Title: Lumads in Between: The Militarization of Indigenous People (IP) in Mindanao

Background: Rampant militarization in IP Communities. The role of Philippine Government in

providing aid for the affected areas.

Statement of the Problem:

1. Are there resolutions that were made by the Philippine government in the context of
militarization in IP communities? If yes, what are the ways?
2. How would the Philippine government disintegrate its relationship with the rebel groups
in terms of the militarization that exist in an IP community?
3. Does the peace that the Philippine government want to achieve concur with the peace that
the IP communities and the rebel group? If not, would that somehow be a problem?

Theory/ Approaches: Neo-Institutionalism

Sources of Data: Primary – Books/Journals, Reports

Unit of analysis: Philippine Government (institution)

 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

A. Background of the Study

The Philippines is known for its richness in natural resources as well as in culture and
tradition. It is a well-known fact that many tourists visit the Philippines to discover its beauty and
how the people socialize with one another. Philippines is an archipelago compose of 7107 islands.
Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimation of 14 to 17 million indigenous
peoples (IP) residing in the Philippines who are also rooted from 110 ethno-linguistic groups.
According to UNDP (2010), These IPs are concentrated in Northern Luzon (Cordillera
Administrative Region) with its totality of 33%, some groups in the Visayas area, and Mindanao
with 61%. With the high percentage of IP communities in an area, it is just and mandatory that
their lives are also protected. Written in the 1987 Constitution, due to its diversity in culture and
tradition, unity and development should be ensured among others. This is why there is a mandate
in the Philippine Constitution as to recognize, respect, promote, and fulfill the rights of the IP
communities because they are part of the country. Moreover, this right was emphasize in the 1997
Indigenous Peoples Rights Act or also known as Republic Act 8371 in order to establish their
rights especially on ancestral domain which serves as their collective identity. The Indigenous
Peoples’ Rights Act described the seven ethno-graphic 545 areas in the country, namely: (i) Region
1 and Cordillera; (ii) Region 2; (iii) the rest area of 546 Luzon; (iv) Island Groups including
Mindoro, Palawan, Romblon, Panay, and other areas that composes the 547 Visayas; (v) Northern
and Western Mindanao; (vi) Southern and Eastern Mindanao; and (vii) Central Mindanao in order
for these IP communities to be represented in the National Commission on Indigenous People
when addressing their concerns.

However, for the most part, even though their rights are being emphasized in that republic
act it cannot be denied that anomalies and conflict still exist within their community. For instance,
the most common form of this would be the discrimination. Discrimination in the form of
marginalization especially in political participation and economic benefit. One example of this
would be the role of government versus the livelihood of the marginalized IP communities. There
would be an instance that when the government tries to develop a particular community or city, it
does not go along with the lives of the people. The development that the government would like
to establish is not the development that the IP community expected because they feel like they are
not part of that development and that their needs as a minority group are not being voice out. For
the most part in our world today, these minority group are being belittled and manipulated by the
powerful ones due to their lack of awareness and knowledge or even because those who tries to
manipulate them fool them and take advantage of their situation. This is why it does not guarantee
them full participation and recognition when it comes to political and economic benefits. Other
instance would be loss of identity, land grabbing, militarization, displacement, and destruction of
their traditional ways and culture.

Militarization in the Philippines, has caused great stress in the relationship between the
Philippine Government and Indigenous people. It is well known that the Philippine has various
rebel groups operating within the country. And one of them is the ongoing communist insurgency
and the government has been struggling to successfully eradicate the problem. Just recently the
President Duterte’s Government labelled the New People’s Army – The armed wing of the
communist party – as a terrorist group. This is after decades of failed peace talks and bloody
killings. In this manner his government has no plans on negotiating peace with the rebels. Aside
from promoting their sense of communism, the New People’s army also operates through dark
means such as extortion, theft, and kidnappings to fund their operation. This caused of billions of
lost investments and opportunities for the Philippine economy. The developments which could
have helped a lot of people and could have changed the political climate, lost due senseless warfare.
That is why the current administration is determined to end the rebellion and promote peace and
progress hand in hand.

In Mindanao, the arrangement of IP paramilitary gatherings is done as a team with the

administration's National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), and the Mindanao
Indigenous People Conference for Peace and Development (MIPCPD) composed by the AFP.
Since the mid 2000s, the arrangement of paramilitary gatherings has been a noteworthy wellspring
of contention in IP people group and human rights infringement.

