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 Attitude change 1
A review and bibliography
of selected research I

by E.'E.Davis
Research Psychologist, Social Science Study Group
for Internationul Problems, Munich
 PREFACE

In its continued efforts to promote human rights, within the framework of its scientific activities designed to
help in overcoming prejudice and discrimination, Unesco has long been aware that studies of attitude change are
significant in the context of educational activities intended to combat discrimination in all its forms. Follow-
ing an international meeting of experts on 'Youth and Race Prejudice' held at Gauting, Germany, in February-
March 1961, the Secretariat, at the suggestion of the late Professor Alfred Metraux, the anthropologist w h o for
many years w a s responsible for Unesco's programme o n race relations, decided that the present review should
be undertakenand entrusted it to Dr. Earl E. Davis in his capacity as consultant to the Unesco Youth Institute
at Gauting. Dr. Davis is o n the teaching and research staff of the Department of Psychology of the University
of Illinois. After specializing in social psychology and mental health, including its pedagogic aspects, he
took up research on attitude change at the international level; he has also co-operated in inquiries -partly
-
educational and part19 psychological conducted under the auspices of the Gauting Institute.
It will be seen that in this review, interest centres more specifically o n research o n attitude change in its
relation to prejudice and discrimination than o n the description of problems arising out of racial and other
discrimination. The review, therefore, constitutes one specialized effort among numerous others designed to
assist interested organizations, research institutes and individual scholars in promoting research as well as
in devising educational measures aimed against prejudice.
A s things stand, this particular field of research on attitude change has been explored mostly within the
framework of social psychology, a relatively young scientific discipline which has, especially in its earlier
period, been developed more intensively in the United States of America than in any other country. E v e n nowa-
days, the majority of socio-psychological studies on attitude change have their origin in the United States and
some other English-speaking countries, such as Australia, Canada, lVew Zealand and the United Kingdom.
Social psychology having spread only in recent years to other linguistic areas, there are relatively few studies
on record originating in other parts of the world.
Although responsibility for the contents of this review rests, of course, entirely with the author, w h o does
not express any official opinion o n behalf of Unesco, the Secretariat considers that the interest in such socio-
psychological research is sufficiently large to warrant the publication of this work, in the hope that it will
encourage specialists in different areas to continue, or perhaps to initiate, investigation in this field.
W h e n further information of significance becomes available, it is intended to supplement this first research
review (completed in manuscript form in December, 1961) in order to give it wider international coverage.
 CONTENTS

Introduction ........................... 7

PART I: Experimental research on attitude change ..... 13

1. Personality-oriented research ........... 15

2. Group-oriented research .............. 22

3. Persuasive communications research ....... 27

4. Theoretical problems of attitude change research . 36

PART 11: Action research on intergroup attitudes ...... 39

0
1. Educational programmes in intergroup relations .. 41

2. Intergroup contact and community studies ..... 46

3. Cultural influences and the r6le of society ..... 52

S u m m a r y and prospects .................... 56

Index of authors ........................ 58

 INTRODUCTION
Purpose of this paper
The importance of intergroup relations in the world
today, the devastating effects of conflicts between
various racial,ethnic,religious and political groups
in the past, and the acute danger which such con-
flicts represent for the futtwe peace and security
of mankind have been so well described by other
writers and are so apparent to every intelligent
person today that it is scarcely necessary to dwell
at length upon these points here. It is, then, not
at all surprisingthatsocial scientists have increas-
ingly turned their attention to the problem of inter-
group relations. Of course, intergroup relations
have always been extremely important,but where-
as a few decades ago they were scarcely an object
of scientific investigation, empirical research in
this area has proliferated in recent years. The
body of publications dealing with this issue has
reached staggering proportions, thus creating
an obvious need for systematic documentation and
periodic reviews of research. It was the recogni-
tion of this need which prompted this review.
It would be appropriate n o w to delineate the goals
and limitations of the present paper. First of all,
it must be emphasized that it does not purport to
survey the whole field of intergroup relations.
Such a task, if at all feasible, clearly goes beyond
the time and space available for this paper, and, in-
deed,beyondthe competence of the present writer,
since such an undertaking could only be carried
out by a large team of experts from the various
disciplines involved in the study of intergroup rela-
tions. Nor does this paper attempt to provide a
complete bibliography or exhaustive review of one
of these disciplines,e.g. psychology, sociology,
etc. Its scope is rather more limited: it is de-
signedto provide a review and selectedbibliography
of some of the more important research relevant
to attempts at changing social attitudes, with a
view toward improving relations between various
ethnic, racial, religious and other groups.
O n the other hand, no attempt can be made at an
exhaustive coverage of the numerous efforts being
made to improve intergroup relations. There is
no doubt that the estimate contained in an earlier
review by Williams to the effect that 'there are
hundreds of private and governmental agencies e m -
ployingthousands of persons and spending millions
of dollars in a sincere effort to do something about
the problem' (Williams, 1947, p. vii)/I, is truer
today than ever before. In addition to the agencies
in the United States of America, referred to by
Williams, there are numerous organizations in
other countries, as well as at the international
level, engaged in such efforts. Such activity, indi-
cating that the importance of improving intergroup
relations is widely recognized today, is highly
encouraging.
These efforts have obviously presented a chal-
lenge to social scientists, both as scientists and
as citizens; for just as our technical world would
be inconceivable without the advances that have
been made in the natural sciences, there is every
reason to believe that the social sciences have an
important r61e to play in the solution of the human
problems of our time. The sharp increase in
empirical research dealing with these problems
in recent years is evidence of the fact that social
scientists have taken up this challenge.
The term 'attitude change' , encountered only
occasionally up to about fifteen years ago, has
occurred with increasing frequency in the profes-
sional literature in recent years and has come to
designate a specialized area of research. One m a y
or m a y not like such phrases, which tend to be-
come catchwords of professional jargon, ushering
in a fad in research; however, whether we like
them or not they are there and usually have their
reasons for existing. In the present case, this
research trend represents a serious attempt at
putting some of the propositions upon which a great
deal of effort toward improving intergroup relations
is based to the critical test of empirical investiga-
tion. Without losing sight of the fact that factors
other than attitudes are extremely important for
determiningbehaviour,w e submit nevertheless that
social attitudes are highly relevant to the question
of intergroup relations, and that therefore research
on attitude change warrants more careful consider-
ation and review.
Emphasis here will be upon recent research,
since earlier research in this area has been sum-
marized elsewhere (e.g. Watson, 1947; Williams,
1947; MacIver, 1948; Rose, 1948; Allport, 1952;
Saenger, 1953; Simpson and Yinger, 1958). W e
shalltry also to be wary of certain pitfalls inherent
in such an undertaking. One must avoid the temp-
tation 'totake these provisional results of research
not for what they are, i.e. points for further
discussion, but to take them as the final answers,
1. References, designated by the author's name
and date of publication, refer to the bibliography
appearing at the end of each chapter or in that
of a preceding chapter.
7
Introduction
as evidence that the points in questionhave been esta-
blished'/'. Especiallynon-scientists,but often scien-
tiststhemselves,fallintothis error. Nor is it the
purpose of such a research review to present past re-
search as anormto whichfuture research should
conform; our intentionis rather,through a critical
analysis of current researchtrends,to indicatepos-
sibilitiesfor future research. With these notes of
caution in mind, it is hoped that scientists and
practioners alike will find this review of use.
Plan of the paper
A s w e have already indicated, social scientists
have taken up the challenge presented to them by
the initiative of the numerous individuals and orga-
nizations engaged in action programmes on inter-
group relations. Early efforts in this area were
largely undertaken without the use of scientific
knowledge for planning and control. Thus many
programmes were carried out without any solid
foundation in fact and with little possibility of de-
termining whether or not the desired effects were
achieved. This early lack of co-operation between
scientists and practitioners was usually due both
to a certain scepticism on the part of the practi-
tioners as to the efficacy of scientific methods for
solving practical problems and to a certain 'ivory
tower' attitude on the part of many scientists, who
prided themselves on the 'pure'nature of their en-
deavours. Although such attitudes m a y still occa-
sionally be encountered today, they have become
the exception rather than the rule. Most prac-
titioners are well aware that research, although
offering no patent formulae or'cure-alls: does have
its indispensable r81eto play in the planning,evalu-
ation and control of action programmes. A n d most
scientists, in addition to recognizing their obliga-
tion as citizens, realize that research on such
real-life problems is most likely to yield rich
returns in terms of basic knowledge about human
behaviour.
In the light of this fundamental importance of
social science research to programmes of improv-
ing intergroup relations, Part I of this paper is
devoted to a review of some of the more important
experimental research on attitude change, O n
occasion, basic research will be considered, even
though the s.pecific attitudes under investigation
are not the social attitudes which are our primary
concern. This will be done where it is felt neces-
sary to refer to basic research in order to arrive
at conclusions which m a y be useful for the special
applied field i n which w e are interested, This sec-
tion is designed especially to aid the researcher in
obtaining an overview and guide to a research area
which has become somewhat unwieldy. In consider-
ing how best to classify the extensive experimental
work in this area, a myriad of possibilities pre-
sented themselves. An attempt was made to keep
the number of categories small and to allow the
material to fall into natural divisions, instead of
imposing an artificial scheme upon it. This section
is divided then into chapters on: (1) Personality-
8
Oriented Research; (2) Group-Oriented Research;
(3) Persuasive Communications Research; and
(4) Theoretical Problems of Attitude Change
Research.
In Part 11 of the paper attention is turned to ac-
tion research on intergroup attitudes. A s mentioned
above, no attempt was made here to survey all the
various practical efforts towards improving inter-
group relations in various parts of the world. The
emphasis here is rather upon a few selected efforts
illustrative of the attempt to utilize the results of
research for the planning, evaluation and control
of action programmes. As representative of ef-
forts of this type, this section contains chapters
on: (1) Educational Programmes in Intergroup
Relations; (2)Intergroup Contact and Community
Studies; and (3) Cultural Influences and the Rble of
Society.
In a concluding chapter an attempt is made to
summarize contemporary trends and to point to
certain prospects for future research.
A clarification of terms
Before continuing, it would be advisable to clarify
the terms of reference of this paper. A working
definition of the key term 'attitude'will be given
and its major aspects briefly discussed. Also a
distinction wiu be made between 'attitudeI and a
number of closely related terms such as 'opinion',
'stereotype'and 'prejudice'. Finally, since our
purpose in studying attitude change lies in its rele-
vance to the problem of intergroup relations,the
important question of the relationship between atti-
tudes and behaviour will be touched upon.
The literature on attitudes is voluminous, the
definitions nearly as numerous as the authors who
have written on the subject. The term 'attitude'
would appear to be one of the most widely (and
differently) defined terms in the whole of social
psychology; and yet, for some reason, social
scientists appear to understand each other when
using it, The variety of definitions and the quantity
of writing about this term is probably indicative of
the importance of attitudes to social psychological
phenomena, Indeed, Allport (1935)has described
attitudes as subject matter of social psychology.
W e cannot begin to review all or most of the
definitions of attitudes here. However, nearly all
of them seem to have at least two factors in com-
mon: First, attitude is an inferred entity, some-
thing which is not measured directly but rather
deduced from other observable data. Concepts of
this sort have been termed 'interveningvariables'
(MacCorquodale and Meehl, 1948) or 'latent vari-
ables'(Lazarsfeld, 1950). In a standard review,
Green (1954, p. 335) sums up the general nature
of such variables as follows: 'In general terms, a
latent variable is used to describe the consistency
1. The Prevention of Prejudice: Report of a Meet-
ing of Experts,Gauting,Unesco Youth Institute,
1961, p. 5.

or co-variation of a number of different responses
to stimuli of the same general class. The variable
is viewed as mediatingthe stimuliand the responses.
The responses are said to co-vary because they are
all mediated by the same hypothetical variable.
The latent variable is useful because it unifies a
set of data, namely the observed responses. Sec-
ond, attitudes imply some sort of tendency to act
toward the object toward which they are held. To-
gether with external factors in the person's envi-
ronment, they co-determinethe manner in which
he perceives and reacts toward the world. Thus
Krech and Crutchfield (1948, p. 152) view attitude
as 'an enduring organization of motivational, emo-
tional, perceptual and cognitive processes with
respect to some aspect of the individual's world'.
Allport (1935, p. 810) concludes in his review: 'An
attitude is a mental and neural state of readiness
exqrting a directive influence upon the individual's
. response to all subjects and situations with which
it is related. '
Hence, as a working definition we m a y regard
an attitude as an inferred factor within the individ-
ual which involves a tendency to perceive and re-
act in a particular manner toward some aspect of
his environment.
Of course, there are many objects toward which
an attitude can be held. However, we are interes-
ted here primarily in social attitudes,i.e. attitudes
toward individuals or groups. Campbell (1950,
pI 31) opeLationally defines social attitude as 'an
-
/enduring/ syndrome of response consistency with
regard to La set of/ social objects'. In their
review of prejudice and ethnic relations, Harding,
Kutner, Proshansky and Chein (1954, p. 1022) also
have social attitudes in mind in their definition:
'By an attitude we mean a tendency or cluster of
tendencies to react in various specific ways to an-
other individual or to a group of other individuals.'
In analysing the psychological processes which
are involved in attitudes, a distinction is usually
made in terms of their cognitive, affective and
conative components (Krech and Crutchfield, 1948;
Chein, 1951). Of course, this traditional classifi-
cation represents only one of many possibilities in
terms of which attitudes m a y be analysed. H o w -
ever, for the sake of convenience, we shall retain
this division for the present brief discussion.
The cognitive component of social attitudes in-
cludes the perceptions, beliefs and expectations
that the individual holds with respect to members
of various social groups. A special case of such
notions are the stereotypes which are popularly
entertained concerning various groups. These are
attributes normally used to describe an individual
(e,g. , physical features, intellectual abilities,
character traits, etc.)applied instead to whole
groups. These stereotypes are usually character-
ized by (a) over-generalization (the traits are at-
tributed to all, or nearly all, members of a race,
nation, etc.); (b) over-simplification (one, or at
most a few, characteristics are used to encom-
pass the complexity of a whole race, nation, etc.);
Introduction
and (c) rigidity (due to selective perception and
interpretation,contrary evidence is often either
ignored or seen as confirming the preconceived
notion). Another concept which is closely related
to that of attitude but which likewise falls more in-
to a purely cognitive category is that of opinion.
Of course, the boundaries are not sharp; opinions
m a y also have affective and conative aspects, but
for the most part they are more conscious and
readily verbalized. They are more on the surface,
so to speak, whereas attitudes are deeper lying,
more ego-involved , general reaction tendencies.
Also, opinions are held toward a particular ques-
tion or issue, whereas the object of reference of
(social) attitudes are individuals or groups. These
two concepts are sometimes used interchangeably
in the literature (e.g. Abelson, 1959). However,
although there is some overlapping, we feel that
the major emphases of the two terms are suffi-
ciently different to make a distinction between them
necessary.
The affective component of social attitudes
refers to the fact that, in addition to beliefs about
particular groups, such attitudes usually entail
feelingstowardthese groups as well. Most defini-
tions of prejudice emphasize this emotional aspect,
in addition to the features of stereotypy described
above. It is customary to consider affects along a
positive-negative continuum. However, Chein
(195 1) distinguishes between 'net positive-negative
affect' and 'specific affects', pointing out that re-
search has hitherto concentrated primarily on the
former dimension to the neglect of the latter.
Sodhi and Bergius (1953), in their investigations
on national prejudices, also criticize the tendency
to regard the affective component of attitudes as
varying only along the positive-negative dimension
and propose a more elaborate analysis.
The conative component of social attitudes refers
simply to the fact that, in addition to thinking and
feeling a certain way about a social group, there
is usually also a policy orientation, i.e. a tendency
to react in a particular way toward members of
this group. It is this facet of social attitudes
which is measured by such methods as the Bogardus
Social Distance Scale (Bogardus, 1925; Triandis
and Triandis, 1960) and Moreno's Sociometric
Technique (Moreno, 1953).
This latter aspect leads to the difficult and much-
debated question of the relationship between inter-
group attitudes and actual intergroup behaviour.
This is in turn but a special case of a fundamental
question in the social sciences about which there
is a great deal of difference of opinion, the ques-
tion of to what extent behaviour is determined by
variables within the person, of which attitudes are
one example, and to what extent it is determined
by the external factors in the individual's social
and physical environment. Of course, everyone
agrees that both are important. Lewin's (1935)
classical formula _B = f. (2,E),to the effect that
-
Behaviour is a function of the _Personand the Envi-
ronment, has long since become a truism in the
9
Introduction
behavioural sciences. It is merely a matter of the
relative emphasis placed uponthe two factors. Un-
fortunately, discussions on this issue are usually
guided by the theoretical orientations and predilec-
tions of the various authors. In fact, stands are
frequently taken along strictly professional lines:
psycho-analysts, clinical psychologists and per-
sonality theorists emphasize the importance of
factors within the individual; social psychologists
seek to bridge the gap; and sociologists, cultural
anthropologists and economists emphasize the
importance of external factors. In addition to its
theoretical importance,this questionis of immense
practical significance in dealing with problems of
intergroup relations, since major policy decisions
are likely to be made on the basis of the answers
given. Thus Tumin, Barton and Burrus (1958),
taking issue with assumptions of a close inter-
relationship between prejudice and discrimination,
argue that prejudice is scarcely amenable to influ-
ence through rational evidence, nor can emotional
re-education be considered a feasible public alter-
native. They favour, instead, considering means
of effectively modifying behaviour, without neces-
sarily altering the prejudices themselves. Tumin
(1958, p. 35) states the case quite explicitly: 'If
we are as successful in the area of blocking the
impulse to discriminate as w e have been in block-
ing the impulse to cheat and steal, we shall proba-
bly have done a great deal. It would be utopian to
-
expect more at least in the near future. The
classical investigation of L a Piere (1934) demon-
strated empirically that attitudes and behaviour
need not be in accordance with one another, in-
deed, that they m a y even be widely disparate.
There have been far too few actual investigations
of this question, although a more recent study by
Kutner, Wilkins and Yarrow (1952) confirms L a
Piere's results; and other findings, including
those of Tumin and co-workers, referred to
above, point in this direction. However, Kline-
berg, in commenting upon Tumin's thesis as to
the relationship between attitudes and behaviour
(more specifically between prejudice and discri-
mination) adds a note of caution: 'I would like
to_ suggest ...however, that szying that the two
-
/prejudice and discrimination/ vary in different
directions, or that they do not always go to-
gether, does not mean that they are not at all
related. I wonder whether w e should not, in-
stead, ask in greater detail how they are related,
rather than coming to this negative conclusion'
(Klineberg, 1958, p. 47)
W e shall have more to say about this important
questionlater. Inthe following chapters an attempt
will be made to give a balanced view of varying
-
research results not in an attempt to arrive at
simple answers to global questions or patent for-
niulae, for complex problems, but rather in an
attempt to obtain an overview of research trends
which will enable us to ask more specific questions
and seek answers to them in present or future
research results.
10
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A B E L S O N , H.I. 1959. Persuasion: how opinions
and attitudes are changed. N e w York, Springer
Pub. Co.
ALLPORT, G.W. 1935. Attitudes. In: C.Mur-
chison (ed.). A handbook of social psycholom,
p. 798-844. Worchester,ClarkuniversityPress.
. 1952. The resolution of intergroup
tension. N e w York, National Conference of
Christians and Jews.
B O G A R D U S , E .S. 1925. Measuring - social
distance. Journal of applied sociology, 9 ,
p. 299-308.
CAMPBELL,D.T. 1950. The indirect assess-
ment of social attitudes. Psychological Bulletin,
47, p. 15-38.
CHEIN, I. 1951. Notes on a framework for the
measurement of discrimination and prejudice.
In: M. Jahoda. M. Deutsch and F.W. Cook.
(eds.). Research methods in social relations,
p. 382-90. N e w York, Dryden.
GREEN, B.F. 1954. Attitude measurement. In:
G. Lindzey (ed.).Handbook of socialpsychology,
Vol. 1 , p. 335-69. Reading, Mass., Addison
Wesley Pub. Co.
HARDING,J .;KUTNER , B.; P R O S H A N S K Y , H.;
=.
CHEIN,I. 1954. Prejudice and ethnic relations.
In: G. Lindzey(ed.1. Handbook of social psycho-
Vol. 11, p. 1021-1061. Reading, Mass.,
Addison Wesley Pub. Co.
KLINEBERG,0.1958. Comments. In:The r61e
of the social sciences in desegregation: a
symposium, p. 47-48. N e w York, Anti-
Defamation League.
KRECH, D.; CRUTCHFIELD,R.F. 1948.
Theory and problems of social psychology.
N e w York, McGraw Hill.
KUTNER, B.; WILKINS, C.; YARROW, P.R.
1952. Verbal attitudes and overt behaviour
involving racial prejudice. Journal of abnormal
and social psychology, 47, p. 649-52.
LA PIERE,R.T. 1934. Attitudes versus action.
Social forces, 14, p. 230-7.
L A Z A R S F E L D , P.F. 1950. Thelogic and mathe-
matical foundation of latent structure analysis.
In: S.A. Stauffer, et al. (eds.). Measurement
and prediction, p. 362-412. Princeton, N e w
Jersey. Princeton University Press,
LEWIN,K. 1935. A dynamic theoryofpersonality.
New York, McGraw Hill.
M a c C O R Q U O D A L E , K. ; MEEHL, P.E. 1948.
O n a distinction between hypothetical constructs
_.
and intervening variables. Psychologicalreview,
55, p. 95-107.
MacIVER, R.M. 1948. The more perfect union.
N e w York, Macmillan,
MORENO, J.L. 1953. W h o shall survive (rev.
ed.). Washington, Nervous and Mental Disorder
Publ. Co.
ROSE, A.M. 1948. Studies in the reduction of
prejudice (2nd ed.). Chicago, American
Council on Race Relations.

