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Kancha Ilaiah, Post-Hindu India: A Discourse on Dalit-

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Book Reviews / 281
Book Reviews
Rama Melkote and K. Sajaya (eds), Streevada Rajakeeyalu: Varthamana

Charchalu (Feminist Politics: Contemporary Discussions). Hyderabad:
Anveshi, 2008. 367 pp. (paperback).
The collection of essays titled Streevada Rajakeeyalu: Varthamana

Charchalu (Feminist Politics: Contemporary Debates) is a landmark book
in Telugu. Edited by Rama Melkote and K. Sajaya, it is a major contri-
bution to the field of feminist debate in Telugu. A rich tradition of feminist
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activism, literature and thought exists in Telugu; however, there has been
a dearth of good translations into Telugu of feminist scholarship that is
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being produced in the English language. This has meant that Telugu
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feminists and students of feminism who do not have access to the English
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material or whose level of familiarity with the English language does
C
not equip them to tackle complex academic writing have not been able
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to draw upon and engage with issues and debates from other contexts
even within India. By providing a rich and varied selection of feminist
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essays from the 1990s that range from topics such as land, livelihood
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and women to women in the development and globalisation discourses,

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from a critical reading of 19th century nationalist discourse to an exam-

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ination of new forms of nationalism in contemporary cinema, from an

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analysis of gender politics in Partition literature to re-thinking secularism,

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law and feminism, the editors have made available a wonderful collection
of essays for the first time in Telugu. The nine essays chosen for transla-
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tion include the writings of some of the best scholars working today on
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feminist issues—Vina Mazumdar, Partha Chatterjee, Tejaswini Niranjana,

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Mary John, Bina Agarwal, Urvashi Butalia, Veena Shatrugna and

Wandana Sonalkar. The translations are generally of a very high quality
and will succeed in introducing several new critical concepts and theories
into the Telugu discussions.
Besides the translations, the collection includes four original pieces
in Telugu written specifically for this volume. Gogu Shyamala’s essay
Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314

SAGE Publications Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore/Washington DC
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500207

282 / Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314
on the exploitation faced by Dalit women, particularly in Andhra Pradesh,

raises several important questions and challenges for feminist thought in
general. K. Lalitha’s critical analysis of the self-help groups for women
in Andhra Pradesh helps us to better understand how ‘self-help’ and ‘em-
powerment’ run the risk of being reduced to apolitical tools in the service
of governance. Drawing on Partha Chatterjee’s recent theorisation of the
‘politics of the governed’, Lalitha argues that the self-help group women
remain a depoliticised governed population group without a chance of
organising themselves into a political society group. K. Sajaya’s essay
uses powerful narratives of land struggles led by women in different
parts of Andhra Pradesh to think through the question of land ownership
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and women. A. Suneetha and Vasudha Nagaraj’s thoughtful essay focuses
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on the new Bill on domestic violence and the limitations of such legal
interventions. They argue that attempts to translate the complexity of
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women’s negotiations with family, community and the question of vio-
C
lence into the parameters of law will not always be successful. All of
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these essays provide a thought-provoking discussion of contemporary

issues facing women in general and also critically engage with scholar-
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ship produced in English. Indeed, they all need to be translated into

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English for the benefit of a wider audience.

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The introduction to the volume gives a detailed and useful account of

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the different stages of feminist thought and practice in India starting

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with the social reformist and nationalist movements, the rise of the inde-
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pendent women’s movement in the 1970s and the debates and dilemmas
of the 1990s that brought the questions of caste and community to the
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fore. There is a brief introduction to each essay included in the collection

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too. However, one wish there was a greater focus in the introduction on
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the impasse faced by feminism today. Can we speak of the ‘subject’ of

feminism today in the singular? While a certain kind of feminism is now
well entrenched in the thinking of upper caste and middle-class women
and finds its every day articulations in the cinema, media and advertising
(most often to picture the woman as a free consumer), feminism as a
political project faces far more serious challenges, confronted as it is by
the complex imbrications of the women’s question with those of caste
and community and the discourses of development and globalisation.
Questions raised by Dalit feminism, minority feminism and globalisation,
Book Reviews / 283
for example, are addressed by individual essays but a serious and sustained
reflection on these and their implications for feminist politics would have
made the introduction far richer and relevant.
Further, as is inevitable in a collection of this kind, there are several
other key essays one can think of that ought to have featured here. Tharu
and Niranjana’s ‘Problems for a Contemporary Theory of Gender’, Uma
Chakravarti’s ‘Whatever Happened to the Vedic Dasi’, the essays by
Sharmila Rege on Dalit women and feminism, and the growing body of
feminist work on homosexuality and sexual politics immediately
come to my mind. To be fair, the editors themselves acknowledge to this
point. Nevertheless, a section in the introduction that broadly discusses
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such essays that had to be left out and the larger debates that they are
part of would have been invaluable in providing an overview of the field
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to Telugu readers. A detailed bibliography of such essays and books too
would have been very useful.
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By virtue of being a pioneer in its field, this collection makes all the
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more apparent the need for many other such works and the possibilities
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of making such endeavours more comprehensive and reader friendly.

Anveshi needs to be congratulated for publishing this excellent work on
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feminist theory, which is not exactly a favourite field with Telugu pub-
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lishers. Let us hope that this book will encourage both the publication of
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many such translations from English and original works in Telugu too.
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As well-known Telugu feminist scholar Katyayani Vidmahe remarks in

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her blurb to the book: ‘This book will become a basic textbook for all
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university students and researchers especially those interested in exploring

the feminist perspective. It contains a wealth of ideas, theories and con-
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cepts from different disciplines that will not only aid further research in
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Telugu but will also provoke and challenge it to pursue new directions.’
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EFL University UMA MAHESWARI BHRUGUBANDA

Hyderabad
Verne A. Dusenbery, Sikhs at Large: Religion, Culture, and Politics in

Global Perspective. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008.
x + 337 pp. Notes, references, appendix, index. `650 (hardback).
and

Verne A. Dusenbery and Darshan S. Tatla (eds), Sikh Diaspora

Philanthropy in Punjab: Global Giving for Local Good. New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2009. xviii + 312 pp. Tables, plates, notes,
references, appendices, glossary. `750 (hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500208
For over three decades, Verne Dusenbery has been studying the Sikhs, a
community with an almost paradigmatic transnational presence, and Sikhs
at Large consists of twelve of his articles and book chapters written
between 1981 and 2008 (with three post-2000 contributions). In accord-
ance with his research interests, he divided the book into two closely
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related parts: ‘Sikh Ethnosociology’ (Part I) concerns ‘Sikh under-
standings of their social world and their place in it, as reflected in what
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Sikhs say and what Sikhs do as they live their lives, interacting with
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other Sikhs and with non-Sikhs’; and ‘Sikhs and the State’ (Part II) deals
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with Sikh minority identity politics in various multiculturalist states in
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the era of globalisation (p. 1). On the whole, Dusenbery discusses Sikhism
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in the light of such timely topics as conversion, migration, sacred music,

transnationalism, multiculturalism, diaspora philanthropy and identity
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politics. Regardless of the unavoidable repetitions, it certainly is good to

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have a compilation of his excellent and detailed writings.

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Dusenbery began as a student of the North American Sikh Healthy,

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Happy, Holy Organization (3HO) led by the charismatic but controversial

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Yogi Bhajan. The first two chapters of Sikhs at Large deal with the
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conflicting ideas about Sikh identity between North American Punjabi

Sikhs and 3HO Sikhs, who initially attacked North American Sikhs for
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their liberal attitude towards their tradition. However, as he states in a

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postscript (chapter one), particularly after the death of the polarising

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figure of Yogi Bhajan, ‘a good deal of the frustration that once existed on
both sides has gone out of the relationship’ (p. 44). In the same way,
I suggest, it can be argued that the subject of the third chapter, the trans-
lation of the sacred word and music of the Guru Granth Sahib, that is,
the Sikh holy scripture and the world’s largest original collection of sacred
hymns, has become less controversial over time. For example, Orientalist
theories about ‘the sacredness of sound central to the classical Indian
traditions’ (p. 73) seem to be increasingly seen as outdated against the
widespread current use of modern media such as DVDs, CDs and the
internet.
Book Reviews / 285
The first six chapters of the book (Part I) make clear how, for a long
time, and sometimes even today, both Sikhs and scholars of Sikhism
wrestle(d) with the issue of ‘authentic tradition’ as well as the master
narratives of ‘nation’, ‘world religion’ and, for diasporan Sikhs, the an-
cestral and spiritual ‘homeland’ of the Punjab. Rightly so, Dusenbery
questions the existence of an authentic tradition and the appropriate-
ness of the mentioned master narratives. Yet, from a contemporary global
historical perspective, identity politics remains the predominant mode
of Sikh visibility and, accordingly, the second Part of Sikhs at Large
concerns the politics of recognition vis-à-vis Sikhs in the US, Canada,
Australia and South-East Asia (Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia). Here,
SE
he makes the interesting comparative point that, in Singapore, fronting
their ‘fellow Asian’ status, Sikhs have been able to play the politics of
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recognition inherent to modern multiculturalist states far more efficaci-
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ously than in Canada, even while, unlike their Canadian co-religionists,
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‘Singaporean Sikhs have not always been free to challenge existing legal
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and social conventions’ (p. 252). However, the success of the latter has
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led to a radically depoliticised Sikhism, which clearly contrasts with

‘the dominant global self-imagings of what it means to be a Sikh’
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(p. 291).
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The other book under review, Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy in Punjab,

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is the result of an international workshop about ‘flows of people, goods,

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capital, ideas, and images across boundaries of the nation-state, linking

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Punjab to multiple sites abroad’ (p. 18), organised by Dusenbery and

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Darshan S. Tatla in Jalandhar, Punjab (2006). In the first three chapters

(Section I), the editors, together and separately, provide the contexts for
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Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy (SDP) or ‘private giving for public good’

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(p. xiii). Following this, SDP is approached ‘from the Punjab ground’
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(Section II) and through ‘a transnational lens’ (Section III). The final
section, again with respective chapters by Tatla and Dusenbery, discusses
the ‘lessons learned’, whereby Dusenbery also sums up recommendations,
generated by the participants at the workshop, to all people and institu-
tions involved in SDP: philanthropists, the government, media, scholars,
religious leaders, intended beneficiaries and so on. On the whole, the
twelve chapters make clear how since the late 19th century, initially in
particular through such movements as the Chief Khalsa Diwan and the
Ghadar Party, and especially after Operation Blue Star (1984), diasporan
Sikhs have sought links to Punjab through philanthropic activities.

