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Esteban, Fernando; Alós, Ramon; Jódar, Pere y Miguélez, Fausto (2014). «La inserción laboral de ex
reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa». Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 145: 181-204.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.145.181)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 181-204
182 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 183
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
184 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 185
Personales
Demográficas Familiares y
y psicológicas sociales Ocupacionales
Padres, hijos, Educación y Penales Transición a
amigos experiencia Tipos de delito, la libertad.
profesional; condenas y Fin relación
trayectoria comportamiento institucional
Motivación laboral en prisión.
personal Trayectoria penal y
delictiva
SOCIEDAD
de trabajo
Mercado
PRISIÓN
nos estudios relacionan positivamente delin- La tercera hipótesis se refiere al rol de los
cuencia con inestabilidad laboral y desem- talleres productivos y la formación ocupacio-
pleo, o negativamente con el salario (Travis, nal dentro de las prisiones. Posiciones críti-
2005). Por tanto, sostenemos que la trayec- cas, como la de Simon (1999), sostienen que
toria y la experiencia ocupacional previa, los reclusos no adquieren conocimientos y
combinada con la motivación personal de habilidades profesionales debido a las tareas
dejar atrás la delincuencia, incidirán en el que realizan, manuales y poco cualificadas;
proceso de reinserción laboral. pero también por la propia lógica de los cen-
tros penitenciarios —cambios de destino,
La segunda hipótesis plantea que aban-
citaciones judiciales, sanciones—, que pro-
donar «viejos hábitos» y decidirse a empren- duce descoordinación entre su situación pe-
der una nueva vida constituye un largo pro- nal y las prácticas de formación o de trabajo
ceso de transición (Bushway, 2003; Maruna, con propósito de reinserción. Sin embargo,
2001), en el cual es imprescindible «romper» otros argumentos sostienen que estas prác-
con los antiguos vínculos sociales, o al me- ticas se justifican no solo por razones de
nos con una parte significativa de ellos, para reinserción laboral, sino porque ocupan el
construir otros nuevos (Baskin y Sommer, tiempo de los reclusos, facilitan el control
1998); ahí son importantes otras relaciones dentro de los centros penitenciarios o les
como conseguir y conservar una ocupación proporcionan ingresos. De esta manera, in-
estable (Travis, 2005; Bales y Mears, 2008). directamente contribuyen a la rehabilitación
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
186 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
(Bushway, 2003). Un estudio enfocado sobre contrastación de las hipótesis trazadas me-
el trabajo productivo en las prisiones catala- diante el uso de técnicas cualitativas. Con
nas (Alós et al., 2009; Miguélez et al., 2006) ello se perdía representatividad, pero se ga-
confirma esta importante función del trabajo naba en comprensión del conjunto de fenó-
como actividad estructuradora de la vida co- menos que intervienen en la reinserción so-
tidiana de los internos3 y encuentra, además, cial y laboral de los reclusos (objetivos y
que tiene una derivación educativa significa- subjetivos; individuales, institucionales, es-
tiva (en pautas y hábitos de conducta), espe- tructurales). Tal y como hemos argumentado
cialmente para aquellos internos con fracaso anteriormente, la probabilidad de obtener
escolar y trayectorias vitales desestructura- una reinserción exitosa no depende solo de
das (más evidentes entre los jóvenes). Am- una de las dimensiones del esquema 1, sino
bas funciones (educativa y terapéutica) del probablemente de una combinación ade-
trabajo en las prisiones pueden resultar a pri- cuada de varias de ellas. El tratamiento cua-
mera vista invisibles, pero el (re)aprendizaje litativo es apropiado para el análisis de un
de hábitos pautados es fundamental para la dilema del tipo enunciado.
adquisición de valores ligados al proceso de El uso de técnicas cualitativas se concre-
socialización y, por consiguiente, para una tó en dos etapas diferentes. En la primera se
posterior reinserción laboral y social. En sín- realizaron 11 entrevistas semiestructuradas
tesis, sostenemos que los programas de tra- a personas que por su actividad profesional
bajo y formación en los centros penitenciarios son informantes cualificados: técnicos del
(dimensión institucional), aunque parecen sistema penitenciario (insertores), empresa-
estar solo tangencialmente relacionados con rios o responsables de instituciones que
la futura reinserción laboral de los reclusos, contratan a reclusos y ex reclusos, y exper-
contribuyen moderadamente a la misma. tos en inserción laboral y en los mecanismos
para favorecerla (véase la tabla 1) (las entre-
Finalmente, aunque no lo incluimos como vistas se realizaron desde septiembre hasta
hipótesis, tenemos en cuenta la incidencia diciembre de 2009). De este modo, la mues-
de la experiencia y trayectoria delictiva que tra comprendió al abanico de responsables
también pesa en los escenarios de éxito o de
fracaso de la reinserción social y laboral.
TABLA 1. Entrevistas a expertos según tipo
de institución a la que pertenecen
METODOLOGÍA N Tipo de institución
La escasez de estudios sobre la inserción 1 CIRE
laboral de los ex reclusos, sobre todo en 2 CIRE
nuestro país, así como la dificultad de obte- 3 CIRE
ner fuentes fiables de datos, aconsejaron la
4 CIRE
5 Entidad de formación
3 En la investigación utilizamos los términos «interno» y 6 Entidad de formación
«ex interno», apropiándonos de los conceptos utilizados 7 Entidad de formación
por el organismo comitente de esta investigación y por
los expertos; su especialización en la reinserción, sobre 8 Empresa ordinaria
todo laboral, justifica la suavización de términos tales
9 Empresa ordinaria
como presos o reclusos. En el artículo utilizaremos el
término «recluso» para denominar a las personas en 10 Empresa de inserción
segundo y tercer grado; y la expresión «ex recluso» para
aquellas que se encuentran en libertad condicional o
11 Empresa de inserción
definitiva. Fuente: Elaboración propia.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 187
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
188 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
TABLA 2. Entrevistas a ex internos de centros penitenciarios según sexo, edad, origen, reincidencia en el
delito, trabajo en talleres y situación penal y laboral actual
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
ESQUEMA 2. Mapa conceptual del proceso de inserción laboral de ex internos de centros penitenciarios, de acuerdo al discurso de los expertos
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
189
ESQUEMA 3. Mapa conceptual del proceso de inserción laboral de los internos y ex internos de centros penitenciarios, de acuerdo a sus propios discursos
190
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fuente: Elaboración propia.
La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 191
Educadores y
Junta de
Insertor empresas de CIRE y empresas
Tratamiento
formación
No hay bolsa de
Internos en segun- – Analiza pros y Derivación hacia la – Talleres producti- trabajo, tampoco
do y tercer grado contras: situa- formación ocupa- vos del CIRE seguimiento, ni nin-
La Junta de Trata- ción social, situa- cional – Empresas: gún otro tipo de re-
miento envía un in- ción familiar y • De inserción lación
forme al juzgado penal, formación • Ordinarias
y experiencia – Bolsa de trabajo
profesional propia (para ter-
– Mapa de oficios cer grado)
en que puede – Convenio con
trabajar patronales
– Diccionario de
competencias
– Entrevistas por
competencias
y tipo de cursos y talleres, así como los re- ción más recomendada, y a veces la única,
cursos destinados. ante la retracción del mercado de trabajo en
Antes o durante ese proceso muchos re- el período de realización del trabajo de cam-
clusos ya trabajan o han trabajado en talle- po (2009-2010). Los insertores y los directo-
res. La última etapa del proceso de inserción res de las empresas de formación entrevista-
laboral se pone en marcha cuando el interno, dos sostienen que los reclusos encuentran
aún bajo tutela judicial, pero ya con mayor ventajas en la formación ocupacional y citan
grado de libertad, es orientado por el insertor cuatro: la posibilidad de recibir una contra-
hacia la búsqueda de un empleo convencio- prestación económica; la oportunidad de
nal. Los perfiles que presentan mayores difi- aprender un oficio con vistas a la futura in-
cultades para enfrentar esta etapa se derivan serción laboral; ocupar el tiempo para que la
hacia las empresas de inserción5. Debe con- condena transcurra «más rápido» (y así
siderarse que este itinerario no es lineal sino transmitir la sensación de que se están dan-
que depende de cada recluso y de las opor- do pasos hacia la libertad); y al tratarse mu-
tunidades que brinda el mercado de trabajo. chas veces del primer «éxito educativo»,
De todos modos, el proceso de inserción la- mejora la percepción que se tiene de sí mis-
boral progresa a medida que lo hace la con- mo. Los expertos inciden en la idea de una
dena. En la tabla 3 se presenta un resumen transición dilatada en el tiempo, en la que se
esquemático del proceso. suceden y combinan los diversos incentivos.
El escaso nivel educativo que, en general, Insertores y empresarios coinciden en
posee la población reclusa hace que la for- dar importancia a la función educativa y te-
mación profesional u ocupacional sea la op- rapéutica de los talleres productivos, ya
avanzada en la discusión teórica. La primera,
mediante la interiorización de actitudes aso-
5 Son iniciativas empresariales que combinan la lógica ciadas al trabajo (puntualidad, buen desem-
empresarial con metodologías de inserción laboral. peño de la tarea, responsabilidad, higiene y
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
192 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 193
encuentran al salir de prisión son los que te- cambiar para construir un futuro legal. La
nían antes de entrar» (experto 2). motivación se manifiesta siempre en con-
Otro factor que influye en la inserción la- ductas observables que se pueden resumir
boral, aunque de manera diferente a los an- apelando a una antigua dicotomía funciona-
teriores, es la nacionalidad de los ex reclu- lista, entre la resistencia y la integración.
sos. Las personas de origen y nacionalidad
extranjera que han perdido el permiso de tra- No veo diferencias entre unos y otros internos,
bajo y residencia durante la reclusión no más que en la motivación. El que tiene una profe-
pueden recuperarlo después, a pesar de que sión antes de entrar en la prisión, el que hace mu-
hayan realizado eficientemente todo el pro- chas actividades en la prisión, el que tiene inquie-
ceso de inserción6. Esta situación inmoviliza tudes, esta persona tiene motivación y si está
al ex recluso, detrae sentido al esfuerzo y a motivada, todo es más fácil (experto 3).
los recursos dispuestos por la administra-
ción, y es vivida con frustración por los infor-
Sin embargo, no hubo unanimidad entre
mantes porque la población extranjera pre-
los expertos en acordar cuál es el impulso
senta, generalmente, más motivación que la
inicial de la motivación: hay quienes se de-
autóctona.