S A E N G E R , G. 1953. The social psychology of
prejudice. N e w York, Harper.
SIMPSON, G.E.;YINGER,J.M. 1958. _Racialand
culturalminorities: an analysis of prejudice and
discrimination (rev. ed.). N e w York, Harper.
SODHI, K.S.; BERGIUS, R. 1953. Nationale
Vorurteile. Berlin
TRIANDIS, 1I.C.; TRIANDIS, L.M. 1960. Race,
social class,religion and nationality as deter-
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TUMIN,M.;BARTON, P.;B U R R U S , B. 1958.
Educatih, prejudice and discrimination: a
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W A T S O N , G.B. 1947. =on and unity. N e w York,
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Council. (Bulletin 57.)
11
 PART I

EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH ON ATTITUDE CHANGE

13
 CHAPTER 1
PERSONALITY-ORIENTED RESEARCH
Although research on personalityfactorshas played
an important r61e in attempts to explain the nature
and causes of ethic prejudice, one might justifia-
bly ask why a chapter on this subject is included in
a review of research on attitude change. D o we
mean to imply that personality-oriented approaches,
such as, for instance, individual psychotherapy,
represent a feasible possibility for changing nega-
tive attitudes on a large scale? Obviously we do
not. W h y then do we include this question here?
For one thing, the very fact that these studies
have played such an important r61e in prejudice re-
search would warrant their consideration, at least
briefly, in any discussion of attempts at changing
prejudiced attitudes;but more specifically,it should
be readily apparent that, although methods which
are successful in changing an individual's attitudes
m a y not, in themselves, be applicable on a large
scale, such studies do contribute to our knowledge
of the process of attitude change. The decision as
to which methods to use in a particular situation
will depend, of course,.on a number of factors
among which practical considerations must, of ne-
cessity, play a key r6le. However, regardless of
the methods used, attitudes are being changed with-
in individual human beings and therefore, a know-
ledge of the psychological processes involved is
indispensable. Personality-oriented research, in
additionto throwinglightupon individualdifferences
which m a y have to be taken into considerationin
certain instances, should also provide us with some
insight into the general process of attitude change.
The following review of findings should not be
interpreted as an argument in favour of the primary
importance of personality factors in attitude change.
In the same vein, the following chapters will 'argue'
in favour of the importance of group membership,
cultural factors, etc. W e are convinced that a con-
sideration of all these factors, and especially the
specific manner in which they are related and inter-
act with one another, is essential to the intelligent
planning of any action programme on attitude
change.
Certainly the most important single publication
dealing with the relationship between personality
variables and social attitudes, in terms of its
impact upon subsequent research, is The Authori-
~~ ~-
tarian Personality by Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik,
Levinson and Sanford (1950). Probably no other
single work has more affected the social sciences
in general, and the area of social prejudice in par-
ticular, in recent years, than this monumental
volume. Whether they agree or disagree with its
findings, few social scientists have been unaffected
by it. W e cannot begin to summarize here the re-
sults of the extensive research reported by Adorno
*and his co-workers concerning the relationship be-
tween personality structure and prejudiced, ethno-
centric attitudes; nor can we discuss in detail the
very useful critical review edited by Christie and
Jahoda (1954), or other more recent reviews re-
porting on the widespread subsequent use of the
IFt(Fascism)Scale developed by Adorno and his
co-workers (e.g., Titus and Hollander, 1957;
Christie and Cook, 1958). W e shall be concerned
here only with the implications of these findings
for the question of attitude change and shall review
a few of the empirical investigations which have
been conducted to test the hypotheses deduced by
Adorno - et al. from their findings.
In expounding their major hypothesis 'thatthe
political, economic, and social convictions of an
individual often form a broad and coherent pattern,
as if bound together by a "mentality" or "spirit",
and that this pattern is an expression of deep-lying
trends in his personality' (Adorno, et., 1950,
p. l), the authors do not, of course, regard person-
ality as something inherited or unchangeable. In
keeping with modern personality theory, they ex-
plicitly state that 'personalityevolves under the
impact of the social environment and can never be
isolated from the social totality within which it
occurs' (Ibid,p. 5). The basic frame of reference
within which personality dynamics are considered
is that of psycho-analysis. However, as opposed
to more classical psycho-analytical writers on this
subject, such as Fenichel (1946) and Orr (1946),
who deal with social circumstances only in an inci-
dental manner, A d o r n o s . stress the importance
of social factors and the total organization of the
society. Concerning the relationship of their ap-
proach to sociologicalvariables, they state: 'The
present research seeks to discover correlations
between ideology and sociological factors ... the
general approach being to consider personality as
an agency through which sociological influences
upon ideology are mediated. If the r61e of per-
sonality can be made clear, it should be possible
better to understand which sociological factors are
the most crucial ones and in what ways they achieve
their effects' (op. cit., p. 6). Thus there is no
necessary incompatibilitybetween the personality-
oriented approaches and group or society-oriented
approaches, as some writers have seemed to imply;
although, of course, personality theorists and socio-
logists m a y often arrive at different conclusions as
15
Personality-Oriented Research
to the most appropriate plan of action.
What are the implications of the findings reported
in The Authoritarian Personality to the effect that
individuals who are 'highscorers'on scales of eth-
nic prejudicetend also to be characterized by such
traits as authoritarian submission, convention-
alism,rigid and stereotyped thinking,lack of insight,
over-concern with power, over-identification with
the in-group, repressed hostility, displacement of
hostility on to out-groups, projection of unaccept-
able impulses on to others, etc.? To speak in
psycho-analytical terms, the above-mentioned
characteristics are indicative of ego weakness,
excessive use of ego defence mechanisms, failure
of super-egointernalization and inability of the ego
to deal with id impulses. Clinically speaking, these
are all indications of pathological tendencies in
the personality; and although research does not
completely confirm the relationship between author-
itarianism and traditional psycho-pathological
diagnoses (sincein a supporting environment the
prejudiced individual usually manages to maintain
a superficial,though precarious, adjustment),these
are certainlynotthe characteristicsof a healthy per-
sonality. What,then,can be done to change such
individuals? The authors admit that persons with
such a personality structure would not even be
good risks for psycho-therapy individually, apart
from the factthat the application of individualpsycho-
therapy on a mass scale is not feasible. They
pointto the possible application of their findings to
education, child-rearing practices and group acti-
vities patterned after the knowledge obtained from
group psycho-therapy. However, they stress the
fact that their findings are strictly limited to the
psychological aspects of the problem, and that
psychological means alone are not sufficient to
effect major changes. Historical and economic
factors and other major forces operatingwithin the
society are of great importance. Indeed,they liken
the task to 'that of eliminating neurosis, or delin-
quency,or nationalism from the world'and conclude:
'These are products of the total organization of
society and are to be changed only as that society
is changed ... The problem is one which requires
the efforts of all social scientists.' Pending such
a major solution, however, efforts should be
continued on a broad front. 'It would be most
unfortunate if a grasp of the true enormity of the
fundamental problem should anywhere lead to a
diminution of effort. It is impossible to conceive
of any way of attacking the problem that does not
-
involve a multiplicity of sub-goals to be attained
by individuals or by groups. Any act, however
limited in time and space,that serves to counter or
diminish destructiveness can be regarded as a
microcosm, as it were, of a total effective pro-
gramme ... So it is with various other measures
which from our point of view are concerned with the
treatmentof symptoms or particular manifestations
rather than with the disease itself. Yet we cer-
tainly do not wish to belittle, or to ask for any
r2duction in, such activities. Some symptoms are
16
more harmful than others, and w e are sometimes
very glad to be able to control a disease even
though we cannot cure it'; (g, p 973 et seq.).
O n the basis of their research findings, these
authors add a serious note of caution, however, as
to the possible effects of external manipulation upon
the authoritarian individual: 'But if it seems un-
likely that his personality will change, there is
good reason to believe that his behaviour can be
controlled. Indeed he can be too easilycontrolled,
and therein lies one of the major troubles. There
is little in his make-up to render him resistant to
fascist propaganda or to fascist leadership. ...
However regrettable, from the democratic point of
view, this susceptibilityto external control might
be, the fact remains that it offers the best basis
for preventing his anti-democratic tendencies from
expressing themselves in action. The appeal should
not be to his sympathy or to his conscience, but to
his fear and submissiveness. H e must be convinced
that arrayed against the overt expression of his
prejudices are the law, overwhelming numbers of
people, numerous conventional authorities and
prestige figures. If those who stand for democracy
want to win him to their side, they must do more
than show him that they have high ideals and real-
istic plans for social improvements; they must
convince him that they also have strength. Such a
programme, unfortunately,involves an essential
paradox: in inducing him to behave in accordance
with democratic principles, one is likely to streng-
then his authoritarianism and, hence, his anti-
democratic potential. One could not, therefore,
undertake- so io influence the contemporary beha-
viour of/such/ individuals . ..unless one exerted
as much effort toward ensuring that anti-democra-
tic leadership did not gain the ascendancy in the
future'(ibid,p. 816).
D o subsequent research results support these
hypotheses put forth by Adorno and his co-workers?
In an experimental investigation designed to test
the hypothesis of a relationship between attitude
change and authoritarian personalie, Wagman
(1955) arrived at some interesting results. O n the
basis of the Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik,Levinson
and Sanford study and the experimental work of
Hoffman (1951) on psychological components of
compulsive conformity and of Lasky (1950) on the
relation of experimentally induced changes in
ethnocentric statements to underlying personality
variables, Wagman predicted that: '(1) Under ex-
posure to information techniques aimed at cognitive
restructuring, relatively non-authoritarian, as
compared with relatively authoritarian, persona-
lities will show more attitude change (inthe direc-
tion of the information content); (2) under an
authoritarian suggestion urging reduction of pre-
judice towards Negroes, relatively authoritarian
personalities, as compared with relatively non-
authoritarian personalities, will show more
suggestion acceptance; and (3)under an authorita-
rian suggestion urging intensification of prejudice
toward Negroes, relatively authoritarian, as

compared with relatively non-authoritarian, per-
sonalities will show more suggestion acceptance. '
Using the familiar 'before-after'design, the in-
vestigator administeredthe(F)scale and four other
scales designed to measure attitudes towards vari-
ous types of discrimination against Negroes to four
groups of students. Three groups were exposed to
three different types of material designed to change
attitudes, and the fourth group acted as a control.
The three attitude change methods were: (a) cogni-
-
tive restructuring a booklet was presented pro-
viding an 'exposureto information' as to the nature
of intergroup relations,prejudice, etc.; (b)author-
-
itarian suggestion in this experimental variation
the statements of business and military leaders
supporting a non-discrimination policy were pre-
-
sented; and (c)authoritarian suggestion reverse in
this variation statements of business and military
leaders supporting a policy of discrimination were
presented. The results of the experiment m a y be
summarized as follows:
1. The prediction that under exposure to informa-
tion techniques, relatively non-authoritarian
subjects would show more attitude change (in
the direction of the information content) was
demonstrated in the expected direction forthree
of the four attitude change measures. For the
authoritarian subjects, attitude change opposite
to that intended occurred ('boomerang' effect).
2. The prediction that under an authoritarian sug-
gestion urging a reduction of prejudice toward
Negroes, relatively authoritarian personalities
would show more suggestion acceptance was
confirmed in part. For one of the four mea-
sures the predicted change was significant,
whereas for the other three, it was not.
3. The prediction that under an authoritarian sug-
gestion urging intensificationof prejudice toward
Negroes, relatively authoritarian personalities
would show more suggestion acceptance was
demonstrated in the expected direction forthree
of the four measures.
Furthermore, non-authoritarian subjects reacted
in a Iboomerangl fashion. Thus this experiment
indicates that for authoritarian personalities, atti-
tudes of racial prejudice seem most modifiable in
either an accentuated or diminished direction under
an authoritarian suggestion method. A non-autho-
ritarian information method, while effective for
non-authoritarian subjects, tends to 'boomerang'
for relatively authoritarian subjects. This finding
confirms the hypotheses put forth by Adorno S.
Other investigations have confirmed these re-
sults. Linton and Graham (1959), studying the
relationship between. susceptibility to opinion
change and authoritarian attitudes, used a ques-
tionnaire drawn from three of the scales presented
in The Authoritarian Personality,viz. the Politico-
Economic Conservatism (PEC),the Ethnocentrism
(E)and the Fascism (F)scales. Although the opin-
ion change groups were not found to differ signifi-
cantly in overall authoritarian trends, as measured
by the questionnaire, significant differences were
Personality-Oriented Research
found when the items of the (F)scale were grouped
according to the factors referring to the hypotheses
on which the (F)scale is based (Adorno et.,
1950, p. 224 et seq.). Among other things it was
found that opinion changers scored significantly
higher on measures of authoritarian aggression,
anti-intraception and power and toughness.
The authors conclude: 'Opinion change is then un-
related to total score on the authoritarian question-
naire,but it is clearly related to certain components
of this score. It is furthermore related to all the
sub-scales that represent variables considered by
the authors of The Authoritarian Personality to re-
flect personality trends predisposing a person to
be authoritarian or not. It is unrelated to the two
scales (PECand E)that reflect social attitudes
directly. ... It appears, then, that in a population
of this sort, knowledge of how authoritarian-oriented
a person is does not help to predict his response
to communications from sources such as the scien-
tific authorities used in the opinion change test,
but that an understanding of the pattern of his rela-
tionship to authority does' (Linton and Graham,
1959, p. 86). Katz and Benjamin (1960),in a study
of the effects of white authoritarianism in bi-racial
work groups, also found greater compliance on the
part of authoritarian personalities in tasks requir-
ing group decisions. Authoritarians furthermore
rated Negroes significantlyhigher on intelligence,
maturity and dominance. These results were inter-
preted by the authors as being due to the authori-
tarian's fear of revealing anti-Negro attitudes in a
potentially punitive environment. Another interest-
ing resultwas that authoritarians were significantly
less productive in two-man groups requiring co-
operation.
Other investigations have studied the relation-
ship between personality variables closely asso-
ciated with those described by Adorno et. and
attitude change. SarnoffandKatz (19541,in a paper
describing the theoretical framework for a subse-
quent programme of research on the motivational
basis of attitude change, point out that any attitude
m a y be regarded as serving one or more of three
major motivational determinants: reality testing;
reward and punishment; and ego defence. Kelman
(1956) describes three processes in attitude change
resembling the above analysis of motivational
patterns: (a) internalization or incorporating the
ideational content of the attitude; (b) compliance
induced by extraneous reward and punishment; and
(c) identification through taking the r6le of others.
In light of the complexity of human functioning,all
of these determinants are probably involved in any
attitude, although they undoubtedly contribute in a
differentialmanner. Therefore, in considering
the probable effectiveness of any technique of atti-
tude change, it is necessary to know which parti-
cular motivational source is supporting the attitude
under investigation. It is apparent that attitudes
serving the function of reality testing are most
likely to be affected by informational approaches
directed at cognitive reorganization,whereas those
17
Personality-Oriented Research
associated with motivations of reward and punish-
ment are most likely to respond to social sanctions.
O n the other hand, in seeking to change attitudes
which have an ego defensive function, emotional
resistance is likely to be encountered, and the
personality dynamics involved must be taken into
consideration.
Janis and Feshbach (1953) have demonstrated
that communications which arouse a high degree of
fear or anxiety in the recipient tend to stimulate
defensive reactions which interfere with acceptance
of the communicator'smessage. In a subsequent
investigation of personality differences associated
with responsiveness to fear-arousingcommunica-
tions (Janis and Feshbach, 1954). these authors
found that subjects who were high in anxiety, as
measured by a personality inventory, were consis-
tently less influenced by strong appeals with respect
to dental hygiene practices than were low anxiety
subjects. However, Feshbach (1961)has cautioned
against over-generalizing these findings,pointing
out that under certain circumstances different re-
sults might be arrived at. Berkowitz and Cotting-
h a m (1960), for instance, have shown that the re-
action to fear-arousing communications depends
upon the interest value and relevance of the mate-
rial to the subject, Goldstein's (1959) investigation
on the relationship between coping and avoiding be-
haviour and response to fear-arousingpropaganda
also suggests a modification of the Janis-Feshbach
results, showing that the reaction to a strong fear
appeal depends not only upon the level of anxiety
but also upon the manner in which the subject copes
with such anxiety. In the area of ethnic attitudes,
Cooper and Jahoda (1947) found that highly preju-
diced individuals react defensively, blocking and
distorting materials directed at caricaturing their
beliefs; and Bettelheim and Janowitz (1950) re-
ported that many prejudiced individuals reacted to
'pro-tolerance'propaganda by indicating shifts in
the direction of greater prejudice as a result of
reading it. Feshbach and Singer (1957)have also
demonstrated that prejudice m a y be increased under
the impact of communications perceived as arous-
ing a personal threat.
In an investigation conducted within the theore-
tical framework of the Sarnoff and Katz (1954)
paper, Katz , McClintock and Sarnoff (1956) studied
the relationship between ego-defence and attitude
change. Using a number of procedures, including
projective techniques,they categorized the ego-
defensive tendencies of their subjects as beinghigh.
medium or low. Before-and-afterattitudes toward
Negroes were assessed by means of specially de-
vised scales. In one experimentalgroup the attitude
change technique was informationalin nature,where-
as in a second experimental group interpretative
materials designed to show the relationship between
mechanisms of ego defence and anti-Negro attitudes
were presented; a third group served as the con-
trol and was not exposed to any influence procedure.
The findings confirmed in general the theory that
affect-ladenattitudes are more effectively influenced
18
through attempting to give insight into the self than
through providing information. However, subjects
highest in ego-defensivenesswere shown to be most
difficult to change through self-insight procedures.
In a further investigation (Katz,McClintock and
Sarnoff, 1957), the prediction was confirmed that
medium ego defenders would change most after
exposure to materials designed to give self-insight.
L o w ego defenders were not using this mechanism
and were thus little affected by insight into it,
whereas high ego defenders, by reason of their ego
defensiveness, were resistant to insight.
Further evidence of such resistance is provided
by Culbertson (1955) in a study on the modification
of emotionally held attitudes through r61e playing.
This author found r6le-playing to be a generally
effective technique for changing such attitudes;
however he found clear evidence that subjects scor-
ing high on the (F)scale were less influenced by
rble-playing as a means of changing attitudes to-
ward Negro integration in housing than were low
(F)subjects. McClintock (1956) arrived at results
in a similar vein, showing furthermore that indivi-
duals high in ego-defensiveness,or high in other-
directedness, tended to accept informational
communications providing rationalizations for the
maintenance of prejudicial attitudes towardNegroes,
moving furtherinthe direction of prejudice, where-
as individuals low in defensiveness, or low in
other-directedness, tended to reject this influence
and moved against it, i.e. became less prejudiced
toward Negroes, A n encouraging result of the in-
vestigation by Katz, McClintock and Sarnoff (1956)
was the existence of a 'sleeper effect' on the part
of those whose score with respect to ego defensive-
ness was medium, i.e. a tendency to continue to
change in a positive direction over time, as shown
by a follow-up investigation.
The significance of this whole line of research
for any programme of attitude change is stated
succinctly by Katz and Stotland (1959, p. 463):
'Our major thesis has been that since attitudes
serve different needs and functions, they can be
changed only through relating the change procedure
to the appropriate motive pattern. In general, this
calls for separating subjects on the basis of their
needs and values to begin with and making differen-
tial predictions for various change methods, Thus
far the greater bulk of the research on attitude
change has started with the attitude itself and has
assumed a c o m m o n motive pattern for all people.
Our own method ... is to begin with measures of
ego-defensiveness as one of the major sources of
attitudes toward minority groups and to gear in-
fluencesdirected at change to the anticipated motive
patterns ,' Kelman (1956), whose distinction (des-
cribed above) of three processes in attitude change
resembles the Sarnoff and Katz (1954) analysis of
motivational patterns, has likewise stressed the
necessity of considering motivational conditions in
attempts at attitude change (Kelman and Cohler,
1959; Kelman, 1960, 1961a).
Another very important line of research, which