The topic of SDP is of great significance, as India today is recognised

as ‘the world’s top global recipient of remittance in-flows’ (p. 3) and
Punjab remains a key region here. Over time, Tatla argues, above all
SDP was concerned with investments in historic gurdwaras (the Golden
Temple in Amritsar), followed by educational projects (p. 241). In their
introduction, Dusenbery and Tatla raise the fundamental question as to
whether SDP is a heroic or selfless intervention or a neo-colonial endeav-
our imposing an ‘external’ agenda (p. 20). Obviously, an easy answer to
this question cannot be given but their book certainly makes clear the
importance of the subject for contemporary Sikh studies. Intriguingly,
while Tatla emphasises the importance of the Sikh diaspora in the turning
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of bhangra from a ‘Punjabi men’s macho dance into a full-fledged pop
industry’ (p. 243), none of the authors in Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy
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discuss the relationship between the Sikh diaspora, if not SDP, and the
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modern developments in Sikh kirtan, that is, the singing or listening to
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the hymns of the Guru Granth Sahib, which lies at the heart of Sikhism.
C
No doubt, this theme would be an important matter for analysis within
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this upcoming scholarly field, particularly through discussions about the

use of modern media in Sikh music education and the global circulation
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of Sikh music and musicians.

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Overall, Sikhs at Large and Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy bring out the
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ongoing transformation of Sikhism through its globalisation, while also

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showing how Sikh studies have travelled well beyond an essentialist ap-
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proach focused on tradition. If only for these reasons, these books deserve
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a wide readership. My main point of criticism, however, is that both col-

lections fail to do justice to the decisive relationship between Sikhism
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and empire. For instance, Dusenbery could have paid more attention to
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the 3HO as a Western ‘exotic’ alternativist movement preoccupied with

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the imperial idea of authenticity; or to the ongoing imperial politics of

difference, xenophobia, if not racism, towards Sikhs in Western societies,
which in turn has inevitably left its mark on SDP and Sikh identity pol-
itics in general, and the nationalist Khalistan movement, in particular. In
the same vein, showing traces of residual essentialism, the third chapter
of Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy (also included in Sikhs at Large) finds
Dusenbery using textual and ethnographical materials to understand the
Punjabi norms and Sikh ethics underlying SDP, while Satnam Chana’s
contribution takes the view that ‘the major role in Sikh diaspora philan-
thropy in Punjab is played by Sikh philosophy itself’ (p. 119). Here too,
Book Reviews / 287
I miss a reference to empire and the historical continuity in terms of

the overlap and interaction since the Singh Sabha movement between
the moral languages of Sikh voluntarism and the British civilising mission,
particularly the activities of Protestant Christian missionaries. We learn
that, at present, the pre-eminent modern organisation of Sikh orthodoxy
that emerged as a result of the imperial encounter, the Shiromani Gurdwara
Parbandhak Committee, is the largest recipient of SDP (p. 55); no doubt,
a greater sensitivity to the historical antecedents of contemporary forms
of Sikhism here would have added depth to such insights.
Independent Scholar BOB VAN DER LINDEN
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The Netherlands
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Vinay Lal (ed.), Political Hinduism: The Religious Imagination in Public
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Spheres. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009. vii + 287 pp.
Plates, notes, references, index. `650 (hardback).
C
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DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500209
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Altogether, this is a rewarding book. It is a useful companion volume to

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Hinduism in Public and Private: Reform, Hindutva, Gender, and

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Sampraday, edited by Anthony Copley (OUP, 2003). Its interest lies not
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in any systematic elaboration of the idea of ‘Political Hinduism’, for

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this is not attempted, but in the essays that comprise it. Some of these do
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indeed explore the notion, but others do not, leaving it to the readers to
draw their own conclusions. Actually, Ron Inden’s essay, placed last,
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argues that the ‘representations of popular patriotism [in Bollywood films]

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show us a situation in which the people of the nation have neither mar-
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ginalised religions nor have they Hinduized the nation’ (p. 253).
Broadly speaking, we have here studies of aspects of Hindu nation-
alism from the late 19th century to the present day. The contemporary
contexts that make the book relevant are, besides Hindutva, the arrival
of global Hinduism, and what Lal calls ‘the exhaustion associated with
the ideology of secularism’ (p. 5). Copley had concluded his introductory
essay with the observation that ‘the very character of Hindutva itself is
difficult to define’ (ibid.: 28). As for ‘Political Hinduism’, the justification
for it, according to Lal, lies in ‘the sinister singularity in which one speaks
of Political Islam’, and in the fact that ‘Hinduism is just as susceptible as

any other religion to the designs of the political ambitions of extremists’

(p. 25). It remains to be seen if it turns out to be a more illuminating
concept than Hindutva.
Lal’s introduction provides succinct summaries of the essays. I will,
therefore, confine this review to some general observations on them,
although not in the same serial order in which they occur in the book.
Incidentally, most of the contributors are historians or scholars of religion.
I begin with Julius Lipner’s retelling of the Vande Mataram story,
illumining it with several fresh insights, such as the significance of the
Sanskrit–Bengali mix of the song, which combined the authority of trad-
ition with the wide appeal of current speech. He recalls the manner in
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which Bankim ‘iconized’ the land as the ‘Mother’, and stresses that ‘the
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symbolism of the song was unapologetically Hindu’ (p. 108). It thus
aroused Muslim hostility, but became embedded in mainstream, nation-
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IA
alist consciousness. Although only the first two stanzas, which have no
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religious referents, were adopted as the national song, the controversy
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has not died down. The bone of contention is the word ‘vande’: does it
imply worship or is it only an expression of veneration? It could mean
M
either or both, Lipner says; what is important is not Bankim’s intention

M
but contextualised usage.

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In the evolution of political Hinduism, Vivekananda played, Joanna

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Punzo Waghorne writes, a ‘curious double role’, as ‘an icon of modern

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Hindu nationalism’ and as ‘an early apostle of a new world theology,

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religious pluralism, and even New Age movements’ (p. 127). Today,
Hindutva, and broadly Hinduism also, are both inward looking and ex-
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clusive and outward moving and pluralist. In the making of multiple

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Hinduisms, globe trotting gurus propagating a variety of spiritualisms

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and yogic practices remind one of Vivekananda.

Madhav Deshpande’s excellent discussion of Tilak’s ‘arctic home of
the vedas’ thesis maintains that his primary concern was with the recovery
of cultural pride. His impressive researches were, however, marginalised
or appropriated in crafty or bizarre ways by Savarkar (downplaying the
distinction between immigrants and natives for the sake of Hindu unity)
and Golwalkar (the North Pole was in Bihar–Orissa!) respectively.
Deshpande suggests that when history is tailored to project a native,
homogenised Hindu community, united by descent, culture and faith,
we end up with Hindutva.
Book Reviews / 289
Jyotirmaya Sharma (a political scientist) continues the Golwalkar

story. He quotes from a speech of the RSS leader on proselytising
‘a-Hindus’: ‘Do we still have the capacity to digest ... a process of assi-
milation or not?’ (pp. 150–51). The rest of the essay is concerned with
the notion of ‘digestion’, and with culinary traditions and identity nam-
ing. Mythology and etymology are pressed into service. After exploring
these byways, Sharma brings us back to Golwalkar, who said that the
‘only way to digest Muslims’ was for them to ‘learn to love India’, or
else be brought ‘back to the Hindu fold’ (p. 168). This is, of course, well
known as the RSS position.
Ajay Skaria’s scholarly essay on the Gandhian perspective on religion
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and politics is the centrepiece of this volume. He finds Gandhi’s advocacy
of religious politics alongside his endorsement of the secular state ‘para-
U
doxical’. I wonder why, for politics and the state are separate conceptual
L
categories, with distinct institutional embodiments.Apart from this, I find
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myself generally in agreement with almost everything that Skaria says,
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but not always with the way he says it: the writing is unnecessarily turgid,
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loaded with concept words.