cantan por causas intrínsecas al individuo
El tiempo de condena es otro de los con- —por ejemplo, el deseo de recuperar la auto-
dicionantes que encontró consenso entre los nomía o el compromiso moral con personas
expertos para explicar el éxito o el fracaso de queridas—, por causas extrínsecas —la pre-
las inserciones laborales. Este factor actúa sión del sistema punitivo sería la más impor-
en varios sentidos. Por un lado, se asocia tante—, o por una combinación de ambas.
con la edad: cuanto mayor es un trabajador En todo caso hay que subrayar que si bien
más difícil será su inserción laboral. Por otro, los tres tipos de causas dependen de la sig-
el tiempo de reclusión repercute en una ma- nificación que les otorga el individuo, las ex-
yor desconexión con las condiciones reales trínsecas se pueden controlar más fácilmen-
del mercado de trabajo y también en la pér- te desde el sistema penitenciario.
dida de vínculos familiares y sociales. Es ha-
Recopilando la aportación de los exper-
bitual que las personas que experimentan
tos, observamos que desgranan las diferen-
largas condenas enfrenten con más dificul-
tes dimensiones de análisis subrayadas por
tad y temor el porvenir en libertad, «[…] mi- la literatura teórica y les otorgan un peso di-
ran la vida con mucha precaución y los pe- ferenciado, según su campo concreto de
queños problemas cotidianos se convierten experiencia. Su discurso combina las inicia-
en calles sin salida porque no se han perdido tivas institucionales —los talleres con su fun-
los miedos» (experto 10). ción educativa y de socialización, junto al
Por último, cabe mencionar la motivación incentivo de remuneración— con la motiva-
de los propios internos para afrontar el pro- ción individual; no obstante, también men-
ceso de inserción laboral. Todos los infor- cionan otros factores como la edad, que in-
mantes pusieron énfasis en lo determinante fluye de forma similar a la expuesta por las
que puede ser «la voluntad», «los deseos» de teorías de la tensión —los jóvenes más atraí-
dos por romper normas para llegar a sus ob-
jetivos—, el sexo que hace que hombres y
6 Los permisos de residencia y/o trabajo se pierden si mujeres adopten un comportamiento dife-
el extranjero es condenado a más de un año de prisión. renciado en función de relaciones y cargas
Y no podrá volver a solicitar otro permiso para residir en
el país hasta que, cumplida la pena, no haya cancelado familiares, o el origen que remite directamen-
los antecedentes penales. te a la exclusión dada la inacción del siste-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
194 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
ma; por último, los reclusos con largas con- cación profesional. A menudo, el consumo y
denas ejemplifican las visiones más el tráfico de drogas les han conducido al de-
pesimistas y conservadoras sobre la inser- lito.
ción laboral.
Hombre, yo he robao y he robao bastante, la dro-
ga es aparte, vino porque estaba todos los días en
INSERCIÓN SOCIOLABORAL mi casa. Allí nos reuníamos 15 o 20 chavales y se
Y CUALIFICACIÓN PROFESIONAL: bebía, se consumía cada día; fui uno de los últi-
LOS DISCURSOS DE LOS RECLUSOS mos en caer, pero caí (recluso 9).
Y EX RECLUSOS
Yo he estado 14 años en prisión. Mi problema no
A diferencia de los expertos que presentan un eran las drogas. Mi problema era que yo era delin-
discurso más homogéneo, el análisis de las cuente. Yo no había dado un palo al agua nunca.
entrevistas a reclusos y ex reclusos permite Creo que tengo 300 días cotizados en toda mi
identificar cuatro discursos marcadamente vida […] no sabía lo que era tener que levantarse
diferenciados sobre la inserción sociolaboral a las cinco o seis de la mañana, cumplir unos ho-
y la cualificación profesional; por sus rasgos rarios, cobrar a fin de mes. No conocía esas limi-
dominantes los denominamos: «profesionales taciones (recluso 4).
del delito», quienes tienen una sola y a la vez
extensa condena, jóvenes —alrededor de los Otro elemento básico a considerar en
veinte años— e inmigrantes. Cada uno de es- este período previo es el capital social. Aquí
tos tipos ilustra específicamente sobre deter- los profesionales del delito tienen la carga
minados factores —distinguidos por la teoría añadida de unos vínculos familiares deterio-
y por el discurso de los expertos— que inci- rados. Su historial delictivo prolongado, jun-
den en la reinserción: los profesionales delic- to a relaciones familiares tensas y conflicti-
tivos se asocian con trayectorias laborales vas, más acusadas en el caso de adicción,
reducidas o con problemas, así como con ca- desembocaron en desconfianza o ruptura.
pital social reducido; los jóvenes con el dilema
delictivo sin resolver; los hombres con larga Frente a los profesionales del delito, las
condena, motivados pero con dificultades es- personas que no han reincidido se caracteri-
pecíficas de reinserción; los inmigrantes, por zan por trayectorias laborales más largas y
el vacío legal de su situación. continuas. Los testimonios insisten en una
«vida normal» antes de entrar en prisión, de-
finida por un trabajo regular, aunque no siem-
Antes de la reclusión penitenciaria
pre estable, una familia nuclear estructurada
Es importante en ese período la experiencia y una vivienda, casi siempre en propiedad.
laboral adquirida, ya que permite contemplar Estos testimonios, aunque de perfiles diver-
cómo los colectivos se diferencian entre sí. sos, se acompañan de niveles de estudios
Los profesionales del delito tenían en las ac- comparativamente más altos y alguna for-
tividades delictivas su principal fuente de mación profesional. Se identifican como
ingresos y no acreditan trayectorias labora- «gente trabajadora».
les previas a la entrada en prisión; o bien, en
el caso de tenerlas, son fraccionadas, con Durante la reclusión penitenciaria
elevados índices de rotación entre trabajos,
episodios de desempleo y reclusión peniten- Cursos de formación ocupacional
ciaria. Componen este grupo hombres inmi- Durante la reclusión penitenciaria la mayoría
grantes y autóctonos mayores de 30 años de los internos realizó actividades de forma-
con bajos niveles de educación y de cualifi- ción ocupacional, ya sean cursos de capaci-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 195
tación o educación reglada. Estas activida- interminables y es el lugar ideal para repro-
des ocupan un lugar privilegiado dentro de ducir la conducta delictiva.
los programas de reinserción del CIRE y ad-
quirieron una dimensión aún mayor después Para pasar un poco el rato, son muchas horas de
de la caída del empleo en los últimos años. patio y quieras o no, te aburres; es mejor tener la
La formación ocupacional es diversa, está mente ocupada para que se pase más rápido (re-
enfocada hacia el aprendizaje de oficios y se cluso 2).
encuentra disponible para el recluso a partir
de cumplir cierta proporción de la condena.
«En la cárcel hay tiempo y si uno organiza
En términos generales, subyacen tres mane-
su tiempo, le puede sacar provecho», dice el
ras de entender la formación entre los reclu-
recluso 13. Hay reclusos que siempre han
sos: un mensaje hacia las autoridades para
tenido la convicción de que el tiempo es un
señalar que se ha escogido «el buen cami-
recurso, mientras que otros se convencieron
no»; una terapia para contener el exceso de
por el camino. En todo caso, la formación se
ocio y una forma de adquirir competencias
entiende como una herramienta útil para el
útiles para encontrar un empleo futuro.
futuro, y la valoran más los reclusos con me-
La predisposición de los reclusos a rea- nores niveles educativos o sin formación
lizar cursos de formación, y su aprovecha- profesional.
miento, es una señal hacia la Junta de Tra-
tamiento mediante la cual muestran
[…] pero al menos ahora sé escribir un papel, leer
predisposición a cooperar. La ex reclusa 23
el periódico (recluso 15).
lo expresa claramente «La gente va a talleres
y a cursos porque eso cuenta para que te Yo no tenía lenguaje, no he ido a la escuela de
den el régimen abierto». La estrategia no va- pequeño. Hablaba argot callejero, no entenderías
ría según colectivos de reclusos, pero es nada y a base de leer aprendí a expresarme bien,
más habitual en personas con largos histo- a tener conversaciones de toda clase (recluso 9).
riales delictivos, seguramente porque cono-
cen mejor los entresijos del sistema peniten- También la valoración de los reclusos so-
ciario. Siguiendo a Jiang y Thomas (2006), bre las actividades formativas muestra dis-
escoger el aula antes que el patio, o la inte- crepancias. Por un lado, aquellos con esca-
gración antes que la resistencia, sería una sos niveles educativos y de formación
opción válida en la cultura penitenciaria. profesional valoran bien estas iniciativas;
Pero también es una estrategia de normali- mientras que los que tienen experiencia pro-
zación; de demostración de haber aceptado fesional y cierto nivel educativo critican el
los modelos personales propuestos por las contenido y la organización:
autoridades, evitando el conflicto y, así, ob-
tener gratificaciones.
Sirven poco para un trabajo profesionalizado…
Otra forma de significar la formación es tampoco están pagados (ex reclusa 23).
asignarle un valor terapéutico. La lucha con-
Los cursos no están bien montados. Siempre van
tra el tiempo es una de las primeras batallas
con el mismo esquema, no te enseñan (ex reclu-
que deben ganar los reclusos. Las activida-
so 21).
des formativas contribuyen a tener la mente
ocupada; el tiempo transcurre más rápido y Son muy cortos («duran poco»), el de ordenadores
se evita la melancolía del recuerdo. Además, con aparatos que no funcionaban (ex recluso 24).
alejan del patio de la prisión y «sus amena-
zas»; la mayor parte de los entrevistados es- Resumiendo, la mayor parte de los reclu-
tán de acuerdo en que el patio hace las horas sos participan en cursos de formación, inclu-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
196 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
so aquellos menos motivados; ahora bien, Lo único bueno es que no pierdes el hábito del
los objetivos por los que acuden a menudo trabajo, la obligación de ir, de levantarte cada día,
son diferentes de los buscados por la insti- de cumplir… Aunque también hay gente que no
tución, de acuerdo con las visiones más pe- acepta las condiciones exigentes del trabajo (ex
simistas de la literatura especializada. Las reclusa 23).
valoraciones sobre la incidencia de la forma-
ción también varían en función de las expe- Otro significado compartido con la for-
riencias educativas y profesionales de los mación ocupacional, y en sintonía con lo an-
reclusos. terior, es que el trabajo permite «alejarse del
patio», lo cual ahorra posibilidades de con-
El trabajo en talleres productivos flicto, al tiempo que envía una «buena señal»
El trabajo durante la reclusión penitenciaria a la Junta de Tratamiento. El patio represen-
tiene significados diversos, aunque algunos ta el ocio improductivo, un lugar de resisten-
similares a los atribuidos a la formación. Así, cia al sistema punitivo y por extensión a la
es habitual que aparezca calificado como un sociedad que lo instituye.
entretenimiento, una terapia contra el tedio o
contra la desolación que producen los luga- En el patio uno coge mala costumbre. Los funcio-
res abarrotados. Se confirma, entonces, la narios saben quién es el traficante y si te ven ha-
tesis de Guilbaud (2008) de que el trabajo blando con él ya te consideran mal. En la cárcel
productivo le da sentido al tiempo en la pri- hay gente muy mala (ex recluso 24).
sión, por lo cual, aunque no sea interesante Yo venía de la calle con mis rollos y vas allí y, cla-
por sí mismo, contribuye al equilibrio mental ro, entras en la prisión y lo que ves es lo mismo
de los reclusos. que conocías fuera. Si te mueves en ese ambien-
te, lo que se encuentra allí es gente del mismo
Me ha servido para distraerme, para pasar el día, ambiente. Con una persona normal te agobias. Tú
matar el rato. Para dinero no, te pagan poco; y tam- lo que necesitas es hablar de lo que estabas ha-
poco sirve para aprender un oficio (ex recluso 21). ciendo, que si estoy vendiendo tal, que he robado
tal… Llegas allí y dices nunca he estado en pri-
Al entrar en la cárcel se me cayó el mundo, por
sión, pero haces así y dices aquel, aquel, aquel…
eso procuré estar siempre ocupado (ex recluso
hostia, si tengo aquí 50 o 100 conocidos. Enton-
25).
ces empiezas a hacer lo mismo, más o menos
(recluso 04).
