a family living there. Later, it was combined with Witthoverstegge documented from 1369 to 1773.

City of Münster, Germany In Wevelinghofergasse the context “1820 Wevelingsche Gasse. Später Verknüpfung dieses Anliegernamens mit

City of Münster, Germany

Below the odonym Spiegelturm, the immediate verbal context “turris speculatoris Vermutlich im 11 Jahrhundert errichteter Zugang zum Domburg mit vorgelagertem schmallen Steg über die Aa. Die Wacht-und Toranlage wurde 1880 abgebrochen” tells us that the name derives from the Latin “turris speculatoris”, which means ‘watchtower’. It was probably built in the 11th century and it offered access to the cathedral with a small bridge over the Aa. Watchtower and city gate were taken down in 1880.

Odonyms and extra verbal context

Furthermore, the extra verbal context, the empirical context, contributes to make evident the motivation of an odonym, above all when it evokes buildings which are in a certain street: e.g. railway stations, churches, convents and others, e.g. Domplatz.

Odonyms and extra verbal context Furthermore, the extra verbal context, the empi rical context, contributes to

City of Münster, Germany

In the same way, all sorts of unusual or relevant architectural landmarks, e.g. bridges, towers, columns, entrance gates to the city and others can account for the origin of an odonym. In the following example, the columns which surround San Pedro square in Rome are obviously the motivation of Largo Del Colonnato.

Odonyms and extra verbal context Furthermore, the extra verbal context, the empi rical context, contributes to
City of Rome, Italy Odonyms and their physical context The physical context of the street names

City of Rome, Italy

Odonyms and their physical context

The physical context of the street names does not look alike in different countries. While some of the street signs are very plain, others are quite elaborate. Often modern street signs are found near old ones. In this way, it is possible to compare their development in the course of time. This occurs mainly in some European countries where the street signs themselves have historical value. In Valencia, the Spanish street name Calle del Peso de la Harina, written in black on a white background, is built into the wall itself. In front of it the modern street sign with the city emblem and the name in Catalan Carrer del Pes de la Farina been placed. They tell us that, in former times, flour was weighed at this place.

City of Rome, Italy Odonyms and their physical context The physical context of the street names

City of Valencia, Spain

City of Rome, Italy Odonyms and their physical context The physical context of the street names

In Strasbourg, two modern street signs, one in French and the other one in the dialect of Alsace, are placed together, but it is interesting to note that they are distinguished by the type of letters as in Rue du Dome and Müenstergass.

City of Strasbourg, France While in some Spanish cities, the nomenclature is bilingual, in others Catalan

City of Strasbourg, France

While in some Spanish cities, the nomenclature is bilingual, in others Catalan has replaced the Spanish names. When this happened in Tarragona, the material and shape of the street signs changed as well, except for some with historical value. The odonyms have been written on plain street signs made of marble.

Street signs, besides fulfilling their identifying function to localize a street, may also contribute to embellish the city because of their aesthetic value, as in the beautiful example of the city of Valencia: Placa de la Mare de Deu.

City of Valencia, Spain This street sign has been made of tiles in a rect angular
City of Valencia, Spain This street sign has been made of tiles in a rect angular

City of Valencia, Spain

This street sign has been made of tiles in a rectangular shape and shows the image of the Virgin surrounded by pictures of objects which evoke her gifts and of two children kneeling at her feet. The elaborate letters contrast in dark and light tones. The street sign in Spanish, Plaza de la Virgen, has the same style and type of letters, but has no image only an emblem.

In the city of Madrid, the usual blue street signs with white letters also have the coat of arms of the city in which a bear tastes the fruit of an arbutus.

In the city of Madrid, the usual blue street signs with white letters al so have
In the city of Madrid, the usual blue street signs with white letters al so have

City of Madrid, Spain

An unusual example is that of the street sign which bears the name of the famous Argentine tango composer and singer Carlos Gardel. As background for the odonym we see the overdone decoration of the wall and the picture of Gardel.

In the city of Madrid, the usual blue street signs with white letters al so have

City of Buenos Aires, Argentina

In the city of Madrid, the usual blue street signs with white letters al so have

Nevertheless, besides the already mentioned street signs of Valencia, from the semantic and aesthetic point of view, the most interesting and beautiful street signs in our corpus are those of the old centre of the city of Madrid, made of glazed tiles. A special characteristic of these street signs lies in the fact that besides the odonym written in black on a white background, there is a picture which represents the referent of the designation from which the odonym derives. Thus, they have a double representation: linguistic and pictorial. Although the double representation helps to identify the referent, some names call our attention because they seem to be strange and quite out of place. They are old designations whose origin has not been well documented (Gea Ortigas 2006). Not even the use of two signs reveals the motivation clearly, for example, the street sign of the Calle de la Abada with the picture of a she rhinoceros is far from allowing us to imagine why this name has been given to a street. Besides the term abada is seldom used. Gea Ortigas (2006, 11–12) gives two possible origins for it.

Nevertheless, besides the already mentioned stre et signs of Valencia, from the semantic and aesthetic point

City of Madrid, Spain

If the odonyms derive from anthroponyms, a portrait of the person honoured plus the dates of birth and death are given.

City of Madrid, Spain When names derive from Catholicism, religious im ages have been painted as

City of Madrid, Spain

When names derive from Catholicism, religious images have been painted as can be seen on the following street signs of the Calle del Carmen and Calle de la Cruz.

City of Madrid, Spain When names derive from Catholicism, religious im ages have been painted as

City of Madrid, Spain

City of Madrid, Spain When names derive from Catholicism, religious im ages have been painted as

Many streets are named after the activities done in former times. The pictorial representation of the activity can contribute to evoke the motivation of the odonym in those cases in which the activity either does not exist any more, at least in that place, or when the designation is not used any more at present.