The battle to end the decade’s long rebellion is not without cost. Relentless military
campaigns had put countless civilians in the middle of the crossfire. Local residents in the far flung
areas of the provinces flee every time there is a military encounter and this has affected people
from all walks of life. One of the most affected are the indigenous people. The NPA have always
tried to recruit from the IP’s to boost up their ranks. While the Armed forces have place a lot of
pressure to the IP’s to not join the NPA. This placed the IP’s in a difficult spot, whether to join the
NPA to resist the military and heir displacing acts or follow the Military which roots them out of
their lands. The change of perception towards the Armed Forces and the government. The struggles
of the IP’s and the views against the government is an effect that needs to be corrected.

B. Statement of the Problem

The researcher would like to answer the following questions:

1. Are there resolutions that were made by the Philippine government in the context of
militarization in IP communities? If yes, what are the ways?

2. How would the Philippine government disintegrate its relationship with the rebel groups
in terms of the militarization that exist in an IP community?

3. Does the peace that the Philippine government want to achieve concur with the peace that
the IP communities and the rebel group adhere to? If not, would that somehow be a problem?

C. Significance of the Study

The most common case when it comes to dealing with the problems of IP Communities is
that they are the unit of analysis of a study. However, in this study, though we are still looking at
the problems that exist or that the IP Communities are facing, the focus here is the role of the
institution in shaping its people. In this case, the role of the Philippine Government as an institution
is being emphasized in shaping the decisions of the social actors, in this case, the IP Communities.
In this study, the voices of those who belong to an IP group is not the main concern but how the
Philippine Government respond to the militarization brought by the rebel groups in the ancestral
domain of IP Communities.

This issue is not highly addressed in the Philippines since they belong to a minority group
and there are many instances where the Indigenous Peoples are being deprived of their rights.
Especially when it comes to their ancestral domains which is part of their identity. This study, will
help in identifying the efforts of the Philippine Government with regard to the existing anomalies
that the marginalized specifically the IP Communities experienced.
D. Theory

According to Chambers et. al (2010), NeoInstitutionalism underlines the role of state

institutions in helping in shaping the preferences and objectives of social actors in their decision-
making processes. Also, it is argued that, as a consequence of state formation, institutions highly
condition the outcomes of such political decisions with the establishment of the game rules of
power and influence. With the exact proponents of comparative politics, Hague and Harrop
(2004:7), emphasized that ‘the state is a unique institution, standing above all other organizations
in society. The state can legitimately use force to enforce its will and citizens must accept its
authority as long as they continue to live within its borders’.

With this, the power of the state is very influential since it is the one who shapes the
behaviour of its actors. In this case, the Philippine Government embodies the state/nation. Any
action taken by the state would give a great impact to its state. For instance, if the Philippine
Government would make efforts (e.g. peace talk, conflict-resolution) to resolve the never-ending
militarization that exist in IP Communities, as citizens of the state they are obliged to follow the
rules and the instructions of the Philippine Government since one of its function is to protect its
people. Especially in the case of the IP Communities who are considered as marginalized ones,
their protection and preservation should be maintain and not disturbed.

Alt, J. E. et al. (2010) explains the concept of New Institutionalism by stating that it can
only be understood in the context of the institutions in which they take place. According to this
view, politics presents a certain degree of autonomy and may influence values, norms, identity,
and roles. Indeed, as structures that regulate human interaction and define the incentives that
determine the choices that individuals make, institutions also determine the performance of
societies and economies over time.

E. Methodology

In order to further understand the motivations, voices, and opinions of a specific person,
group or an institution one must use the method of qualitative research. A qualitative research is
concern on answering the “why” rather than the “what” of a particular phenomenon. It seeks to
identify the stories of a specific group, institution, or individuals who have experienced and have
been involved on a specific phenomenon. There are many ways to conduct an interview in a
qualitative research some examples are key-informant interview, in-depth interview, and focus
group discussion.

In addition, there are many systems of inquiry to know the experiences of people involved
in a phenomena. Some examples are phenomenology, case study, discourse analysis, historical
analysis, and ethnography. When using a qualitative research, one way of collective an effective
data is by letting your respondents tell you a story about their experiences of the phenomenon.
This way, it would be easier for the research to identify the codes, categories, themes and data
analysis since there are a lot of data being collected.