Una investigación en prisiones catalanas
(Miguélez et al., 2006) llegó a una conclusión Por tanto, optar por el taller en lugar del
similar pero halló, además, en sintonía con patio «indica» que el recluso ha decidido dis-
Bushway (2003), que el trabajo contribuye a tanciarse del delito, dado que el mundo del
estructurar la vida cotidiana en las prisiones trabajo le es hostil o ajeno. Asimismo, el tra-
al mantener ocupados a los reclusos y les bajo en los talleres productivos aparece como
ayuda a interiorizar pautas de autodisciplina, alternativa razonable por los ingresos que
responsabilidad, valoración del esfuerzo. proporciona. Estos se usan habitualmente
Cuestiones todas ellas que contribuyen a la para mejorar la calidad de vida en la prisión
gobernabilidad de los centros penitenciarios —comida, tabaco, ropa— y para enviar dine-
a través de disciplinar a los trabajadores ro a la familia, lo cual es importante para quie-
(Foucault, 1975). Debe remarcarse que tanto nes conservan los vínculos familiares.
la literatura especializada como expertos y
reclusos coinciden de manera bastante uná- He estado tres años trabajando en el taller dentro
nime en esta función. de la prisión y algunos meses cobraba 700 euros;
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 197
eso era una satisfacción personal porque ayudaba cuestiones a subrayar. Primera, el trabajo no
a la familia, dado que, hombre, yo no tengo más está vinculado a los cursos de formación ni
gastos y cuando la mujer me venía a ver le podía al aprendizaje de un oficio. Segunda, el tra-
pasar el dinero (recluso 16). bajo en las prisiones y todo lo que su organi-
zación supone para el trabajador —hábitos,
normas, remuneraciones, aprendizajes, hi-
Hasta aquí hemos visto el conjunto de
giene, ritmos, autoridad— se desarrolla den-
factores que inducen a los presos hacia los
tro de los márgenes de una «lógica carcela-
talleres, pero ¿cómo valoran su utilidad? De
ria». Por tanto, aunque la ocupación en los
entrada encontramos un coro de voces des-
calificadoras, con dudas sobre la utilidad de talleres puede ofrecer «una sensación de
lo ejercitado una vez fuera de prisión; tam- autonomía», como sostiene Guilbaud (2008),
bién remarcan la falta de derechos en el caso en realidad parece confirmarse la tesis de
de los inmigrantes. Pero todo ello se agrava Simon (1999) según la cual el trabajo se des-
aún más al introducir la remuneración; ahí las envuelve bajo una dinámica disciplinaria que
quejas son unánimes y ya habían sido seña- obstaculiza la emancipación y no proporcio-
ladas por Miguélez et al. (2006). na responsabilidad, ni motivación, ni tampo-
co satisfacción con los ingresos. Por último,
el trabajo en las prisiones no permite a los
El trabajo en talleres estaba bien para los que no
extranjeros obtener un permiso de trabajo;
teníamos más remedio, por falta de medios, pero
una situación compleja porque atañe direc-
el que tenía los medios no iba. Yo trabajaba todo
tamente a la reinserción, pero que excede los
el día, sin parar y a buen ritmo, y el sueldo era de
límites de las instituciones penitenciarias.
200 y pocos más euros; se paga a tanto por pieza,
pero muy poco (ex recluso 19).
Después de la reclusión penitenciaria
Los talleres es un sistema bien montado pero muy
mal pagado, de explotación, ya que es el único El análisis de las entrevistas demuestra que
recurso que puedes tener (ex reclusa 23). el fin de la reclusión penitenciaria, de forma
El trabajo de talleres en cárceles tiene muy poca parcial o total, implica un punto de inflexión
utilidad para trabajar fuera. La única utilidad que en las vidas de los reclusos tan significativo
le veo es que te da dinero para no depender de la como en su momento fue la privación de la
familia. Además estás entretenido (recluso 10). libertad. A partir de ese punto todos tuvieron
la necesidad de reinsertarse en el mercado
de trabajo, y de hacerlo en un nuevo empleo,
Estas valoraciones sin duda pueden ser
generalmente, también en una nueva profe-
contraproducentes porque contribuyen a
sión. Pero existen condiciones que demar-
deslegitimar el mundo del trabajo que, en
can el campo de posibilidades y los límites
muchos casos, comenzaban a descubrir. Las
de la inserción. Por un lado, los factores so-
críticas incluyen también la norma de distri-
ciodemográficos que condicionan habitual-
bución de las tareas que se percibe injusta.
mente la oferta en el mercado de trabajo
—sexo, edad, nacionalidad, nivel de estu-
Los trabajos en prisión son muy desiguales. Unos dios—; por otro, los soportes sociales —afec-
requieren mucho esfuerzo y otros muy poco; unos tivos y materiales— que apoyan la inserción.
cobran más y otros menos, y no hay ninguna rela- El estigma de haber estado en prisión tam-
ción entre esfuerzo y remuneración (ex recluso 19). bién es una dificultad, sobre todo en perso-
nas con trayectorias laborales ascendentes
Con relación a las competencias adquiri- y niveles educativos altos que aspiran a con-
das mediante el trabajo productivo hay dos seguir ocupaciones con cierta autonomía y
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
198 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 199
no comunitarios que carecen de permiso de sus trayectorias laborales. Por otro lado, los
trabajo. Esta situación implica que no podrán ex reclusos con bajos niveles educativo-
formalizar un contrato de trabajo hasta que formativos y sin experiencia de trabajo, an-
obtengan un nuevo permiso, tres años des- tes de la crisis, encontraban empleo en los
pués de que haya finalizado formalmente la segmentos secundarios del mercado laboral
condena. A pesar de la gravedad que reviste —limpieza y mantenimiento de bosques, re-
esta situación para concretar una reinserción ciclaje de materiales, reparación de vivien-
sociolaboral exitosa, hay dos indicadores que das, hostelería—. No obstante, más allá de
la relativizan. El primero es que no existe una las diferencias de género, generacionales o
relación directa entre falta de «papeles» y ac- étnicas, la ocupación posterior a la recupe-
tividad delictiva. En todo caso, cuando se ha ración de la libertad tiene relación con la tra-
podido indagar en ello, la hipótesis a explorar yectoria laboral previa a la reclusión. Aquellas
sería el nexo entre delito y falta de trabajo, no personas para las cuales el mundo del traba-
de «papeles». El segundo es que manifiestan jo había sido hostil o ajeno tienen por delan-
deseos de permanecer en España cuando te un esfuerzo adicional.
termine la reclusión. Estos hallazgos llevaron
Por último, las entrevistas a los ex reclu-
a investigar qué estrategias llevan a cabo para
sos permiten constatar que los vínculos so-
sobrellevar o superar la indocumentación. Se
ciales son un factor clave para la reinserción,
encontraron tres, siendo las dos primeras
coincidiendo con los testimonios de los ex-
más habituales y complementarias entre sí. La
pertos y las fuentes bibliográficas (Sampson
primera estrategia consiste en contraer matri-
y Laub, 1995; Travis, 2005). Sin embargo, la
monio con parejas españolas (de origen o
carencia de vínculos es habitual entre los ex
nacionalizadas) para recuperar el permiso de
reclusos: a veces porque se perdieron antes
trabajo; es su opción óptima porque el ex re-
de la reclusión, a veces durante, como un
cluso encuentra en la pareja una solución le-
«mal necesario» para abandonar el mundo
gal, vivienda, apoyo económico y, sobre todo,
del delito o como un «daño colateral». Sea
emocional. La segunda es el trabajo en la
como fuere, constituye un serio problema
economía sumergida. Una situación que no
porque la reinserción en soledad aparece
es nueva para esta población y que además
como una meta difícil.
se ve favorecida por los sectores en los que
trabajan (la construcción o el trabajo domés-
tico, por ejemplo). La tercera estrategia, fre- La familia es una pieza clave en esto. Tú a lo mejor
cuente sobre todo en los jóvenes, es «refu- quieres reinsertarte, crees en esto, pero hay gente
giarse» en la familia hasta recuperar el estatus que quiere pero no puede porque el entorno, si tú
legal perdido. tienes un entorno picao entonces es mil veces
complicado, por no decir imposible… si tú estás
El nivel educativo, la formación ocupacio-
en un entorno desestructurado te acabas pudrien-
nal y la experiencia de trabajo condicionan
de manera importante la inserción laboral. do igual (recluso 04).
Obviamente, los ex reclusos con más cre-
denciales educativas y experiencia de traba- La contención afectiva y material se con-
jo tienen más y mejores recursos de cara a la creta a través de la familia directa. Los hom-
reinserción; pero en estos casos, la edad, el bres por medio de la pareja —para los «pro-
estigma de la prisión y la desconexión con el fesionales del delito» constituye casi la única
mercado laboral acotan las posibilidades de opción a su alcance—, las mujeres por me-
encontrar un empleo acorde con sus expec- dio de sus hijos y los jóvenes por sus padres.
tativas. El paso por la prisión, incluidos cur- Por el contrario, muchos relatos hacen hin-
sos y talleres, es un hueco irremediable en capié en el «desamparo institucional» en el
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
200 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
que quedan cuando obtienen la libertad de- Sobre la segunda hipótesis, la reinserción
finitiva. A partir de ese momento desapare- como un proceso de transición influido por el
cen de sus vidas la prisión y los instrumentos entorno social, destacan dos vertientes de
de reinserción del Departamento de Justicia. resultados. Una primera se comprueba que
el distanciamiento del delito es un proceso de
Tú no puedes salir de la prisión, como es en el transición complejo que tiene avances y retro-
99,9%, con una mano atrás y otra delante, en el cesos, fases y tiempos diferentes según la
sentido de que nadie te busca trabajo… Como no edad, los años de condena, el capital social
tengas ayuda vas a delinquir, porque ¿cómo vives?