Skaria is absolutely right in maintaining that Gandhi’s religiosity was
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not syncretic but pluralist. I too have said this in more than one place
M
and for some years now. He rightly places dayā, compassion, at the very
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core of Gandhi’s religiosity, and maintains that dayādharma denotes both

C
equality and pluralism; without the former the latter implies hierarchy,
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whether of castes, religions or societies. Skaria insists that absolute

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otherness is essential to Gandhian ethics. I would like to qualify this:

eventually, at a higher level, transcending dualism, compassion implies
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identification. Gandhi’s favourite bhajan Vaishnava janato identifies a

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religious person as one who can experience the sufferings of others as

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his own, p…r parā… jārné re. Rather surprisingly, neither this hymn nor
the instrumentality of sevā is mentioned by Skaria.
Paula Richman’s engaging essay on Rajagopalachari as a scholar-
author highlights the fact that this broad-minded, cultured and pragmatic
Congress stalwart had a problem shared by every reasonably rooted
Hindu. How does one separate culture from religion within the Hindu
tradition? ‘Rajagopalachari believed that the central government could
not represent the “nation” unless its citizens perceived themselves as
bound by shared culture’ (p. 242). This shared culture has evolved over
time and is multi-faceted but not exclusively Hindu, even though the

epics occupy a crucial place in it. It is a kind of razor’s edge that one has
to tread on: one may retain a catholic perspective, as Rajagopalachari
did, or embrace exclusivism as K.M. Munshi did.
Roby Rajan (an economist) and J. Raghu seek to reinterpret the sig-
nificance of the well-known ‘ethico-political intervention in Kerala’ by
Narayana Guru in the mid-1920s. Having spread beyond Narayan Guru’s
Ezhava community, we are told, the movement is usually robbed of its
significance through reductionist or ‘normalising’ interpretations, which
locate it within either a Brahmanical, traditionalist or a reformist nation-
alist framework. They advocate a radical view of it, using terms such as
‘continuity of discontinuity’, ‘gracious uprooting’ and ‘caused causes’,
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and assert that the significance of the movement lies in its original (not
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mimetic) universalism. The essay suffers from what can only be called
pedantry, and is not at all easy to read.
L
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Finally, a comment on authorial responsibility. Both Lal and Sharma
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say that Vivekananda exhorted Hindus to eat beef, develop their biceps
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and read the Bhagavad Gita (pp. 8, 152), but provide no textual references.
Presumably, their authority is Ashis Nandy (The Intimate Enemy, OUP,
M
1983: 47), but he too does not cite any source. Meat, perhaps, but beef?
M
O
Institute of Economic Growth T.N. MADAN

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Delhi
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Kancha Ilaiah, Post-Hindu India: A Discourse on Dalit-Bahujan, Socio-

Spiritual and Scientific Revolution. New Delhi: Sage Publications,
T
2009. xvi + 302 pp. Glossary. `295 (paperback).

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DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500210
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I remember reading the first drafts of this book several years ago with a
thrill of disbelief that it was indeed possible to imagine a post-Hindu
India! I felt grateful that Ilaiah imagined this possibility in the endless
cacophony about the wonders of Hinduism/Hindutva. I write this review
to urge academic readers to think about such an imagination, as a horizon
for solutions to the problems our society and culture face at the beginning
of the 21st century.
Criticism is the birth of knowledge, of a new episteme; it can be the
rumblings of a civil war. It is only in the red-hot embrace of a passionate
Book Reviews / 291
civil war that a reluctant culture will transform itself. Such powerful
beginnings are inevitably straitjacketed by the framework they set out to
destroy and Ilaiah’s book is no exception. And yet, the rich fruit of his
meditations begin to appear as avenues of exploration, new perspectives
and revolutionary ways of thinking about our past, present and future
that go beyond the glaring limitations of the book when measured against
normative social science paradigms of ‘truth’, ‘accuracy’ and ‘brevity’.
The book is an arrangement of essays in cultural understanding that
make a hierarchical ascent from the ontologically productive base in tri-
bal communities, the Madigas (Mochis), Malas (Mahars), Chakalis
(Dhobis), Mangalis (Naayis) and other OBC cultures, to the rarefied,
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life-leaching culture of the upper castes like the Bania, Kshatriya and
U
Brahmin communities. Ilaiah’s continuing argument here, as throughout
all his work, is that the ‘lower castes’ carry the ethical and political founda-
L
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tions of society’s growth. The upper castes are parasitic superstructural
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forms, depending on Hinduism and its hegemony to hold Indian society
ER
and culture in their vitiating grip.

The question of brevity arises first, since the book seems to be an
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endless repetition of the ‘same’ theme. What is Ilaiah really up to? Simply
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put, a chapter is a comprehensive lesson to a community in thinking

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with dignity and self-respect about its past, in order to state its philo-
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sophical perspectives: madigatwam, chakalatwam, mangalatwam (the

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philosophy of the cobbler, the washerwoman and the barber). I tried to

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read Ilaiah’s chapter as if I were Kamala, who carries donkey loads of

clothes and irons them each day. As Kamala, the chapter—read
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painfully—opens my eyes to the value of my labour. It teaches me how

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I must think about my community and its value to society. It resonates

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with, and yet removes with surgical precision, the doubt and insecur-
ity in my mind about the importance of my caste—indeed it restores my
erased history. It gives me an intellectual home I can inhabit with dignity
in an upper-caste world that is blind to my worth.
The next question is that of ‘accuracy’, which is a key norm of social
science description. Ilaiah’s descriptions are wildly inaccurate, enough
in fact to condemn his work as irresponsible. The far more important
question however: what does the inaccuracy and irresponsibility aim to
achieve? Social science paradigms, their frameworks of realism and
norms of accuracy ensure a mode of writing that is aligned to the statist

perspective. In India, this perspective is linked to development and wel-

fare (the founding documents of the ICSSR are a beacon of this orien-
tation). Development and welfare are structured as economic tasks of
allocation and redistributive justice by an administrative agency. To be
fair, not all social sciences have an economic orientation, yet they are
statist in that they provide an understanding to an administrative mindset,
which will address these problems through allocation of goods. The first
difficulty in this social science statism is that the administrative modal-
ity is historically rooted in Brahminical hegemony, both statistically and
in its structure. For Ilaiah, and for those of us who agree with him, such
a social science perspective can never address the indignity and cultural
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insult that are the cement of reactionary hegemony. On the other hand,
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social scientific accuracy and its twin, political neutrality, cannot result in
a text that can convey to the audience the lesson Ilaiah wants to teach
L
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in pursuit of social ‘transformation’: that it is necessary to be outrageous
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in word and deed to summon the courage to speak with irreverence to
ER
those who dominate you. As Ambedkar pointed out, only by forcing a

crisis can you make people think. Subaltern blasphemy, as Periyar demon-
M
strated time and again in the battle against Brahminism, is the best weapon
M
against a bigotry that crushes you. Ilaiah tries to communicate this crucial
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skill of a revolutionary subjectivity through his ‘inaccurate’ writing.

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The last question, that of ‘truth’, is related to the structure of hegemony.

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Acceptance of a way of life is submission to an ethics that is seen as true.

FO
This submission is the result of upper-caste hegemony in everyday life

in India. In Antonio Gramsci’s terminology, upper-caste hegemony is a
T
reactionary ‘war of position’ that seeks to convince the ‘lower’ caste

O
communities that the existing hierarchy is the best state of affairs. Against
N
this, Ilaiah argues for a progressive civil war (war of manoeuvre) chal-
lenging the status quo. By speaking ‘untruths’, Ilaiah is able to propose
a progressive counter-hegemonic strategy. This strategy Ilaiah calls a
‘war of nerves’. It is by ceaselessly bombarding the truths of upper caste
hegemony that the war of nerves brings about a counter-hegemony that
will ultimately lead to a (civil) war of manoeuvre with progressive
consequences.
When Ilaiah speaks of Dalit Bahujan political unity, he speaks of the
possible, not actual, truth. It is an argument to break the caste–ideological
barriers that separate the two community groups, in the belief that the
Book Reviews / 293
shared characteristics of a life of production will provide an experiential

basis for the common battle against upper caste hegemony. We can only
hope that this analysis is indeed correct.
Anveshi Research Centre for Women’s Studies R. SRIVATSAN

Hyderabad
Mahuya Bandyopadhyay, Everyday Life in a Prison: Confinement,

Surveillance, Resistance. New Delhi: Orient Black Swan, 2010. xvii
+ 332 pp. Notes, glossary, index. `845 (hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500211
SE
U
Everyday Life in a Prison by Mahuya Bandyopadhyay offers an ethno-
graphic account based on fieldwork done in a central prison (whose name
L
IA
is not divulged) in Kolkata in the late 1990s. Since very little is actually
C
known about what happens inside prisons, the significance of the book
ER
lies in the author’s ability to make visible the nature of life behind high
walls, offer an account of how prisoners make sense of their lives and
M
examine the interaction between everyday life, organisational practices

M
and stated goals of prison reforms. Using Foucault’s theories of discourse

O
and power, the book offers a critique of Goffman’s idea of ‘total insti-
C
tution’ to show how everyday practices (based on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory

R
of practice) offer enabling sites of negotiation, resistance and subver-

FO
sion. It seeks to deconstruct the accepted binaries of formal and informal

spheres, of freedom and bondage, of past and present to reveal a world
T
of ‘interactional spaces’ (author’s term for ‘free, apparently unmonitored

O
areas of interaction’, p. 281) to challenge ‘the image of the prison as

N
fixed and rule bound’ (p. 61). The study advances this critique mainly
through the participant observation method by offering an account based
on interviews with prison personnel, inmates and some families. The
‘everyday social world’ of the prison enabled the author to seek sites and
spaces that helped avert the gaze of the authorities (as both researcher
and respondents were subjected to surveillance); the interview sessions,
according to the author, often became ‘desirable subversive sites’ (p. 49).
Thus, the book usefully documents how constraining circumstances can
be deployed towards productive research. Also, the deliberate use of
Bengali terms enhances its immediate specificity.