deals with individual differences in susceptibility
to attitude change, is represented in the extensive
work of I. Janis and C .I. Hovland, editors of the
Yale Studies in Attitude and Communication, and
their co-workers. Volume I1 of this series is de-
voted to the subject of Personality and Persua-
sibility (Janis and Hovland, 1959). The thesis is
developed in this work that there exists a factor of
'generalpersuasibility'. The authors describe this
as 'a predispositionalfactor reflecting an indivi-
dual's susceptibilityto influence from many diffe-
rent sources, on a wide variety of topics, and
irrespective of the media employed. In its widest
sense, general persuasibility should be free of in-
fluences emanating from any particular or specific
aspect of the persuasion situation'(Janis and Hov-
land, 1959, p. 225). In summarizing the evidence
of research in support of the existence of such a
factor, the authors conclude: 'The present series
of studies indicate that there is such a factor as
general persuasibility,although there are certain
limitations to its generality imposed by the experi-
mental procedures employed. There is evidence
that persuasibility exists as allcontent free"factor;
that is, it exists independently of the subject matter
or appeals presented in any particular communica-
tion'(m, p. 225 et sea.). In addition to the per-
sonality factors referred to in the chapter byLinton
and Graham (1959). to which we referred above, a
number of additional personality characteristics
were investigated, as well as individual differences
in intelligence, sex, developmental factors, etc.
O n the other hand, the question of whether or not
persuasibility to mass media communications was
the same as susceptibility to inter-personal influ-
ence was left open. Katz (19601, in summarizing
the Janis and Hovland results, points out that
although,in general,there was some tendency for
the acceptance of the influence of one communica-
tion to be associated with the acceptance of other
influences, only a small number of the correlation
coefficients found were statistically significant.
Katz concludes: 'Though there m a y be some gener-
al susceptibility to influence, it is apparently not
a potent factor and accounts for a small amount of
variance in attitude change' (N p. . ,This
204).
author emphasizes, as in previous publications,
the necessity of considering the relevant motiva-
tional basis of attitudes in determining the reac-
tions to attempts at attitude change.
Another factor which has been found to be as-
sociated with ethnocentric, prejudiced attitudes,
namely that of rigidity (Adornoetal., 1950; Rokeach,
1948, 1960; Schneider, 1958; etc .),has also been
investigated in relation to attitude change. Ford
(1956), for instance, found a positive relationship
between dogmatism and resistance to attitude
change, and Boomer (1959)found subjective cer-
tainty on the part of his subjects to bz positively
related to resistance to change.
Finally, research of quite another sort, i.e.
studies of the influence of social pressure on at-
titude change, has also shown evidence for the
Personality-Oriented Research
importance of individual differences. Asch (1951),
whose work on the effects of group pressure on
attitude change are well known, has also shown in
his studies on independence and conformity that
individual differences play an important r6le (Asch,
1956). H e states: 'There are two directions open
for an interpretation of the observed individual
differences. They m a y be the product of m o m e n -
tary, episodic circumstances. O r they m a y be the
function of consistent personal qualities which in-
dividuals bring into the experimental situation and
which have as decisive a bearing on their actions
as any of the other conditions w e have studied. ...
Although such contingent conditions probably played
a part, there are strong grounds for holding that
they accounted for the results only partially. The
evidence cited in this chapter, particularly that
pertaining to the different modes of reaction, pro-
duces the insistent conviction that the responses
to the experimental conditions were functionally
connected with crucially important character qual-
ities' (Ibld.,p. 51). This conclusion has also
been confirmed by other authors (e.g., Flament,
1958; Nadler, 1959).
What conclusions m a y be drawn from this rather
compelling evidence stemming from personality-
oriented research? Certainly one possible conclu-
sion is that individually oriented approaches to
attitude change might be highly effective on an
individual basis. Indeed, most investigations have
shown that psychotherapy, which leads to a more
healthy personality generally, also usually results
in a significant positive change in negative inter-
group attitudes termed prejudice, even though such
therapy was not specifically aimed at this goal.
Thus Baron (1957) found that psycho-analytically
oriented psychotherapy resulted in significant
changes in the direction of more liberal attitudes
on the part of the patients; and Pearl (1955)like-
wise found that psychotherapeutic experience re-
duced ethnocentrism, whereby group psychotherapy
was found to be more effective than individual
treatment. With children, Axline (1948) found
play group therapy to be an effective means of
reducing race conflict inyoung children. Kelman
(1952) has suggested a conceptual analysis in terms
of which the relationship between group therapy
and adult education and other group work m a y be
fruitfully considered.
Although the possibility of practically applying
such methods is not to be altogether rejected, as
we pointed out at the beginning of the chapter, our
main reason for presenting the results of persona-
lity-oriented research is not that we necessarily
consider the direct application of such methods on
a large scale to be feasible. Rather we have sought
to show that an understanding of the psychological
processes involved in attitude change is indis-
pensable if we wish to understand the relationship
between psychological, social-psychological,
sociological and other factors. It is only when
w e understand such interrelationshipsthat we can
intelligently plan programmes of action. Also, in
19
Personality-Oriented Research
certain cases it m a y be necessary to take into con-
sideration individual differences, if w e wish to avoid
the danger that our efforts remain without results
or even, possibly, have results opposite to those
intended.
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Simmel (ed.). Anti-Semitism: a social
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Universities Press.
F E S H B A C H , S. 1961. The consequences of fear-
arousal in public health education. Paper read
at the Fourteenth International Congress of
Applied Psychology, Copenhagen.
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F E S H B A C H , S.; S I N G E R , R. 1957. The effects
of personal and shared threats upon social
prejudice. Journal of abnormal and social
psychology, 54, p. 411-16.
FLAMENT, C. 1958. Aspects rationnels et gene-
tiques des chahgements d'opinion sous influence
sociale. Psychologie franGaise , 3, p. 186-96.
FORD, L.I. 1956. The relationship between pre-
judice and dogmatism in opinion change. Unpubl.
Ph.D. dissertation, Purdue University,
Lafayette, Indiana.
GOLDSTEIN, M.J. 1959. The relationship be-
tween coping and avoiding behaviour and response
to fear-arousing propaganda. Journal of ab-
normal and social psychology, 58, p. 247-52.
HOFFMAN, M.L. 1951. A study of certain psycho-
dynamic determinants of compulsive conformity
in a task involving linear judgement. Unpubl.
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan,
A n n Arbor.
JANIS, I.; F E S H B A C H , S. 1953. Effects of fear-
arousing communications. Journal of abnormal
and social psychology, 48, p. 78-93.
I-
. 1954. Personality differences
associated with responsiveness to fear-arousing
communications. Journal of personality, 23,
p. 154-66.
; H O V L A N D , C.I.&a. 1959. In:
I. Janis and C.L Hovland (eds.)Personality and
persuasibility. N e w Haven, Yale University
Press. (Yale studies in attitude and c o m m u -
nication, vol. 11.)
KATZ, D. 1960. The functional approach to the
study of attitudes. Public opinion quarterly,
24. p. 163-204.
; M c C L I N T O C K , C.; S A R N O F F , I.
1956. E g o defense and attitude change. H u m a n
relations, 9, p. 27-44.
. 1957. The
measure of egodefense as relatedto attitude
change. Journal of personality, 25, p. 465-74.
- ; S T O T L A N D , E. 1959. A preliminary
statement to a theory of attitude structure and
change, In: S. Kock (ed.1. Psychology: a study
of a science, vol. 111, p. 275-423. N e w York,
M c G r a w Hill.
KATZ, I.; B E N J A M I N , L. 1960. Effects of white
authoritarianism in bi-racial work groups.
Journal of abnormal and social psychology, 61,
p. 448-56.
KELMAN, H.C. 1952. T w o phases of behaviour
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1956. Three processes of acceptance
of social influence: compliance, identification
and internalization. American psychologist,
11, p. 261 (abstr.).
. 1960. Effects of rble-orientation
and value-orientation on the nature of attitude
change. Paper read at the meetings of the
Eastern Psychological Association, N e w York
City, 15 April.
. 1961 a. Processes of opinion change.
Public opinion quarterly, 25, p. 57-78.

KELMAN,H.C.;COHLER,J. 1959. Reactionsto
persuasive communication as a function of
cognitive needs and styles. Paper read at the
meetings of the Eastern Psychological Associa-
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L A S K Y , J.J. 1950. Relations of experimentally-
induced changes in ethno-centric statements
to underlying personality variables. Unpubl.
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor.
LINTON,H.; G R A H m ,E. 1959. Personality
correlates of persuasibility. In: C .I. Hovland
and I. Janis (eds.). Personality and persuasi-
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munication, vol. 11. )
M c C L I N T O C K , C .G. 1956. Personality factors
in attitude change. Unpubl. P h .D. dissertation,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
NADLER, E.B. 1959. Yielding authoritarianism
and authoritarian ideology regarding group.
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58, p. 408-10.
Personality-Oriented Research
ORR, D.W. 1946. Anti-Semitism and the psycho-
pathology of everyday life. In: E. Simmel (ed.).
Anti-Semitism: a social disease, p. 85-95.
N e w York, International Universities Press.
PEARL,D. 1955. Psychotherapy and ethno-
centrism. Journal of abnormal and social
psychology, 50, p. 227-9.
ROKEACH,M , 1948. "Generalized mental rigi-
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abnormal and social psychology,43,p. 259-278.
. 1960. The open and closed mind,
Basic Books, N e w York.
S A R N O F F , I. ; KATZ, D. 1954. The motivational
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and social mvchology, 49, p. 115-24.
SCHNEIDER,E. 1958. 0problema psicologico
da opiniao e da atitude. Boletin do hstituto de
Psicoloffia,8, p. 11-21.
TITUS, H.E.;HOLLANDER,E.P. 1957. The
California E' scale in psychological research:
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WAGMAN,M. 1955. Attitude change and authorita-
rianpersonality. Journal ofpsychology,40,p.
3-24.
21
 CHAPTER 2
GROUP-ORIENTED R E S E A R C H
Since the determinantsof attitude change are complex
and highly interrelated,any attempt at classifying
research resultsinto various categoriesmust neces-
sarily be arbitrary. W e have seen,for instance in the
last chapter that certain group-oriented research has
relevance to the question of individualdifferences or
personalityfactors. O n the other hand, in the very
extensive research on interpersonalcommunications
as a means of changing attitudes,the group situation
in which such communicationsare presented is of
great importance. I nconsidering an investigation of
the effectsof group discussiononattitude change fol-
lowingthe presentation of a film,both group pro-
cesses and the effects of mass communication media
are involved. Furthermore in the extensive literature
on conformity to social norms and the effects of
social pressure, a distinction is often not made
between social pressure in the direction of confor-
mity to the norms of smaller primary or secondary
reference groups, or to the norms or expected
behavioural patterns of a community or the society
as a whole. Our attention here will be directed
primarily to the influence of the group, in the nar-
rower socialpsychological sense of the term, upon
attitude change.
The recognitionof the importance of the influence
of the group and the socialenvironment generallyupon
the individualmaybe considered one of the most im-
portant landmarks in the progress of the scientific
study of human behaviour. In the Nineteenth century,
when scientificpsychology m a y be said to have had its
beginnings,the emphasis of research was primarily
upon general laws to explain the mental (primarily
congitive) functioning of human beings, with little
regard being paid to individualdifferences. Toward
the end of the Nineteenth century the emphasis
shifted to individual differences; and the study of
characterology, and later personality theory,
flourished. As a reaction to the previous trends,
individuality was over-emphasizedby some schools,
to the neglect of, or even denial of, lawfulness in
human behaviour. This differing emphasis between
the individual and the general has been charac-
terized by G.W.Allport (1937) as the ideographic
versus the nomothetic approach (adapted from the
terminology of Windelband).
Early approaches to social psychology often
reflectedthis same trend,explainingsocial behav-
iour in terms of inherent tendencies within the
individual, such as instinct, sentiment, etc. (e.g.
McDougall, 1908). It m a y be safely said that it was
not until the 1920's. as modern empirical methods
began to be applied to an appreciable extent in
22
social psychology, that the importance of social
influences upon the individual was fully realized
(e.g. F.H.Allport, 1924; Bechterew anddelange,
1924). A s Lewin (1935) has shown, this develop-
ment in psychology parallels a similar earlier
development in physics in the transition from
Aristotelian to Galilean modes of thought: In Aris-
totelian physics, the tendency of a light object to
go upwards and of a heavy object to fall downwards
was explained on the basis of inherent propensities
within the objects themselves; since Galileo, we
know that the behaviour of a body is a product of
the total field forces acting upon the body at any
given time and that, for instance, even the weight
of an object is not absolute but is relative to the
object's surroundings. Similarly, we know today
that an individual considered in a vacuum, i.e.
apart from the social influences of his environ-
ment, is a fiction.
It is neither possible,nor indeed necessary, to
sketch further here the vast body of well-known
research which has been amassed to demonstrate
this point. W e shall consider rather some of the
more important research bearing directly on the
question of group influence upon attitude change.
Amongthe most classical studies of the influence
of the group situation upon the formation and change
of attitudes and norms are those of Sherif (1936,
1937), using the autokinetic phenomenon. When
a single small source of light is presented in an
otherwise completely dark room, it appears after
a short time to move in an erratic and irregular
fashion, since there is nothing in the room in
reference to which one can locate it. If asked to
estimate the distance through which the light
appearedto move, the subject is at a loss for any
objective standard of comparison. Under these
circumstances,Sherif demonstrated that subjects
tend to establish a subjective range of extent (a
scale), and a point within that range (a standard
or norm), whichis peculiar to the individual. Thus
the subject establishes for himself a frame of re-
ference in an otherwise unstable perceptual field.
When this same experimentis conducted in a group
situation, whereby each individual can hear the
orally given judgement of the other members of
the group, a group norm tends to become esta-
blished within a short period of time, to which the
individual members of the group conform in their
judgements. If, furthermore,the other members
ofthe group are confederates of the experimenter,
who gives predetermined judgements,the experi-
mental subjects will usually conform to this