—y afectivo—, entre otros. También es un
El que tiene familia, suerte, como es mi caso, pero
proceso sensible a acontecimientos vitales
hay mucha gente que no tiene a nadie (recluso 04).
como la constitución o ruptura de una pareja,
el nacimiento de un hijo o el deterioro de la
salud como remarcan Luque Reina et al.
(2005). En este sentido parece razonable con-
CONCLUSIONES
tinuar profundizando en futuras investigacio-
En cuanto a la primera hipótesis, los reclusos nes a partir de dos líneas apuntadas en la
se caracterizan por participar de una cultura discusión teórica: el autocontrol situacional
del trabajo poco o nada arraigada, difícil de (Wikström y Treiber, 2007) y las instituciones
cambiar en un centro penitenciario en el cual de control social (Sampson y Laub, 1995).
se reproducen subculturas que normalizan el La segunda vertiente concierne al papel
delito. En palabras de un recluso, «dentro pue- de los vínculos sociales en el proceso de rein-
des encontrar lo mismo que tenías fuera». En serción de los ex reclusos. La evidencia em-
ese sentido, la prisión parece ser un obstácu- pírica confirma los presupuestos de partida
lo, más que una vía para la reinserción; difícil en el sentido de que los lazos sociales juegan
de remover ya que se trata de una tensión pro- un papel fundamental para la reinserción,
pia a la institución penitenciaria entre su finali- siendo los más importantes, como sugieren
dad de recluir y disciplinar y, al mismo tiempo, Sampson y Laub (1995) y Bales y Mears
de reinsertar y construir voluntades autóno- (2008), aquellos que se establecen con fami-
mas. Hasta aquí nuestros resultados coinci- liares directos (pareja para los hombres, hijos
den, grosso modo, con los mencionados en para las mujeres). Las amistades solo actúan
estudios previos (Travis, 2005; Bushway, positivamente cuando no conectan con acti-
2003). Sin embargo, en nuestro estudio se vidades delictivas y son difíciles de preservar
constata que los ex reclusos con niveles edu- y/o construir en la prisión (Baskin y Sommers,
cativos y de formación profesional muy bajos 1998). En síntesis, los lazos familiares infun-
no tenían —antes de la crisis económica— ex- den un sentimiento de responsabilidad que se
cesivas dificultades para encontrar un empleo proyecta sobre el trabajo, aunque no son tan
al salir de la prisión; eso sí, en empleos ma- importantes para hallar un empleo, pero sí
nuales con pocas exigencias de cualificación para evitar la reincidencia en el delito por el
y bajo salario, muy por debajo de las expecta- apoyo material y emocional que suponen. En
tivas de los reclusos con trayectorias laborales cambio, disponer de una ocupación estable y
previas o niveles educativos medio-altos. En de unas relaciones de trabajo de cierta cali-
este sentido, al menos antes de la crisis eco- dad consolida la reinserción.
nómica, se obtenían resultados de inserción y La tercera hipótesis concierne al rol que
esto relativiza los enfoques más conservado- desempeñan la formación y el empleo en las
res y pesimistas —del tipo nothing works—, y prisiones en la reinserción laboral de los ex
sitúa los resultados del estudio en la órbita de reclusos. En conjunto, y a priori, el análisis de
los obtenidos por Travis (2005). los discursos confirma la hipótesis planteada
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 201
porque valoran estas acciones más por sus El análisis del discurso de los expertos
funciones latentes que por las manifiestas, apunta dos cuestiones relacionadas con lo
por decirlo en términos funcionalistas. Es de- que venimos señalando. La primera se refie-
cir, la acción institucional obtiene resultados re a que las acciones formativas y laborales
significativos de cara a la reinserción de los promovidas por el CIRE ayudan a la reinser-
reclusos, aunque estos no coinciden con el ción, sobre todo, a través de la función edu-
principal objetivo que enuncian (el aprendi- cativa que desempeñan; lo cual es especial-
zaje de oficios para una futura reinserción mente evidente para aquellos que acreditan
laboral), algo que ya apuntaba Simon (1999). trayectorias vitales desestructuradas y expe-
El análisis de los discursos de los reclusos y riencias reiteradas de fracaso escolar. Estas
ex reclusos muestra que la realización de características están presentes sobre todo
cursos de formación y el trabajo en los talle- en los reclusos más jóvenes. La segunda su-
res del sistema penitenciario contribuyen a la braya una tensión estructural que atravesaría
reinserción pero, paradójicamente, por moti- la institución y que puede ser fuente de des-
vos ajenos al contenido de esas mismas ac- confianza entre la población carcelaria; por
ciones. Según los entrevistados, los motivos un lado, el CIRE es parte del sistema peniten-
principales son: a) «alejarse del patio» para ciario, pero, por otro, actúa en el mercado de
evitar la interacción con reclusos vinculados trabajo como una empresa de colocación de
al delito o la reproducción de una cultura car- trabajadores. Algunos entrevistados —miem-
celaria de resistencia a la autoridad, como bros de empresas colaboradoras— mencio-
sostiene la Escuela de Chicago; b) combatir nan que el afán de inserción de reclusos
el tedio y conservar el equilibrio emocional; hace que el CIRE compita en precios —sala-
c) obtener un salario que permita mejorar la rios— bajos frente a las empresas de inser-
calidad de vida en la prisión o enviar dinero ción, ordinarias, incluso ONG.
a la familia; y d) adoptar, en el caso de los Resumiendo, los reclusos han resignifica-
que han normalizado el delito, «una pose» de do las acciones de formación y empleo en la
buena conducta de cara a obtener benefi- prisión previstas para su reinserción, ade-
cios penitenciarios y de trazar una señal que cuándolas a las necesidades impuestas por
muestra la voluntad de inserción por parte de la lógica carcelaria. Ello no implica que estas
aquellos decididos a abandonar la vida de- acciones se desvirtúen completamente;
lictiva. cumplen una función terapéutica y educativa
El balance del aprendizaje de un oficio en importante en la resocialización de los reclu-
los cursos y talleres productivos es ambiguo sos en una cultura del esfuerzo y del trabajo,
puesto que hay quienes utilizan las compe- tal como adelantaron Miguélez et al. (2006) y
tencias adquiridas, quienes lo hacen solo Guilbaud (2008). De este modo la tercera hi-
parcialmente y quienes no sacan ningún pro- pótesis queda confirmada solo parcialmen-
vecho. Los discursos permiten plantear tres te, lo cual invita a continuar profundizando
explicaciones al respecto. La primera apunta en ella en línea con las conclusiones de
a las propias limitaciones de la formación en Bushway (2003) o Simon (1999).
términos de su escasa profesionalización; la El estudio permite proponer algunas su-
segunda sostiene que las ocupaciones a las gerencias para el perfeccionamiento de las
que acceden habitualmente los reclusos ne- acciones de reinserción social de reclusos.
cesitan poca o ninguna formación previa; y Por lo que se refiere a la formación profesio-
la tercera, desde una perspectiva psicoso- nal, esta debería apuntar a formar trabajado-
cial, la formación aporta ventajas si contribu- res más polivalentes y fijar hábitos de buena
ye a incrementar la autoestima en personas conducta en el trabajo, de tal modo que las
con reiterados fracasos educativos. acciones llegaran a ser internalizadas como
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
202 La inserción laboral de ex reclusos. Una aproximación cualitativa
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conveniente, pues, la revisión del tipo de cur- cial Ties and the Transition to Society: Does
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RECEPCIÓN: 30/12/2011
REVISIÓN: 10/07/2012
APROBACIÓN: 25/09/2012
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, Enero - Marzo 2014, pp. 99-
doi:10.5477/cis/reis.145.181
Citation
Esteban, Fernando; Alós, Ramon; Jódar, Pere and Miguélez, Fausto (2014). “‘Ex-inmates’ Job
Placement. A Qualitive Approach”. Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 145: 181-204.
(http://dx.doi.org/10.5477/cis/reis.145.181)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
182 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
(Former inmate)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 183
had been in prison for less than three years, School, criminal behaviour is learned by in-
those who had been placed in an open pri- teracting with others, basically intimate
son regime and those who had shown great- groups, in terms of favourable or unfavou-
er motivation in the year prior to their release. rable definitions; emphasising especially the
Taking this information into account, the concept of the prison culture (Lilly et al.,
aim of this paper is to analyse how experts 2007). In a similar vein, for Jiang and Winfree
and, above all, people who have been in (2006) prison fosters a way of socialising in
prison, perceive the work re-entry process which the inmate assumes the habits and
after release. The structure of the article is as culture of the prison; these values and norms
follows: the state of affairs and the guiding are largely derived from previous ways of so-
hypotheses are presented first. A description cialising, as well as partly from the prison
of the methodology used is then provided, system, promoting habits that encourage re-
and the main results are introduced, followed sistance to re-entry, both during and after
by the conclusion. imprisonment.