F. Sources of data

Primary –

The Lumad Struggle for Social and Environmental Justice: Alternative Media in a Socio-
Environmental Movement in the Philippines (Journal)

Secondary -
http://www.ph.undp.org/content/philippines/en/home/library/democratic_governance/FastFacts-
IPs.html

G. Unit of analysis

Institution – Philippine Government

Reference/Bibliography (if you cite sources)

 CHAPTER 2

Review of Related Literature

This chapter includes an integrative discussion about the role of the government in the
context of militarization that exists in Indigenous Peoples (IP) community. This chapter presents
the role of the government, as an institution, in shaping the behaviour of the IP community in their
struggle with the rapid militarization that takes place in their domain. *insert proponents name’s
New-Institutionalism is used as a theoretical lens in identifying the role of the government as an
institution. In addition, related studies that is in line with how the government coordinates with the
IP communities and other additional information is presented in this chapter.

Increased Military Presence in the Philippine Setting

President Aquino's appointment of Gen. Fidel Ramos as Secretary of National Defense

conveys to the fore well known worry over the developing intensity of the military inside the
administration. Gen. Ramos' moment change into a non-military personnel, not by method for a
long late retirement President Aquino's appointment of Gen. Fidel Ramos as Secretary of National
Defense brings to the fore popular concern over the growing power of the military within our
government. Gen. Ramos' instant transformation into a civilian, not by way of a long overdue
retirement but of his appointment to one of the most powerful cabinet positions, is fraught with
implications.

General Ramos' new "non-military personnel" status could be a stage toward the
administration in 1992. in the event that this is along these lines, we may see a further politicization
of the military and a militarization of governmental issues - and society.

The military has gradually however most likely expanded its quality in and impact over
non-military personnel undertakings since February 1986. Indeed, even after the military rebellion
which transformed the RAM young men into moment legends and put Corazon C. Aquino in
control, the successful restriction held a sound separation from the military which, all things
considered, had been the chief interior prop of the Marcos administration.

Five months after EDSA, President Aquino was all the while saying that "the greatest factor
that can guarantee the nation's political strength is for the military to at last gain the regard of the
regular citizen division. At the end of the day, the President was of the assessment that it was up
to the military to present appropriate reparations in light of the considerable number of wrongs a
significant number of them had executed, the torments and other human rights infringement they
had submitted as the severe power of a harsh administration. Barely a year after, the President was
encouraging government authorities and concerned subjects to visit the troopers in their camps,
discourse with them, welcome them to our homes, receive officers' families, to put it plainly, do
everything conceivable to make them feel acknowledged and adored. The administration
immediately raised military compensations by 62% and guaranteed them new lodging and
different advantages.

This situation is absolutely not with regards to the soul of the Constitution. Responding to
one of the shades of malice of the Marcos administration, the Commissioners incorporated into
the Constitution a few arrangements proposed to shorten military power: (1) proportional
recruitment from all regions of the country, (2) no extension of service for retirable officials, (3)
restoration of the authority of local executives over local police units, (4) dissolution of private
armies, CHDFs and other paramilitary units and (5) no appointments to civilian jobs of any
member of the Armed forces in the active service. Number 2 is being tailed, we have not heard if
number 1 is being executed, number 3 is by all accounts in limbo right now, and number 4 was
fervently opposed by the military and racked. Indeed, there are more paramilitary gatherings now
with the expansion of vigilantes. Entirely, the arrangement of Gen. Ramos may not abuse the letter
of the Constitution, however some contend that it does.

In light of the current situation, it is basic for everybody resolved to shield vote based
system to attempt to have a more profound comprehension of what militarism implies with the
goal that we may see the crawling militarization of our general public and decide to oppose it.

Geyer (1980), characterized Militarism an arrangement of belief system and power which
magnifies military and combat hardware themselves to the detriment of all other human interests,
having a tendency to command every single social foundation also a connections among social
orders.

This state of affairs is certainly not in keeping with the spirit of the Constitution. Reacting
to one of the evils of the Marcos regime, the Commissioners included in the Constitution several
provisions intended to curtail military power:
Ten Characteristics of Militarism

The multi-dimensional nature of militarism might be stressed by taking note of ten of its
characteristics.