pre-established norm. A n interesting finding of
this latter experimental situation is that the con-
vergence toward the pre-determined norm does not
disappear when the subject is alone in a subsequent
session. In fact, on the whole, convergence toward
the prescribed norm is greater in the session alone
than in the initial session when the social influence
was present.
That the phenomenon described by Sherif is of a
general nature and not dependent upon the particu-
lar experimental situation is demonstrated by the
fact that similar findings have been found by ex-
perimenters using different stimulus modalities,
such as cutaneous perception of warmth (McCord,
1948), duration of perceptual phenomena (Sinha,
1952). estimates of size (Bovard, 1951; Mausner,
1954) and of number (Bovard, 1953; Sodhi, 1953)
and aesthetic judgement (Mausner, 1953). Sodhi
(1953)has furthermore shown that this tendency
towards convergence is a function of the level of
difficulty in making judgements; as the level of
difficulty increases, convergence towards a com-
m o n norm is more marked.
The implications of the above results for the
formation and change of social attitudes generally
are quite obvious. Sherif and Sherif (1956,p. 488)
in discussing these implications conclude: 'The
experiments ...showin a simple waythe basicpsy-
chological process involved in the establishment
of social norms. The psychological basis of estab-
lished social norms such as stereotypes,fashion,
conventions,customs and values is the formation
of c o m m o n reference points or anchorages as a
product of interaction among individuals. Once
such anchorages are established and internalized
by the individual they become important factors in
determining or modifying his reactions to the situ-
ations that he will face later alone. ...'
Also among the most compelling evidence for
the influence of the group upon the individual atti-
tude is the well-known work of Asch (1951, 1952).
These experiments were concerned with conditions
under which individuals either resist, or are in-
duced to yield to, group pressures when the latter
are perceived to be contrary to fact. The following
experimental technique was used in this series of
studies. In a group situation the subjects had the
task of judging rather simple, clearly structured,
perceptual relations: they were to match the length
of a given line with one of three unequal lines, The
judgements were given orally so that each subject
was aware of the judgements given by the other
members of the group. In fact, however, all m e m -
bers of the group except one, the experimental sub-
ject, were confederates of the experimenter and
had instructions to respond at designated times with
- -
wrong and unanimous judgements. The magni-
tude of the errors made by the majority was con-
siderablygreater thanthat which could be attributed
to chance. Thus the experimental subject found
himself in a situation of being a minority of one in
the midst of a unanimous majority. A number of
variations of this experimental technique were
Group-Oriented Research
conducted, but the general result was that a large
percentage of individuals yielded to the pressure
of the unanimous majority, even though this major-
ity Wac,very clearly in error. In other words,
the pressure of majority opinion was so great that
the individual responded with judgements contrary
to that which he felt to be correct. In many sub-
jects there occurred a process whereby they ration-
alized this discrepancy, thus making it possible
to conform to the majority opinion.
W e have discussed these results of Sherif and
Asch in such detail for very good reason: if the
-
effect of such experimentally created groups i.e.,
persons who were unknown to the subject previously
and who are of no particular significance to him-
upon the norms and attitude of the individual is so
compelling, how much more compelling must the
effect on the individual be of groups who have very
definite emotional and practical significance for
him? W e might logically expect that the effect of
such reference groups upon the individual will be
even greater.
One of the most impressive investigations of
the effect of reference groups upon attitude change
is the well-known 'Bennington Study' (Newcomb,
1943, 1948). In this investigation, the entire
student body of a small liberal arts college in the
United States was studied (morethan 600individuals).
Bennington College was noted for the generally
liberal atmosphere which prevailed with respect
to a wide range of social attitudes. The students
came mostly from families of upper-middle or
upper class socio-economic status whose social
attitudes were rather conservative. Systematic
study showed a progressive change in social atti-
tudes from conservative to liberal during the four
years of study at this school. Furthermore, the
change was proportionate to the extent to which
the college community, which was the membership
group, became the reference group for the students.
A follow-up investigation (Newcomb, 1950) showed,
moreover, that the longer the residence in this
'closely knit, integrated community' the greater
was the change in the liberal direction and the
greater was the persistence of the changed attitudes
(ibid.,p. 206 et seq.).
These findings, and particularly Newcomb's
distinction between membership groups and refer-
ence groups, have very important practical impli-
cations and have been confirmed by subsequent
investigations. Siegel and Siegel (1957) studied
attitude changes among women university students
which occurred over time when reference groups
and membership groups were identical and when
they were disparate. When divergent membership
groups with disparate attitude norms were socially
imposed on the basis of a random event, attitude
change in the subjects over time was a function of
the extent to which the subjects came to take the
imposed, initially non-preferred , membership
group as their reference group.
An earlier study by Sims and Patrick (1936)had
shown that this factor of conformity to the norms
23
Group-Oriented Research
of the group of which one is a member, and which
one comes to a greater or lesser extent to take as
a reference group, m a y result in attitude change
in a negative direction as well. These authors
studied the attitudes of white students from
Northern homes in the United States attending a
Southern college. The first-year students in this
group held attitudes only slightly less favourable
toward the Negro than those of Northern college
students in their first year. However, by the third
and fourth year of residence in the Southern college,
the students from Northern homes had shifted their
attitudes towards Negroes in a negative direction
very nearly to the position of their Southern class-
mates.
M o r e recent research has confirmed the fact
that the influence of the reference group can change
the individual's attitude in either a positive or a
negative direction. Kelley and Woodruff (1956)con-
ducted an experiment with a group of students at a
teachers' college which demonstrated this point.
By reason of their training these students were
committed to positive attitudes toward modern, as
opposed to traditional, teaching practices. These
attitudes were a part of their firmly held group
norms. The experimenters presented the students
with a recorded speech which argued in favour of
the use of traditional rather than modern teaching
practices, thus going counter to the established
group norms. Several times during the speech
a main point made by the speaker was followed by
recorded applause. The experiment was conducted
in a series of small group sessions, whereby some
of the groups were told that the speech had been
recorded at a meeting of the faculty of their school,
whereas other groups were told that the speech was
recorded at a general public meeting in another
community. Thus the former thought that their
own teachers (who were part of their reference
group) were applauding points contrary to their
norm, whereas the latter thought that the applause
was coming from people w h o m they did not know.
The results showed that those students who were
told that the applause was coming from their own
faculty changed their attitudes more in favour of
traditional teaching practices than did those stu-
dents who thought that the applause was coming
from an unknown group.
A large number of further investigations have
shown that membership in peer groups on the part
of schoolchildren and university students m a y have
an increasingly greater effect upon changing the
attitudes of the subjects as these membership
groups increasingly become reference groups for
the individuals. The conclusion that m a y be drawn
from these studies is that although negative inter-
group attitudes most frequently develop as a result
of adopting the norm of the family unit as the pri-
mary group, and programmes of action might well
direct attention to parents as instruments of atti-
tude change, we need not be discouraged by the
obvious difficulties which such a programme of
action presents; for peer groups, especially as
24
they develop in school and in university settings,
m a y well become reference groups and have a
positive effect in changing attitudes, thus counter-
acting the 'culturallag' which is so apparent in our
society today. Nowak (1960)has demonstrated this
fact very clearly in his study of egalitarian attitudes
of Warsaw students. This author found that socio-
economic status and occupational categories acted
as a reference group for the students (the higher
the reference group is located in the stratification
of income, the less egalitarian the attitudes are);
on the other hand, he also found a weakening over
time of the association between egalitarianism and
parents' income. The author postulated here the
operation of a process of socialization or adapta-
tion to the standard and norms of the respective
school environment and desocialization from the
family environment. H e found the r61e of face-to-
face groups to be especially important in attitude
change. For instance the degree of correlation
between egalitarianism and socio-economic back-
ground was less among those students living in
dormitories,i.e., in more face-to-facecontact
with their fellow students.
In addition to school and university groups,
membership in a number of different groups m a y
give these groups, to a certain extent, the charac-
ter of reference groups and thus change the atti-
tudes of their members. Brophy (1946). for instance,
found large differences in attitudes toward Negroes
among white seamen belonging to three different
trade unions who differed with respect to their
anti-discrimination policies. Gundlach (1950)
investigated the attitudes of white female factory
workers in N e w York City who belonged to a 'left
wing' trade union with a militant anti-discrimina-
tion policy and found them to have a surprisingly
low degree of prejudice toward Negroes. The fac-
tory workers investigated by Gundlach were also
significantly less prejudiced than white housewives
in a non-segregated N e w York City housing project
(Deutsch and Collins, 1951). In another investiga-
tion, Watson (1950) studied 45 N e w York City resi-
dents who reported that there had been a marked
change in their attitudes toward Negroes or Jews.
In intensive interviews with these subjects, it was
found that more than half of them reported that the
change had been preceded by their entry into some
new institutionalized group whose standards were
different from their previous ones.
What happens when attempts are made to induce
attitudes which are contrary to the group norms?
Kelley andVolkart(1952)have shown that attempts
to change group-anchored attitudes usually meet
with resistance, the amount of resistance usually
depending upon the degree to which the group in
which the attitudes are anchored is considered by
the individual to be a reference group. In a further
investigation,Kelley(1955) demonstratedmore fully
the positive relationship between 'salienceof m e m -
bership'and resistanceto change of group-anchored
attitudes. These results have likewise been
confirmed by Furuya (1958) in a different cultural