City of Madrid, Spain Other names recall topographic char acteristics of the place in ol d

City of Madrid, Spain

Other names recall topographic characteristics of the place in old times. For example, there was sand where the beautiful Calle del Arenal exists nowadays (Gea Ortigas 2006, 31–32).

City of Madrid, Spain Other names recall topographic char acteristics of the place in ol d

City of Madrid, Spain

The so well-known Calle Mayor is also twice represented, by the odonym and by a picture of this main street with buildings on each side of it.

City of Madrid, Spain Some beautiful examples of the city of Zamora he lp to document
City of Madrid, Spain Some beautiful examples of the city of Zamora he lp to document
City of Madrid, Spain Some beautiful examples of the city of Zamora he lp to document

City of Madrid, Spain

Some beautiful examples of the city of Zamora help to document the aesthetic value of these street signs.

City of Madrid, Spain Some beautiful examples of the city of Zamora he lp to document
City of Madrid, Spain Some beautiful examples of the city of Zamora he lp to document
City of Zamora, Spain Influence of odonyms on other fields Last but not least, we w

City of Zamora, Spain

Influence of odonyms on other fields

Last but not least, we would like to call attention to the fact that the evocative meaning of odonyms and street signs covers unexpected fields. For example, a homophone of the odonym Lindenstrasse has been used to name a German TV series. The program starts presenting the street sign with the name Lindenstrasse so that the relation to the odonym is more than obvious.

Even the stage of a theatre can become the scene of the urban names represented by artists as it happens in the zarzuela La Gran Vía by Federico Chueca shown in the theatre La Zarzuela of Madrid. The actors and actresses which personify the street names dance and sing in beautiful costumes. For example, the actress representing the street Barco has a small ship on her head and clavel a carnation; Sevilla wears the traditional typical clothes of Seville and the old street of Sartén, which at present has another name, is ironically represented by a man with a frying-pan as a hat.

Conclusion

As it has been seen, odonyms fulfill their function in different types of contexts and the street signs themselves mirror the organization, welfare, politics, history, ways of thinking, handicrafts, fantasy and tastes of a community.

Note

Fotografers: Ing. Carlos Carrara: foto of the city of La Plata. Mr. José Díez Anta: last three fotos of Zamora. Olga Mori: all other pictures.

References

Bühler, Karl 1982: Sprachtheorie. Stuttgart/New York: Fischer.

Coseriu, Eugenio 1973: Teoría del lenguaje y lingüística general. Madrid: Gredos.

Coseriu, Eugenio 1980: Textlinguistik. Eine Einführung. Tübingen: Gunter Narr.

Gea Ortigas, Ma. Isabel 2006: Los nombres de las calles de Madrid. La Librería: Madrid.

Montero Vallejo, Manuel 2005: Origen de las calles de Madrid. Una introducción a la ciudad medieval. La Librería: Madrid.

Mori, Olga 2007: Aspectos teóricos relevantes de las designaciones urbanas. In: Actes du XXVe Congrès International de Linguistique et de Philologie Romanes, 3-8 septembre 2007. Innsbruck.

Riemer Reinsma (Amsterdam, The Netherlands)

Newly built fortified cities in New Urbanism style: what kind of names are the streets being given?

Introduction

New Urbanism is an architectural movement that is to be perceived all over the world. Thousands of new housing estates are set up in a compact way, and they breath a spirit of nostalgia. The seaside resort Alys Beach (USA), for instance, was designed after a mediterranian fisher village.

In the Dutch city of Almere, a castle has been duplicated, and the city of Lelystad has a shopping district in the shape of a a colonial village in the seventh century Indies, called Batavia Stad; Batavia is the former name of Jakarta.

Historicizing architecture is not a brandnew feature that is typical of our era. At the end of the nineteenth century, for example, many public buildings were designed in Gothic style. A new element in the present trend is, that relatively large complexes of dwellings are built in an historicizing style.

In the Netherlands, recently a special trend is to be seen: three housing estates were recently copied from old fortified cities, in places where no fortified city has ever been. The complete layout of these localities aims at corresponding to the layout of the original ones. The inhabitants foster the illusion that they live in an old, small town that is separated and seemingly protected from the outside world. At present, there are three of these new housing estates:

Table 1. New housing estates

Name of newly built ‘fortified’ city

Meaning

Outskirt or development plan

Municipality

Citadel

‘stronghold, fortress’

Broekpolder

Heemskerk

Veste

‘stronghold’

Brandevoort

Helmond

Vestingstad

‘fortified city’

Schuytgraaf

Arnhem

Formulation of the problem

In the three new housing estates, old villages and towns were architecturally copied. But what about de street names? The original Dutch cities have a rather characteristical street pattern, with typical names like:

Table 2.Traditional street names in authentic fortified cities

Street name

meaning

Arsenaal

‘arsenal’

Bastion

 

Bolwerk

‘bastion’

Kerkstraat

‘church Street’

Laan

pre-urban name element, indicating a road that was constructed as a boundary between two lots in an area outside the dike (Rentenaar 1988.