1. The conviction that war is a satisfactory, if not favored, method of taking care of universal
issues.
Militarism is forceful. It expect a crude perspective of human instinct. The theory of
Classical might be the best example to this by emphasizing the 3s – survival, statism and
self-help.
2. The control of political foundations by the self-magnification of the military.
3. The interpenetration of military and economic economy.
It is vital to recall that there are undoubtedly military-modern edifices in most
industrialized social orders; that the military factor may well be the most steady and
inescapable wellspring of swelling in a few social orders; that financial development,
profitability, and work would all be able to be antagonistically influenced by reliance on
guard industry; that horticultural advancement and natural quality are extremely harmed
by the spread of military spaces and broad weapon frameworks; that a great many resigned
military officers serve in the administration and sheets of chiefs of organizations; that world
exchange arms trades presently adds up to about $30 billion a year and is justified as an
answer for adjust of instalments issues.
4. The expanding absorption of logical and specialized assets into military innovation,
accordingly, increasing military power over different organizations.
5. The infiltration of instructive frameworks by the military.
6. An authoritative, harsh, peace ethos which opposes difference and social change.
7. The rehashed conjuring of "military need" to legitimize progressively devastating and
uncaring weapons and assaults.
8. Rationalization of extraordinary power strength over lesser forces.
Militarism frequently describes the severe elites of little countries all through the Third
World yet it is the industrialized and intercontinental forces which can extend military
power incredible separations from their own outskirts and to shape coalitions and unions.
 Such game plans definitely make connections of predominance and-reliance, twofold
measures, and feelings of hatred which are defenseless against political abuse.
9. National closed-mindedness which is grandiose about one's own nation however severe
and corrective toward enemies.
10. A philosophy which looks to control religious images, qualities, and foundations.
The simple components of militarism which call for grandiosity and good ire, request
discount demise and destruction to foes, require national solidarity and extreme penances
turn fighting religious way – even in agnostic administrations.

Dominance and Reaction

In a book entitled The Philippines: Authoritarian Government, Multinationals and

Ancestral Lands. Anti-Slavery Society, (1983), the concept of the relationship of IP communities
and the Philippine government had been discussed. The Martial Law development strategy which
calls for further exploitation of natural resources through the expansion of logging, mining, dam
construction, and agri-business is a blue-print for ethnocide. This attack is now being launched
with the full powers of the State. The minorities are confronted by discriminatory laws, para-
military agencies including PANAMIN and, increasingly, by direct military intervention by the
armed forces of the Philippines.

In the past, one strategy available to isolated communities to deal with incursions was to
retreat deeper into the hinterland and thus avoid the problem. However, today it is the last tracts
of virgin lands that are scheduled for encroachment. There are few remaining viable areas for
retreat. Only by tackling the problem can the tribal groups hope to survive as peoples into another
generation.

Until recently, and up to the present in many areas, the most apparent problems of tribal
groups in the Philippines could be characterised as government neglect and isolation. But the most
recent intrusions of economic and military forces have brought forth new perceptions and
responses among minority groups. Just as the former neglect sustained and encouraged isolationist
and localist responses, the present focus of government policy and forces upon the minorities is
leading both to innovation and growing awareness is manifest in the growing recourse to
petitioning the government and funders, protest demonstrations and particularly in the increasing
support given to anti-government revolutionary forces.
 In Kalinga and Abra, the traditional peace pact, the bodong, has been adapted to the new
circumstances. Where, in the past, pacts were formed on a village to village basis, they are noew
valley-wide. The traditional peace pact protected a community and its lands from its most
persistently menacing enemies who were neighbouring communities. Now the major threat to the
wellbeing of a community is no longer its neighbours but foreign investors and the national
government. These are represented in their communities by mining companies, the NPC,
Cellophil, and the ubiquitous military. New developments in the peace pact reflect this change.
The minorities have created new pacts and provisions that seek to create wider internal unity to
face and repel the threats from outside.

Having been forced to take a stand to defend their livelihood and their culture against a
state machine, the national minorities are forced to confront the need for organized unity.