setting; however, this author's findings suggested
a more complex hypothesis, i. e. that pressure in
a group situation to change group-anchored norms
m a y succeed if the pressure is great enough, but
there then results a stabilization of the existing
attitudes which are resistant to later change. This
point has also been demonstrated byKelman(1952).
Another important line of group-oriented re-
search on attitude change has been that associated
with the notion of 'groupdecision' (Lewin, 1953,
1958). In these studies, which had their origin
during World W a r I1 with the objective of changing
the food habits of American families to include
items usually not found desirable by them, for in-
stance beef hearts, kidneys, etc. , a 'lecture m e -
thod' was compared with a 'discussionmethod'. In
the lectures, various appeals were used: informa-
tion was provided, instruction was given on attrac-
tive ways of preparing these cuts of meat and
mimeographed recipes were distributed. In the
discussion group, information was also given, but
the groups were then stimulated to discuss theissue
and arrive at a group decision. A follow-up inves-
tigation to see whether or not the subjects had
actually included these food items in their meals
showed that whereas only 3 per cent of the subjects
exposed to the lectures had been influenced to in-
clude these food items in their menus, 32 per cent
of the individuals in the discussion groups had done
so. More recent investigations(Levine and Butler,
1953) have confirmed these results, showing the
compelling influence of 'group-decision' on the
attitudes and behaviour of the individual.
However, Murphy's (1953) comparative studies
in the setting of the Indian culture have pointed to
the possibility that these results are dependent
upon cultural norms. In experiments attemptingto
change caste attitudes of secondary school students
in India using various methods, lectures employing
emotional appeals brought about greater changes
than the discussion method. Further cross-cultural
research is necessary in order to determine the
significance of these differences.
One of the most interesting examples of an ex-
perimental approach to the development and change
of intergroup attitudes is the so-called 'Robbers
Cave Study' by Sherif and co-workers (Sherif,
Harvey, White, Hood and Sherif, 1954). The inves-
tigation was carried out in Robbers Cave State Park
in Oklahoma, U.S.A.; subjects were 22 boys of
about 11 years of age,comingfrom the established,
middle socio-economic class and having above-
average IQ. All were healthy, socially well-adjusted
boys. The experiment was conducted in three
stages:
1. The stage of intergroup formation: the subjects
were divided into two groups (of matched pairs)
and allowed to form group structures and norms
of their o w n naturally and developed in-group
feelings. The two groups adopted the names
'Rattlers'and 'Eagles',respectively.
2. The stage of intergroup friction and conflict:
the two groups were brought into competing and
Group-Oriented Research
frustrating relations with one another. A s a
result,feelings of in-group solidaritydeveloped,
but also unfavourable stereotypes came to be
used with regard to out-group members. It
might be said that negative intergroup attitudes
had developed. (It must be noted, however,
that such attitudes do not necessarily develop;
here frustrating situations were deliberately
created experimentally.)
3. Stage of reduction of intergroup friction: as a
means of improving intergroup relations and
changing negative attitudes and stereotypes, the
two groups were brought into situations in which
desirable super-ordinate goals existed which
necessitated co-operative inter-action between
the two groups. Following this, a decrease in
intergroup tension and a change in the negative
attitudes and stereotypes resulted.
The hypotheses were confirmed that 'when groups
in a state of friction are brought into contact under
conditions embodying super-ordinate goals, which
are compelling,but which cannot be achieved by
the efforts of one group alone, they will tend
to co-operate toward the c o m m o n goal, and co-
operation between groups necessitated by a series
of situations embodying super-ordinate goals will
have a cumulative effect in the direction of reduc-
tion of existing tension between groups'. (ibid.,p.
318 et seq.) . The findings of this ingenious study
have obvious implications for intergroup relations
and attitude change on a larger scale.
In conclusion, we have seen rather compelling
evidence that an individual's attitudes do not form
and persist in a vacuum but are dependent to a
large degree upon the attitudes and norms of the
groups which form his frame of reference. In the
following chapter we shall see further evidence of
social influence upon the attitudes of the individual
through the effect of interpersonal communications
and mass communication media.
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M c D O U G A L L , W. 1908. Introduction to social
psychology. London, Methuen and Co.
MURPHY,G. 1953. In the minds of men. N e w
York, Basic Books.
NEWCOMB, T.M. 1943. Personality and social
change. N e w York, Dryden.
. 1948. Attitude development as a function
of reference groups. In: M. Sherif (ed.). I&
outline of social psychology. NewYork, Harper.
~~~
. 1950. Social psychology. N e w York,
Dryden Press.
NOWAK,S. 1960. Egalitarian attitudes of Warsaw
students. American sociological review, 25,
p. 219-31.
SHERIF, M. 1936. The psychology of social
norms. N e w York, Harper.
. 1937. An experimental approach to the
study of attitudes. Sociometry, 1 , p. 90-8.
; HARVEY, O.J.; WHITE, B.J.; HOOD,
W.R.; SHERIF, C .W. 1954. Experimental
study of positive and negative inter-group
attitudes between experimentally produced
groups: Robbers Cave study. Norman, Okla.,
University of Oklahoma (multilithed).
; SHERIF, C.W. 1953. Groups in
harmony and tension. N e w York, Harper.
___ . 1956. A n outline of social
psychology, (rev. ed.). N e w York, Harper.
SIEGEL, A.E.; SIEGEL, S. 1957. Reference
groups, membership groups, and attitude
change. Journal of abnormal and social
psychology, 55, p. 360-4.
SIMS. B.M.; PATRICK,J.R. 1936. Attitude
toward the Negro of Northern college
I -
students. Journal of social psychology, 7,
p. 192-204.
SINHA, D. 1952. An experimental study of a
social factor in perception: the influence of
an arbitrary group standard. Patna Universitx
journal, Patna.
SODHI, K.S. 1953. Urteilsbildung im Sozialen
Kraftfeld, mttingen, Verlag fur Psychologie .
W A T S O N , J. 1950. Some social and psycho-
logical situations related to change in attitudes.
Human Relations, 3, p. 15-56.
 CHAPTER 3
PERSUASIVE C O M M U N I C A T I O N S RESEARCH
A s the major textbooks of social psychology cor-
rectly point out, communication is the cornerstone
of man's social behaviour. It is primarily the
ability to communicate on a symbolic plane through
the use of language that differentiatesHomosapiens
from other species and makes the human being a
socialanimal. Any attempt to persuade, change the
attitude of, or otherwise influence our fellow m a n
must necessarily make use of communication. Thus
communication would seem to be basic to our whole
subject matter, Indeed, logically speaking, the
research which we shall cover here cuts across
nearly all of the various disciplines. On the one
hand, attempts at attitude change through inter-
personal communicationsinvolvethe personality of
the recipient of the communication and of the com-
municator himself, as well as the relationship
between the communicator and his audience and the
dynamics of the group process manifest in the
experimental situation. On the other hand, as we
have alreadypointed out, a distinctionis often not
made between interpersonalcommunications,where
there is face-to-face contact between the com-
municator and his audience, and communications
through mass media where such contactislacking.
The question of mass media as a means of attitude
change raises, in turn, broad issues which must
be considered from the viewpoint of the society or
culture as a whole. Nevertheless, an inspection
of the literature on attitude change very clearly
shows a large body of research centred around
what m a y be called persuasive communication, W e
shall therefore attempt to sketch here the major
recent trends in this area which has grown so
rapidly in very recent years.
A s has been pointed out by a number of writers,
earlier research on changing attitudes through
communication was characterized by a 'scarcityof
well-planned experiments in the bulk of research
reports' (Sherif and Sherif, 1956, p. 555). This
research actually has a rather long history, as far
as the relatively young science of psychology is
concerned. A survey of the literature reveals
a fair amount of such research as early as the
1 9 2 0 ' ~with
~ the number of studies increasinginto
the 1930's. The general form of these studies has
been to use some standard instrument for attitude
measurement, such as a Thurstone or Likert-type
scale, in a 'before-after'design, with the influence
procedure (writtenmaterials, speeches, discus-
sions, debates, motion pictures, courses of study,
etc.) presented in between. Experiments which
were reasonably well-planned usually used two
groups of subjects, an experimental and a control
group.
As earlier surveys (Murphy, Murphy and N e w -
comb, 1937; Williams, 1947)have shown, most
such experiments did show some change of attitude
in the direction of the communication, as measured
by the instruments. However, the studies showed
little agreement as to the 'best'method of changing
attitudes through communication; and not a small
number of them showed no significant change, or
even change in the opposite direction to that which
was intended. The reason for these variable re-
sults is very probably to be found in the fact that
the design of such research did not take into con-
sideration knowledge of interpersonal relations,
group processes,communicationtheory,and other
factors involved in the process of attitude change,
about which w e know considerably more today.
N o attempt will be made to review these pre-
vious studies. The emphasis here will be upon
more recent research on the effectiveness of
communications in attitude change, which has taken
some of these more differential factors into con-
sideration. Early research will be referred to only
occasionally where it is necessaryto do so in order
to elucidatethe issues involvedin current research.
Without attempting any complete analysis of the
various aspects involvedinthe effects of communi-
cation upon changing attitudes, we shall consider
differentially the effects of the following factors:
the communicator; the communication; and the
recipient of the communication. Ln the following
chapter w e shall review some theoretical problems
involved in the process of attitude change through
communication.
The Communicator
Although it would appear a priori rather obvious
that the factor of who says or presents a c o m m u -
nication (or in the case of mass media, to which
source the communication is attributed) must be
of great importance, this factor was surprisingly
neglected in earlier research. This neglect m a y
well have been responsible for some of the discrep-
ancies in the findings of previous studies. Thus,
for instance, Hovland (1958), in reviewing research
on the r61e of primacy and recency in persuasive
communication (which w e shall discuss at greater
length below), suggests that the discrepancy be-
tween the findings of an earlier investigation by
Lund (1925) and those of a more recent study
by Cromwell (1950), using the same experimental
27
Persuasive Communications Research
design, m a y be in part attributable to the effects
of the communicator; whereas in Lund's study the
experimenter was also the instructor of the sub-
jects, thus increasing the motivation to learn the
first-presented communication, Cromwell, in his
investigation, used a neutral experimenter (in an
attempt to minimize the effect of this factor), thus
arriving at results which did not confirm Lund's
findings as to the importance of primacy in the
presentation of the material.
More recent experimentalinvestigationsdesigned
specifically to study the influence of the c o m m u -
nicator or source of the communication have con-
firmed the significance of this variable. Hovland
and Weiss (1951). using college students as
subjects, found that by varying the source of com-
munication,the same communication had a greater
effect when the subjects regarded its source as
trustworthy and reliable than when they considered
the source to be untrustworthy. In one case the
students were told that the author of the com-
munication was a prominent scientist in their o w n
country, and in the other the source was identified
as being a State-controlled newspaper of another
nation which was not regarded by the students as
being trustworthy (only the subjective evaluation of
the subjects is important; the actual reliability of
the sources is not under discussion here). These
results have been confirmed in another study by
Kelman and Hovland (1953), using high school stu-
dents as subjects. These subjects were presented
with a recorded educational radio programme,
whereby three different speakers or 'communica - pecially the case when the source of the communi-
tors' took an identical stand on the issue of how to
treat juvenile delinquency,all advocating a policy
of greater leniency. The three speakers could be
characterized as 'positiveI , 'negative',and 'neu-
tral'. The 'positive'communicator (identified as
a highly respected, well-informed judge in a juve;
nile court) had considerably more effect on chang-
ing the subjects' attitudes than did the 'negative'
communicator (identified as a rather 'shady'
and not very law-abidingindividual); the 'neutral'
communicator (identified as a m e m b e r of the radio
audience who was chosen at random) had an effect
which was intermediate between the other two.
Another study by Hovland and Mandell (1952) has
shown that the subject's evaluation of the c o m m u -
nicator in terms of his impartiality significantly
affects the degree of attitude change achieved by
the communication. In this investigation students
were presented with a general discussion of the
American monetary system, leading to a conclu-
sion in favour of devaluation of the currency. In
two variations of the experimental procedure, an
introduction to the communicator was given which
in one case led to a suspicion of his motives (i.e. ,
he was introduced as the head of a large importing
firm who would profit from devaluation), whereas
in the other case the communicator 's impartiality
was emphasized(i.e., he was introduced as a well-
known professor of economics). The results showed
that the communicator who was regarded as being
28
impartial had a considerably greater effect upon
changing attitudes than did the one whose motives
were suspect. A number of recent investigations
have confirmed these findings as to the important
effect to 'communicatorcredibility' upon attitude
change (e.g., Fine, 1957); Ludlum, 1958; Choo,
1960; etc.). Pastore and Horowitz (1955) have
also demonstratedthe influence of the motive attrib-
uted to the communicator on the acceptance of
a statement.
Onthe other hand, a number of studies indicate
that the effects of high-credibility sources are not
very enduring. Hovland and Weiss (1951) and
Kelman and Hovland (1953) found in follow-up
experiments that the differential effectiveness of
high-credibility sources had disappeared after a
period of afew weeks. Hovland,Janis and Kelley
(1953) conclude: 'The main implication of the pre-
sent results is that the credibility of the c o m -
municator m a y under certain circumstances ...
be important only with respect to the amount of
immediate opinion change produced' (p. 39). How-
ever, as these authors point out, the effect of the
communicator m a y be much more lasting when a
very close association exists between the source
and content of the communication. When, for in-
stance,the source ofthe communicationconstitutes
some form of reference system for the subject,
and when the content of the communication seeks
to change attitudes in the direction of conformity
to norms of this reference system, the effect of
the source is likely to be very great. This is es-
cation is an important reference person for the
subject (e.g., a communication from a parent call-
ing upon a child to change his behaviour in some
manner or other has very direct implications in
terms of the relationship between the child and the
parent and is likely to be followed) or a reference
group. An example of the latter is the study by
Kelley and Woodruff (19561, discussed in the last
chapter, in which attitude change on the part of
students was much greater in the case where the
source of the communication is perceived as being
approved by the student's o w n faculty than when it
was approved by persons unknown to them. In this
case probably both prestige factors and the influ-
ence of reference group norms were involved.
In a study on the effects of 'feed-back'from the
experimenter on conformity behaviour, Jones,
Zell and Torrey (1958)have shown that the beha-
viour of the communicator in the course of theinter-
action situation (for instance, in terms of approval
or disapproval) will have an important effect upon
the subject in terms of his conformity in the direc-
tion of the communication'scontent.
A n interesting study showing the intimate rela-
tionship between communicator and the content of
the message is that of Tannenbaum (1956). This
author found that not only did subjects tend not to
accept statements attributed to persons toward
w h o m theyhad negative feelings,but vice versa, if
the subject originally favoured the view presented,

his attitude toward the source to which the view was
attributed became more favourable. For example,
subjects with negative feelings toward labour
leaders tended to reject arguments in favour of
legalized gambling when these were attributed to the
labour leaders. On the other hand, subjects who
originally favoured legalized gambling developed
more positive attitudes towards labour leaders upon
reading a communication favouring their view which
was attributed to labour leaders.
Communication
Shifting our focus of attention now from the c o m -
municator to the communication itself, we are led
to ask not only who said it but also what was said
(or communicated) and how. Specifically we shall
consider: (a) the content of the communication;
(b) the nature of the appeal; (c) the manner of pre-
sentation; and (d)the medium of communication.
Content of the communication. That the effect
of a communication upon the attitude of the recip-
ient is dependent among other things upon the
actual content of the communication is rather
apparent. Especially in the area of mass c o m m u -
nications media, concerning which a vast body of
research results has grown up in recentyears which
we cannot begin to review in detail here, the ques-
tion of the content of the communication has re-
ceived considerable attention. For a more detailed
description of the technique of content analysis in
communication research, the reader is referred
to the excellent review by Berelson (1954). To
mention just a couple of illustrative examples as
an indication of the importance of this line of
research, Berelson and Salter (1946) analysed
short stories in widely circulated American maga-
zines and found that members of the 'majority'were
typically shown to be 'nice people', heroes, etc.,
whereas members of minority groups were most fre-
quently shown in negative rbles; and Shuey (19531,
in an analysis of pictures in magazine advertise-
ments, found members of a discriminated minority
consistently presented in inferior social and occu-
pational rdles (indisproportiontothe actual distri-
bution of occupations according to census figures).
A large number of other investigations have like-
wise shown how such content of mass communica-
tion media helps to perpetuate popular stereotypes
and thus retard progress toward complete equality.
Apart from this type of analysis, it is necessary
also to consider the effect of the content of a c o m -
munication in relationship to the recipient and his
existing attitudes. An important limitation of the
effects of mass communication upon attitude change
m a y be seen in the selectivity of the recipients.
Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet (1944)have shown,
for instance, that during a political campaign those
people who have a very definite opinion on a parti-
cular issue or candidate selectively react to com-
munications in such a manner as to attend to news-
papers, speeches, etc. which are in accordance
Persuasive Communications Research
with their views and ignore those which are not in
accordance with them. H y m a n and Sheatsley (1947),
in their analysis of 'some reasons why information
campaigns fail', have shown that with the same ex-
posure to various mass media the amount of infor-
mation actually absorbed concerning certain issues
was directly related to the amount of interest in
them. Thus information on an issue in which the
person was not interested was not absorbed. More
recent evidence of such selectivity has been pro-
vided by Mills, Aronson and Robinson (1959). A s
Flowerman (1949)has poiqted out,informationwhich
runs counter to established group norms is also not
likely to have much effect on recipients who are
members of these groups no matter how 'factual'
or 'scientific'it might be. Inthe last chapter w e dis-
cussed experimental evidence demonstrating that
'group anchored' attitudes are resistant to change
(KelleyandVolkart,1952; Kelley, 1955).
Nature of appeal. A major problem in considering
what type of appeal should be used in a communi-
cation designed to produce attitude change has been
that of the relative effectiveness of 'emotional'
versus 'rational'approaches. ln the past, many
programmes of action designed to change attitudes
have been based on the assumption that negative
intergroup attitudes are merely a result of 'false
information', and that the most effective way of
changing negative stereotypes and prejudice is the
dissemination of 'factualinformation'.
There is no question about the desirability of
distributing information based upon scientific facts
as widely as possible, and undoubtedly such efforts
have an important r61e to play in changing negative
intergroup attitudes. O n the other hand, w e rea-
lize today that the matter is not quite as simple as
all that. Learning theorists know that neurosis is
based upon certain 'false'or maladaptive, learned
associations. However, psychotherapists know
that presenting a neurotic with a book or pamphlet,
or giving him a lecture on the nature of neurosis,
is not, in itself, likely to result in a change of the
neurotic behaviour. If matters were so simple, the
process of psychotherapy and the entire field of
mentalhygiene would be a very easy matter indeed.
Without necessarily implying that this analogy
directly parallels the problem of prejudice or neg-
ative intergroup attitudes, we know that presenting
a highly prejudiced person with a book or pamphlet,
or giving him a lecture designed to 'correct'his
'false'ideas, will not necessarily be successful in
achieving the desired goals. For one thing, he is
very likely not to read the printed material or at-
tend the lecture, or if he is forced to do so, he is
likelyto misperceive or failto perceive the infor-
mation presented to him or in some other manner
engage in 'resistance' (cf. Cooper and Jahoda,
1947).
O n the other hand, in the course of recent his-
tory we have often enough been witness to the sad
fact that highly emotional appeals on the part of
bigots and despots have been very successful in
29
Persuasive Communications Research
changingthe attitudes of large numbers of people and
of movingthem to engage in actions which were any-
thing but conducive to healthy intergroup relations.
In attempting to change negative intergroup atti-
tudes, which appeal, then, should w e use? Should
w e resort to the emotional appeals of the rabble
rouser? H o w can w e get round the obstacle of
resistance to purely rational appeals? Past exper-
imental research on this question has produced
contradictory results. F o r instance, Hartmen
(1936) and Menefee and Granneberg (1940) have
reported experimental data showing that c o m m u -
nications with 'emotional' appeals were relatively
m o r e effective than those using purely 'rational'
appeals. O n the other hand, Knower (1935) arrived
at results showing that 'emotional' appeals m a y be
less effective than 'rational' ones. O n e reason for
such conflicting results is very probablyto be found
in the lack of unambiguous definition as to what
constitutes 'rational' or 'emotional' appeals. M o r e
recent research by Janis and Feshbach (1953, 1954).
Feshbach and Singer (1957) and Feshbach (1961)
have dealt with the problem of one particular type
of emotional appeal, namely fear-arousing or
threat appeals. Janis and Feshbach(l953) demon-
strated that communications designed to change
attitudes by m e a n s of threat m a y elicit defensive
responses which reduce the intended effect of the
communication. Feshbach and Singer (19571,
referring to the earlier studies and pointing also to
clinical evidence showing that threat m a y elicit
hostility as well as avoidant behaviour, examined
'conditions under which threatening situations
elicit hostility and effect the expression of social
prejudice'. The results of their investigation
confirmed the hypothesis that communications per-
ceived as a personal threat result in an increase