The ‘lens of everyday’ allows the author to discover a range of hetero-

geneous practices within a ‘culture of lenience’ (a term drawn from Alvin
Gouldner’s study of bureaucracy) ranging from innovative interpreta-
tions of existing rules and regulations, creation of personalised spaces to
formation of kinship patterns and erotic relations between inmates; all
practices that help make custodial life meaningful and livable. Within
this scheme, a prisoner’s attempt to escape is seen as violating the ‘logic
of practice’ and the inevitable clampdown and submission is viewed as
‘primarily to set right a disjuncture in the established everyday life’
(pp. 153–54). The notion of ‘everyday’ incorporates life before incarcera-
tion in order to gauge the nature of agency in a prisoner’s life both before
SE
and after incarceration. The life narratives (jibon kahini, Chapter 6) are
U
meant to show how the presumed freedom of para (neighbourhood)
life is actually characterised by danger and violence that exert a con-
L
IA
straining influence on the individual, while prison activities offers possi-
C
bilities of strong assertion of self.
ER
For this reviewer, not trained as a social anthropologist, the model of

the everyday presents certain limitations, particularly when unprob-
M
lematically applied to prison life. Ideologically, the model is apolitical

M
as it does not engage with issues of repressive hierarchies within a prison

O
system. Instead, it seeks to pose relations between staff and convicted

C
prisoners as characterised by ‘trust, caring and understanding’ (p. 132).

R
Consequently, the model focuses only on those who are able to negotiate
FO
a meaningful everyday life through collaboration and cooperation with

the staff, excluding those who remain outside this zone of trust and sup-
T
port. Not surprisingly, the data is overwhelmingly drawn from among

O
convicted prisoners, warders and officials and a few undertrial prisoners

N
with whom the author was able to develop trust and friendship. The author
mentions her constraints in interacting with undertrial prisoners but the
limiting effects of these difficulties on her method and analysis are not
discussed, suggesting that the findings may not be as inclusive as the
title indicates.
In her examination of everyday practices, the author ignores the hier-
archy between convicted and undertrial prisoners, a distinction affirmed
by her own data. For instance, in positing lesbian relations as liberating
and non-exploitative, she overlooks the question of power implicit in
such relationships. The analysis avoids the desperation and the acute
Book Reviews / 295
restlessness of the world of undertrials and their engagement with repres-

sive prison measures. The focus on the everyday offers little understanding
of the harsh and dehumanised punishment that an undertrial female
prisoner suffers on account of an aborted jail escape. The prisoner retreats
into her own world and rarely speaks to anyone about her punishment,
as also acknowledged here (p. 155). This is not an instance of ‘human
rights abuse’, dismissed here as the ‘typical concerns of a social worker’
(p. 277), but is an example of a structural and systemic violence built
into the very idea of what prisons are about. The most recent account of
the alleged torture and stripping of a Kashmiri youth in Presidency Jail,
Kolkata, following his protest over bad food, confirms the continuity of
SE
such practices. Within the proffered model of the everyday, protests and
resistances can only be regarded as aberrations.
U
Undoubtedly, it is an author’s prerogative to determine the agenda of
L
her book. But marginalising historical and materialist inquiries (most
IA
evident in her analysis of para-life), the analysis of everyday practices
C
as the site to understand prison-lives, seems ahistorical and impression-
ER
istic. Ultimately, the book is about the ethnographer’s journey; it is about

her negotiations, encounters, interactions and friendships with inmates
M
that ostensibly offer ‘freedom, hope and meaningful worlds in prison

M
life’ (p. 282).

O
C
Miranda House SHARMILA PURKAYASTHA

R
University of Delhi
FO
B.S. Baviskar and George Mathew (eds), Inclusion and Exclusion in

T
Local Governance: Field Studies from Rural India. New Delhi: Sage
O
Publications, 2009. xiv + 750 pp. Tables, notes, references, index.

N
`750 (hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500212
How far have marginalised social groups such as the Scheduled Castes
and Tribes (SC/ST) and women been ‘empowered’ in the process of local
governance, nearly two decades after the 73rd and 74th amendments of
the Indian Constitution which reserved seats and offices for SC/ST groups
proportional to their population, and a fixed percentage, specified as not
less than one-third of total seats, for women? Reflecting social and pol-
itical change of India, this important question is the main concern of this
book.

In addition to an introduction by the editors, the volume comprises

fourteen field study reports ranging across twelve states in India. These
include states such as Karnataka, Kerala, West Bengal, Maharashtra and
Gujarat, where decentralisation is known to have made significant
progress on many counts; states such as Uttar Pradesh and Rajastan,
characterised by poor indices for overall human development; and
Manipur, with its greater prominence of tribal ethnic groups and women
in civil society. Each chapter was based on fieldwork in three panchayats
located in the same taluka and district for each state. In each case, these
three panchayats were chosen such that one was headed by a woman,
another by an SC or ST man or woman and the third was headed by a
SE
man or woman of the local dominant caste.
U
Despite the two decades of decentralisation and reservation of seats
and offices, shocking realities on the status of these marginalised groups
L
IA
emerge from these field studies. That elected representatives from
C
scheduled castes (SCs)—sometimes, even the panchayat head—are not
ER
allowed to even sit on chairs is reported from Haryana, Andhra Pradesh,

Orissa and Tamil Nadu. For tea to be served in separate cups, kept espe-
M
cially for lower castes, is not uncommon in these contexts. Dominant

M
caste groups are also able to devise other strategies to ensure that these
O
formal provisions for SC representation do not effectively challenge their

C
dominance in real terms. These strategies include creating internal rival-

R
ries and divisions among the SC constituency to ensure a split in their

FO
collective vote, deliberately supporting weak candidates from these sec-

tions, or allowing the deputy head from the dominant caste group to
T
function as the de facto head in cases where an SC man or woman is the

O
formal head. All this has meant that the presence of an SC panchayat
N
head or even a significant number of elected SC representatives has not

necessarily worked to check the monopoly over the allocation of public
resources enjoyed by the dominant sections. On the other hand, inclusion
of SCs in local governance has been more effective in Kerala, West
Bengal, Maharashtra and Gujarat.
By and large, barring the instance of north-eastern states, elected ST
representatives seem either to be indifferent, or in some cases, intent on
deriving pleasure from the symbolic trappings of these positions. This is
true even in states with a relatively better record on the issue of SC in-
clusiveness, such as Gujarat, Maharashtra and Kerala. Even in Kerala,
Book Reviews / 297
a state known for its favourable showing on human and social develop-
ment indices and the awareness of its working class, ST representatives
appear passive and unable to assert their rights effectively.
On the issue of women’s inclusion, the trends are more positive and
indicate the willing participation and visibility of a large number of
women representatives in different parts of the country, some of whom
have functioned as effective and articulate local leaders. However, here
too, in many cases where women hold the position of panchayat head,
actual power is wielded by the husband or some other male members of
the family. This is widely noted especially in Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu,
Orissa and even in Karnataka, despite their longer history of effective
SE
decentralisation. In extreme cases, women heads remain completely in-
visible for they do not/cannot talk to male visitors. In contrast, women
U
representatives in Manipur seem more capable of independent assertion.
L
In Kerala, the fact that effective decision-making power at the local level
IA
rests with party units, combined with the lack of power accruing to women
C
within party organisations of the CPM and Congress, acts as a major con-
ER
straint in empowering women representatives. However, as T.G. Suresh

M
points out, decentralisation has opened up avenues for the emergence of

some women leaders and has the ‘potential to become an effective instru-
M
ment of women empowerment’ (p. 225). Against the influence of conser-

O
vative patriarchal values in a social context lacking in spaces for men

C
and women to mingle freely, even in ‘progressive’ states like Kerala and
R
West Bengal, women seeking an independent public life have to often

FO
contend with the fear of scandals and discouraging talk of damaging

their eligibility in the ‘marriage market’. Analysing this, Manasendu
T
Kundu’s essay (Chapter 5) attributes this to the ideological fallacy of

O
assuming that class struggle would automatically remove all oppressions,

N
including those based on gender.