From the perspective of structural func-
tionalism, taking Merton as a reference,
CRIME AND RE-ENTRY FROM strain theories are proposed here: the impos-
THE CRIMINOLOGY PERSPECTIVE: sibility of obtaining desired objectives by le-
ANALYSIS AND HYPOTHESIS gal means causes a strong pressure towards
deviant behaviour. This tension results in
Although Spain has had little tradition of
crime particularly when it gives rise to nega-
criminology studies, the literature in this field
tive emotions, in conditions of scant social
is broad and varied 2. It is very common to
support, with limited resources, and by as-
find analyses of the causes of crime in this
sociating with delinquent peers or individuals
body of knowledge, as well as the construc-
with low social control (Rebellon et al., 2009).
tion of typologies by establishing correlations
Messner and Rosenfeld (2007), however,
with the accused’s personal characteristics
pointed out that this pressure is aggravated
or with social or structural factors. In this way
by the perception of injustice. The authors
criminological theory reproduces the tension
hold that, within a context of growing social
between structure and subject, a traditional
inequality, the expansion of competitive indi-
dilemma in social theory. With respect to this
vidualism that identifies success with finan-
study, the dilemma can be expressed in the
cial profits fosters criminal behaviour.
following way: what type of factors prevail in
the re-entry of prisoners into employment? More recently, in the 1980s and 1990s,
Do the actions (of repression and preparation with the spread of neoliberal ideas, conser-
for re-entry) carried out in prisons prevail, or vative theories became strongly supported in
rather, is the personal trajectory (in terms of criminology. According to Wacquant (1999),
the person’s life, work, crime path) and the this wide acceptance, firstly in the United
motivation of the individual more important? States, and later in Europe, is due to the re-
When ordering the answers to the dilem- conceptualisation of the role of the State and
ma we find, firstly, the Chicago School of citizenship in a context of broader social
Criminology, reminiscent of interwar sym- transformations. The shrinking of the Welfare
bolic interactionism. According to this State and its policies of social cohesion en-
courages the strengthening of the role of the
State as a means of crime control, which
2 An exhaustive review of criminology studies carried manages poverty through the police forces,
out in Spain can be found in Barberet (2005) courts and prisons. The governance of the
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
184 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
social insecurity generated (in Foucault’s thors, the difficulty in maintaining their job is
terms) is guaranteed, on the one hand, by the the major obstacle to overcome in employ-
discipline of the growing deskilling and de- ment re-entry. Also in the context of Catalo-
regulation of the labour market and, on the nia, Saresa and Sales (2009) studied the
other hand, through the criminalisation of the pathways of social exclusion and empha-
population excluded as a result of this pre- sised the following risk factors for going to
carious situation. prison: young age, lower education level,
Following this line of reasoning, Gottfred- bad relationships with parents or absence of
son and Hirschi (1990) proposed a concept emotional support, as well as having been
of control understood as a permanent inner expelled from school and subjected to
state, more than as a social product: crime is abuse, or having been drug addicts in the
due to opportunities that arise for people transition from adolescence to adulthood.
who have little self-control. Hence, crime oc- Finally, reference must be made to the
curs among the young, among individuals role of prison work (and training) in the re-
who do not look after many aspects of their entry of people subject to judicial measures.
life (alcohol, drugs ). Years later Wikström Returning to the dilemma between the indi-
and Treiber (2007) considered self-control to vidual and structure discussed at the open-
be a situational concept, more than an indi- ing of this section, our theoretical proposal
vidual characteristic: the ability of an indi- therefore focuses on the transition process
vidual to control themselves or to give in re- from prison to re-integration into society, in
sults from the interaction between their particular, to employment-related aspects.
capacities (an individual characteristic) and Omitting a good part of the determinisms
the social position of which they are a part that have characterised the theoretical devel-
(the environment). opment, Figure 1 collects together the di-
Sampson and Laub (1995), after obser- mensions highlighted in the specialised lit-
ving a large number of criminal trajectories, erature, organised according to the working
found similarities in human behaviour, al- hypotheses described below and to three
though they advised that certain social con- different time periods (before, during, and af-
trols can be a turning point. They highlighted ter prison). Our intention is to propose a
the importance of emotional bonds; for mixed explanatory model (see LeBel et al.,
example, the more social capital (family, 2008), which captures the individual and
work) adults have, the more they curb their subjective factors that influence the propen-
criminal behaviour. And, in relation to work, sity to commit crime, together with the com-
something that fosters the development of bination of institutional and context-related
social control is the quality of the employer- factors.
worker relationship: obligations, expecta- The first hypothesis or starting point is
tions, stability. supported by the idea, widely developed by
Closer to Catalonia, Luque Reina et al. researchers in the field, that the majority of the
(2005) studied prison recidivism by analysing people in prisons do not consider the world of
those released from prison in 1997. These employment to be legitimate before being im-
authors found that in the five years prior to prisoned. An additional contributing element
being released, 51.8% of the ex-prisoners is the fact that they have very low educational
returned to prison (37.4% for new offences). levels, and scant professional training. Many
Sex, age, years spent in prison, criminal his- inmates also come from communities or envi-
tory and the type of crime were related to the ronments removed from legitimate occupa-
risk of re-offending. According to the au- tions. Some studies, therefore, positively re-
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 185
FIGURE 1. Variables and dimensions in the process of re-entry into the labour market
Personal
Demographic Family-related
and and social Occupational
psychological Parents, Education Criminal Transition to
children, and work Types of crime, freedom. End
friends experience; sentences and of relationship
employment behaviour in with institution
Personal history prison.
motivation Crime path
SOCIETY
PRISON
Labour
market
Individual’s Institutional Institutional
motivation Opportunities Opportunities for
for training and occupational re-entry
learning new (Training and
habits and skills workshops outside
(Training and prison. Vocational
workshops) guidance)
late delinquency to work instability and cupational training within prisons. Those who
unemployment, and negatively with earnings hold critical positions, such as Simon (1999),
(Travis, 2005). We maintain that employment maintain that inmates do not acquire any
history and experience, combined with per- professional knowledge and skills, given that
sonal motivation to leave crime behind, influ- the tasks carried out are manual and largely
ence the work re-entry process. unskilled; but also because of the rationale of
prisons themselves (changes of destination,
The second hypothesis proposes that
summons, sanctions), which produces a
abandoning old habits and deciding to start
fracture between their status under criminal
a new life constitutes a long transition pro-
law and training and work placements aimed
cess (Bushway, 2003; Maruna, 2001), in
at re-entry. However, others maintain that
which it is essential to ‘break away’ from old
these practices are justified not only for em-
social links, or at least, from a significant part
ployment re-entry purposes, but also be-
of them, so as to construct new ones (Baskin
cause these activities occupy the prisoners’
and Sommer, 1998); included in this are also
time, make it easier to maintain order in pris-
other important relationships, such as ob-
ons and also provide inmates with income. In
taining and maintaining stable employment
this way, they indirectly contribute towards
(Travis, 2005; Bales and Mears, 2008). the prisoners’ rehabilitation (Bushway, 2003).
The third hypothesis refers to the role of A study focused on income earning work in
the income-generating workshops and oc- Catalan prisons (Alós et al., 2009; Miguélez
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
186 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
et al., 2006) confirmed the importance of this employment (objective and subjective; indi-
activity as a way of structuring inmates’3 vidual, institutional and structural in nature).
day-to-day life, as well as having a significant As we argued above, the probability of a suc-
educational effect on both patterns and be- cessful reintegration does not depend only
haviour, especially for those inmates who on the dimensions outlined in Figure 1, but
failed at school and with dysfunctional life probably also on the appropriate combina-
histories (most obvious amongst the young). tion of several of them. Qualitative methods
Both the educational and therapeutic func- are appropriate for the analysis of the type of
tions of work in prisons could at first glance dilemma discussed here.
be invisible, but the (re)learning of habit pat- Qualitative techniques were deployed in
terns is fundamental for the acquisition of two stages. The first consisted of 11 semi-
values linked to the socialisation process structured interviews, carried out between
and, consequently, for a later re-entry into September and December 2009, with people
work and society. To sum up, we hold that, who were considered to be sufficiently qual-
although work and training programmes in ified to be expert informants: employment
prisons (the institutional dimension) seem to counsellors (working in prisons), employers
be only tangentially related to the future re- or managers of institutions that contract in-
entry of inmates into the workforce, they mates and ex-inmates, and experts in em-
moderately contribute to it. ployment re-entry and the mechanisms that
Finally, whilst we do not include it as a foster it (see Table 1). The sample therefore
hypothesis, we take into account the impact included the entire gamut of those respon-
of a criminal background and experience, sible for the various stages of reintegration.
which also influences work and social re- The interview script was structured into two
entry as a success story or a failure. parts, one dealing with the typical work
paths of former inmates, and the other one,
focused on aspects that made employment
METHODOLOGY re-entry easier or more difficult.
3 In this study we use the term ‘inmate’ and ‘ex-inmate/ 6 Training organisation
former inmate’, in line with the terms used by the main
7 Training organisation
body commissioning this research and by experts in the
field; its specialisation in re-entry, especially in re-entry 8 Ordinary company
into employment, justifies the softening of terms such
as prisoners or inmates. In this paper we use the term 9 Ordinary company
‘inmate’ to describe level 2 and level 3 prisoners within
the Spanish system (those in ordinary prison regime and 10 Work integration social enterprise (WISE)
those in open prison regime, respectively), and the term 11 Work integration social enterprise (WISE)
ex-inmate/former inmate to describe those people on
parole or who have been fully released. Source: Authors’ research.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 187
The second stage consisted of interviews been fully released, it was not possible to
made during the fieldwork carried out be- achieve this aim. This was due to two spe-
tween June and July 2010, from our typologi- cific characteristics of this population: the
cal sample of 25 inmates and former inmates, impossibility of having direct access to them,
aimed at reconstructing their personal and due to the confidentiality of the records, and
work histories. The selected sample sought to the obvious wish of ex-inmates to ‘discon-
reproduce the diversity of this universe based nect’ from their past. The sample obtained
on three main attributes considered by the was not, then, the most desirable, but taking
specialist literature: demographic characteris- into account the diversity and complexity of
tics, status under criminal law and criminal the fragment of real life observed, it was ap-
behaviour, and work and training carried out propriate.
in prisons. As a control mechanism, attempts The interview script focused mainly on
were made to maintain, wherever possible, social and family life and the working life of
the proportions that these dimensions acquire inmates and ex-inmates. This last was con-
in the inmate population. cerned with the detection of strengths and
The demographic aspects were sex, age, weaknesses of the training and work activi-
and country of origin. 22 men and 3 women ties carried out during their confinement. Fol-
were interviewed; 4 youths (under 35 years lowing the chronology suggested by the hy-
old), 10 middle-aged adults (between 36 and potheses, the study was structured around
45 years old) and 11 people who were over three different times in the individuals’ life:
46 years old, 14 Spanish natives and 11 for- before, during and after entry into prison.
eigners. In terms of those aspects related to Therefore, the analysis of the interviews fol-
the justice system, people with extensive lowed a similar pattern. The summary of the
criminal histories (the stereotypical ‘career analysis can be seen in the concept maps
criminal’), people who had been fully re- (see Figures 2 and 3).
leased and people who were in the final
phases of their sentence were interviewed;
some of them had made a successful re- PATHWAYS AND FACTORS WHICH
entry and some of them had made an unsuc- HAVE AN IMPACT ON RE-ENTRY INTO
cessful re-entry. A third were re-offenders, THE WORKFORCE: THE EXPERTS’
people who had been convicted and impris- DISCOURSE
oned more than once. This subgroup includ-
ed a wide range of offenders, from people The route to reintegration starts when the
who had been in prison twice, to those who Prison Board refer the inmate to the em-
had been in confinement thirty times. We ployment counsellor4, after evaluating their
therefore had a great variety of situations re- legal and personal situation, paying special
lated to sentence time. Lastly, the sample attention to the length of sentence uncom-
included people who had participated in vo- pleted and the inmate’s cultural, social, and
cational training courses and who had economic capital – although the latter is
worked in income-generating workshops, as more complicated to discern than the for-
well as some people who had done neither
of these things. The sample also included
three people who had a mid-to-high socio-
4 We define the route to reintegration as the set of ac-
economic level before being imprisoned (see tivities designed by the Administration of Justice intend-
Table 2). ed to promote the re-entry of inmates into society. The
route has different phases: selection, diagnosis, training,
Although the study’s design proposed a work, evaluation; there are various actors involved in this
sample mainly composed of people who had process, as well as the inmate; see Table 3.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
188 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
TABLE 2. Interviews with former prison inmates, by sex, age, origin, recidivism, workshop participation, and
current status under criminal law and employment status.