in social prejudice. At the s a m e time, however,
their investigation showed that communications
interpreted as a shared threat resulted in a decrease
in social prejudice. These results are suggestive
of those of Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood andSherif
(1954), who demonstrated that activity directed
toward super-ordinate goals requiring the co-
operation of groups led to a reduction of aggressive
tension between the groups.
These results, providing empirical verification
of hypotheses derived from clinical work as to
defensive reactions to fear or threat, must be
seriouslytaken into considerationbefore any attempt
is m a d e to change intergroup attitudes by m e a n s of
such appeals. Extrapolating from these results,
it m a y be hypothesized that communications arous-
ing guilt feelings, which is often the case in efforts
designed to reduce prejudice or discrimination,
m a y , under certain circumstances, also result in
defensive reactions and thus not have the desired
effect. Indeed Haefner (1956), examining the ef-
fects of both fear-arousal and guilt-arousal, found
a lesser degree of acceptance of the content of
communications when strong feelings gf fear or
guilt were elicited. Of course, this evidence does
not m e a n that no attempt should be m a d e to point
30
out inequities or to admonish the majority group
for their discriminatory treatment of minorities.
A s Feshbach (1961, p. 12) has pointed out, 'the
effectiveness of an emotional appeal will in part
depend upon the particular behaviour that the c o m -
municator is interested in encouraging'. Referring
to evidence put forward by Taylor (1956) showing
that the arousal of anxiety tends to interfere with
complex learning, but to facilitate simple learning,
Feshbach concludes: 'In order for the strong
appeal to have maximal effects,the response to be
encouraged should not only be a simple behavioural
act but should also be a relatively immediate one ...
if time is permitted to elapse between the presen-
tation and the performance of the desired behaviour
there will be a greater opportunity for defensive
behaviour to occur. ... Hence, where there is a
concern for the audience's future as well as i m m e -
diate behaviour, a minimal anxiety arousing appeal
again takes precedence over a strong anxiety arous-
ing communication' (Feshbach, 1961, p. 12).
Although these results should not be over-genera-
lized, they must be taken into consideration in
deciding upon the type of appeal to be used in c o m -
munications designed to produce attitude change.
The precise nature of the communication which
would be most appropriate will depend, of course,
upon the particular concrete situation in which it
is to be employed and upon the specific goals that
are to be achieved.
Manner of presentation. O n e of the mpst classical
questions concerning the relationship between the
effectiveness of a communication and its manner
of presentation has revolved around the question of
the relative supremacy of 'primacy' or 'recency'.
In an earlier investigation, Lund (1925) presented
college students with mimeographed communica-
tions supporting first one side and thenthe opposite
side of a controversial issue. The results of this
experiment showed that the side of the issue pre-
sented first had the greatest effect upon the atti-
tudes of the students. O n the basis of these results,
Lund enunciated a L a w of Primacy in persuasion,
stating as a general principle t h
t the side of an
issue presented first will have a greater effective-
ness than the side presented subsequently. H o w -
ever, Cromwell (1950), in a later investigation,
found a significantly greater change produced in
the direction of that side of the issue presented
last, thus obtaining a recency effect rather than a
primacy effect. In an attempt to investigate further
this discrepancy, Hovland and Mandell (1957)
conducted an investigation in which every effort
was m a d e to follow Lund's procedure as closely as
possible. The results of this replication were
again unclear, with s o m e groups showing primacy
and other groups showing recency effects. In view
ofthis lack of clear-cut results,Hovland andMandell
(1957) replicated the Lund experiment once again,
using this time topics of prequmably greater cur-
rent interest. Again an absence of evidence for
primacy effects under the given conditions w a s

found, thus raising serious doubts as to the gener-
ality of the results obtained by Lund.
It would appear, then, that under certain condi-
tions primacy effects are operative and under other
conditions recency effects. Further experimenta-
tion was designed to assess the influence of certain
variables on the relative prevalence of recency or
primacy in persuasive communications. Hovland
-
et al. (1957), in summarizing the results of a
series of experiments dealing with this problem,
have pointed out a number of factors that are prob-
ably operative. Hovland, Campbell and Brock
(1958) studied the effect of public 'commitment'to
a position after hearing only one side. When the
individual is induced to take an action on the basis
of hearing only the first side of an issue, i.e.
publicly commit himself to the position, a primacy
effect is likely to occur. These authors presented
one side of a controversial issue to one group of
subjects and then asked them to write their opinion
on the issue for publication in a magazine to be
read by their peers. Control subjects likewise
wrote their opinions, but these were anonymous
and no mention was made of possible publication.
Subsequently,and without prior announcement,the
other side of the issue was presented to both groups
and attitude measures were again obtained. The
results show that the public expression of opinion
tended to 'freeze'the subjects' views and make
them resistantto influence by the second side of the
issue. The authors hypothesized that this effect
is mediated through social rewards and the need
for social approval on the part of the subjects.
Hovland and Mandell (1957)further investigated the
possibility that private 'commitment'after hearing
only one side of the issue would lead to similar re-
sults. However, no significant differences were
found between the experimental and control subjects.
Another factor which m a y explain the 'primacy'
effect observed in a number of investigations is the
Einstellungs effect, or set, created by first im-
pressions. Asch (1946) has shown this to be the
case in formingimpressions ofpersonality. Luchins
(1958 a), in a more recent study, has also demon-
strated the existence of this effect. The impli-
cations of these findings for intergroup attitudes
generally are apparent. The persistence and re-
sistance to change of stereotypes concerning groups
m a y well be explained partly on the basis of this
Einstellungs effect, wherein other factors, such
as the law of Pragnanz m a y contribute to explain
this phenomenon (although, as we have noticed pre-
viously, there are wide individual differences in
these tendencies). O n the more positive side,
Luchins, in further experiments, studied possibi-
lities of minimizingthe impact of firstimpressions,
that is to say reducing the Einstellungs effect
(Luchins, 1958 b). The results show that effortsto
minimize Einstellungs effects were successful to
a certain extent. 'When an explicit admonition
against the development of a set or Einstellung was
given at the outset ... somewhat less Einstellungs
effect was obtained. Such an admonition was even
Persuasive Communications Research
more effective if placed immediately after the set-
inducing problems and just prior to the test prob-.
lems I ,(E. , p . 64). Once again the implications
of these results for improving intergroup attitudes
are apparent. It is generally agreed that the goal
in changing negative intergroup attitudes is not that
of substituting rigid, stereotyped notions of a
negative sort with equally rigid and stereotyped
notions of a positive sort, but rather to decrease
the degree of stereotyping. An extrapolation from
Luchins' results would suggest that general admo-
nitions against stereotypy or prejudging, in tde
hope that these would have an effect in some later
situation when the subject is confronted with stereo-
typed material and tempted to accept same, would
be less effective than presenting the subjects with
concrete examples of stereotyping, or of the
Einstellungs effect, and then 'exposing'or explain-
ing this tendency, cautioning against stereotyping
and prejudging.
Viewed in this light, no blanket answer can be
given to the question of .primacy ,versus recency
since a more detailed analysis of the problem is
necessary. Hovland, Janis and Kelley (1953) have
stressed the necessity of considering differentially
the r6le of such factors as attention, learning and
acceptance. In a summary of research dealing
with the effects of order of presentation in persua-
sion, Hovland (1957, p. 154 et seq.) concludes:
'The combined findings from all of the different
studies reported suggest that the side of an issue
presented first is likely to have a disproportionate
influence on opinions under the following conditions:
(1) when cues as to the incompatibility of different
items of information are absent, (2) when the con-
tradictory information is presented by the same
communicator, (3) when committing actions are
taken only after one side of the issue has been pre-
sented, (4) when the issue is an unfamiliar one,
and (5) when the recipient has only a superficial
interest in the issue (low cognitive need). '
In addition to the primacy-recency issue, a
question which has been the object of many inves-
tigations is that of whether it is better to present
one side or both sides of a controversial issue.
This question is not an easy one to answer. A
number of studies have shown that when both sides
of a question which is important to the recipient
are communicated to him by two sources perceived
to be approximately equal in reliability,there is
a tendency for the subject to simply line up with
the side which corresponds to his original opinion
on the issue (e.g. Jarrett and Sheriffs, 1953). O n
the other hand, Lumsdaine and Janis (1953) have
shown definite advantages to presenting both sides
of an issue. These authors exposed two groups of
students to persuasive communications on a partic-
ular issue. One group was presented with a one-
sided argument, whereas the other one was pre-
sented with a communication arriving at the same
conclusion but including arguments on the other
side of the question as well. Both groups were
influenced in the direction of the persuasive
31
Persuasive Communications Research
communication. However, upon later exposure
to 'counter-argument', the group which had been
presented with the one-sided argumentwas shifted
back under the influence of the opposing argument,
whereas those who had been presented with both
sides to begin with were considerably less influ-
enced by this counter argument. They had already
been 'immunized', so to speak. Abelson (1959,
p. 2) summarizes the implications of these and
similar findings as follows: W h e n the audience is
generally friendly, or when your position is the
only one that will be presented, or when you want
immediate, though temporary, opinion change,
present one side of the argument. When the au-
dience starts out disagreeing with you, or when
it is probable that the audience will hear the other
side from someone else, present both sides of the
argument. '
Still another question which arises in connexion
with the manner in which communications should
be presented is whether the communication should
draw a conclusion for the audience or let them ar-
rive at their o w n conclusions. Hovland and Mandell
(1952)found that drawing a conclusionis more effec-
tive than not doing so when the content presented
is (a) complex, hence not clearly structured, and
(b) not intimately related to intense attitudes of the
subjects. The findings of Hovland,Janis and Kelley
(1953)indicate,however,that the reverse is likely
to be the case if the subject of the communication
is ego involved, i.e., if attitudes are aroused
which have personal meaning for the subjects.
Medium of communication. The question of the
effectiveness of the mass media of communication
has been a subject of considerable disagreement.
Most studies and reviews have indicated that the
various mass media do have some effect in chang-
ing attitudes or opinions in the intended direction
(Peterson and Thurstone, 1933; Hovland, L u m s -
daine and Sheffield, 1949; Hovland, 1954; etc.).
O n the other hand, many studies have shown no
change or even changes in the 'wrong'direction
(boomerang effect), indicating that the matter is
not as simple as was previously thought, and point-
ing out the need for consideration of more differen-
tial factors, as w e have attempted to indicate here.
Flowerman (1949), disagreeing with the conclusions
arrived at by Rose (1948), de-emphasizes the value
and effectiveness of mass propaganda as a means
of reducing prejudice and supports, instead, tech-
niques, based upon group structures and interper-
sonal relationships. O n the other hand, Tumin's
findings with respect to readiness for desegre-
gation in the South of the United States indicate a
positive relationship between exposure to mass
media and readiness for desegregation. This
effect is found even when the factor of educational
legel is held constant. This author states: 'Within
any educational group, m y data suggest the more
exposure to mass media the more ready for de-
segregation is the person' (Tumin, 1958, p. 36).
One probable reason for the difference in the
32
conclusions arrived at by Flowerman and Tumin
is the time (approximatelyone decade) intervening
between the two judgements. Flowerman is cer-
tainly correct in saying that mass communication
media whose content runs counter to established
group norms is not likely to have much effect.
However, a decade later mass media expressing
disapproval of segregation and strong approval of
equal rights appears to be expressive of (orperhaps
helped to create) a group norm of the American
society,as a whole. This consideration makes
Tumin's findings quite understandable.
The question of the relative effectiveness of the
various media of communication, especially the
mass media, is a field of its own which we cannot
begin to review extensively here. W e shall merely
indicate very briefly some of the results which more
or less correspond to what would be expected.
One generalization that can be made from pre-
vious research and which is most likely still valid
is that oral presentation of material is more
effective than printed presentation in changing at-
titudes (Wilke, 1934; Knower, 1935, 1936; Hovland,
1954). The effectiveness of films in comparison
with other mass media has also been extensively
investigated. Hoban and van Ormer (1951),intheir
review, arrive at the conclusion that in the field
of education, effective films are approximately
equal to an instructor in terms of communicating
the desired material. Television has also been
compared with other media with respect to its ef-
fectiveness and, as could be expected, the results
favoured television. One laboratory experiment
by Goldberg(l950) has showntelevision to be supe-
rior to radio in terms of effectively communicating
the desired content. However, as Hovland (1954)
has pointed out, further research must be awaited
in order to determine whether this superiority
is intrinsic or due to the relative newness of tele-
vision as a mass communication medium.
The recipient of the communication
That the effectiveness of a communication,will
depend in large part upon the recipient himself is
self-evident. In Chapter 1 we dealt at length with
the r61e of personality differences in relationship
to attitude change. Such personality variables
as authoritarianism, ego-defensiveness,rigidity,
etc., were found to be significant in determining
the individual's susceptibility to change. Thus,
for instance, Zajonc (1960) showed that cognitive
uncertainty was intimately related to cognitive
change. McDavid (1958)investigatedthe difference
between source-oriented and message-oriented
subjects,showingthatthe message-oriented group
was generally less susceptible to influence.
Furthermore, recent research (e.g. Middleton,
1960) has confirmed earlier findings that more
prejudiced individuals were less susceptible to
persuasion than less prejudiced individuals,partic
ularly with respect to the effects of mass com-
'municationsmedia. Manis (1960)has also shown

that the interpretation of communications is a func-
tion of the recipient'sattitude.
W e have also referred to research showing that
the relationship of the recipient to the group is of
significance in determining the effect of c o m m u -
nications upon him. Thus, for instance, Mitnick
(1958)found that the influence of a film communi-
cation upop ethnocentric attitudes was considerably
greater when the content of the film was later dis-
cussed in a group situation.
.In addition to individual differences among recip-
ients, social and cultural differences among recip-
ients of persuasive communications are unques-
tionably of great importance. Some studies have
indicated social class differences in the reaction
to persuasive communications (Ramseyer, 1939;
Wiese and Cole, 1946), and many studies have
shown differences among differing educational
groups (e.g. Tumin, Barton and Burrus, 1958).
A question of particular importance,but one on
which there has been almost no research, is that
of cross-cultural differences in reactions to c o m -
munications attempting to change attitudes. A whole
body of sociological and cultural anthropological
evidence points to the fact that such differences
exist and are probably very important. Unfortu-
nately, most of the work done so far has been con-
ducted in the United States of America, withlittle
opportunity for cross-validating the results by
studies in other cultural settings. A s Hovland
(1954, p. 1089) has very aptly commented:
'Too many of the generalizations about reactionsto
communication are based exclusively on American
audiences (this is not to mention the extent to which
they are based mainly on American college sopho-
mores I). A s the world becomes smaller and social
scientists begin to draw practical conclusions from
their studies on the importance of communication
by communicating more with each other, it is
hoped that this shortcoming can be overcome. '
W e have pointed to the importance of the c o m -
municator,the communication and the recipient of
the communication as factorsin determiningthe ef-
fects of persuasive communications. This division
was somewhat artificial sincethere is a high degree
of interrelation between these factors. Indeed,
many experimentalfindings which are importantfor
the theory of attitude change couldnot be discussed
under any one of the above chapters or topics, since
they dealt primarily with the manner in which these
various factors are interrelated. In the next chap-
ter,therefore,we shall discuss some of these find-
ings with respectto the theory of attitude change.
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35
 CHAPTER 4
THEORETICAL P R O B L E M S OF ATTITUDE CHANGE RESEARCH
A s the previous chapters have clearly shown, re-
search on attitude change cuts across many disci-
plines and touches upon many fundamental questions
of human behaviour. It is, therefore, not surpris-
ing that such research raises many questions which
are of fundamental theoretical importance in the
social sciences. W e cannot begin to describe in
detail here the very involved theoretical issues
touched upon by such research. However, some
of these issues, arising from the results of empi-
rical research, are not only of theoretical signifi-
cance but also have implications which are of great
practical importance in making policy decisions as
to programmes of action. W e shall, therefore,
refer very briefly here to some of the theoretical
problems raised by recent research findings and
their practical implications.
In addition to investigating the many factors as-
sociated with attitude change, some research has
also addressed itself to the question of the actual
process itself, that is to say to the theory of atti-
tude change. One of the more recent theories
which has stimulated a great deal of research is
Festinger's (1957) 'theory of cognitive dissonance'.
According to this theory, when a person is con-
fronted with a communication (e.g. an attempt at
changing his attitude), the content of which is at
variance with his present attitude, cognitive dis-
sonance is created, i.e. psychological tension
having drive characteristics and seeking reduction.
This thesis of a tendency on the part of the indivi-
dual to maintain logical consistency among his
cognitions (and between his cognitions, affects and
more gross behaviour) actually has a long history.
Space does not permit us even to list the large
number of authors in recent times whose theories
contain such a notion, let alone to refer back to the
precursors of this idea in the writings of earlier
thinkers. Just by way of illustration, we might
mention Sumner (1907) who speaks of a 'strain
toward consistency', Lund's (1925) 'need for con-
sistency', or Newcomb's (1953) 'straintoward
symmetry'. More recently Heider's (1946,1958)
'balance theory' has influenced a good deal of
research.
If such tendencies do exist, and a large body of
experimental evidence points clearly to the fact
that they do, how then can we explain the many in-
stances to be observed in everyday life which are
in contradiction to this tendency, The classical
investigation of L a Piere (1934) and the more recent
confirmation by Kutner, Wilkins and Yarrow (19521,
as well as a large number of research results in a
36
similar vein, merely demonstrate a fact to be ob-
served in daily life with discomforting frequency,
i.e. that discrepancy often exists between attitudes
and behaviour and, for that matter, between various
logically related attitudes held by the same indivi-
dual. Obviously then, factors other than the
tendency toward logical consistency or 'cognitive
consonance' are operative. What is the experi-
mental evidence in favour of the assumption that
cognitive dissonance m a y produce attitude change ?
Under what conditions will cognitive dissonance
most likely be created? Under what conditions are
opposing tendencies operative, and what are these
tendencies? W e can only indicate here very briefly
some recent research on these questions.
McGuire's (1960a) research on cognitive consis-
tency and attitude change is most interesting, both
for its theoretical and its practical implications.
Whereas most techniques of attitude change involve
presenting the subject with a persuasive message
from an external source, McGuire, proceeding
from the postulate of cognitive consistency, demon-
strated that the mere temporally contiguous elici-
tation of opinions which are logically inconsistent
with each other will bring a tendency toward con-
sistency to bear upon them and thus produce atti-
tude change. Using what he terms the 'Socratic
method', McGuire elicited the subjects' opinions
regarding the subjective probabilities and desira-
bilities of 48 propositions presented in random
order but in fact constituting 16 sets of syllogisms
(major proposition, minor proposition, conclusion).
The subjects' responses deviated significantly from
purely logical expectations, showing a certain de-
gree of inconsistency among attitudes. In a second
elicitation of the subjects' opinions, a significant
decrease in logical inconsistency was shown, thus
demonstrating that the Socratic method of simply
asking the person to state contiguously his opinions
on logically related issues will result in attitude
change. McGuire (1960a, 1960b) has furthermore
shown that persuasive communications directed at
an explicit issue tend to change, also, the subjects'
opinions on logically related derivative issues in
a consistent direction, i.e., in the direction of
reducing logical inconsistency. There were even
indications that the impact of the persuasive mes-
sages had continued to seep down into the derived
issues with time. Thus in the session immediately
following the messages, the opinions on derived
issues had shown only 52 per cent of the logically
required amount of change,whereas one week later
91 per cent of the required amount of change had

occurred. Of course, the changes both with and
without persuasive messages were not as great as
would be required for perfect logical consistency.
McGuire regards 'wishful thinking' as acting in
opposition to logical thinking.
One of the derivations of Festinger's theory is
that publicly making a statement or engaging in an
act which is not consonant with one's private opin-
ion can create cognitive dissonance and thus, under
certain circumstances, lead to attitude change.
Janis and King (1954, 1956) have shown that when
subjects are induced to engage in r61e playing
activity which is at variance with their private
opinion,there will be a tendencyfor such behaviour
to result in attitude change, whereby improvised
r6le playing was shown to be more effective than
non-improvised r6le playing. The authors explain
these results in terms of mental rehearsal and
thinking up new arguments. However, in terms of
dissonance theory a slightly different explanation
is possible (Festinger,1957, chapter 4): If a per-
son privately holds opinion 'XI,but as a result of
pressure brought to bear on him has publicly stated
that he believes 'notXI,his cognition of his private
belief is dissonant with his cognition concerning his
actual public statement. However, the knowledge