Overall the common set of issues explored through the field studies
collected here provide rich research material for further analytical work.
While that is the book’s strength, the essays refrain from offering any
tested or hypothetical explanations for the divergence of the level of em-
powerment across regional contexts beyond tentative ‘historical’ observa-
tions about ‘regions with a tradition of social reform responding more
favourably to the constitutional changes for inclusion of hitherto ex-
cluded groups’. That this may not be an entirely credible explanation
seems evident as soon as one asks where, then, might one place, view or

understand the hinterland of West Bengal, or the relatively more auto-

nomous women in Manipur, or the non-inclusion of Dalits in social reform
process in Tamil Nadu, or again the not-so-inclusive status of ST in
Kerala? Since this may not have been factored in as an objective of the
studies here, the absence of a more systematic, cross-state analysis need
not be seen as a limitation of this volume. However, the systematic data
made available has made the task of further theoretical analysis much
easier.
Centre for Development Studies V. SANTHAKUMAR

Thiruvananthapuram
SE
Vishvajit Pandya, In the Forest: Visual and Material Worlds of
U
Andamanese History (1858–2006). Lanham, Maryland: University
L
Press of America, 2009. ix + 427 pp. Figures, plates, notes, glossary,
IA
bibliography, index.
C
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500213
ER
Vishvajit Pandya’s In the Forest: Visual and Material Worlds of

M
Andamanese History (1858–2006) extends his earlier monograph Above

M
the Forest: A Study of Andamanese Ethnoanemology, Cosmology and

O
the Power of Ritual based on his Ph.D. research in the islands during the
C
early 1980s among the Onges. This new account is an authoritative com-
R
pendium of his long engagement as an ethnographer of the Andaman

FO
Islands.
The book amalgamates the various strands of Pandya’s ongoing pre-
T
occupations since his dissertation research. It comprehensively decodes

O
the cultural grammar of the islanders to reveal the ways in which such
N
an understanding provides the key to unlocking the islanders’ concep-

tualisation of a form of ‘inclusive’ historiography, manifested in their
practices of adornment and materiality. Pandya often offers profound
insights into human cognitive processes by juxtaposing conventional,
colonial historiography, photography and museum collection practices
with the Andamanese variants of history, materiality and visuality. He
goes on to suggest the ways in which Andamanese thought and prac-
tices have always been attuned to the new and have integrated the
‘modern’ even while being uniformly relegated to the lot of the ‘primitive’
by those taking on the mantle of the ‘civilised’, be they the colonial
Book Reviews / 299
British or postcolonial Indians. Andamanese practices have also incor-

porated the ‘other’ in gestures of mutuality that eschew any simple dis-
tinction between the ‘primitive’ and the ‘civilised’.
Ambitious in its temporal scope, mining the vast, colonial archive
and contemporary events over the past decade, the study seeks to offer
what can be perceived as the ‘definitive’ account of the indigenous in-
habitants of the Andaman Islands. However, it is marred by two signi-
ficant failings. First, its dense and opaque prose is likely to deter any but
the most motivated scholar to wade through its many editorial lapses.
But denseness, as we know well from the writings of Foucault or
Bourdieu, is a manifestation of complexity. Yet in this case, it is not just
SE
a sign of complexity, but a display of awkward and often turgid writing
U
that is urgently in need of strong editorial intervention. This would confer
more clarity to his articulation and thus make more accessible the many
L
IA
insights that the anthropologist offers within the cover of this book. As
C
an accomplished ethnographer, this account of the islanders makes visible
ER
the ingenious and complex rationality of a lifeworld that simultaneously

manifests the humanity of the islanders and renders them emotionally
M
more accessible to the ordinary Indian, and also proximal to the other
M
Indians residing in the Andaman Islands. However, by placing it out of

O
reach of the general reader, the book sadly misses its potential to educate
C
the wider public, especially those residing in the Andaman Islands. Such
R
a drawback is particularly poignant in light of the dedication of the book

FO
‘to all of my friends in the forest who may some day decide to read it’.
The second more troubling problem with Pandya’s book is the fact
T
that it is also an elaborate projection of his own involvement with the

O
Andaman Islands as the sole, significant, contemporary, anthropological

N
scholarship on the Andamanese. His tendency is to dismiss, marginal-

ise or ignore the contributions of other contemporary scholars, whose
research has offered a range of insights that have preceded his own current
engagement with questions of power and subjection, including earlier
close and critical reading of the colonial archive and postcolonial policy
documents, suggesting the ways in which administrative structures and
processes have policed the quotidian lives of the islanders both in the
past and present; work highlighting the skilful navigation and manipu-
lation of a cultural economy of commodities and images by the islanders;
and writings that have engaged with questions of clothed and unclothed

bodies and deconstructed the dynamics of power configuring notions of

Jarawa ‘contact’, while simultaneously reflecting on the various ways in
which the Jarawa displayed agency in orchestrating that ‘contact’. Sur-
prisingly, none of this is worthy of mention in the reading of these matters
offered here. Instead, Pandya prefers to stage his own work as marking
an unbroken legacy of anthropological research in the islands that started
with E.H. Man and Radcliffe-Brown. There is no doubt that Pandya is
the undisputed heir to a tradition of thinking and research that offers an
understanding of cognitive structures and processes that renders lucid a
seemingly alien lifeworld. His incorporation of poststructuralist analysis
and engagement with conventional historiography or questions of change
SE
is a welcome development in his recent work. But it is also a serious
U
lapse in scholarship on his part to ignore the work of other scholars,
whose research also offers a different set of insights into the lives of the
L
various groups of the Andaman Islanders.
IA
C
I first met Vish in Dugong Creek in 1992 during the final stages of my
ER
Ph.D. research in the Andaman Islands, and was in considerable awe of

this already-established scholar. He was about to publish his first mono-
M
graph and embark on the next phase of research, which finds expression
M
in a substantial section of this book. It was during the same period that
O
some Onge families were involved in Jarawa ‘contact’ and visited the
C
Anthropological Museum in Port Blair; it was also when a trip was made
R
to Sentinel Islands. I am perplexed by Pandya’s inaccurate record-keeping

FO
of his fieldwork dates in this book: each of those occasions is cited as

occurring during some other year instead of during November and
T
December 1992 when I was also a participant on those occasions. Such

O
seemingly trivial errors do not undermine the value of his scholarship or

N
of this book, but are puzzling nevertheless for a scholar of Pandya’s

calibre.
The Andaman Islands and its inhabitants are deserving of the atten-
tion of many; perhaps a book such as this one can serve ‘both as a window
and a mirror’ into multiple worlds (cf. Amitav Ghosh’s The Shadow Lines),
thus reconfiguring and blurring the boundaries between the ‘primitive’
and the ‘civilised’.
Massey University SITA VENKATESWAR

New Zealand
Book Reviews / 301
Rochona Majumdar, Marriage and Modernity: Family Values in Colonial

Bengal. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009. xii + 343 pp.
Figures, plates, notes, appendix, glossary, bibliography, index. `750
(hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500214
One of the most famous first lines in the history of literature declared,
‘Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its
own way.’ In this fascinating study of marriage practices among the Hindu
bhadralok of colonial Bengal, that line becomes a truism that begs fur-
ther dissection. Happy families were premised upon notions of familial
SE
togetherness, Rochona Majumdar argues, that were constructions of
colonial modernity; the pressures of marriage and the marketplace in a
U
capitalist colonial economy evolved, it seems from her work, in myriad
L
manifestations, each of which she has attempted to trace in this pain-
IA
staking and meticulous book. The thoroughness of her research, however,
C
does not detract from the analytical rigour she brings to her subject matter,
ER
nor does it diminish in any way the delight with which she presents the
M
material paraphernalia that surrounded such marriages, from invitation

cards to jewellery catalogues to studio portraits of newly wedded couples.
M
The richness of the photo archives presented here cannot be emphasised—

O
they bring such a quality of the real into the arguments as they are
C
scrutinised individually for every little detail that cannot have been
R
achieved by any other means. Apart from the author’s own comments
FO
guiding the reader to a particular mode of sitting or standing between a

couple or to the eccentricities of a particular wedding invitation with an
T
RSVP printed below, there is the pleasure taken from searching these
O
for similarities with one’s own individual family histories—the resem-

N
blance the photos bear to what one has seen in family albums, or the
delight with which one greets a grandmother’s inherited earrings in the
old jewellery catalogues printed in the appendix. These ‘thick descrip-
tions’ are intercut with sensitive readings of individual case histories of
seminal events that created a storm in society in that era and led to sig-
nificant changes in both practices and law. The two case studies looked
at here are that of the suicide of a middle-class Bengali girl called
Snehalata in 1914, who burned herself to spare her father further in-
dignities in finding her a dowry and a suitable boy, and that of the scandal
created by the underage wedding of the Brahmo reformer Keshab Sen’s

daughter Suniti Debi to the Maharaja of Coochbehar that was read by

commentators as a betrayal of the principles he stood for when he fought
for the enactment of the first civil marriage law in India in 1872.
The book is divided into three sections of two chapters each which
reflect the concerns of this study: ‘The Emergence of a Marriage Market’,
‘Culture and the Marketplace’ and ‘Marriage and the Law’. Significantly,
the book begins with a quote from Seth’s A Suitable Boy to underscore
what we all know—that many of these practices, laws and modes of
thought persist in India to this day. In the light of this persistence, it is of
some importance to trace the roots of current societal patterns in the
hinterland of colonial modernity, to see that the arranged marriage, for
SE
instance, began in the 19th century through the offices of ghataks (trad-
itional matchmakers) who emphasised lineage and family line over all
U
else, giving way for journals of caste associations in the early 20th cen-
L
tury, before metamorphosing into the current practice of pages upon pages
IA
of matrimonial advertisements in the national and regional newspapers.
C
The specifications of ‘fair and lovely’ for the bride, and educational quali-
ER
fications for the son-in-law were in place in the 19th century itself, as we
see to our alarm, and no amount of castigation or reformism seems to
M
have done away with such criteria. The reform of taste in the rites and
M
rituals surrounding a Hindu marriage is attributed, in many cases, to the