67)

Markt

‘market’

Marktveld

‘market’

Molenstraat

‘windmill street’

Veste

‘moat’

Wal

‘rampart’

Now, one might expect that street names in the old cities would be copied-and-pasted into the new locations. This might even reinforce the illusion of oldness. The old Dutch cities display a very high degree of uniformity, and we meet more or less the same street names in all of them (Rentenaar 1988, 74). Let us take a look, for instance, at the ancient town of Culemborg that was granted franchise of a town as early as 1318:

Table 3. Example: Some street names in the oldf city of Culemborg

Street name

meaning

Binnen de Wallen

‘inside the ramparts’

Grote Kerkstraat

 

Kloosterstraat

‘street leading to the large church’ ‘monastery/ convent street’

Markt

‘market’

Molenwal

 

Nieuwstraat

‘rampart near the windmill’ ‘new street’

Noorderwal

‘northern rampart’

Oosterwal

‘eastern rampart’

Westerwal

 

Zuiderwal

‘western rampart’ ‘southern rampart’

The Markt lies like a spider in the layout of streets. One is tempted to expect that names of this kind, or at least most of them, will appear in the newly built fortified cities, too. Does this expectance square with the facts?

Although the observation material is (still) scarce, I will make an attempt to analyze the similarities and differences between streetnames in the new ‘cities’ and the old ones.

Method

In order to ascertain if this expectation is correct, a complete list of all street names in the new ‘fortified’ Dutch cities was compared with street names in the old ones. Only those new fortified cities were taken into account that consist of a street network – however small it may be, with a specific name for each street. Consequently, the new fortified city called De Vesting, built in the immediate neighbourhood of the old fortified city of Geertruidenberg, is not taken into consideration here. De Vesting consists of three ‘bastions’ only, and lacks ‘normal’ street names like Markt, Wal and the like.

Results

All together, the three new fortified cities count 26 street names. But only four of these exist in the original fortified cities. That is, in the old town centers. The outskirts or suburbs are left aside here, of course. What’s more, these three names don’t even belong to the category of names that prevail in the original fortified cities. They do not include names like Noorderwal or Markt.

There is something else, too, that calls for our attention. It stands out that there is hardly any resemblance between the names of any of the three new ‘cities’. The only point of similarity is in the element Veste or Vest (‘moat’), which occurs as well in the ‘cities’ De Veste and in Vestingstad. The following four streets are concerned:

Table 4. Street names occurring in old as well as in new fortified cities

street name

 

also occurring in

Lauwerstraat

meaning ‘narrow street where tanners were concentrated’ 13

Utrecht

(Lauwersteeg)

Middellaan

‘road in the middle, i.e. serving as a boundary between two lots in an area outside the dike’ (Rentenaar 1988, 67)

Breda

Musket

‘musket, fusil’

Coevorden

Plaetse

‘central square’

a.o. Montfoort

In the case of Lauwersstraat, the name in the new ‘city’ differs slightly from the one in Utrecht (Lauwerssteeg). The difference is not essential, however. Historically, it seems that there was hardly any systematic difference between a street and a steeg, at least not in the fourteenth century; a straat was somewhat wider than a steeg (‘alley’). For this reason, I consider Lauwerstraat and Lauwersteeg in this context as exchangeable names. The name De Plaetse (‘the square’) corresponds with the traditional name of the central square in a few cities in the Netherlands, an in many villages in the southern part of the country. 14 The archaic orthography Plaetse (in stead of the actual spelling Plaats) is undoubtedly meant to enhance the nostalgic atmosphere.

  • 13 De Rijk 1998, 38 considers lauwer as an alternative form of looier. The WNT (s.v. Looier (I) mentions only the orthography louwer.

  • 14 Today, only one (original) fortified city, Montfoort, has this place name. In the past, however, the name occurred in

several cities, including Amsterdam: the Plaats was the former name of the present Dam square (see WNT s For more historic examples, see Rentenaar 1988, 67.

..

v. Plaats).

Four street names out of 26, that’s a poor harvest. But this does not mean that the remaining 22 street names are totally different from street names occurring in old fortified cities. One of these new cities, Brandevoort, for example, has two street names which are compositional and which contain elements that are typical of street names in old fortified cities. This (second) category counts all together 7 street names (see table 5):

Table 5. Street name s in new ‘fortified’ cities containing elements that also occur in street names of old cities

Veste ‘moat’

Wal ‘rampart’

Boekdrukkersveste

 

Broederwal

boekdrukkers = printers broeder = friar

Laan door de Veste

laan = avenue

Neerwal

neer = lower

Potterbakkersveste

pottenbakkers = potters

Schrijnwerkersveste

 

Stratenmakersveste

schrijnwerkers = cabinetmakers stratenmakers = paviour

   

A third category of names consists of those which do not occur at all in old fortified cities – neither as a whole, nor partially: 14 names.

Discussion

The similarity between the newly chosen street names and the traditional ones stand out to be very exceptional. Only 4 out of 26 names in new fortified cities correspond directly with names in the old cities, i.e. 15%.

Apart from that, there is a more restricted type of similarity, considering that 7 compositional names have elements that are identical with those in traditional names. Here the percentage is 27.

So, 58% of all these new names does not correspond with traditional names. This does not mean, however, that these names have no relationship at all with historical cities. Many names of this category refer to historical phenomena, like guilds, medieval craftsmen, or instruments the old craftsmen worked with.

Table 6. Street names in new ‘fortified’ cities referring to medieval phenomena

Street name

meaning

Boekdrukkersveste

 

Broederwal

boekdrukkers = printers broeder = friar

Ganzenveer

goose quill

Gildenplein

 

Hevel

gilden = guilds, crafts part of a loom

Pottenbakkersveste

pottenbakkers = potters

Schrijnwerkersveste

 

Schrijverskwartier

schrijnwerkers = cabinetmakers schrijvers = clerks

Schutterskwartier

schutters = archers, riflemen

Steenhouwerskwartier

steenhouwers = stonecutter, stonemason

Stratenmakersveste

stratenmakers = paviour

Weverskwartier

wevers = weavers

Considering that the craftsmen used to live and work in specific city quarters, like the said tanners after whom the Lauwerstraat was named, it may seem surprising that so few new street names refer to existing names of this type. For example, one would expect that a really existing name like Ververstraat (for a street which was mainly inhabited by textile painters) would appear in the new cities, too. Astonishingly, it does not. Instead, we see fancy new names like Boekdrukkersveste, referring to book printers, which do not exist in the old cities.