Workshop
Status under Training
N. Sex Origin Age Recidivism participa-
criminal law courses
tion
Open prison
1 Male Spanish 36 No No Yes
regime
Open prison
2 Male Immigrant 24 No Yes Yes
regime
Open prison
3 Male Spanish 51 No Yes Yes
regime
Open prison
4 Male Spanish 37 No Yes Yes
regime
Open prison
7 Male Spanish 35 Yes No Yes
regime
Open prison
9 Male Spanish 46 Yes Yes Yes
regime
Ordinary
10 Male Spanish 56 Yes Yes Yes
prison regime
Ordinary
11 Male Spanish 55 Yes Yes Yes
prison regime
Open prison
12 Male Immigrant 39 No Yes No
regime
Open prison
13 Male Immigrant 38 Yes Yes No
regime
Open prison
14 Male Immigrant 50 No Yes Yes
regime
Open prison
15 Male Immigrant 26 Yes Yes Yes
regime
Open prison
16 Male Spanish 45-50 No Yes Yes
regime
17 Male Immigrant 40 No Final release Yes No
18 Male Spanish 45-50 No Parole No Yes
19 Male Spanish 50 No Final release Yes Yes
20 Male Immigrant 50 No Final release Yes No
21 Male Spanish 54 Yes Final release Yes Yes
22 Female Immigrant 45 No Final release No Yes
23 Female Immigrant 35 No Final release Yes Yes
24 Male Spanish 61 No Final release Yes Yes
25 Male Spanish 36 No Final release Yes Yes
Source: Authors’ research.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
FIGURE 2. Concept map of the labour market entry process for former prison inmates, according to the experts’ discourse.
training
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez
MARKET ENTRY
Family bonds
Self-esteem
Long
Sentence time
Young
Age
Mature
Men Women Short
Negatively influencing
Source: Authors’ research.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
189
FIGURE 3. Concept map of the labour market entry process for prison inmates and former prison inmates, according to their own discourse.
190
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
No profession, short or intermittent
work history Moving away from the prison yard
Therapy against boredom In-prison
occupational
Future job opportunities training
Motivation
Inmates in ordinary prison regime (level 2 in the Spanish prison system) and open
prison degree (level 3 in the Spanish prison system) End of sentence
Selection Diagnostic Training Work
Education experts
Employment CIRE and
Prison Board and training
counsellor companies
companies
No job vacancies
Inmates in ordinary – Analyses pros Referral towards oc- – CIRE employ- offered, no follow-
prison regime and and cons: social cupational training ment workshops up, no other kind of
open prison regime situation, family – 2 types of com- relationship
The Prison Board situation, status panies:
sends a report to under criminal • Work integra-
the Court law and educa- tion social en-
tion and work terprises
experience • ordinary com-
– Map of possible panies
jobs – Dedicated job
– Dictionary of vacancies (for
skills open prison regi-
– Competency-ba- me)
sed interviews – Agreement with
employers’ asso-
ciations
Source: Authors’ research.
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192 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
of receiving remuneration for it; the opportu- experts are very aware, they emphasised
nity of learning a trade with a view to their that certain personal requirements are more
future re-entry into employment; occupying associated with successful re-entry, whilst
the inmates’ time so that their sentence others often lead to failure. Concerning age,
passes ‘more quickly’, (and in this way give older people value work more than younger
the feeling that they are taking steps towards people, as the latter do not think that their
freedom); and inmates’ having possibly their sentence is a negative consequence of their
first ‘education success’, and so improving actions, but rather, ‘wasted time’ (with the
their perception of themselves. The experts underlying idea of a ‘stolen youth’). When
stressed the idea of a long transition over they are freed, it is normal for young people
time, in the course of which the various in- to only give value to work if it allows them to
centives occur and are combined. enjoy high levels of consumption; ‘in order to
live in the moment’ as one informant put it
Both employment counsellors and em-
(Expert 2). Here is where the Mertonian thesis
ployers agree on the importance of the edu-
proposed by Messner and Rosenfeld (2007)
cational and therapeutic role of income-gen-
comes into place, to the effect that attaining
erating workshops. The former, through the
values (money) justifies the breaking of rules.
internalisation of attitudes associated with
But as the passage of time often brings ma-
work (punctuality, good performance of tasks,
turity, security and caution, and these dimin-
responsibility, hygiene and personal care), and
ish the strong emotions that are associated
the latter, by contributing to avoiding, or get-
with crime, age also brings with it fear and a
ting out of, the prison culture. As the manager
lower capacity to adapt and learn. One could
of a Work Integration Social Enterprise said,
say that with older age, there is a lower prob-
‘prison is a world apart’ (Expert 10), alluding in
ability of re-entry into the labour market.
this way to a social and symbolic space with
Therefore age has an ambivalent effect on
its own characteristics. The rules and values
the re-entry of inmates into employment.
of the prison system require specific re-social-
isation initiatives or moving closer to the cul- Another factor that influences the suc-
ture of the society that surrounds it. However, cessful or unsuccessful re-entry is sex. Men
good performance at this stage does not and women have different behaviour in terms
guarantee success, as it is only an acceptable of re-entry, and this is most evident in adult-
indicator that the candidate meets some min- hood. It can be explained by women’s family
imum criteria. The key, once the above has burdens, which make them ‘have a different
been guaranteed, is the inmate’s motivation. perspective about re-entry into employment,
In the words of an employment counsellor: thinking long-term and seeking stability’ (Ex-
pert 1). Nevertheless, while the care of their
children acts as an incentive, there are cases
‘Those who go to the workshops, in general, are
in which it can be an obstacle for an effective
already motivated; but if they are not motivated
reintegration into the workforce. When bal-
before going to the workshop, they won’t find mo-
ance between family and work life cannot be
tivation there. Some go just to qualify for the open
achieved, a common occurrence in the man-
prison regime, and are not motivated at all; but
ual jobs that female former inmates have ac-
very few become motivated there, the tasks are
cess to, childcare responsibilities prevent
essentially routine, mechanical, and they do not
them from maintaining their job. Again an-
like to do them (Expert 3)’.
other variable has an ambivalent effect, and
it depends on the interaction with other di-
Still in the realm of the interaction be- mensions. The family ties (partner, children,
tween the different dimensions, of which the siblings or parents, for the younger inmates)
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 193
appear in the experts’ discourse as playing greater sense of disconnection from the real
an essential role in achieving reintegration conditions of the labour market, as well as
into society and employment, particularly the loss of family and social ties. It is normal
when leaving prison. The greater the effort for people who undergo long sentences to
required by a former inmate to change old face freedom with more difficulty and with
self-destructive or anti-social habits, the fear: ‘…they face life with great caution, and
more relevant the support of family bonds small day-to-day problems become dea-
becomes; however, these do not always last, dends, as they have not lost their fears’ (Ex-
particularly after long sentences. Still, the pert 10).
criminal and prison history does not explain Lastly, the inmates’ own motivation for
in itself the lack of social capital; other deter- dealing with the process of re-entry into the
mining aspects are age, family life cycle and, workforce is worth mentioning. All of the in-
above all, the emotional background of each formants emphasised how decisive ‘the will’
individual. As an employment counsellor or ‘the wish’ to change is to build a legitimate
pointed out, ‘the ties that they find when they future. Motivation is always shown in observ-
leave prison are those that they had prior to able behaviour that can be summarised by
their entry’ (Expert 2). appealing to an old functionalist dichotomy,
Another factor that influences re-entry between resistance and integration.
into employment, although differently from
the ones mentioned previously, is the natio-
‘I don’t see any differences among the inmates,
nality of the ex-inmates. Foreign-born, non-
other than in motivation. Those who had a profes-
Spanish nationals who have lost their permits
sion before going to prison, those who did a lot of
to work and live in Spain during their impris-
activities during their time in prison, those who
onment cannot recover them later, despite
had interests, these people have motivation and if
having efficiently carried out the whole re-
they are motivated, everything is easier (Expert 3).’
entry preparation process6. This situation
paralyses the ex-inmate, and is a source of
However, there was no consensus
frustration for the informants, as the foreign
amongst the experts on the initial source of
population is generally more motivated than
motivation. There are those who attach im-
the native population. Additionally, it reduces
portance to causes intrinsic to the individual
the meaning of the effort and resources pro-
(for example, the wish to recover their au-
vided by the Administration.
tonomy or a moral commitment to their loved
The length of sentence is another factor ones), others who believe that there are ex-
which, according to all the experts, affects trinsic reasons (the pressure of the punitive
the success or failure of re-entry into employ- system being the most important), and oth-
ment. This factor operates in various ways. ers hold that it is a combination of both. In
On the one hand, it is associated with age: any case, it must be stressed that, while the
the older a worker is, the more difficult re- three types of causes depend on their mean-
entry into the labour market will be. On the ing given to them by the individual, the ex-
other, the time of imprisonment causes a trinsic factors can be more easily controlled
by the prison system.
Summarising the experts’ contribution,
6 Residence and/or work permits are lost if a foreigner we can see that they outlined the different
is sentenced to more than one year in prison. Addition- dimensions contained in the theoretical li-
ally, they cannot apply for another residence permit in
the country until their criminal background has been ex- terature, and gave them different weight, ac-
punged, once their sentence time has been served. cording to their specific field of experience.