O
Brahmo community and those who were like-minded, if not formally

C
belonging to the Brahmo Samaj. The Tagore family’s contribution to the

R
distinctiveness of marriage practices as they emphasised spirituality and

FO
solemnity over vulgarity and crassness is detailed, as is the indignation

of reformist writers in the newspapers and magazines. Photographs
T
framed conjugality in a newly romantic mode, yet this framing of only

O
the couple belied the fact that other marriage memorabilia such as the
N
poems written and printed for these occasions show that the ‘couple’
were overwhelmingly immersed in the identity of the extended family
of the husband, whose well-being was the condition necessary for their
existence. The joint family is also the subject of the formal sphere of
national law, which debated the Hindu Code reforms in agonising detail.
The author shows how the Succession Act, which altered the laws relating
to women’s inheritance of their paternal and marital property, was con-
stitutive for women’s rights in this country in more ways than one. Once
again, the importance of the well-being of the joint family is expressed
repeatedly by politicians across party lines, and a special case is argued
Book Reviews / 303
for, much like the joint stock companies that are said to have contributed
so much to the country’s recent economic success, controlled by fathers
and brothers for the prosperity of both family and nation. The unique-
ness of the Indian modern—its frustrating complexities and multiple
dimensions—is brought to light by the traceries of such histories, contri-
buting thereby to our own self-awareness and self-knowledge as putative
actors in contemporary India.
Centre for Studies in ROSINKA CHAUDHURI

Social Sciences Calcutta
Kolkata
SE
U
Sharmila Sreekumar, Scripting Lives: Narratives of ‘Dominant Women’
in Kerala. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2009. xiii + 312 pp. Notes,
L
bibliography, index. `695 (hardback).
IA
C
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500215
ER
This book sets up a conversation between two seemingly disparate kinds

M
of narratives concerning contemporary Kerala: first, women’s personal

M
narratives that participate in the constitution of experience and subject

O
formation and second, social discourses that deal with various facets of
C
the development experience. It brings together these domains to tease

R
out the shared assumptions about normative feminine subjectivities within

FO
these narratives. In looking at personal narratives available through letters,

diaries and other ‘jottings’ by ordinary women in contemporary Kerala,
T
the study thus brings into focus a genre of writing not frequently reckoned
O
with in the social sciences. Simultaneously, it also interrogates the dis-

N
ciplinary values of English Studies for its persistent lack of interest in

such materials, as well as the tendency within Women’s Studies to treat
them with a lack of critical attention, thus reducing their interpretative
ground. The work builds two intermeshed lines of argument. One, that
the use of the term ‘ordinary’, both to indicate the category of women
who are the focus of this study as also to draw attention to the generality
of women whose achievements in the areas of education, health and demo-
graphic transition are celebrated in development narratives, is somewhat
deceptive and strategically masks the fault lines that separate dominant
women (in terms of caste, class, religion) from those who are excluded.

This argument is derived from a larger claim elaborated through a sub-

stantive body of the study, that is, that normatively gendered subjectivities
circulating through narratives of development both influence and are
in turn influenced by subjectivities realised through personal narratives
of ‘ordinary’-dominant (author’s term) women in Kerala—evidence of
how ideas about development have percolated into the commonsense of
Kerala referenced through a discussion of popular comic genres and tea
stall conversations.
The author claims that narratives of development construct norma-
tively gendered women subjects within two overarching yet discrete
spatial formations, namely, a utopia or a ‘golden present’, and a world
SE
on the brink of collapse, that is, a dystopia. In contrast to writing by
women activist and development scholars that merely describes this para-
U
dox, she claims to subject it to analytical scrutiny by examining the
L
ideologically invested interiors of utopia and dystopia. The interiors of
IA
utopia and dystopia are taken up separately through specific narratives
C
from the 1990s. The scholarship on Kerala’s development, promotional
ER
literature on tourism and narratives of high-achieving college-going

women are drawn upon to examine the construction of utopia. Dystopia
M
is examined through reports on sexual violence and the discourse on

M
AIDS. Presented here as structured in association with the development

O
paradox, the space of domesticity is also drawn into the ambit of study
C
through an analysis of riveting excerpts from the diaries of two women.

R
This study is notable for the richness of the personal narratives it

FO
mobilises, the range of discourses that it draws in, the theorisation it

attempts of women’s experience and the complexity it attempts to bring
T
into the task of interpretation of personal narratives in terms of the move-

O
ment between sociality and subjectivity. However, a potentially valuable

N
intervention is marred by serious problems in its analytical scheme and

interpretative detail that render the arguments weak and inadequately
substantiated. I will refer mainly to two major problems. The strict sep-
aration made here between narratives of utopia and dystopia relies on an
arbitrary selection and superficial reading of the scholarship on develop-
ment that is intent on erasing its internal distinctions in perspectives and
politics. Thus, the implications of the divergent emphases on state and
market based solutions within Marxist and liberal narratives on develop-
ment respectively for the gendering of women’s subjectivities are ignored.
In contrast, the use of ‘recalcitrant’ in a single paper to describe the poor
Book Reviews / 305
response by specific groups to development initiatives is taken to repre-

sent the general advocacy of personal solutions to a political problem by
the scholarship. Further, whereas the author is critical of the literature
for deploying gender in ways that mask the exclusion of marginal women,
she fails to notice the tendency in some of the scholarship to deploy
class in ways that seek to subsume caste and gender.
Thus, a disdain for development scholarship is underpinned, on the
one hand, by a lack of reflection on its methods of analysis and, on the
other, by a disregard towards the demands of an interdisciplinary ap-
proach. We are asked to believe that typically development scholarship
constructs its reality by ‘ladling out large measures of self-validating
SE
facts’ (p. 54). She also implies that the discourse relies a great deal on
semantic mystification to produce its meaning. Hence, for the author,
U
the phrase ‘distributed relatively equally’ (p. 120), used with reference
L
to development indicators, is meant to coax the reader into overlooking
IA
gender disparities, especially as it is generally followed by observations
C
about the higher life expectancy of women as compared to men in Kerala.
ER
While higher life expectancies are normal in the absence of acute forms
of gender discrimination (such as sex selection), notably, the author uses
M
this supposed strategy to make a key analytical move, namely, to see the
M
tendency to render women into ‘equal and subsidiary subjects’ (p. 121)
O
as corresponding to a ‘double telling’ she identifies in the personal

C
narratives.
R
The second problem relates to the modes by which personal and devel-
FO
opment narratives are understood to effect the exclusion of marginal

women. The author frames the issues of exclusion mainly through polit-
T
ical insights into the uneasy intersections of caste and gender gathered
O
through the experience of university campus life in Hyderabad. This

N
formulation is not subjected to further scrutiny in the specific contexts

of Kerala but we are left to believe that exclusionary tendencies are
derived from the inequalities of development. The manner in which exclu-
sion is thus framed here evades the multiple intersection of social categor-
ies in the context of development, ironically in ways that echo tendencies
within development scholarship. The author represents dominant women
as wholly disadvantaged by their gender but entirely privileged by their
caste. This ignores the complex burdens of caste identity on women, as
well as the many ways in which class, caste or religious identity may be
articulated through gender; or the mediation of women’s class identity

by marriage, signs of which abound in the personal and development

narratives studied by her. Against the conspicuous failure to refer to the
relevant literature on exclusion and identity, the author is doomed to
repeatedly invoking the ‘ladled out’ facts by development scholarship
and to allegations of othering to substantiate the operation of exclusionary
mechanisms.
Centre for Development Studies PRAVEENA KODOTH

Thiruvananthapuram
Pramod K. Nayar, Seeing Stars: Spectacle, Society and Celebrity Cul-
SE
ture. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2009. xiv + 195 pp. Notes,
bibliography, index. `295 (paperback).
U
and
L
IA
Pramod K. Nayar, Packaging Life: Cultures of the Everyday. New Delhi:
C
Sage Publications, 2009. xxv + 218 pp. Notes, bibliography, index.
ER
`595 (hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500216
M
M
At the outset, both books by Pramod K. Nayar fill a critical gap in studies
O
of celebrity culture, popular culture and how everyday life is ‘packaged’

C
in contemporary urban India where consumerism is the order of the day.

R
Researching as I do on the Indian media, adhering to an easy reading

FO
style, while being theoretically grounded, is not always an easy task.

Patricia Uberoi’s writings on popular culture practices in India are
T
strongly grounded theoretically, yet accessible to the lay reader as well.

O
Nayar’s writings hold a similar promise.