The Muslim community of the southern islands is made up of a number of culturally

distinct groups such as the Tausug, Maranao, and Maguindanao. However, in the Moro National
Liberation Front (MNLF) they have found an organ of unity. The MNLF’s army, the BMA, is
active throughout the Muslim-dominated region and the MNLF draws its leadership from several
different groups. this unity has enabled the MNLF to gain recognition by the PPT as ‘legitimate
representatives of their people’ and the MNLF even has observer status at the Islamic Conference.

On the other hand, the non-Muslim minorities do not have the ready-made basis of unity
that Islam originally provided in the south. Neither are they, for the most part, so geographically
concentrated. To resist the State effectively, such groups are therefore bound to seek unity not only
with other tribes, but with national resistance groups.

The most important resistance at national level is mounted by the New People’s Army
(NPA) which forms the armed wing of the National Democratic Front (NDF). The NPA has since
its creation in 1969 been establishing support for revolution and building base areas in the remote
hinterlands. In these areas NPA units have contacted various tribal groups. They initially built up
acceptance and appreciation of their presence through political discussions and the provision of
medical and literacy programmes in areas of former isolation and neglect.

Ironically, for the Marcos government, it is its own strategy of increased exploitation of
tribal lands that has brought it to the very areas that the small PA forces took to in their base
building actions of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Numerous tribal communities confronted by
the immediate and obvious threat of mines, dams, and other projects have extended their initial
toleration and appreciation of the NPA presence to active co-operation and participation in
resistance. The government’s development strategy is thus doing much to contribute to the growth
of a mass base for the NPA in those areas of the country most strategically advantageous for
guerrilla warfare.

The NPA has grown throughout the country and now operates on guerrilla fronts in 40 of
the 73 provinces of the country. However, its regular forces remain for the present relatively small
and poorly armed. Nonetheless, in areas where they received widespread local support, the
combination of people’s opposition and organized NPA resistance can be effective. In Kalinga,
for example, the completion date of the first Chico dam has already been put back by 10 years and
if organized resistance continues, there seems little prospect of the project reaching completion.

Of course, there is a price to pay for such victories. The people's militant defence of their
lands or the threat of it draws down attempts by the regime to reassert their control. PANAMIN
has sought by its strategic hamlet programme and the policing of minority communities to isolate
them from contact with the NPA. In the areas where resistance forces have developed despite the
attentions of PANAMIN, the government has resorted to punitive, military expeditions. Villagers
suspected of supporting the NPA have been indiscriminately shelled, houses burned and villagers
harassed. In certain cases, whole communities have been forcibly resettled close to military camps.

This leaves the mountain areas to be declared ‘free fire zones’ in which crops and houses
are left unguarded. This strategy was adopted by the military in the Ifugao-Benguet border area in
1976 and 1977. Farmers in Banaue, Hungduan and Buguias municipalities will forced to abandon
their ancestral lands and relocate around army outposts far from their fields and houses. Hunger
and hardship followed, and only after months of military operations in the area were the people
allowed to return to their homes. A similar regime has recently been forced on the Atas of Davao
and a free fire zone also exists around the Chico IV dam site in Kalinga. The inhabitants of
Tomiangan are required to have military clearance to enter or leave the village or to work in their
fields. A strict curfew is also imposed from 3 p.m. to 8 a.m. Many villagers have abandoned their
fields under this military harassment and are suffering severe hardship. They refuse, however, to
abandon the village lest it be interpreted by the government or by fellow Kalingas as an expression
of the Tomiangan people's co-operation in the project. They sit on in the village in silence defiance.

The creation free fire zones has denied whole communities access to the fields essential to
their livelihood, allowed government troops to make free with the livestock, stored grain, and
household wealth of the displaced people. In the Tomiangan zone government, troops have been
able to shoot, kill, and consume over a hundred head of cattle and buffalo belonging to local
farmers. No compensation has been paid or offered for these animals.

Free fire zones have become almost commonplace in the Muslim provinces. The present
conditions on the predominantly Muslim island of Jolo are worth special mention. Jolo is an MNLF
stronghold. Shortly after the declaration of Martial Law in 1972, the government bombed, burned
and totally devastated the city of Jolo and captured the town for the government. The island of Jolo
is still held, but only by military occupation. Forested areas and highway fringes are being cleared
of trees to protect the military from ambush. On the island, the maximum amount of rice that can
be bought at one time is often as little as 5 kilos. This policy is an attempt to deny food to the Moro
National Liberation Front, but its main effect is to impose long daily hikes upon people from
remote villages. Zamboanga City and Sabah in Malaysia have many refugees from Jolo, who have
sought to escape these conditions, while those remaining on the island lives in fear of military
harassment and abuse.