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
194 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
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Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 195
dence, whilst from differing profiles, is ac- Another way of representing the training is
companied by relatively high educational by giving it a therapeutic value. The fight
levels and some form of vocational qualifica- against time is one of the first battles inmates
tion. They are identified as ‘working people’. must win. Training activities contribute in
keeping the mind occupied; time passes fast-
During the stay in prison
er and the sadness of memories is avoided. It
also keeps them away from the prison yard
and its ‘threats’. The majority of those inter-
Occupational training courses
viewed agreed that the prison yard makes
During the stay in prison, the majority of the time pass very slowly and is an ideal place in
inmates carried out occupational training ac- which to reproduce criminal behaviour.
tivities, either specific training courses or for-
mal education. These activities occupy a ‘To pass the time a bit… there are many hours in
privileged position in the CIRE re-entry pre- the prison yard and whether you like it or not, you
paration programmes, and have become get bored; it is better to keep your mind occupied
even more important after the fall in employ- so that time passes faster’ (Inmate 2).
ment in the last few years. Occupational
training is varied, focuses on the learning of
trades, and is available to inmates after the ‘In prison there is time, and if you organ-
completion of a certain proportion of their ise it, you can take advantage of it’, said In-
sentence time. In general terms, there are mate 13. There are inmates who were always
three underlying ways of understanding pri- convinced that time is a resource, whilst
soners’ training: a message to the authorities others became convinced along the way. In
any case, training is understood to be a use-
that the person has chosen ‘the right path’; a
ful tool for the future, and is valued most by
form of therapy to fill up excess free time;
those convicts with lower levels of education
and a way of acquiring useful competencies
or without any vocational training.
in order to find work in the future. The predis-
position of inmates to undertake training
courses, and to make the most of them, is a ‘… but at least now I know how to do a paper, read
sign to the Prison Board that shows a willing- the newspaper’ (Prisoner 15)
ness to cooperate. Female former inmate 23 ‘I didn’t have any language [skills], I didn’t go to
expressed it clearly: ‘People go to work- school when I was little. I spoke street jargon, you
shops and courses because this counts to- wouldn’t understand anything, but by reading I
wards being placed in an open regime’. This learnt to express myself well, and to have conver-
strategy does not vary amongst different sations of all kinds’ (Inmate 9).
groups of prisoners, but it is more usual in
people with long criminal records, probably
The assessment made by inmates of the
because they know the intricacies of the
training activities also showed discrepancies.
prison system better. Following Jiang and
Those with lower levels of education and
Thomas (2006), choosing the classroom
professional training rated these initiatives
above the recreation yard, and integration
highly, whilst those with professional experi-
above resistance, is a valid option in prison
ence and a certain educational level criti-
culture. But it is also a normalisation strategy;
cised the content and the organisation:
to show that the personal models proposed
by the authorities have been accepted, avoid-
ing conflict and, in this way, obtaining re- ‘They are of little use for professional work… they
wards. are not paid either’ (Former inmate 23).
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196 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
‘The courses are not well put together. They all keep prisoners occupied, as well as helping
have the same structure, they don’t teach you them to internalise self-discipline patterns
anything’ (Former inmate 21). and responsibility, and to value effort. All of
‘They are very short (‘didn’t last’), in the computers them are issues that contribute to the gover-
course there was equipment that didn’t work’ (For- nance of prisons by imposing discipline on
mer inmate 24). workers (Foucault, 1975). It has to be said
that the specialist literature, experts, and
prisoners almost unanimously agreed on this
In summary, the majority of inmates par- function.
ticipated in training courses, including those
who were less motivated. However, the ob-
jectives for attending are often different from ‘The only good thing about it is that you don’t lose
those sought by the institution, in line with the habit of working, the obligation of going, get-
some of the more pessimistic views found in ting up every day, fulfilling your duties,… although
the specialist literature. The assessment of there are people who don’t accept the demanding
the training impact also varies depending on conditions of work (Former inmate 23).
the educational and professional experience
of the inmates. Another meaning shared with occupa-
tional training, following on from what was
Work in income-generating workshops
argued previously, is that work allows one ‘to
The work done during the stay in prison has get away from the prison yard’, and so avoid
different meanings, although some are simi- possible conflicts, at the same time as giving
lar to those attributed to training. It is usually out the ‘right signs’ to the Prison Board. The
classified as a way to occupy time, or as yard represents unproductive free time, a
therapy against tedium, or against the deso- place of resistance to the punitive system,
lation produced by very crowded places. and by extension, to society itself.
This, therefore, confirms Guilbaud’s thesis
(2008) that income-generating work gives
meaning to the time in prison, and therefore, ‘One picks up bad habits in the prison yard. The
even if it is not interesting in and of itself, it officers know who the trafficker is, and if they see
contributes to the mental stability of the in- you talking to them, they consider you to be bad
mates. too. There are very bad people in prison (Former
inmate 24).
‘I came from the street with my stuff, and then you
‘It has served to keep me occupied, to help the
go in there and you see the same that you knew
day pass, to kill time. Not for money, because they
outside. If you mix in this atmosphere, you find
pay very little; and it doesn’t really teach you a people of the same type. You get fed up with a
trade either (Former inmate 21). normal person. What you need is to talk about
‘When I entered prison my world fell apart, which what you were doing, that I was selling this or that,
is why I tried to keep myself occupied all the time’ that I stole this… You got there and said that you’d
(Former inmate 25). never been in prison, but you do this and say: ‘that
one, and that one, and that one too… hell, I have
got 50 or 100 mates here’. So you start to do the
A research study conducted in Catalan
same, more or less’ (Inmate 4).
prisons (Miguélez et al., 2006) reached a
similar conclusion, but it also found, in agree-
ment with Bushway (2003), that work helped Therefore, opting for a workshop instead
to structure day-to-day life in prisons and to of the prison yard ‘indicates’ that the inmate
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Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 197
has decided to take distance from crime, as mising the world of work which, in many cases,
the work environment is hostile or foreign to they were only just starting to discover. Criticism
them. The work in the income-generating referred to the way in which tasks are distributed,
workshops also seems to be a reasonable which was seen as being unfair.‘Work in prisons is
alternative due to the earnings received. This very unequal. Some jobs require a lot of effort and
is normally used to improve the quality of the others, very little; some pay more than others and
prisoner’s life – food, tobacco, clothes – and there is no relationship between effort and remu-
to send money to their family, which is impor- neration’ (Former inmate 19).
tant for those preserving family ties.
In relation to the competencies acquired
‘I spent three years working in a workshop in the through income-generating work, there are
prison, and some months I earned 700 euros; this two issues to be emphasised. First, that the
was personally rewarding, because it helped my work is not linked to training courses or to
family, as I don’t have any more expenses, and the learning of a trade. And second, that
when my wife came to see me, I could give her the work in prisons and everything else that its
money’ (Inmate 16). organisation means for the worker – habits,
rules, remuneration, learning, hygiene, pace,
authority – occurs within the boundaries of a
So far we have seen the set of factors that `prison rationale’. Thus, whilst working in
led prisoners to attend workshops, but how workshops can give ‘a feeling of indepen-
do they assess their usefulness? On a first dence’, as held by Guilbaud (2008), in reality
approach, many voices can be heard devalu- it seems to confirm the argument made by
ing them, with doubts about the usefulness Simon (1999), according to which work is
of the exercise once out of prison; the lack of carried out under disciplinary dynamics,
rights for immigrants was also noted. But all which impedes emancipation and does not
this was aggravated even further when dis-
provide responsibility, or motivation, or a
cussing the remuneration; on this issue, the
feeling of satisfaction with the earnings. Last-
complaints were unanimous, as shown by
ly, work in prisons does not allow foreigners
Miguélez (2006).
to obtain work permits. This is a complex
situation, as it directly affects re-entry, but it
‘Working in the workshops was ok for those of us exceeds the limits of prisons as institutions.
who didn’t have anything else, due to lack of means,
but those who have means didn’t go. I worked all After the prison sentence
day, without stopping and at a good pace, and the
pay was a bit more than 200 euros. They pay by
An analysis of the interviews shows that the
piece, but very little’ (Former inmate 19).
end of the prison sentence, either partially or
totally, is as significant a turning point in the
‘The system of workshops is well set up, but very
lives of prisoners as was the loss of their
badly paid; it’s exploitation, as it is the only re-
freedom. From this point on, all of them
source you have available’ (Former inmate 23).
needed to re-enter the job market, to find a
‘The work in workshops in prisons has little use for new job, and generally, a new profession. But
employment outside. The only use that I see is that conditions exist that restrict the range of op-
it gives you money, so that you don’t depend on tions available, and the limits of re-entry. On
your family. It is also a way of occupying your time’ the one hand are the socio-demographic fac-
(Inmate 10). tors, which normally affect what is available
These assessments, without doubt, could be in the job market – sex, age, nationality, edu-
counterproductive, as they contribute in delegiti- cation level; on the other, the available social
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198 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
support, both emotional and material, which you get out and do something stupid, you will end
helps re-entry. The stigma of having been in up back in prison, they wreck your life, it isn’t
prison is also a problem, mainly for people worth it’ (Inmate 15).
with relatively strong work histories and edu- ‘How do I see myself in five years? With my little
cation levels who wish to gain employment job, my own flat and having a normal life… work is
with a certain degree of autonomy and res- the main thing (Inmate 1).
ponsibility. To a lesser extent, this also af-
fects ex-prisoners with lower educational
However, people over 50 years old
and professional profiles, pigeonholed into
showed a lack of hope about the future,
manual, low-skilled jobs. In any event, former
which they projected upon their job opportu-
inmates tend to hide their past, although the
nities. But a distinction must be made here
length of the sentence sometimes makes this
between those who have a partner (and chil-
difficult. Another condition, of a structural
dren) and those who do not. Among the for-
nature, is the economic crisis and the high
mer, the lack of hope is the result of the
rate of unemployment, which decreases the
awareness of the limitations imposed by age
prospects of re-entry into the labour market
on their labour market re-entry. The support
for vulnerable groups.
of their partner and financial needs push
The age of the workers is fundamental in them to search for a modest job until they
understanding the rationale of re-entry into reach retirement. In these cases, emotional
employment. The analysis of the accounts of containment is crucial in facing uncertainty.
the prisoners and ex-prisoners allowed us to The second group showed the bitter side of
identify, broadly speaking, two different dy- the lack of hope. Loneliness diminishes the
namics: that related to people aged up to 40 motivation necessary for re-entering the la-
years old, approximately, and that referred to bour market, which they know will be com-
those over 50. The former have a more opti- plicated. This is added to the housing prob-
mistic attitude to work and training. They want lem since, except in some exceptional cases,
to believe that they will be able to live (‘well’) most people share a rented flat or live in a
off of their work. The latter have a more care- shelter home. Freedom has a bittersweet
free attitude, exemplified by seeking an oc- taste for these men. They value it, but they
cupation that allows them to ‘live in peace’. miss the containment provided by the prison,
The youngest have projects that they hope to a refuge against the world and its morals.
complete with employment income: rent a The end of a prison sentence may involve the
house, live with their partner, pay their share end of both real and symbolic life guaran-
of the children’s food, and finish their studies. tees.