Schrijverskwartier is an anomalous name, in that the element kwartier never used to function as a designation of a street. The appellative kwartier meant ‘ward, quarter’. ‘It was common practice that medieval cities in the Netherlands and Germany were divided into quarters’ (Blok 1883, 47). Some street names refer to ramparts, or components of them:

Table 7. Street names referring to ramparts, or components of them

Streetname

Meaning

Broederwal

Rampart

Laan door de Veste

Moat

Neerwal

Rampart

De Veste

Moat

Pottenbakkersveste

Moat

Schrijnwerkersveste

Moat

Stratenmakersveste

Moat

Weergang

covered wooden gallery on top of the wall around the city

There is another interesting aspect, namely the measure in which those streets in the fake cities that contain traditional elements (like wal) are situated in accordance with their counterparts in real fortified cities. Well, only three out of 9 street names containing traditional elements are located in the way we might expect: the Broederwal and the Neerwal are situated on the edge of the fortified city, and De Plaetse – the square in the middle of the fortified city Veste, just as it should be.

The remaining 23 street names might as well have been located at any other place in the respective towns. Obviously, the street names in the new fortified cities do not serve any more as means of orientation. But it is also clear that another function has emerged. With their references to the past they intend to create a nostalgic ambiance. And it can hardly be accidental that some of these new street names exist in outskirts of many cities and villages too. For example, there is a street named Weergang (‘a covered wooden gallery on top of the wall around the city’).

Conclusion

The (tentative) conclusion is, that that there is a considerable discrepancy between the new names and the old ones. The old names had an orientational and descriptive function; they referred to objects that were visible in public space: the Noorderwal was located on the northern edge of the built-up area, the Markt was right in the middle. Most of the new names, on the other hand, seem to have another function than the old ones: they intend to evoke a nostalgic atmosphere.

References

Blok, Petrus Johannes 1882: Geschiedenis eener Hollandsche stad. Deel I: Eene Hollandsche stad in de Middeleeuwen.’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff.

Rentenaar, Rob 1988: “De oudste stedelijke toponymie in het graafschap Holland”. In: Klaes Sierksma (ed.), De Hollandse stad in de dertiende eeuw. Muiderberg: Stichting Comité Oud Muiderberg.

De Rijk, Joannes Adrianus Friedrich 1998: Utrechtse straatnamen binnen de singels. Utrecht:

Broese Kemink.

WNT = Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal, bew. door M. de Vries, L.A. te Winkel e.a. 's- Gravenhage enz. 1882–1998. The dictionary can be consulted on the internet:

Mustafa Arslan (SELÇUK university, Turkey)

APPENDIX

APPENDİX: Collected place names from villages in the Beyşehir county

On ancient Luwian elements in the toponymy of the Beyşehir county, Turkey

ADAKÖY – Town in the South of Beyşehir Abdullah Ustanın Dere, Akarca Guyusu, Akarca, Amadalı (Ahmet Ali), Apsıngır Mezarlığı, Apsıngır, Atma Çatı, Boyalık, Çakır Köprü, Çalıca, Çipilden, Daş Dibi, Daş Dibinin Bostanı, Değirmen Köprüsü, Değirmen Önü, Deliktaş, Domuz Çukuru, Eğri Gaya, Gara Gudu, Gâvur Beşiği, Gömülgen, Görüklük, Harım, Hüyük, İbilinin Harman, Kaynar Muhar, Kazancık Muharı, Kerim Muharı, Kırk Köprü, Muhar Başı, Omar Çavuş Dağı, Söbü Gaya, Söğütlü, Şeremet, Taş Köprü, Topraklık, Tütünlük, Yassı Ada, Zıypıncak.

AFŞAR – Village in the North of Beyşehir Bademli Dere, Baklalık, Cevizli Dere, Çemçem Tepesi, Değirmen Önü, Elmalı Dere, Kabristan, Küçük Afşar, Tekke

Gırı, Topraklık, Tospa Gırı.

AĞILÖNÜ – Village in the South of Beyşehir Ağılın Dere, Aptinin Afyan Ektiği, Ara Belen, Arpalı Yurtlar, Asar, Asma Kaklık, Aşşağı Alan, Bağacık Deresi, Bazar Gediği, Boz Daş, Büyük Ballık Tepesi, Canavar Deliği, Cingen Çeşme, Çağlalı Tepe, Çinoğlu, Çoban Guyusu, Çölmek Tepe, Dibalanı (Dip Alanı-Oğlan Mezeri), Dilki Siki, Domuz Boğazı, Erikli Munar, Gara Goca, Gatranlı Goyak, Gâvur Beleni, Gâvur Harmanı, Gaylanca Gediği, Gazan Gaklık, Geneğin Alanı, Genek Dağı, Gölün Alanı, Gurt Galesi, Güvercin İni, Güzle Munarı (Pınarı), Haba Gediği (Gumlu Gedik), Hacı Vedi, Han Yıkığı, İmamın Guyusu, İn, İnce Bel, İnli Belen, Kaklıcanın Alanı, Karapınar Gediği, Kebenk, Kemaneli Taş Çeşmesi, Kızıl Harım, Küçük Ballık Tepesi, Küçük Genek, Küflen, Manav Yolu, Ören Depe, Palancıoğlu Çeşmesi, Sandıklı Gaya, Soğulgan Pınarı, Sorkunlu, Şıngırdaklı Guyu, Şilehane, Tencere Gaklık, Top Depe, Ütük, Yapraklı Tepe, Yelken Korusu, Yukarı Alan.