In an increasingly polarised society, the traditional isolation and neutrality of tribal

Filipinos no longer provides any guarantee of continuity for these communities. Also, there is no
comfort or hope for the future in either the legal measures and or the economic strategy of the
regime. Indeed, rapid militarization and its effects in national minority lands from Jolo in the South
to Kalinga in the North raise the spectre of genocide over the 6.5 million national minority
Filipinos.

Inevitably, as tribal people have become involved with issues and organizations on a
national level, the question of constructive alternatives to present policies towards minorities has
been raised.

However, as minority communities speak out in opposition to government backed projects

and as young people from those communities disappear into the mountains to join the NPA or
BMA, they face the prospect of harsh government retaliation. The Philippine government and
armed forces have, especially in Mindanao, already shown themselves capable of indiscriminate
retaliation against minority communities that hits both militants and non-combatants alike. Against
any such abuses within the Philippines today people have no effective legal recourse.

It is therefore important that the escalating military occupation of tribal lands and the
increasing tendency to rely upon military solutions to tribal problems be widely known. This report
is produced in the hope that it will encourage groups and individuals to extend support to the
minority peoples of the Philippine islands by monitoring their situation and exerting all possible
pressure upon the Philippine government, its military backers in the United States, the international
banks and the involved multinational corporations genuinely to respect the persons, rights, and
lands of national minority Filipinos and the BangsaMoro peoples.

New-Institutionalism

Lounsbury, Michael. (2018), highlights that there are many fields that encompasses new-
institutionalism. However, in political science two schools of new-institutionalist analysis existed.
First, the rational-choice approach, while the other one is historical institutionalism. In this study,
the historical institutionalism is the central discussion.

As opposed to the rational choice approach, the historical institutionalist methodology is

inductive, not deductive (Thelen and Steinmo 1992: 10; Hay and Wincott 1997: 955). Therefore,
in searching for empirical regularities an inductive method is used as the strategy. In addition,
while historical institutionalists stressed how the role of the insitutions is shaped, there is a lesser
concentration on tight institutional constraints. Moreover, in contrast to the rational choice
approach where the central question for actors is ‘how do I maximise my utility in this situation’,
the central question from an historical institutionalist viewpoint is, ‘what is the appropriate
response to this situation given my position and responsibilities?’ (Koeble 1995: 233). On the other
hand, March and Olsen (1989: 22) calls the latter point of view as the ‘logic of appropriateness’ in
institutional life.

In a historical institutionalism approach, the method of defining the meaning of level of

appropriate action or “responsibilities” is much more open-ended. In this approach, even if it is
operating under conditions of difficult constraints, the actors involved are interpretive and
decision-makers.

With this, the capacity of state pioneers and arrangement creators to comprehend the
necessities of and to produce positive, cooperative and change-situated relations with key
gatherings or parts ('state embeddedness') is additionally thought to be an imperative institutional
relationship supporting state limit. This limit with regards to positive state-society joint effort, or
what Weiss (1998) terms 'administered relationship', thus relies upon the authoritative and
acquainted limit and viewpoint of significant social or monetary groupings and intrigue
affiliations. Fundamentally, at that point, the pertinence of the state limit idea is that it underlines
the way that the assets and limits of political pioneers will be intensely molded by the specific sorts
of institutional conditions in which they work.

CHAPTER 3

Data Presentation and Analysis

This chapter presents the following data collected in the conduct of the study. The
researcher followed the timeline of the Philippine Presidents and their effort in eradicating the
escalating militarization in the Philippines. There had been many efforts that were done by the
Philippine government to eradicate this phenomenon. Some examples are involvement of the
militarization matters in legislation e.g. policy-making such as protection on their ancestral
domain, peace talks, and consultation within the Lumad areas. The researcher used the report
entitled The Communist Insurgency in the Philippines: Tactics and Talks Crisis Group Asia Report
N°202 and was supported by different data sources like videos and proposed laws by the legislative
branch. During the Ramos administration, the President culminated the Comprehensive
Agreement to Respect Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL).
However, the talks were not taken seriously and resulted into an all-out war after the next
administration took his seat. Moreover, it was revealed that the Philippine military continued to
make operations to eradicate the militarization especially in indigenous peoples’ communities.
Oplan Bantay Laya was under its counter-insurgency strategic plan that has been considered to be
the cause of the escalating extra-judicial killings during these times. Oplan Bantay Laya had
reduced its members and even their military weapon and their influence.