N
Both books, in a sense, deal with ‘packaging’. The first book, on celeb-
rity culture, concentrates on how various aspects of celebrity culture in
India are ‘manufactured, packaged, and sold to adoring audiences that
are always thirsty for spectacles that pique their imagination and dazzle
their lives’. Indeed, who among us, to tell the truth, do not find celebrity
culture alluring, and often spend money buying magazines that offer us
a sneak peek into celebrity lives? Nayar’s book on celebrity culture ex-
amines the processes through which celebrities are constructed and
packaged as ‘consumer products’. Celebrities are strangers to us, but in
their construction and packaging in India today, we become familiar and
Book Reviews / 307
intimate with their lives. This, in turn, is linked to questions of identity

and the power that celebrity evokes in India, and even worldwide today.
Indeed, it is an oft-repeated statement that given the numbers of Indians
straddling the globe, more people in this world today recognise Shah
Rukh Khan than Brad Pitt or Tom Cruise. Nayar draws on sociological
theory to untangle the paradoxical nature of an Indian popular culture
that is both invested in glamour and fantasy, yet is also simultaneously
aware of the commercialism driving the focus on celebrity. The chapters
in the book reveal that celebrity culture is a revealing lens through which
to view significant cultural shifts taking place in contemporary urban
India. The analysis of celebrity culture in Nayar’s book unravels changing
SE
conceptions of legitimacy, authority and credibility that are at work in
U
Indian culture today.
The study of celebrity is a wide-ranging field, but has not drawn the
L
IA
kind of attention it deserves in India so far. Therefore, omissions in
Nayar’s readings like Joshua Gamson’s Claims to Fame: Celebrity in
C
ER
Contemporary America (University of California Press, 1994); Richard

Schickel’s Intimate Strangers: The Culture of Celebrity in America (Ivan
M
R. Dee, 2000); Sean Redmond, Su Holmes (eds), Stardom and Celebrity:

M
A Reader (Sage, 2007); Ajarn Brett Farmer’s ‘Can’t Get You Out of My
O
Head: Consuming Celebrity, Producing Identity’, in Anderson and

C
Schlunke (eds), Cultural Theory in Everyday Practice (Oxford University

R
Press, 2009) are baffling. That said, Nayar’s examination and analysis of
FO
celebrity culture in contemporary India sheds light on key factors illu-

minating Indian public culture today, including consumerism, media and
T
politics, especially what our fascination with celebrities tells us about

O
our culture and ourselves.

N
Nayar’s second book on ‘Packaging Life’ examines how some aspects

of everyday, urban life in India—such as good health, cosmopolitan iden-
tities and luxurious lifestyles—are constructed and packaged for urban,
middle-class consumers. The scope of the various sites examined here
gives insights into metropolitan urban India; however, the analysis focuses
mainly on the consumption side of the packaging process, and not the
production of commodities. Nayar argues that such packaging plays into
our anxieties, encouraging us to ‘buy particular commodities, adopt cer-
tain lifestyles, assimilate specific political beliefs...’. These anxieties,
he suggests, ‘morph into consumer practices, where particular kinds of

bodies, objects, and practices are established as the norm—safe, stylish

and cosmopolitan—so that they appear natural, legitimate and desir-
able ...’ (emphasis in original). Nayar also unpacks these discourses so
that the consumer can understand the politics divested in such represen-
tations: ‘[...] “packaging” is a multi-layered process that appropriates in
various degrees and guises the tone, language, style, strategies and politics
of scientism, commerce, social causes and “values”’ (p. xiv). Influenced
by theories of Cultural Studies, Nayar analyses representational strat-
egies, rhetorical styles and discourses that maximise the impact of pro-
cesses that serve up objects and services for consumption in metropolitan,
urban India.
SE
The most glaring omission in this book is any reference to Michel de
Certeau’s seminal work The Practice of Everyday Life (University of
U
California Press: Berkeley, 1984). De Certeau’s work deals with the uses
L
consumers make of things that they purchase, for example, the uses of
IA
images on television. Though de Certeau’s work deals with topics ranging
C
from railway journeys, differences between tours and maps, and differ-
ER
ent analyses of storytelling, it is still a book about people in which their

everyday life and practices are fore-grounded and articulated. A couple
M
of other omissions include Karal Ann Marling’s As Seen on TV: The

M
Visual Culture of Everyday Life in the 1950s (Harvard University Press,

O
1996); and Fran Martin (ed.) Interpreting Everyday Culture (Hodder

C
Arnold, 2003), especially the chapters on ‘Ideologies of Everyday Life’

R
and ‘Politics of Everyday Life’ by Ajarn Brett Farmer.

FO
As acknowledged by the author, the first book is an easier read for the
lay person than the second. What makes Nayar’s works praiseworthy is
T
that despite being academic works, both books are written in an easy
O
narrative style, relatively free of jargon. One quibble I have with the
N
books is the bad indexing. Both books would have benefited greatly with
a more systematic and detailed index section. This, however, is in no
way to deny the timely value of Nayar’s works in this field. Both books
will be of great interest to students of consumption studies and consumer
culture, media studies, celebrity studies, popular culture, and cultural
studies, and Asian studies. It adds much needed literature in these areas
where a specific focus on India is only just emerging, while also enriching
the range of available work on contemporary India.
American University of Kuwait SHOMA MUNSHI

Book Reviews / 309
Ramaswami Harindranath, Audience-Citizens: The Media, Public Know-

ledge and Interpretive Practice. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2009.
vii + 272 pp. Tables, notes, bibliography, index. `495 (hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500217
Audience-Citizens: The Media, Public Knowledge, and Interpretive

Practice attempts to bring attention to what the author describes as a
glaring under-theorising in reception studies. The author explores the
relations between media, democracy and citizenship through reception
analysis combining theory and cross-cultural empirical research. He
points to the centrality of media, especially television, in public know-
SE
ledge and emphasises the need to examine what the diversity of responses
within media audiences can reveal of the participation of these consti-
U
tuencies in the practice of deliberative democracy. He argues that while
L
several audience studies have explored the link between interpretive
IA
practice and sociological categories, there is little available literature on
C
the precise ways in which social context affects interpretive practice.
ER
Seeking to develop a theoretical framework that can better address these

M
existing lacunae, the author points to what he terms the ‘problematics of

understanding’, ‘social collectivities’ and ‘genre’ as the three critical
M
areas that reception studies have hitherto ignored, and need to be

O
addressed.
C
Referencing the philosophical hermeneutics of Gadamer to explain

R
the possible ways in which a range of audience expectations defined by

FO
socio-cultural contexts can determine interpretive activity, Harindranath’s

notion of understanding also draws upon the concept of ‘multiple realities’
T
to grasp how audiences comprise individuals who need to be recognised

O
as simultaneously occupying interacting spaces of non-homogenous ex-

N
periences. Similarly, the Gadamerian concept of a horizon of expectation

is used here to indicate how audiences access genres through projected
expectations that help in the anticipation of meaning. Notwithstanding
its complicated relation with truth and authenticity, the documentary is
largely analysed here as a genre that contributes to public knowledge.
The book offers cross-cultural research to examine audience interpre-
tations of television texts in India and Britain. In each context, audiences
were divided into four categories according to educational level: profes-
sional academics, post-graduate, under-graduates and non-graduates. Four
television documentaries on the environment, two each from India and

Britain, were screened to a set of twenty respondents as a set comprising

an Indian and a British documentary each. The initial analysis of the
research data did not reflect any difference between the interpretations
by the different audience segments. However, when the author re-
examined the data by analysing it in terms of the conceptual framework
outlined here in the book, some interesting variables emerged. The easy
acceptance of documentary representation as ‘real’ by Indian non-
graduates marked out this group from the remaining categories. Conclud-
ing that the lack of higher education affected the horizon of expectations
of this group such that they tended to read representation as synonymous
with reality, the author argues that the relation between higher educa-
SE
tion and democratic participation is crucial.
The book is certainly a valuable contribution to the field of audience
U
research, particularly reception studies. It, however, could have done
L
with some conceptual clarity and careful editing. For instance, after re-
IA
defining Corner’s (1991) framework to replace ‘context’ to ‘social col-
C
lectivities’, somewhat confusingly, the author continues to use the former
ER
term interchangeably with ‘social collectivities’ and ‘social context’

through the rest of the book. Similarly, while the introduction gives the
M
impression that the focus is on different audience groups in India, the

M
analysis turns out to be cross-cultural in scope, seeking to compare audi-

O
ences of non-fiction television programmes in India and Britain!

C
More problematic, however, is the easy acceptance of documentaries

R
as a homogenised genre that provides factual representation and contri-

FO
butes to public knowledge. With a growing body of literature on ‘docu-

mentaries’ as ‘performative’ texts elaborated between author/filmmaker
T
and the subject, there surely could have been more attention to the layered
O
aspects of the genre. Similarly, a clubbing together of documentaries on

N
the environment without any recognition of their cultural underpinnings

is particularly surprising. A vast literature now exists on how nature and
environments are culturally constructed, positions that any document-
ary would need to engage with and negotiate, perhaps with contradictory
results. In the same vein, it has been further argued that wildlife films
comprise a genre in themselves for they follow specific narrative struc-
tures laid down by Disney. Given the sophisticated theoretical pitch of
this study, these gaps are indeed surprising.
Further, both television audiences in Britain and India and the scope
of documentaries on air seem vastly dissimilar. This aspect needed further
Book Reviews / 311
probing, especially if the aim is to understand the horizon of expect-

ations of Indian audiences. Finally, the crucial link between higher edu-
cation and access to ‘cultural and symbolic resources that determine
whether or not a person or community has a voice in the contemporary
Indian polity’ (p. 23) is far from adequately argued here. Especially given
the problematic nature of modernity in India, where rise in higher edu-
cation often bears a strong correlation with following the most abject
feudal practices, accepting such a straightforward link between education
and democratic politics is a bit difficult.
To be fair though, the book is consistent in its warning that its research
findings as well as its theoretical framework need further research. The
SE
value of the book lies in its extensive literature review, sophisticated
theorising as well as its focus on non-fiction programmes and its attempt
U
to raise some very crucial questions that indicate areas which need further
research.
L
IA
C
Documentary Filmmaker, GARGI SEN
ER
Distributor and Festival Curator

M
M
REFERENCE
O
C
Corner, J. 1991. Meaning, Genre and Context: The Problematics of ‘Public Knowledge’
R
in the New Audience Studies. Paper presented at the fourth International Television
FO
Studies Conference, London.
Thanh-Dam Truong, Saskia Wieringa and Amrita Chhachhi (eds), En-

T
O
gendering Human Security: Feminist Perspectives. New Delhi: Woman

N
Unlimited, 2006. xxx + 332 pp. Tables, maps, notes, references.