AKBURUN – Village in the North of Beyşehir Ahır Deresi, Alaçayır, Aşağı Harman, Aşağı Harman, Betdez Söğüdü, Boğaz, Boz Belen, Buruncuk, Cırmanın Önü, Çetenin Burnu, Dikiltaş, Endik Yeri, Güller, Gara Gum, Gara Yar, Garaaçların Altı, Garaçalı, Gavakların Altı, Gavur Bağı, Genler, Hacı Guyusu, Helimin Hesseleri, Hüyük, İğdelerin Yanı, Killik Yarı, Köy Harmanı, Kürdoğlu Hesseleri, Liman, Metli Bunarı, Onbeşer Dönümler, Örenler, Öte Gır, Patetes Hesseleri, Sarnıç, Söğütlü, Sumaklar, Taşça Harmanı, Tekke, Tosbaların Bilelediği Yer, Üç Çalı, Yatan Yanı.

AKÇABELEN – Town in the South of Beyşehir Ağaç Attıkları Boğaz, Ak Dam, Akça Belen, Akça Pınar, Ambar Gür, Apsıngır Vadisi, Ardıç Arası, Ardıçlı Asar, Armıtlı Yatak, Arpalık, Asar Tepe, At İle Eşşek, Avraş, Ayşalının Guyusu, Bağ Üstü, Balık Yolu Bağları, Ballı Kaya, Bekçi Daşı, Bıçkılı Tepesi, Birinci Gözet Tepesi, Büyük Alan, Büyük Tepecik, Cemilenin Goyak, Çal Tepe (Ganlı Kaya), Çal, Çalığın Daş, Çardak, Çavuş Yeri, Çiftlik Mahallesi, Çölmek Tepesi, Dayaklı İn, Dedelik, Dere Yüzü, Dikmen, Diplen Çukuru, Donuz Çukuru, Dört Dönüm, Düden, Eğeler, Eğelerin Yakası, Eğirli Otlakıyesi, Eğrik Tepesi, Ekinlik Tepesi,

Ellezaltı Tiri, Elmalı, Erikli Boğaz, Gale Yerleri, Garaman Deresi, Garayer Harmanı, Gızılcıklı, Goyun Daşı, Gölcük Guyusu, Gölcük, Gözelin Kuyu, Gözet Taşı, Gulaksız, Hacalılar Çayırı (Hacı Aliler), Hendek Arası, İkinci Gözet Tepesi, İlaat (Lahit), İlbiz Deresi, İn ağzı, Kaba Yer, Kabaağaç Dibi, Kale Yeri, Karanlı Dere, Kargılı, Karlık, Kasımın Dere, Koca Abdullahın Burnu, Köprübaşı, Köy Yeri, Köylü Tarlası, Kum Yeri, Kuyu Boğazı, Küçük Tepecik (Öbek Taşı), Küt Pınar, Mansır, Menevşelik, Meydan, Munar Doleyisi, Munar, Müftünün Ağıl, Okkalı, Ortaköy, Pelitli Seki, Pıynarlı Tepe, Sarı İmamın Daş, Sarma Yeri, Savcıoğlu, Selimiye, Şabanlar, Şam İçi, Şehit Guyusu, Taş Oluk, Taşın Arası, Titreyen Kavak, Tokat, Tomsu Tepesi, Topraklık, Ütük, Yamığın Gırdığı Yer, Yavşanlı Yalak, Yazı Deresi, Yazı, Yıkıcak, Yoncalık, Yukarı Oluk.

AŞAĞIESENCE – Village in the South East of Beyşehir Ağa Yeri, Ak Burun, Ak Daş, Bozlar, Çetir Guyusu, Çürükler, Elkin Gırı, Eski Şeher Yolu, Gamışlı Para, Gara Çalı, At

Yeri, Gara Meke (Bucak Çayırı), Geçit Başı (Söğüt Yolu), Goca Gır, Göktaş, Harman Başı, Hüyük, İyi Gömüler, Karaca Goyak, Mezar Ardı, Karacıyer, Kel Gömüler, Kepirler, Kömürcü Yolu, Küllü Çayır, Orta Yol, Parı Yer, Parı Yer Hüyüğü, Porsuk Yatağı, Sarı Bey, Siyid Harun Yeri, Tirler, Ülberitler, Yalağın İçi.

AVDANCIK – Village in the East of Beyşehir Ağıl Önü, Akıların Tarla, Ardıç Altı, Bağlama, Bayındıroğlu Yeri, Bekdeşin Bük, Böyük Çayır, Büyük Harman Guyu,

Cilaz Yeri, Çayır, Çayırın Üstleri, Çemçem, Çildir, Çubuklu, Değirmen Önü, Dikmeler, Divane Gırı, Ganlı ğet, Gara Dede, Gaya Boğaz Yolu, Geçit Başı, Gumlar, Havlı, Hocagilin Bük, Kadirin Bük, Kaya Ardı, Kömürcügilin Bük, Köprücek, Kürtlü Goyak, Mera, Mutoğlu Bağı, Ören Arası, Sarnıç, Seki, Sıra Cevizler, Sultan Hendeği, Tefiğin Bük, Terezili Köprü, Tomsağın Bük, Tomsağın Bükünün Karşısı, Veli Oğlunun Bük, Yağ Yeri, Yaprak Yolu, Yol Arası.