In addition, when Arroyo’s administration had come to an end, the military said that they
also lessen the number of NPAs. In the succeeding years of Arroyo, the government exemplifies
that there was a disagreement that happened between Jose Maria Sison, the founder of the
Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) who adapted the ideology of Maoism as an activist in
the Philippines, and the Philippine-based leadership namely Wilma and Benito Tiamzon. The
divisions were blamed for derailing the resumption of formal talks conducted in August 2009.
Arroyo’s national security adviser and her former acting secretary of defence that resided in
Netherlands stated that they had lost the trust of the Philippine-based CPP-NPA.

In connection, another effort was done by former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in

re-engaging the Philippine government with peace negotiations with the CPP-NPA. However, in
2004, the peace talk did not took effect since the Philippine military performed operations against
the guerrillas but failed to get rid of them by June 2010 when former President Benigno “Noynoy”
Aquino took his seat as the 15th president. Later on, the President Aquino’s resolution in 2010 to
renegotiate and make arrangements with the CPP-NPA. However, it was not clearly stated if the
talk is headed toward. Thus, the Philippine military group failed to defeat the NPA since they felt
that the weapon, arms, and resources were not sufficient and not enough for them to make a
resolution. With that, they highly rely on tribal militias and paramilitary forces to support their
movement and the eradication of the CPP-NPA. It is evident that the Lumad are in between the
Philippine military and the CPP-NPA. Tribal militias and paramilitary forces are poorly managed
and they are committed to making abuses. The counter-insurgency strategies used by successive
governments have combined military operations and intimidation of communities with
development work, yielding few results and often proving counter-productive.

Moreover, in the succeeding years the Philippine government had continued to make
efforts and led the role in wiping out the rapid militarization in the Philippines especially in the IP
communities. Specifically in CARAGA region, the police are involved in the “legal offensive”
against the NPA by filing criminal cases against the commanders who are connected into the CPP-
NPA. The Philippine military highly relies on the Citizen Armed Force Geographical Units
(CAFGU) militias as a reinforcements against the NPA. In the context of Davao Region, the
recruitment in Davao is evident. One of their strategy is choosing member from a Lumad group
and arming them as part of their group in CAFGU. With the government’s support, they provide
the CAFGU with guns and other weapons to the tribal militias to eradicate the CPP-NPA that
exists in their community. Also, another effort of the Philippine government is by conducting
community organizing among them. An example of which is the Mindanao Indigenous Peoples
Conference for Peace and Development (MIPCPD). MIPCPD is established to better its
relationship with the government. In addition, it represents the 18 ethnic, non-Muslim tribes all
over the Philippines. Another Lumad organization is the PASAKA who claimed to be the right
hand of the Philippine government.

Lastly, the Philippine government specifically the legislative branch continues to make
efforts by imposing resolutions. One specific resolution is the House Resolution No. 906. The
resolution states that it directs the committee on human rights to conduct an investigation in aid of
legislation, on the widespread and systematic human rights violation and militarization of farmer
communities, especially the IP communities. It highlights on defending the IP communities on
their rights over ancestral domain and the need for the human rights committee to address the issue
on the rapid militarization.

With the collected data, by focusing on the three statement of the problem, the researcher
will arrive at a conclusion. The first question deals if there are resolutions that were made by the
Philippine government in the context of militarization in IP communities. Yes, the Philippine
government made different resolutions in the context of militarization in IP communities. The most
observable effort that they made and is still existing is the peace process. The Philippine
government still continues to engage with this despite the fact that most of these resulted into
abandonment. Another effort of the Philippine government as what was collected in the data is that
they continue to make efforts with other organization or committee to address this issue. Given the
fact that the militarization in the Philippines had been existing for almost 50 years and is still
continues to expand and the recruitment never stops.