`450 (hardback).
DOI: 10.1177/006996671104500218
This book is an ardent engagement with various facets of human security

in the context of globalisation from the feminist standpoint of view. It
provides a serious account of different dimensions of human security
through contributions focusing on the question of dignity, rights, gender
justice etc.
The thirteen chapters that make up the book are neatly divided into
three parts. The first part of the book deals with human security, gender

and body describing how in particular the female body becomes the site
of contestation. In the first chapter Sunila Abeysekera provides a com-
parative description of women in the two dissimilar conflict zones of
East Timor and Sri Lanka. She captures the hardship that conflict begets
in the lives of vulnerable women of these countries. It also discusses the
interplay of patriarchal values and double standards that staunchly guard
the definition of gender roles and regulate every aspect of women’s exist-
ence. For instance, during conflict situations women are used to maintain
communication links, only to be sent back to the domains of domesti-
city once normalcy returns. In the second chapter, Gita Sen analyses
issues of reproductive rights and gender justice in the shadow of neo-
SE
conservative politics. It cautions us against how the nefarious collusion
of imperial powers such as the United States, religious fundamentalism
U
and neo-conservative political and economic forces can impinge upon
L
the space for gender justice. Rising economic disparity has led to declin-
IA
ing cooperation and consensus on crucial issues in the South while simul-
C
taneously supplementing US hegemony and monopoly. The next chapter
ER
by Imani M. Tafari-Ama discusses the situation in the inner city in

Kingston, Jamaica. She shows the ways in which visions of women’s
M
empowerment often internalise hegemonic masculine social order based

M
on extreme violence, only to take them far away from their true eman-
O
cipation. Efforts by the Dutch state to recognise the sex market via pro-
C
gressive interventions meant to legalise prostitution, and fighting both

R
forced prostitution and sex trafficking are the focus of Joyce Outshoorn’s
FO
essay as the fourth chapter. She states that such creative policies are use-
ful in ameliorating the status of sex workers by making their domain of
T
work subject to labour laws, health and safety regulations, all of which
O
allows them to be formally recognised as equal citizens by paying taxes.

N
The second part of the book focuses on the domains of work and care.
Here, Noeleen Hayzer captures the different dimensions of trafficking in
women and children for a range of purposes including prostitution, legal
and illegal work, marriage, organ trade and bonded labour. She calls
upon a gender-responsive and human rights-based approach to trafficking.
Carla Risseeuw analyses Dutch policies to show that notwithstanding
the image of the Netherlands as a progressive welfare state, a closer ex-
amination of its legislation reveals how the government’s vision still
disables women from true citizenship entitlements through its affirmation
of traditional notions of gender with the male as breadwinner and the
Book Reviews / 313
ideal of a docile wife/mother. Further, Rachel Kurian explores the effects

of globalisation on domestic care services. The care chain at the global
level caters to the care deficit in the developed North by ‘exporting’ care
providers from the developing South. Kurian’s discussion on immigration
issues, recruitment practices and working conditions relating to Filipina
au pairs in Netherlands highlights the complexities of the global care
business. It also powerfully highlights how the participation of women
in the globalisation of care-work is not out of their rational free choice.
Many women in developing societies are forced to take recourse to this
in order to escape the endemic poverty, unemployment and other vulner-
abilities that they otherwise have to contend with. Carrying the discussion
SE
forward, Thanh-Dam Truong analyses the care issue in liberalisation era
Vietnam. She describes how, in the 1970s, the support for working
U
mothers shifted the burden of care from women to institutions arranged
L
to provide care services. However, under the current wave of liberal-
IA
isation and shift in economic policies, the state is trying to pull back to
C
push women once again into the domain of domestic care by promoting
ER
household production and endorsing conventional womanly duties as

praiseworthy virtues.
M
Essays in Part Three focus on creative efforts that capture the concrete
M
realities and contingent specificities relating to the contemporary quest

O
for human security. Virginia Vargas maps out the inter-linkages between
C
forces of globalisation, social movements and feminism to highlight how

R
globalisation has paradoxically led to new risks, conflicts and exclusions.

FO
At the same time, it has catalysed new sites of resistances, thus trans-
forming social movements at the local and global level into campaigns
T
for global justice and an alternate globalisation. She also takes into
O
account the new dynamics of feminist intervention in the World Social

N
Forum where many feminists have actively involved themselves in an

ongoing dialogue towards social transformation. Reviewing frameworks
for assessing women’s empowerment such as Gender Empowerment
Measure (GEM), Saskia E. Wieringa suggests the inclusion of other
crucial dimensions such as care, sexuality, violence against women that
seem to escape quantification. Overall, she finds the African Gender and
Development index to be a great innovative tool to analyse women’s
empowerment. Amrita Chhachhi highlights the erosion of citizenship
norms in the context of liberalisation through focusing on labour regimes
in the Indian electronic industry in pre- and post-liberalisation years.

Her study shows how new trends such as feminisation and informalisa-
tion of labour market practices have led to a further disenfranchisement
of women. Through using the metaphor of plastic, Patricia Mohammed
discusses how gender constructions are created and commercialised, and
stresses the need to rethink conventional gender categories to recognise
the achievements of women as contributing to human security and eco-
nomic freedom. Lastly, Rhoda Reddock tries to integrate gender analysis
into environmental studies to produce a critique of state policy towards
the use of agricultural resources and settlement.
Ranging across significant issues on the theme of human security from
policy and feminist perspectives, the book will be of great use to research
SE
scholars, students and, most importantly, policy makers.
U
Miranda House PUSHPA KUMARI
University of Delhi
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Kancha Ilaiah, Post-Hindu India: A Discourse on Dalit-

Article in Contributions to Indian Sociology · September 2011

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Rama Melkote and K. Sajaya (eds), Streevada Rajakeeyalu: Varthamana

The collection of essays titled Streevada Rajakeeyalu: Varthamana

and women to women in the development and globalisation discourses,

from a critical reading of 19th century nationalist discourse to an exam-

ination of new forms of nationalism in contemporary cinema, from an

analysis of gender politics in Partition literature to re-thinking secularism,

feminist issues—Vina Mazumdar, Partha Chatterjee, Tejaswini Niranjana,

Mary John, Bina Agarwal, Urvashi Butalia, Veena Shatrugna and

Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314

Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314

on the exploitation faced by Dalit women, particularly in Andhra Pradesh,

these essays provide a thought-provoking discussion of contemporary

ship produced in English. Indeed, they all need to be translated into

English for the benefit of a wider audience.

The introduction to the volume gives a detailed and useful account of

the different stages of feminist thought and practice in India starting

fore. There is a brief introduction to each essay included in the collection

the impasse faced by feminism today. Can we speak of the ‘subject’ of

of making such endeavours more comprehensive and reader friendly.

As well-known Telugu feminist scholar Katyayani Vidmahe remarks in

university students and researchers especially those interested in exploring

EFL University UMA MAHESWARI BHRUGUBANDA

Verne A. Dusenbery, Sikhs at Large: Religion, Culture, and Politics in

Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314

Verne A. Dusenbery and Darshan S. Tatla (eds), Sikh Diaspora

in the light of such timely topics as conversion, migration, sacred music,

politics. Regardless of the unavoidable repetitions, it certainly is good to

have a compilation of his excellent and detailed writings.

Dusenbery began as a student of the North American Sikh Healthy,

Happy, Holy Organization (3HO) led by the charismatic but controversial

conflicting ideas about Sikh identity between North American Punjabi

their liberal attitude towards their tradition. However, as he states in a

postscript (chapter one), particularly after the death of the polarising

led to a radically depoliticised Sikhism, which clearly contrasts with

The other book under review, Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy in Punjab,

is the result of an international workshop about ‘flows of people, goods,

capital, ideas, and images across boundaries of the nation-state, linking

Punjab to multiple sites abroad’ (p. 18), organised by Dusenbery and

Darshan S. Tatla in Jalandhar, Punjab (2006). In the first three chapters

Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy (SDP) or ‘private giving for public good’

Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314

The topic of SDP is of great significance, as India today is recognised

this upcoming scholarly field, particularly through discussions about the

of Sikh music and musicians.

ongoing transformation of Sikhism through its globalisation, while also

a wide readership. My main point of criticism, however, is that both col-

the 3HO as a Western ‘exotic’ alternativist movement preoccupied with

the imperial idea of authenticity; or to the ongoing imperial politics of

I miss a reference to empire and the historical continuity in terms of

Independent Scholar BOB VAN DER LINDEN

Altogether, this is a rewarding book. It is a useful companion volume to

Hinduism in Public and Private: Reform, Hindutva, Gender, and

in any systematic elaboration of the idea of ‘Political Hinduism’, for

argues that the ‘representations of popular patriotism [in Bollywood films]

Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, 2 (2011): 281–314

any other religion to the designs of the political ambitions of extremists’

either or both, Lipner says; what is important is not Bankim’s intention

but contextualised usage.

In the evolution of political Hinduism, Vivekananda played, Joanna