BADEMLİ – Village in the South of Beyşehir Acalma, Ağzı ık Dere, Arap Yurdu, Aşağı Saz, Balçağtı, Bedellik Harmanı, Çakıllı Boğazı, Çay Kenarı, Çiçek Yeri, Dalgatran, Davşan Depe, Dayınlı, Dede, Değirmen Beleni, Deniz Kenarı, Dere Bağlar, Dildeğmez Sivri, Doğrucalar Yolu, Gaba Ağaç, Gapı Gaya, Gara Diken Yolu, Garapbağlar, Gatran Ardı, Gavur Beleni, Gavur Evleri, Gavur Gayası, Gılıçlı, Goca Dere, Goval İçi, Goyak Başı, Göbetle, Gövalan, Gumluca, Güçük Manastır, Hacı Omar, İğde Yolu, İlbiz, İnce Bunar, İncirlik Bağları, İnler Başı, Kaymakam Virajı, Kızılyer, Kiriş Daş, Köse Gumu, Künk, Kürtlük Harmanı, Mandallar, Matlanguç Yolu, Mezar Yolu, Nalbatlar, Oburgan Deresi, Ormanlar, Orta Belen, Ökçe Tepe, Sıra Bayamlar, Sivri Kaya, Şam Bayırları, Tatarın Depe, Tekne Goyak, Tencere Gaklık, Üyük, Yukarı Saz, Zincirli Guyu.

BAŞGÖZE – Village in the East of Beyşehir Akgüney, Akbayır Dibi, Akbayır Dibi Köprüsü, Al Dede, Alı Gaya, Alıçlı Seki, Apili Deresi, Arg Altı, Aşır Çayı, Baş

Bunar, Bel Ağıl Deresi, Bel Ağıl Sekisi, Bel Ağıl Yaylası, Bezirci, Boz Yer, Bozdağ, Böğet Üstü, Büyük Açık, Büyük Ağözü, Büyük Bodukluk, Büyük Harman, Cennet Sekisi, Çakıl Arası, Çallı Goyak, Çayır Başı, Çukur Tarla, Daşlıca Deveci, Dikili Guz, Dolayı, Domuz Deresi, Eğrice Gaya, Ekiz Gaya Deresi, Ekizceler, Elbitçi, Elmacık Deresi, Elmalı Bunar, Eski Su İnen Goyak, Gaklık Ağız Sekisi, Gapçı Yokuşları, Garalık Deresi, Gelin Gaya, Gıtlık Bunarı, Gıynaş Bunarı, Goca Dere, Goru Başı, Goz Deresi, Gözet Tepesi, Gumcağaz, Guruca Gavak, Hasligilin Tarlalar, Hasligilin Yaylası, Hatçe Deresi, Hüyük Başı, İbrahim Goyakları, Kaba Armıt, Kaklıcak, Kenen Ekinliği, Keten Daşı, Kızıl Kaya, Kuşkonmaz Tepesi, Kuyulu Yayla, Küçük Ağözü, Küçük Bodukluk, Küçük Dere, Kürt Köyü, Kürtlü Burun, Mağrubi Deresi, Maldaş Deresi, Mele Deresi, Meyseller, Mezgid Özü, Ömer Guz Ardı, Pınarcık, Sanki Yaylası, Sarnıç, Sivri, Sorgun Deresi, Tuzla Gırı, Tülüce, Yeni Su İnen Goyak, Yılan Dağı, Tepesi, Yüksek Oyuk Tepesi.

BAYAFŞAR – Town in the South East of Beyşehir Abbas Deresi, Ak Yazı, Arpalık, Aşağı Çayır, Aşağı Geçili, Bağlar Önü, Balcı Gaklığı, Bali Bınarı, Bedir Önü, Bekmez Topraklığı, Boyalık, Çağlalı Dere, Çakıllı Goyak, Çallı Belen, Çarşamba Çayı, Çaşıt Gediği, Çatak, Çatal Ceviz, Daş Kesiği, Daşlıca, Dede Pınarı, Dedeoğlu Beleni, Değirmen Ardı, Dikili Taş, Domuz Boğazı, Döşeme, Erikli Dere, Evreği Yeri, Boz Dere, Eyin Hoca, Gaba Ağaç, Gadın Yeri, Gağnı Gısığı, Gara Yaka, Gavak Yüzü, Gaya Önü, Gayalık, Gayardı, Gılavuz, Gışla, Gızıl Yar, Goca Boğaz, Goca Dere, Govalı, Gök Taş, Gurgurum Beleni, Güllü Dere, Hamır Kesen, İnce Yol, Kademe, Kara Pınar, Karacaören Bağları, Karma Yeri, Kepir, Kızıl Avdan, Körhane, Kurtlu Belen, Kuyucak, Kürek Yeri, Manav Gaklığı, Mantarlık, Mezar Ardı, Mezarlı Geçit, Örtülü, Öz Ağzı, Porsuk İni, Sığır Yolağı, Sık Kürt, Sıra Gayalar, Siyekli Dere, Şeker Leblebisi, Uzun Dere Başı, Üç Söğütler, Yağlıca, Yalnız Mezar, Yığın Yanan Dere, Yol Altı, Yukarı Bağlar, Yukarı Geçili, Yukarı Soğla, Zeybek Armudu.

BAYAT – Village in the North East of Beyşehir Ala Depe Ardı, Ardıç, Bağarkası, Bet Başı, Çamlıca, Çayır Başı, Çayır, Gıçı Gaya Önü, Irmak Üstü, Kabristan, Kavak

Karşısı, Kaya Burnu, Kayalar, Kayanın Altı, Kayanın Altındaki Guyu, Kızıl Bucak, Kızılyer, Koru Yolu, Köprücek, Kör Kuyu, Köy Önü, Kuru Çeşme, Meşe, Orta Tepe, Sarı Taş, Tekke, Yörük Bükü.