that he has said 'not X' consonant with the
reasons,pressures,promises of rewards and/or
effective punishment which induced him to say 'not
XI. It thus follows that,everything else being held
constant, his total magnitude of dissonance would
decrease as the number andimportance ofthepres-
sures which induced him to say 'notX'increases.
Hence, if his overt behaviour was brought about
by offers of reward or threats of punishment,
the magnitude of dissonance should be maximal
when these promised rewards or threatened punish-
ments are just barely sufficient to induce him to
. cognitive components of an attitude), there is also
say 'not XI. Beyond this point, as the promised
rewards or threats of punishment became larger,
the magnitude of dissonance becomes smaller. And
other things being equal,amount of attitude change
willbe related to magnitude ofcognitive dissonance.
The results of an earlier experiment by Kelman
(1953) have been described by Festinger and Carl-
smith (1959) as being consistent with this theory.
Kelman found that a large reward produced less
subsequent opinion change than did a smaller re-
ward with a group of schoolchildren. Festinger
and Carlsmith(19591,in an experiment specifically
designed to test these derivations of dissonance
theory, arrived at results which clearly showed
that (a) if a subject is induced to do or say some-
thing contrary to his private opinion, there will be
a tendency for him to change his opinion so as to
bring it into correspondence with that which he has
done and said,and (b)the larger the pressure used
to elicit the overt behaviour (beyond the minimum
neededto elicit it), the weaker will be this tendency.
Brehm (1959) has investigated some of the
conditions under which cognitive dissonance takes
place. As various studies have shown,if a person
is completely forced to behave in a manner which
Theoretical Problems of Attitude Change Research
he would avoid if possible, he experiences no
dissonance. The question is, then, would a fait
accompli, i.e. an event outside the person's control,
create dissonance or not. Brehm's (1959) experi-
ment demonstrates a situation in which a fait
accompli does appear to have increased cognitive
dissonance; in this case, when the event would
have led to the opposite behaviour had it been
predictable at a prior choice point. In a further
experiment, Brehm andCohen(1959) dTmonstrated
that a chance event m a y affect the magnitude of
dissonance and consequentattitude change,but only
under conditions of high choice. Experimentally
manipulating the variable of choice, these authors
found that in a low choice situation, i.e. where
the subject felt he had little alternative but to do
what was required of him, no significant attitude
change occurred. Onthe other hand,the subject's
attitude toward the fait accompli became signifi-
cantly more positive under conditions where they
feltthey had a high degree of choice. The implica-
tions of these results for attitude change in actual
social life are apparent.
W e have discussed a few experiments showing
that cognitive dissonance occurs when a person's
private opinion is seen to be at variance with the
opinion of others, or with his publicly stated
opinion or behaviour, and have seen that such
cognitive dissonance m a y lead to attitude change.
What other factors are at work to prevent attitude
change, and what other ways are there of reducing
cognitive dissonance besides changing one's atti-
tudes? W e have already mentioned McGuire's con-
cept of 'wishfulthinking'as a tendency working
againstcognitive consistency. Similarly,Rosenberg
and Abelson (1960) have shown that, in addition to
the motivation toward achieving 'balance' between
attitude components (i.e. between affective and
sometimes a 'hedonictendency',i.e. a striving
for the maximization of potential gain and minimi-
zation of potential loss. In the chapter on personal-
ity-oriented research we discussed a number of
factors, such as ego-defence mechanisms, etc. ,
which m a y resist the acceptance of another attitude
even though logical evidence favours it.
Festinger and his co-workers have also shown
that there are a number of possibilities of reducing
cognitive dissonance other than changing one's own
attitudes. Thus in addition to such mechanisms
as blocking,repression,selective perception, and
selective attention, etc. , the subject m a y reject,
discredit or otherwise oppose the communicator or
source ofthe communication. Allyn and Festinger
(1961) found, for instance, that unanticipated
persuasive communications were more effective
than anticipated communications. The explanation
in terms of dissonance theory would be that the
prepared subjects reduced the cognitive dissonance
by rejecting the communicator, whereas the un-
prepared subjects reduced the dissonance by
changing their opinions.
The foregoing has been an attempt merely to
37
Theoretical Problems of Attitude Change Research
suggest some of the complex issues involved in
recent research on the theory of attitude change.
Judging by current research trends, this area of
research has reached a stage where attempts are
being made to integrate previouslyisolated and in
part discrepant,results into consistent theoretical
systems which would permit the deduction of
further hypotheses for experimental investigation.
Owing to limitations of space it was unfortunately
notpossible even to mention,let alone describe in
detail,most ofthe major theories which have shown
themselves to be quite fruitful in stimulating re-
search. Of particular interest are the theoretical
formulations and experimental results of Kelman
(1960,1961a.1961b)who has presented amodel permit-
ting the explanation of many of the experimental
results which we have discussed so far and suggested
areas of further experimentation. Unfortunately,
however, it is scarcely possible to describe this
theoreticalframeworkin afew sentences (see espe-
cially Kelman, 1961 a). Anderson (1959)has also
suggested a (mathematical)model of attitude change.
Although this chapter must of necessity remain
incomplete, it is hoped that it has shown, in a
suggestive manner, some of the recent experimen-
tal trends pertaining to a theory of attitude change.
For the practitioner this research has implications
of which the practical significance is apparent.
For the researcher,the few studies cited here can
merely point out some current research trends.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ALLYN, J.; FESTINGER, L. 1961. The effec-
tiveness of unanticipated persuasive c o m m u -
nications. Journal of abnormal and social
psychology, 62 (l), p. 35-40.
A N D E R S O N , N.H. 1959. Test of a model for
opinion change. Journalof abnormal and social
psychology, 59, p. 371-81.
BREHM , J.W. 1959. Increasing cognitive disso-
nance by a fait accompli. Journal of abnormal
and social psycholopy, 58, p. 379-82.
; COHEN,A.R. 1959. Choice and
chance relative deprivation as determinants
of cognitive dissonance. Journal of abnormal
and social psychology, 58, p. 383-7.
FESTINGER, L. 1957. A theory of cognitive
dissonance. Evanston, Illinois, R o w Peterson
Co.
; CARLSMITH,J.H. 1959. Cognitive
consequences of forced compliance. Journal of
abnormal and socialpsychology,58, p. 203-10.
38
HEIDER,F. 1946. Attitudes and cognitive organi-
zation. Journal of psychology, 21, p. 107-12.
. 1958. The psychology of interpersonal
relations. N e w York, Wiley.
HOVLAND,C.I.;R O S E N B E R G , M. 1960. - Atti-
tude organization and change. N e w Haven,
Yale University Press. (Yale studies in attitude
and communication,vol. 111. )
JANIS, I.L.;KING,B.T. 1954. The influence
of r61e playing on opinion change. Journal of
abnormal and social psychology,49, p. 211-18.
KELMAN, H.C. 1953. Attitude change as a
function of response restriction. H u m a n
relations, 6 , p. 185-214.
. 1960. Effects of rble-orientation
and value-orientation on the nature of attitude
change. Paper read at the meetings of Eastern
Psychological Association, N e w York.
. 1961 a. Process of opinion change.
Public opinion quarterly, 25, p. 57-78.
. 1961 b. Theinduction of action and
attitude change. Paper read at the Fourteenth
International Congress of Applied Psychology,
Copenhagen.
KING,B.T.;JANIS, I.L. 1956. Comparison of
the effectiveness of improvised versus non-
improvised r81e playing in producing opinion
~~
change. Human relations, 9, p. 177-85.
KUTNER, . B.:. WILKINS. C. and YARROW. P.R.
1952. 'Verbal attitudes and overt behaviour
involvingracialprejudice' Journal of abnormal
and social psychology, 47, p. 649-52.
LA PIERE,R.T. 1934. 'Attitudesversus Action',
Social Forces, 14, p. 230-37.
LUND, F.H. 1925. The psychology of belief.
Journal of abnormal and social psychology,
20, p. 63-81.
M c G U I R E , W.J. 1960 a. Cognitive consistency
and attitude change. Journal of abnormal and
social psychology, 60, p. 345-53.
. 1960b. Direct and indirect per-
suasive effects of dissonance-producing
messages. Journal of abnormal and social
psychology, 60, p. 354-8.
NEWCOMB, T.M. 1953. An approach to the
study of communicative acts. Psychological
review, 60, p. 393-404.
R O S E N B E R G , M.; A B E L S O N , R.P. 1960.
Analysis of affective-cognitive consistency. In:
Hovland, C .I. and Rosenberg, M. (eds.).
Attitude organization and change. N e w Haven,
Yale University Press. (Yale studies in
attitude and communication, vol. 111. )
S U M N E R , W.G. 1907. Folkways. Boston, Ginn.
 P A R T I1

ACTION RESEARCH ON INTERGROUP ATTITUDES

39
 CHAPTER 1
EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMMES IN INTERGROUP RELATIONS
W e shall now turn our attention to the question of
specific programmes of action designed to change
attitudes in the direction of improving intergroup
relations. Of course, a complete review of the
countless efforts being made throughout the world
towards this end cannot be given here. Our purpose
is rather to discuss briefly the value of such at-
tempts generally,to describe afew selected, illus-
trative examples ofaction research and,especially,
to attempt to point the way to a greater integration
of experimental research and action research or
action programmes designed to improve intergroup
relations.
Certainly education is one of the most promis-
ing areas in which social attitudes m a y be changed
with a view to improving intergroup relations. The
young human being is much more amenable to
change than are adults; indeed, as countless stud-
ies have shown, the very young child is totally
without the prejudices of adults and acquires these
only in the course of the so-called socialization
process, first within the family, and later in the
school setting. In the parent-child relationship,w e
face the dilemma that in order to bring up children
in a manner which would be conducive to better
intergroup relations, it would be necessary first
of all to change the parents. However, education
has now become an accepted and important part of
every child's life; and, when one considers thatin
nearly all countries of the world every child, from
I both found no significant change in attitudes follow-
the age of 6 (or often from the age of 4 or 5) until
well into adolescence or even into young adulthood,
spends the majority of his time in school or in
other activities associated with formal education,
the potential influence of this area upon formingor
changing the child's attitudes is at once apparent.
The educationalprocess is very complex,involv-
ing essentially all the areas of experimental re-
search which we have discussed in previous chapters.
The results of personality-oriented research are
important in this connexion, since not only will the
reactions of individual students depend upon differ-
ences in their personalities, but also the school-
child is still in the process of developing his
personality; and the school experience can play a
major r61e in developing particularly such aspects
of the personality as are related to the child's
social interactions. Especially important is the
application of group-oriented research since, as
we know, the educational process does not consist
merely of imparting information,but,is,rather, a
highly complex phenomenon of group dynamics in-
volving the intricate relationshipbetween pupil and
educator, and especially between the pupil and his
peer group. T o the extent to which the peer group
becomes a frame of reference for the child, it will
be important in forming and changing his social
attitudes. The importance of communications re-
search for a better understanding of the educational
process is self-evident,since any attempt to edu-
cate the child involves a form of 'persuasive'c o m -
munication, be it in reference to particular facts
or in the development or change of social attitudes.
What is the empirical evidence as to the effec-
tiveness of education in changing intergroup atti-
tudes in a positive direction? Earlier research
had shown highly inconsistent findings: some stud-
ies showed positive change, others showed no
significant change, while still others showed change
in a direction opposite to that which was desired
(boomerang effect). Thus, for instance,Schlorff
(1930)found that weekly classes over a period of
one semester dealing with the history and status
ofNegroes resultedin a significant,positive shift in
ranking Negroes on the part of ninth-grade school-
children as compared with a control group. (The
rank assigned to Negroes by the experimental
subjects was, however, still at the lower end of
the scale.) On the other hand, Young (1927),
studying the results of a course on race relations,
and Droba (1932), analysing the effects of a course
on the American Negro in a college curriculum,
ing this attempt at educational influence. Likewise,
Manske (1935)found that of 22 high school classes
exposed to ten lessons on the American Negro,
only two classes shifted their attitudes in the direc-
tion of their teacher's stand, whereas eight classes
showed changes in a direction opposed to the
influence desired by the teachers; the remaining
classes were unchanged. Later research results
have also shown some variability. However,
Harding, Kutner, Proshansky and Chein (1954, p.
1047), in reviewing studies of the effects of spe-
cific educational measures, conclude that 'reports
of significant favourable changes in attitude out-
number the reports of insignificant changes or no
change by about two to one'.
Of course, a number of investigations have
shown that whether education has a positive or a
negative influence m a y also depend upon the orien-
tation of the educators and the peer group. W e '
have already cited an earlier study by Sims and
Patrick (1936)in which attendance of a Northern
group at a university where intolerance was the
norm increased attitudes ofintolerance onthe part
41
Education Programmes in Intergroup Relations
of these students. These and other investigations
have led some authors to conclude that it is possible
to educate young people in any desired direction
whatsoever, either tolerant or intolerant. Although
there is no question that educational influences, if
dictated by nationalistic, intolerant attitudes, can
influence the individual in the direction of inter-
group hostility and conflict, rather than in the
direction of healthy intergroup relations , never-
theless there seems to be some evidence in favour
of certain limitations to this negative process. The
views of the early rationalists, although in need
of considerable modification in light of modern
knowledge, m a y , nevertheless, have a certain
amount of validity. Adorno, - et al. (1950, p. 10
et seq.) have expressed similar views. They state:
'There is one explanation for the existence of an
individual's ideology that has not so far been con-
sidered: that it is the view of the world which
a reasonable man, with some understanding of the
rBle of such determinants as those discussed above,
and with complete access to the necessary facts,
will organize forhimself. This conception, though
it has been leftto the last, is of crucial importance
for a sound approach to ideology. Without it we
should have to share the destructive view, which
has gained some acceptance in the modern world,
that since all ideologies, all philosophies,derive
from non-rational sources, there is no basis for
saying that one has more merit than another. A
number of studies supportthis view. The investiga-
tions of McGuire (1960 a,b) to which we referred
above, have shown for instance that attempts to
influence an individual in the direction of logical
inconsistency will meet with great resistance,
whereas attempts to influence him in terms of
greater consistency will more likely meet with
success. Of course, it can be argued that there
are ideologies and frames of reference in terms
of which intolerance and intergroup tension are
logically consistent. However, it would appear
that the norms of mankind as a whole, as theyhave
developed in the modern world through greater
social awareness and closer interaction brought
about by modern means of communication and
technology, are inconsistent with hostile inter-
group attitudes. The latter m a y be regarded as
left-oversofmankind's dark (althoughunfortunately
not too distant)past. Thus educational influences,
with the background of this prevailing norm, are
likely,by providing more information and greater
understanding, to work in the direction of im-
proving intergroup relations.
With respect to the general effect of formal
education,most reviews (e.g.Williams,1947; Rose,
1948) have concluded that with increased formal
education negative intergroup attitudes decrease.
One of the most extensive investigations support-
ing this conclusion was a nation-wide representa-
tive survey made by the National Opinion Research
Centre in 1944 in the United States of America
(Samelson, 1945). In a more recent study, Plant
(1956) investigated attitude changes associated with
42
a two-year college experience and found conclusive
evidencethat studentswho had completed two years
in a California college had changed significantly
in the direction of less ethnocentric attitudes, as
compared with control subjects who had not had
college experience during this time. A more re-
cent review by Williams (1958) has reported a
greater influence of education in improving inter-
group attitudes to the extent that the broader norms
'ofthe society are congruent with such attempts.
The study by Nowak (1960),to which we referred
previously, showing an increase in egalitarian
attitudes on the part of Warsaw students, exem-
plifies this point.
Tumin,Barton and Burrus (1958),in summariz-
ing the effects of education on prejudice, discrimi-
nation and readiness for desegregation in the South
of the United States,have concluded that as formal
education increases there tend to occur noticeable
shiftsfrom: (a) nationalism to internationalism, in
political point of view; (b)traditionalism to secu-
larism, in general social philosophy; (c) common-
sense to science, as acceptable evidence; (d)
punishment to reform, in penological theory;
(e) violence and direct action to law, as agents
of policy; (f) rigidity to permissiveness, in child
rearing; (g) patriarchy to democracy, in spouse
relationships; (h) anaesthesia to creativity, in
patterns of recreation. This summary would seem
to indicatethat education causes afar-reaching and
deep-going change in social attitudes generally in
a direction more likely to be conducive toward
healthy, constructive intergroup relations. Of
course,sub-culturalgroup norms m a y work against
these tendencies, causing resistanceto change.
For instance,Young, Benson and Holtzman (1960)
investigated changes in attitudes toward the Negro
among students at a university in the South of the
United States between the years 1954 (just shortly
after the United States Supreme Court decision
concerning segregation,but before actual desegre-
gation had taken place) and 1958. These authors
found no significant change in group means in atti-
tudes toward the Negro during this period, in spite
ofthe many controversialevents which had occurred
(e.g. the Little Rock incident, etc.). A popular
hypothesis was that,althoughthere m a y have been
no change in mean scores, the breach between
advocates of segregation and advocates of desegre-
gation had become greater as a result of the
controversial nature of the issue. However, the
findings of these authors failed to support this
hypothesis, since there was no change either in
mean score or variance of scores. The only signi-
ficant change noted was uncovered when m e n and
women in the two samples were analysed separa-
tely; whereas the women students appeared to be
slightly more tolerant of the Negro in 1958, the
m e n had moved in the opposite direction.
These results point once againto the importance
of firmly anchored group norms; but more
generally they suggest the necessity of basing any
educational programme upon modern knowledge

concerning attitude formation and change. A s
one author has pointed out in a study designed
to develop a resource unit for the training of
secondary teachers in problems and issues
involving minority groups (Pitkin, 1950), it is
necessary for the educator to become a capable
diagnostician. It is necessary for him to take
into account individual differences in personal-
ity and existing attitudes on the part of his
pupils, differences with respect to background,
group membership and reference groups, per-
sonal and group dynamics involved in attitude
change, and a large number of further factors
associated with conditions under which attempts
at forming or changing the attitudes of his
pupils in the direction of more positive inter- -
group relations are likely to be successful or
not.
Although, as we have pointed out previously, it
is highly desirable to disseminate factual knowledge
as widely as possible, it is highly unlikely that this
method alone will be very effective in changing
existing negative intergroup attitudes. This general-
ization holds, by the way, not only for attempts at
changing negative intergroup attitudes, but for the
educational process as a whole. Modern education-
al theory has realized that the mere presentation
of information is not enough to achieve the goals of
education, but that the total personality and espe-
cially the group situation involved in the learning
process is of primary importance. Kurt Lewjn,
one of the foremost pioneers in action research on
group dynamics, and his co-workers have done
much to point the way toward this new orientation
in education. Lewin has emphasized the necessity
of seeing education as a group process; thus, the
individual's sense of participation in the group at-
mosphere is of prime importance in acquiring new
ideas. Lewin (1948, p. 59) states: 'Much stress
is laid on the creation, as part of the re-educative
process, of an atmosphere of freedom and sponta-
neity. Voluntary attendance,informality of meet-
ings, freedom of expression in voicing grievances,
emotional security and avoidance of pressure, all
include this element ... If re-education means the
establishment of a new super-ego,it necessarily
followsthat the objectives sought willnot be reached
as long as the new set of values is not experienced
by the individual as something freely chosen. ' In
a previous chapter we have referred to the earlier
studies of Lewin on 'groupdecision' as a means of
attitude change. Kelman's (1953) investigation
which we cited earlier (showingthat a high degree
of restriction results in conformity but not attitude
change, whereas a low degree of restriction results
in more attitude change in the long run), has impor-
tant educational implications which are in line with
Lewin's formulations.
All this, of course, means that heavy demands
must be made on the educator if he is to be suc-
cessful in changing attitudes in the direction of
improving intergroup relations. The pessimistic
views of certain authors as to the effectiveness of
Education Programmes in Intergroup Relations
education as a means of improving intergroup rela-
tions is justified if education is considered in the
classical sense as being merely the imparting of
information. However, there is no reason why
modern knowledge cannot be imparted to the educa-
tor so that he can more effectively fulfil his task.
This does not mean that every teacher must be a
trained psychologist, sociologist, etc. , but the
essential principles of psychodynamics, group
dynamics and sociology might well be included in
his training. Although this is not the primary pur-
pose of the present paper, it is possible to trans-
late the results of research so as to make them
understandable to educators without any great tech-
nical knowledge of social science research. And
of course it is possible to change the curricula of
teachers' training institutions so as to include a
wider coverage of subjects directly related to the
problem of improving intergroup relations. As
Watson (1956, p. 309) has pointed out, 'We shall
have to talk not about modest additions to our pre-
sent programme but about basic transformations
of our curriculum,our process of teacher selection,
and the whole conception of public education ...
W e shall be thinking ... about the need of all
educational leaders for reorientation and for skills
of statesmanship. The disparity between the dimen-
sions of our previous programmes and our present
problems is formidable.I
All this points to a greater need for close
co-operation between 'pure' and 'applied'science,
between researchers in the field of intergroup rela-
tions and educators and other practitioners who,
in the final analysis, must apply these research
findings in actual practice. Of course, such
co-operation has enormously progressed in recent