The second question deals on how the Philippine government integrate its relationship with
the rebel groups in terms of the militarization that exist in an IP community. From the collected
data, it is evident that the relationship between the Philippine government (specifically the
Philippine military) and the rebel group (specifically the CPP-NPA) is on and off. In a way that,
although there are times that both groups come into an agreement, it always goes back to its
original state which is rivalry. Though the Philippine government had made efforts and made
resolutions, the rebel groups have opposing political, economic, and social vision applying the
ideology from Maoism. Maoism in a sense that it highly emphasizes the importance of revolution
against the government especially the involvement of the lower-class.

The third question emphasizes if the peace that the Philippine government want to achieve
concur with the peace that the IP communities and the rebel group. It is clear that the peace that
the Philippine government does not concur with the peace that the indigenous peoples’
communities and especially with the rebel group (such as the CPP-NPA). Starting from the
ideology of the CPP-NPA, it is already obvious that they have different vision and mission
compared to the Philippine government. The CPP-NPA had been existing for almost 50 years, a
lot of resolutions, policy-making, peace process negotiations, and different efforts have already
made but the CPP-NPA still continues to revolt against the Philippine government. A lot of
innocent individuals and group of people had been affected by this phenomenon and it still
continues to expand over time. On the other hand the peace that the Philippine government wants
is based on what is inscribed in the constitution and what is for the common good that includes the
marginalized ones especially the indigenous peoples. The Philippine government gives importance
to the minority groups since they are the ones who are, for most of the time, being experienced
oppression in the society even if they are already residing in remote areas.

The next section deals with incorporating the data collected and the statement of the
problems with the theory that the researcher is using to better interpret the study.

According to Chambers et. al (2010), NeoInstitutionalism underlines the role of state

institutions in helping in shaping the preferences and objectives of social actors in their decision-
making processes. Also, it is argued that, as a consequence of state formation, institutions highly
condition the outcomes of such political decisions with the establishment of the game rules of
power and influence. With the exact proponents of comparative politics, Hague and Harrop
(2004:7), emphasized that ‘the state is a unique institution, standing above all other organizations
in society. The state can legitimately use force to enforce its will and citizens must accept its
authority as long as they continue to live within its borders’.
 With this, the power of the state is very influential since it is the one who shapes the
behaviour of its actors. In this case, the Philippine Government embodies the state/nation. Any
action taken by the state would give a great impact to its state. For instance, if the Philippine
Government would make efforts (e.g. peace talk, conflict-resolution) to resolve the never-ending
militarization that exist in IP Communities, as citizens of the state they are obliged to follow the
rules and the instructions of the Philippine Government since one of its function is to protect its
people. Especially in the case of the IP Communities who are considered as marginalized ones,
their protection and preservation should be maintain and not disturbed.

Moreover, Alt, J. E. et al. (2011) explains the concept of New Institutionalism by stating
that it can only be understood in the context of the institutions in which they take place. According
to this view, politics presents a certain degree of autonomy and may influence values, norms,
identity, and roles. Indeed, as structures that regulate human interaction and define the incentives
that determine the choices that individuals make, institutions also determine the performance of
societies and economies over time.

The role of the Philippine government is very vital in the rapid existence of militarization
especially in indigenous peoples’ community where they occupy most of the time since they are
the ones who are in the remote areas. Its efforts is very influential with the use of its power over
the citizens of the area. Despite the Philippine government’s “failures” on negotiating peace with
the rebel groups, it is important to know that they should not stop from doing these for it is for the
common good. Thus, the government can still continue to make efforts in looking for resolutions
but must take into account the consequences that it will bring to the Philippines especially with its
military forces.

In conclusion, I think that the Maoism as used by the rebel groups (CPP-NPA) is a very
idealistic ideology when applied here in the Philippines. I think that in looking for ways to resolve
this conflict takes time and a lot of negotiations. There is a need for the two groups to cooperate
with one another and exchange ideas in solving these contemporary issues since it is affecting not
only the people involved but also the Philippines most especially the minority groups or IP
communities that is in between the Philippine government and rebel groups.
References:

Lounsbury, Michael. (2018). Institutionalism, old and new.

The Philippines: Authoritarian Government, Multinationals and Ancestral Lands. Anti-Slavery

Society, (1983).

The Lumad Struggle for Social and Environmental Justice: Alternative Media in a Socio-
Environmental Movement in the Philippines (Journal).

Kurian, G. T., & Alt, J. E. (2011). The encyclopedia of political science. Washington, D.C.: CQ
Press.
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IPs.html