BAYINDIR – Village in the East of Beyşehir Avcuva, Bağlar, Bük Guyusu, Büyük Çaylar, Büyük Tepe, Çemçem Deresi, Değirmenönü Hendeği, Düz Gaya, Gara

Çayır, Gurtoğlu Çayırı, Kör Guyu, Nomenin Dere, Öte Yaka, Saksı Gırı.

BEKDEMİR – Village in the East of Beyşehir Akgaya, Bağlar, Bayat Geçidi, Belen Başı, Bend Üstü, Bokluca (Kokluca), Bozotlu, Büyük Bük, Büyük Gembil, Çağlan, Çatal Armut, Çayır Burnu, Çukur Yer, Daşın Boğaz, Değirmen Üstü, Değirmen Yolu, Elmanın Yanları, Ese Bükü, Eski Köprü Başı, Garakaya, Gaya Arası, Gembil, Gembilin Üstleri, Gızlık Yurdu (Bancarın Guyusu), Goca Pür, Gölcük, Hüyük Arkası, Irmak, İnce(a)rap Guyusu, Korunun Önü (Koca Dere), Kuyu (Değirmen), Küçük Bük, Küçük Gembil, Küllüler, Kürt Burnu, Mağrap, Mezarlık Yanı, Mezer Altı, Oyuk, Sansekizleri, Soğul İçi, Sorkunlar, Suvat,Topraklık, Vakıflar, Yaka Üstü, Yeni Guyu.

ÇİÇEKLER – Village in the East of Beyşehir Adanın Üstü, Akdaş, Aşağı Goyak, Aylahan, Bağaltı, Balıı Yolu, Belen Başı, Bereket Gırı, Boruluk, Boz Yer, Bükler, Cinler Goyağı, Çakıllık, Çandır Goyağı, Çardak Gaya, Çayır Altı, Çırpılık, Çukur Yer, Dağ, Değirmen Yolu, Demirci, Dere Bağ, Dolayı, Donrul Ayağı, Enik Yeri, Gızıl Yaka, Goca Goyak, Göktaş, Gül Dibi, Homa Burnu, Homa Yazısı, Hüyük Dibi, Hüyük, İğdeli Bağ, İnce Çayır, İnce Yol, Kararpa Yeri, Kel Yer, Kemik Gırı, Mazağın Çeşme, Mezer Altı, Nan Özü, Oyuk Burnu, Porsuk İni Yolu, Porsuk İni, Sarı Daşlar, Su Beliği, Uzun Tirler, Ürkmez, Yukarı Goyak.

ÇİFTLİK – Village in the North of Beyşehir Çakıl, Dere, Gara Çalı, Goca Gır, Gövelek, Gumburun, Gumcalar, İnevli Deresi, Ören Ardı, Sülüklü Bunarı.

ÇİVRİL – Village in the East of Beyşehir Ardıcın Önü, Aşağı Çayır, Bayramın Kuyusu, Çivril Yaylası, Eski Bağlar, Hese Beyin Kırları, Kara Çalı, Kumlar,

Leylek Söğüdü, Oyak Burnu, Soğla, Tirler, Ulu Bükler, Ulucak, Yukarı Bozyer, Yukarı Çayır.

ÇUKURAĞIL – Village in the North East of Beyşehir Ağıl Önü, Ala Gır, Arık Guyusu, Armutlu Gusu, Aşşa Çaylar, Belen Ardı, Belen Önü, Büyük Tarlalar, Çivriller, Dağ

Yakaları, Dağarmanı, Dikenli Belen, Dikenli, Dikli Daş, Eski Köprü, Eski Mezerlik, Gale, Gara Daş, Gartal, Çatal Gaya, Gayraklı, Gumlucuk Dere, Hacı Baba, Harman Başı, Harmanlar, Hüyük, Karacözü, Köprü Başı, Küçük Hacı Baba, Mereler, Musalla, Porsuk, Salamut, Sara Mezeri, Sarnıç İçi, Seki, Siyekler, Ulu Yol, Yeni Köprü, Yeni Mezerlik, Yörük Yatakları, Yukarı Çay.

DOĞANBEY – Town in the North East of Beyşehir Akyokuş, Akış Guyusu Yolu, Almalı Dere, Almalı Düzü, Anaylan Gız, Aptinin Un Okkası, Aşa Darığınlı, Aşağı Yazı, At

Evi, Bekir Çavuş Yaylası, Besi Yaylası, Boklu Gaya, Bostanlıklar, Büyük Yokuş, Cami, Candar Çayı, Çakalağıl Yolu, Çanak Yaylası, Davşan Ovası, Değirmen, Demirci Beli, Devrilmeç, Dımbılın Köprü, Efenin Çeşmesi, Eğri Armıt, Ekiz Hasan Guyusu, Eliki Yaylası, Enek, Ganlı Tarla, Gapçı Dükkanları, Gar Goyağı, Garşı Yaka, Gevenli Yatak, Gurban Guyusu, Hacı İbram Yaylası, Hacı Osman Ağılı, Hanife Ağılı, Hocanın Abdest Aldığı Yer, Hurşit Ağılı, İki Daş, İladin Çeşmesi, İladin, İncir Ağacı, Kavaklar, Kilise Guyusu, Köçek Gediği, Kör Guyu, Kulucu Bunar, Kükürt Çayı (Geçi Kükürtlüğü), Kükürt Çayı (İnsan Kükürtlüğü), Kükürt, Merdivenler, Orta Darığınlı, Sandık Gaya, Sıtma Bunarı, Sülekgilin Ağılı, Tabakhane, Tek Ardıç, Tekeli Guyusu, Titreğin Yayla, Tocak, Uğlu Yaylası, Uzun Avrat Yolu, Yanığın Ağılı, Yarı Garamıkla, Yassı Yurt, Yazı Guzu, Yedi Oluk Mevkisi, Yeni Pınar, Yıkılan Gaya, Yukarı Bunar, Yukarı Darığınlı.