They class that future as ‘a normal life’. How-
‘This is the beginning of a hard period now. First
ever, both immigrants and Spanish natives
it’s hard to get used to the hardness of the prison,
have reached this point by different routes. On
but now it’s also hard, because you recover your
the one hand, those who have always been
home environment and you need to turn towards
employed and are used to working in indus-
this place; you need to have mental flexibility to
trial estates (and in general, have only served
get used to it… life inside prison is a good life; if
one sentence); on the other, those who have
you don’t get into trouble you can live well in pris-
looked for work for the first time, almost in-
on’ (Inmate 16)
variably ‘professional criminals’.
‘I’m convinced that when I get out I’m not going to
‘get’ anything… Working as a guard on a con-
‘Well, to get out, to get married straight away. To struction site, watching it like a little dog… it’s the
think about having a child and to settle down. If only hope I have. Well… I’ve got friends who can
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Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 199
help me [work as a] construction worker, because Obviously, former inmates with higher quali-
I’ve seen people work as construction workers fications and work experience have further
with dignity’ (Inmate 11). and better resources for re-entering work.
However, in these cases, age, the prison
stigma and the lack of connection with the
The most difficult situation amongst those
labour market limit the possibilities of finding
who have been released from prison is pro-
a job that matches their expectations. Their
bably that faced by non-EU foreign nationals time in prison, including courses and work-
with no work permit. This means that they will shops, is an unavoidable gap in their work
be unable to enter into an employment con- history. Additionally, those ex-inmates who
tract until three years have elapsed from the have low education levels and no work expe-
formal end of their prison sentence. Although rience, before the crisis managed to find
these circumstances are certainly highly pro- work in the secondary segments of the la-
blematic in terms of successfully re-entering bour market (clearing and maintaining fo-
society and the labour market, there are two rests, recycling materials, refurbishing
indicators which help to relativise the situa- homes, hotel and restaurant work). Never-
tion. The first one is that there is no direct rela- theless, beyond gender, generational or eth-
tion between a lack of work papers and crim- nic differences, occupation following release
inal activity. When conducting research into is related to the work history prior to the stay
this issue has been feasible, the explored hy- in prison. Those people to whom the employ-
pothesis was the link between crime and lack ment world had been hostile or foreign have
of work, not lack of papers. The second indi- an additional effort ahead of them.
cator is that these inmates express their wish
Lastly, the interviews with ex-prisoners
to stay in Spain when their prison sentence
confirmed that social links are a key factor in
ends. These findings led us to look into the
re-entry, something that coincides with the
strategies that they use to overcome their lack
experts’ statements and bibliographical
of work documents. Three were found, the
sources (Sampson and Laub, 1995; Travis,
first two complementing each other and being
2005). However, having no links is common
the most commonly used. The first strategy
amongst former inmates: sometimes be-
was to marry a Spanish citizen (either origi-
cause they were lost before incarceration,
nally Spanish or who has obtained the Spa-
sometimes during, as a necessary evil in
nish nationality) to recover their work permit. abandoning the world of crime, or as collat-
This is the preferred option, because the for- eral damage. However it happens, it is a seri-
mer inmate finds a legitimate solution and, ous problem, as it makes re-entry on one’s
additionally, a home, financial support and, own seem to be a serious challenge.
above all, emotional support. The second one
is working in the informal sector. This is not a
new situation for this part of the population, ‘The family is a key part in this. You want to re-
and is also favoured by the sectors in which enter, you believe in it, but there are people who
they usually work (construction or domestic want to, but cannot, because of their environment,
work, for example). The third strategy, often if you are in a damaged environment, it is a thou-
chosen by young people, is to take refuge with sand times more difficult, if not impossible… if you
their family until they recover the legal status are in dysfunctional environment you end up rot-
that they had lost. ting in the same way’ (Inmate 4).
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200 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
partners – for ‘professional criminals’ this be- tions of the inmates who had worked previ-
ing probably their only option; women, ously or had mid-to-high education levels. At
around their children; and younger offenders, least before the start of the economic crisis,
around their parents. On the contrary, many there were positive outcomes in terms of re-
accounts emphasised the abandonment in entry into the labour market, and this relativ-
which they find themselves after their release ises the more conservative and pessimistic
from prison. After this moment the prison approaches - of the ‘nothing works’ type -
and the re-entry mechanisms of the Justice and places the results of the study in the
Department disappear from their lives. context of those obtained by Travis (2005).
With respect to the second hypothesis,
‘You cannot leave prison, as is the case for 99.9% that is, re-entry into the community as a tran-
of the people, with nothing at all, and no one will sition process influenced by the social envi-
look for work for you… If you don’t have support, ronment, the results are largely twofold. The
you will do crime, how else can you live? Those first area of results involves the process of
with family are lucky, as in my case, but there are moving away from crime, a complex transi-
many people who don’t have anyone’ (Prisoner 4). tion which moves backwards and forwards,
and has different stages and timings de-
pending on age, sentence duration, and so-
CONCLUSIONS cial (and emotional) capital, amongst others.
It is also a process that is sensitive to life
Regarding the first hypothesis, inmates events, such as the making or breaking-up of
are characterised by sharing a poor or none- a relationship, the birth of a child or health
xistent work culture, which is difficult to deterioration, as noted by Luque Reina et al.
change in prison, where sub-cultures nor- (2005). In this regard, it seems reasonable to
malising crime are reproduced. In the words conduct further research based along two
of an inmate: Inside you can find the same lines mentioned in the theoretical discussion:
that you had outside . In this regard, the pri-
situational self-control (Wikström and Treiber,
son seems to be an obstacle, rather than an
2007) and social control institutions (Samp-
avenue, for re-entering into employment. It is
son and Laub, 1995).
difficult to remove it, as there is a tension in-
herent to prison institutions between their The second area of results concerns the
purpose to discipline and keep offenders in role of social bonds in the process for former
confinement, on the one hand , and to ensure inmates to re-enter society. Empirical evi-
their re-entry into society and make them dence confirms the initial assumptions, to
independently-minded, on the other hand. the effect that social links play a key role in
Up to this point, in general terms, our results terms of their re-entry, the most important
match those shown in previous studies (Tra- being those with close relatives (partner for
vis, 2005; Bushway, 2003). Nevertheless, in men, children for women), as suggested by
our study evidence is provided that former Sampson and Laub (1995) and Bales and
prisoners with very low education and voca- Mears (2008). Relationships with friends are
tional training levels did not use to have difficult to preserve and/or build while in pri-
much difficulty in finding a job after being re- son, and they are only positive when they are
leased from prison before the economic cri- not related to criminal activities (Baskin and
sis. It must be noted, however, that such Sommers, 1998). In short, family ties create
employment involved manual labour and a feeling of responsibility that is projected
only low qualifications were required. Sala- into work, although they are not so important
ries were also low, well below the expecta- in terms of finding a job as they are in terms
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
Fernando Esteban, Ramon Alós, Pere Jódar y Fausto Miguélez 201
of avoiding re-offending, due to the material learnt, some only use them partially and
and emotional support they involve. Ho- some do not put them to any use at all. The
wever, having a stable occupation and rea- discourses give rise to three explanations in
sonably good work relationships consoli- this regard. The first one is directed to the
dates the re-entry process. very limitations of the training in terms of its
The third hypothesis concerns the role poor professional status; the second one
played by training and employment inside holds that the occupations to which former
prisons in connection with the entry of ex- inmates usually have access require hardly
inmates into the labour market. As a whole, any previous training or no training at all; and
on a first approach, the analysis of the dis- the third one, from a social psychology per-
courses confirms the hypothesis posed, be- spective, indicates that training has advan-
cause these actions are valued more be- tages if it contributes to increasing self-es-
cause of their latent functions rather than teem in people with repeated failure in
because of their noticeable ones, to use educational contexts.
functionalist terms. That is, the institutional The analysis of the experts’ discourse
action obtains significant results with a view points to two issues in connection with the
to prisoner re-entry, although inmates do not above. The first one refers to the fact that the
agree with the main objective stated for them training and occupational actions promoted
(learning a profession in order to prepare for by the CIRE help re-entry, above all, though
labour market re-entry in the future), as al- their educational function. This is particularly
ready noted by Simon (1999). The analysis of obvious for those inmates with dysfunctional
the discourses of inmates and former in- life paths and repeated experiences of failure
mates shows that doing training courses and at school. These characteristics appear par-
occupational workshops provided by the ticularly in the youngest inmates. The second
prison system contributes to re-entry into the one highlights a structural tension that per-
labour market but, paradoxically, for reasons vades the institution, which can be a source
other than the content of those very actions. of mistrust among the prison population; on
According to the respondents, the main rea- the one hand, the CIRE is part of the prison
sons to engage in them are: a) getting away system but, on the other, it acts as a recruit-
from the prison yard , so as to avoid interac- ment company in the labour market. Some
tion with inmates linked to crime or the repro- respondents (who were members of collabo-
duction of a prison culture of resistance to rating companies) mentioned that the keen-
authority, as held by the Chicago School; b) ness to encourage prisoners’ re-entry means
fighting boredom and preserving emotional that the CIRE competes in terms of low pri-
balance; c) obtaining a salary to improve their ces (salaries) with WISEs, with ordinary
quality of life in prison or send money to their agencies, even with charities.
families; and d) for those who have nor- In short, inmates have re-signified the
malised crime, creating an image of good training and employment actions in prison
behaviour with a view to participating in re- provided for their re-entry, adapting them to
warding programmes, and giving signs of the needs of prison rationale. This does not
their intention to have a positive re-entry into involve that these actions are completely un-
society and of their decision to abandon dermined, however; they fulfil an important
criminal activities. therapeutic and educational role in the re-
The balance of learning a profession in socialisation of prisoners in a work and effort
the occupational courses and workshops is culture, as remarked by Miguélez et al. (2006)
ambiguous, as some use the skills they have and Guilbaud (2008). In this way, our third
Reis. Rev.Esp.Investig.Sociol. ISSN-L: 0210-5233. Nº 145, January - March 2014, pp. 181-204
202 ‘Ex-inmates’ Job Placement. A Qualitative Approach
hypothesis is only partially confirmed, which created, which do not precisely contribute to
is an invitation to further research into this motivation. As Bushway (2003) puts it, “noth-
field, in the line of the conclusions provided ing succeeds like success”.
by Bushway (2003) and Simon (1999).
The study provides some suggestions for
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