DOĞANCIK – Village in the East of Beyşehir Ak Çeşme, Armut Keçesi, Ayanın Guyruk, Bağ Yanı, Belen, Değirmen Önü, Düz, Emen Yolu, Eski Mezar, Gavur Deresi, Gedik Ağzı, Gün İnen, Hasan Deresi, Ilıca Pınarı, Kalfe Deresi, Köprü Başı, Köy Önü, Manastır, Mezar Altı, Soğlacık, Toyuk Ayağı, Üçpınar, Yedi Dönümler, Yukarı Yazı, Zindel.

DUMANLI – Village in the West of Beyşehir Ağacın Arası, Ak Gedik, Akdağ, Akkaya Tepesi, Ardıç Alanı, Aşağı Helva Ovası, Atyatağı Tepesi, Bahçeler, Bozburun Yolu, Bozburun, Depo, Dibek Yanı, Dikenli Yaylası, Dokuz Munar, Dumanlı Yaylası, Düden, Elma Geçidi, Elmalı Kuyu, Emerdin Geçidi, Fes Kaklığı, Gavradım Tepesi, Göynük Gediği, Gül Yeri Tepesi, Harman, Harmanevi, İt Yalağı Tepesi, Karadağ, Karadere Taşı Tepesi, Karatürk Tepesi, Kartoz, Katır Uçtu Tepe, Katranlı Tepe, Kelkır, Kelpere, Kızılsırt, Kızılyol Tepesi, Kızın Mezarı, Kiraz Ağacı Yaylası, Koca Yalak, Koca Yalak, Kocanın Öldüğü Tepe, Koru Tepesi, Koru, Koyun Duvarı, Koyun Yolu, Kumluk Sırtı, Kurtlu Göğüs, Kuyu Beleni, Kuzgunlu Tepe, Medi Ardıç, Saraycık Yaylası, Sarı Alan, Sarınç, Solaklar Yaylası, Söğüt Tepesi, Taşlı Yokuş, Tıpılı Tarla, Titreyenli, Topandız Sırtı, Yukarı Helva Ovası.

EĞİRLER – Village in the East of Beyşehir Akbayır Başı, Alaca Gır, Andala, Aşağı Gır Guyusu, Aşağı Gır, Aşağı Yazı, Avcuva, Aynalar, Bayındır Taşları, Bediroğlu Guyusu, Bel, Bey Yeri, Boduklu, Büyük Gara Gum, Büyük Guru Çay, Çal Dağı, Çamur Sekisi, Çeçengilin Yeri, Çiğdem Dağı, Çimencik İçi, Çivrelliler, Çukur, Daşlı Gözet, Daşsız Gözet, Davşan Deresi, Depe Dibi, Depe, Derin Dere, Deve Daşı, Düz Gırlar, Erikli Gır, Filinte Çeşmesi, Gabakgoz Deresi, Gale Ağzı, Gale, Gara Bunarlar, Gara Gavağın Yanı, Gara Gum, Gara Güney, Gara Zini, Gatırağıl Deresi, Gavaklı Dere, Gavur Galesi, Gaya Boğazı, Gayalı Boğaz, Gayılla r, Gelin Daşı, Gızıl Gaya, Gızıl Yer, Goç Gayası, Goyak Yakası, Gök Bayır İçleri, Gurçak, Gücü Göz, Güllerin Dibi, Hancağar Deresi, Hanim Çeşmesi, Harmanlar, İğdeler Çayı, İt İni, Kabristan, Kağnı Beli (Yazı Guzu),

Kekik, Kelik Bağardı, Kokar Bunar Deresi, Kör Bağlar, Küçük Gara Gum, Küçük Guru Çay, Kütük Budama, Lalelik, Manav Bağları, Meşad Ardı, Müderris Deresi, Oğuzlar, Oluk Daş, Orta Yazı, Ören Yakası, Örencik, Sandıklı, Sarp Guzlar, Seki Başı, Sepetçi Guyusu, Söğütlü Göz, Şamlar Üstü, Şimşirlik, Takke, Tekke, Tokmacık, Topal Hasan Deresi, Topçuoğlu Sarnıcı, Topraklık (Elbesenler), Üfleyen, Üyük Dibi, Veyseller Sekisi, Yalın Yakası, Yazı, Yılan Dağı.

EMEN – Town in the North of Beyşehir Ada (Kendir Çukuru), Akpınar, Arap Gırı, Ardıçlar, Aşağı Hüyük, Aşağı Öte Yaka, Bağlar, Boyalık, Boyan, Büyük

Bahçe, Cinala, Çerçoyuk, Çırpılık, Çukur Çam, Çukurt Makmala, Dana Tarlası, Daşlı, Değmen Önü, Eğirler Yolu, Gara Çakılbaşı, Gavaklı Bağ, Gaya Değmeni, Gır Badem, Goca Ardıç, Havlunun Gaya, Horaz Üyüğü, Horoz, Kervan Yolu, Mumınlar, Sadıkhacı Yolu, Sancı Yokuşu (Savcılar), Şarapgana, Üç Tepeler, Yassı Gaya, Yukarı Öte Yaka.

EYLİKLER – Village in the North of Beyşehir Alıp Vermez, Ali Paşa Köprüsü, Bağarası