years and the curricula of teachers'training insti-
tutions today include many courses in the social
sciences. In a number of school systems, too,
action programmes based on the social sciences
have been implemented (e.g., Vickery and Cole,
1944; Brameld, 1946; MacIver, 1948; Cook, 1950;
Cook and Cook, 1954; Ogawa, Kihara, Kubaya and
Tanaka, 1957; for a recent review of programmes
in the United States, see Simpson and Yinger, 1958).
This process is, however, proceeding at a dif-
ferent rate in different cultures, depending upon
the stage of development of social science and upon
a number of other factors. The necessity of alter-
ing the curriculum of a teachers 'training institu-
tion is dramatically shown in an investigation by
Tausch (1961). Using a test to measure the degree
of understanding of children on the part of teachers
and teacher-training candidates, this author found
a widespread lack of understanding and frequent
attitudes of criticism and blame; indeed, the
differencesin this respect between students in the
first semester, in the fourth semester, and expe-
rienced teachers with an average of 15 years'
teaching experience were not significant. A further
investigationshowed that a speciallydesigned course
in educational psychology, lasting one semester,
resultedin a significant increase in the understanding
43
Education Programmes in Intergroup Relations
of children's behaviour on the part of teacher-
training candidates, whereas the usual courses in
general psychology and pedagogy did not lead to any
significant changes. A n investigation of the effec-
tiveness of specific training in handling problems
of intergroup relations would probably show similar
differences. Tausch used knowledge derived from
non-directive group psychotherapy in her training
experiment (Rogers, 1951), demonstrating that
such principles are applicable in the educational
field. Wieder (1951), in a 'comparative studyof
the relative effectiveness of two methods of teach-
ing a thirty-hour course in psychology in modifying
attitudes associated with racial, religious and eth-
nic prejudice', likewise showed the applicability
of group therapy procedures. Whereas the tra-
ditional lecture-discussion method did not signifi-
cantlymodifyintergroup attitudes,a second method
involving principles of group therapy, non-directive
methods and socio-drama was highly successful in
doing so. The non-directive and rele-playingtech-
niques contributed to personal gxowth as reflected
in increased self insight, greater self acceptance
and a decrease in attitudes associated with racial,
religious and ethnic prejudice.
W e m a y conclude, then, that we do possess the
knowledge, which if applied on a wide scale,could
lead to the accomplishment of our objectives of
improving intergroup attitudes and intergroup rela-
tions. Of course, the problem arises of how to
impIement these methods on a large scale. O n this
point, some authors have expressed a rather pes-
simistic view. Merton (1957, p. 183) for instance
writes: 'The appeal to education as a "cure-all"for
the most varied social problem.. . is none the less
illusory ...forhow would this programme of racial
education proceed? W h o is to do the educating?
The teachers in our communities? But in some m e a -
sure ...the teachers share the same prejudices
they are urged to combat ... Education m a y serve
as an operational adjunct but not as the chief basis
for any but excruciatingly slow change in the pre-
vailing pattern of race relations. ' Simpson and
Yinger (1958) agree with this difficulty but point
out: 'Despitethe close connexion between formal
education and the rest of society, there is a m e a -
sure of autonomy in the school system. This auto-
nomy is easy to exaggerate, but it is a strategic
error to dismiss it too lightly, as Mertonberhaps
does , .. Those professionally connected with edu-
cation, because of their functional r6le in society,
are somewhat more concerned with the pursuit of
truth, a little less likely to be provincial. In our
society they are also inclined to be somewhat more
liberal than the average, although some are timid,
and others emotionally identify with the upper
classes. Those who control the school systems,
moreover (the school boards and trustees), are not
inclined to determine every action of the teacher,
because they are to some degree dependent on him
as the conserver and pursuer of knowledge, as the
expert and trainer of experts, who, despite the
disdain in which he is held by the "practical" m a n ,
44
is indispensable to our society. A n ideology of
freedom for the teacher is also involved. The re-
sult is that the teacher has some autonomy, some
-
power to attack prejudice if he wants to and some
teachers want to' (ibid., p. 758 et seq.).
In conclusion, it m a y be said that we possess
the knowledge (although,of course, we need more),
but this knowledge must be made readily available
and applied. There are difficulties involved in
doing this, but they are not insurmountable. Thus
seen, educational programmes have a very definite
r81e to play in changingnegative intergroup attitudes
and improving intergroup relations.
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BRAMELD, T. 1946. Minority problems in the
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relations. Colombia Teachers College record,
57, p. 305-9.
WIEDER,G.S. 1951. A comparative study of
the relative effectiveness of two methods of
teaching a thirty-hour course in psychology
in modifying attitudes associated with racial,
religious and ethnic prejudice. Unpublished
Ph.D. diss., N e w York University, N e w
York.
WILLIAMS,R.M. Jr. 1947. The reduction of
inter-group tensions: a survey of research
on problems of ethnic, racial and religious
group relations. N e w York, Social Science
Research Council. (Bulletin no. 57 .)
. 1958. Racial and cultural relations.
In: J.B. Gittler (ed.). Review of sociology.
N e w York, Wiley.
YOUNG,D. 1927. Some effects of a course
in American race problems on the race
prejudice of 450 undergraduates at the
University of Pennsylvania. Journal of
abnormal and social psychology, 22,
p. 235-42.
YOUNG,R.K.; B E N S O N , W.M.; HOLTZMAN,
W.H. 1960. Change in attitudes toward
the Negro in a Southern university. Journal
of abnormal and social psychology, 60.
p. 131-3.
45
 CHAPTER
INTERGROUP CONTACT AND COMMUNITY STUDIES
In addition to the school as a focus of attention for
changing attitudes detrimental to healthy intergroup
relations, a variety of action programmes outside
the school have been conducted in an effort to im-
prove relations between various racial, religious
and other groups. Examples of these are adult
education campaigns; programmes for providing
contact between the members of various groups,
both among children and adults; and projects car-
ried out at the local or community level. Adult
education campaigns usually involve either mass
communications media or inter-personal persua-
sive communications such as lectures, discussion
groups,etc. W e have discussed at length,in previous
chapters,the problems associated with the use of
mass media and other persuasive communications
as well as discussion and other group-oriented
techniques in changing intergroup attitudes. In
this chapter we shall discuss primarily action
programmes associated with contact between
members of various groups and community projects.
Contact and attitude change
One of the most popular and widespread notions
concerningthe improvement of intergroup relations
is that 'contact'is,in any case,a good thing. People
should 'get to know each other better', and once
they have done so, all of their preconceived notions
should disappear and they should become 'good
neighbours'. This is an inviting proposition in
which there is no doubt a good deal of truth.
Certainly an inestimable amount of effort is being
expended in the world today to improve intergroup
and internationalunderstandingwhich is based upon
the simple assumptionthat this propositionis true.
However, inline with the thesis stated in the intro-
duction to this paper that 'goodwill'alone is not
enough,it is logicalthat we ask ourselves whether
action research confirms this supposition.
As with many other questions,there is no simple,
global answer to the question of whether contact
is an effective means of improving intergroup atti-
tudes and intergroup relations. First of all,
'contact'isoftentaken to mean quite a number of
different things. Certainly contact is involved when
members of various groups live together, work
together or engage in other activitiestogether over
a long period of time. O n the other hand, a diffe-
rent degree (and kind) of contact is involved when
groups or individuals,who are otherwise separated
from each other,make brief visits to each other's
homes, places of work, places of worship,etc.
46
2
And is 'contact' involved when, for instance, a
diplomat or some other selected representative of
a nation or other group makes an 'official'visit to
another nation or another group?
The conflicting results of earlier studies are
certainlytobetraced backtothese varying defini-
tions of what is involved in contact, and to a lack
of specification of the conditions under which con-
tact takes place. In one early study,for instance,
Dodd (1935) studied the effects of brief contacts
between members of different ethnic groups in the
Near East. The groups were taken to visit each
other 's religious edifices; when the students'atti-
tudes were re-tested following these experiences
no significant changes in their attitudes towards
each other were found. If anything,an increase in
the intensity of 'in-group'attitudes could be noted.
In another early study,however,Smith (1937)found
significant positive changes in attitudes among
white graduate students who spent two weekends
in Harlem (New York) getting to know leading
members of the Negro community. Mussen (1950)
investigatedthe effect of contact between white and
Negro boys in a four-week,unsegregated summer
camp. In comparing before and after results of
attitude measurement, it was found that about 25 per
cent ofthe white boys showed more prejudice follow-
ing the contact and about 25 per cent showed less
prejudice;the middle 50 per cent showed no signi-
ficant changes. A more detailed analysis of the
subjects showed the positive or negative changes
to be associated with initial attitude and personality
factors (the prejudiced became more prejudiced,
the less prejudiced became less prejudiced, and
the middle group remained unchanged) as was
predictable by the hypotheses of the 'authoritarian
personality' (Adorno,3. , 1950). In a more
recent study, Festinger and Kelley (1951) studied
the effects on attitude change of social contacts
among residents in a new housing project. The
subjects of the investigation were characterized
by social isolation and unfavourable attitudes to-
ward their fellow residents and toward residents
of the town as a whole atthe beginning of the study.
Following the contact situations brought about by
the investigators,attitude changes were once again
such that the initially favourable subjects changed
in a positive direction, whereas those whose atti-
tudes were initiallyunfavourable showed either no
positive change or, in some cases, an increase
in their unfavourable attitudes.
Our present knowledge,based on the experience
ofa large number of action programmes the results

of which have been controlled by scientific methods
of attitude measurement, permits us to predict
more accurately what type of contact, and under
what conditions contact is most likely to lead to
positive attitude change and improvement in inter-
group relations.
In general,it m a y be said that contacts between
members of various groups are most likely to lead
to attitude change in a positive direction when
(a) the contacts are on a basis of equal status;
(b) co-operativeinteraction or super-ordinategoals
are involved; and (c) the contact is of significant
duration.
Allport andKramer (1946)found that contact on
an equal status basis between members of various
racial and religious groups was likely to lead to a
positive change in attitude,whereas contacts on an
unequal status basis was likely to lead either to
no change or to a negative change in attitudes.
MacKenzie (1948)likewisefound that equal status
contacts between Negro and white university stu-
dents was most likely to lead to positive attitude
change.
The 'Robbers Cave' experiment, referred to
in Part I, Chapter 2 (Sherif,Harvey, White,Hood
and Sherif,1954), demonstrated that contact alone
was not sufficient to improve attitudes between the
two experimentally created groups. Only when
super-ordinate goals were involved, i.e. the two
groups had a task to perform which required their
co-operative effort, was there a positive change
in attitude and a breakdown in negative out-group
stereotypes. A number of other 'reallife' inves-
tigations have shown that contacts involving joint
co-operative effort lead to positive attitude change.
One of the most impressive of these studies was
an investigation of the effect of integrating Negro
infantry platoons into otherwise white infantry
companies in the United States A r m y toward the
end of World W a r 11. U p until the time of this
integration, it had been the general policy of the
United States A r m y to keep Negro troops out of
combat assignments. In the spring of 1945, how-
ever, Negro platoons were assigned to some white
infantry companies in eleven combat divisions
operating in Europe. A study conducted later
(Star, Williams and Stouffer, 1958) showed that
of the white enlisted m e n in companies to which
Negro platoons had been assigned, 64 per cent
thought that this was a good general policy for the
army to follow,whereas in divisions containing no
Negro combat platoons, only 18 per cent of the
listed m e n thought that Negro platoons would be a
good idea; 62 per cent of the m e n in these latter
divisionsthoughtthat they would dislike very much
serving in a company with aNegroplatoon,where-
as only 7 per cent of the m e n who had had such
experience said they would dislike it very much.
A number of other studies have shown that when
members of previously segregated groups are
brought together in occupational situations (i. e.
situations usually involving co-operative efforts),
positive attitude change occurs, even though
Intergroup Contact and Community Studies
previous negative attitudes and prejudices were
quite strong. W e have referred previously to the
investigation by Brophy (1946)in which the effects
of white and Negro merchant seamen working to-
gether were investigated. Among white seamen
who had never shipped with Negroes, 33 per cent
were found to be relatively unprejudiced, as mea-
sured by a ten-item attitude scale. For those white
seamen who had shipped once with Negroes, the
percentage of non-prejudiced attitudes increased
to 46, for those who had shipped twice to 62; and
of those who had shipped five or more times with
Negro seamen, 82 per cent were found to be rela-
tively unprejudiced. Also Harding and Hogrefe
(1952)found that white department store employees
changed their attitudes toward Negroes, at least
in the occupational sphere, after the stores had
begun to employ Negro co-workers.
In spite of friction that has occurred in certain
instances, sometimes even to the point of violence,
as a result of the integration of housing among
previously segregated groups, a number of studies
have shown that living together in close proximity
has a positive effect upon attitudes. The well-
known study by Deutsch and Collins (1951) has
demonstratedthis point very clearly. These authors
studied the attitudes of white housewives toward
Negroes in two integrated, interracial public
housing projects, as compared with the attitudes
of similar subjects in two segregated housing pro-
jects. The residential contact between different
ethnic groups in the integrated housing projects
constituted anon-competitive, equal-status contact
situation of long duration and, as was expected,
resulted in substantial favourable changes in
intergroup attitudes. The authors found that 53 per
cent of the housewives in the integrated housing
projects favoured a policy of interracial integra-
tion for city housing projects in general whereas
only 5 per cent of the white housewives in the
segregated projects favoured such a policy. This
experience ininterraciallivingalsomade the house-
wives more willing to accept Negroes as fellow
workers on a job,as fellowmembers in an informal
social club, as school mates for their children,
and more ready to accept a Negro as mayor of
their city. By reason of the unique experimental
design of this investigation,the authors were able
to show that the changes in attitude took place along
a number of dimensions, e.g. significant changes
took place in beliefs about Negroes (cognitive c o m -
ponent), feelings toward Negroes (affective c o m -
ponent) and policy orientation toward Negroes
(conative component). Although there m a y have
been some difference in initial attitude among the
white housewives in the integrated, as compared
with the segregated,housing projects, the authors
were able to show by differential analysis that such
initial differences could have accounted to only a
very slight degree for the differences in attitude
found after several years of living in the project.
Thus there is no doubt that the actual contact situa-
tion itself was largely responsible for the attitude
47
 Intergroup Contact and Community Studies
change. A n interestingfurther result ofthis inves-
tigation was'related to the question of the extent to
which chaQges in attitude toward one ethnic group
tend to be accompaniedby similar changes in atti-
tude toward other groups. The interview schedule
included social distance questions with regard to
Chinese and Porto Ricans as well as to Negroes.
The former groups were almost entirely absent
from the projects, so that any differences in atti-
tude toward them in the integrated projects, as
compared to the segregated ones, must be attri-
buted either to the effects of the somewhat greater
ihitial liberalism of the tenants in the integrated
project or to the effects of afunctional relationship
between attitudes toward these groups and attitudes
towards Negroes. Whereas attitudes toward Porto
Ricans were only slightly more favourable in the
integrated projects (no more than would be expected
from the differences in education and political liber-
alism of the subjects), attitudes toward Chinese
were substantiallymore favourable in the integrated
projects, especially with respect to willingness to
have Chinese tenants in the same building. These
differences were toolarge to be explained in terms
of sampling error or in terms of initial differences
in attitude. The authors conclude that among their
subjects there was some functional relationship
between attitudes toward Negroes and attitudes
toward Chinese,but little or no functionalrelation-
"
shipbetween attitudes towardNegroes and attitudes
toward Porto Ricans. The necessity of further
studies to clarifythese results was stressed. Other
investigations(e.g. Wilner,Walkley and Cook, 1952;
Sussman, 1957; Irish, 1952) have confirmedthese
findings, i.e. that contact of the type which is
brought about by living together in integrated
projects definitely tends to bring about positive
changes in intergroup attitudes.
One verymajor area in which 'contact'between
members of various groups m a y take place and be
of significance for forming or changing intergroup
attitudes is the school itself. In addition to the
more formal aspects of learning in the school,
or of specific programmes designed to change
intergroup attitudes in a positive direction (such
as special courses, educational films, etc .),
the school is a major experiential field in which
children can learn healthy, democratic intergroup
behaviour through actual example, i. e. , through
coLoperative interaction between various groups
within the school. The segregation of schools along
racial,religious or other group lines denies child-
ren the opportunity for such healthy experience
and is, in fact, contrary to the idea of democratic
interaction among school groups. One of the most
crucial examples of social change in this respect
taking place in the world today is the desegregation
of public schools in the South of the United States
of America, where the previous segregation along
racial lines was declared unconstitutional by the
United States Supreme Court in 1954. This
process of change is still going on and a huge body
of scientific research results has accumulated
48
concerning various aspects of the problem. Even
a brief review of research results in this area
would exceed the space available here, and fur-
thermore, a number of excellent reviews of such
research exist (e.g., Tumin, 1957, 1960;
Suchman, Dean and Williams, 1958).
W e should like to mention here just one aspect
of this problem which is most likely to be appli-
cable to school segregation along racial, religious
or other lines which exists in other parts of the
world. It has long been known and demonstrated
in a number of investigationsthat such segregation
has harmful effects upon children belonging to the
minority group. They tend to incorporate the pre-
judices of the majority group and develop feelings
of insecurity,lack of self-esteem,etc. However,
as Stevens (1958)has pointed out,such segregation
is harmfulto the children belonging to the majority
group as well. Referring to segregated schools in
the South of the Unitedstates,Stevens states: 'The
white child in our society who learns to be pre-
judiced has been subjected to social situations
containing inherent inconsistencies. He is taught
justice and fair play by the same persons and insti-
tutions who punish him for playing with a child of
a different colour, or who encourage him to feel
a superiority which the child often senses has an
unrealistic basis. The fact that the reactions of
childrento social and parental pressure to commit
specific prejudiced acts are generally sub-clinical
in nature is not indicative of an absence of harm-
fulness. Most negative experiences of children
which contribute to later maladjustment also have
sub-clinical immediate reactions'(ibid., p. 31
et seq.).
Stevens is not alone in his judgement. As
Deutscher and Chein showed in a survey of more
than 500 social scientists,83 per cent of the social
scientists who replied to their questionnaire held
the opinionthat racial segregation had detrimental
psychologicaleffects on members of the privileged
group. Although, as far as we know, there is a
lack of empirical evidence, we must hypothesize
that school segregation along racial, religious or
other group lines in many parts of the world has
detrimental effects,not only on the minority child-
ren, but on the majority children as well. Thus
'contact'is not only a method which m a y be useful
in changing negative intergroup attitudes,but m a y
be regarded as a conditio sine qua non for the
development of healthy, democratic intergroup
attitudes in a pluralistic society.
Another area in which 'contact'has been used
extensively as a means of changing intergroup,in
this case international, attitudes has been that
of international exchange programmes. There
has been a tremendous amount of effort and a fair
amount of research in this area, so that a special
paper would be necessary to cover this topic alone;
we shall make only a few tangential references
here.
Such programmes have included international
s u m m e r camps, or other meetings among youths

of different nations; exchanges of students involv-
ing stays of one year or more in other countries;
visits of lesser duration by youthleaders, c o m m u -
nityleaders,business leaders,governmentofficials,
etc. Bjerstedt (1958),for example,in investigating
the effects of international children's camps upon
national stereotypes,found indications of reduced
prejudice following such experience; however,the
author raises certain objections to the manner in
which such work has hitherto been conducted.
Danckwortt (1956)in studyingthe effects of interna-
tional work camps for adolescents has also pointed
out that such contact m a y or m a y not lead to posi-
tive attitude change and improved international
understanding,depending upon the manner in which
the programmes are carried out. A large number
of programmes and organizations are dedicated to
internationalyouth exchange both on an individual and
group basis. A description of a number of such
programmes is contained in a report of a study semi-
nar held at the Unesco Youth Institute, Gauting/l,
In additionto youth exchange programmes,inter-
national exchange programmes involving university
students studying for a year or more in another
country have received considerable attention.
Recent examples of such studies are Coelho (1958),
studying the reactions of Indian students in the
United States, and Kelman (1960) on Scandinavian
students in the United States. Smith (1956) has
reviewed a number of such studies carried out in
1955. Gullahorn and Gullahorn (1960) have pro-
vided a very interesting discussion of 'the r6le of
the academic m a n as a cross-culturalmediator'.
Further exchanges of persons of a wide variety
have been studied. Examples of such studies are
those of Watson and Lippitt (1955), who studied
areas of 'defensiveness' and 'sensitivity' on the
part of German leaders visiting the United States,
and Riegel (1953). who studied especially the
'residualeffects'of exchange of persons, i.e. what
happens to the visitors after they have returned to
their own country. Anumber of other studies have
been made of this question. Danckwortt (1959) has
compiled afairly completebibliography of research
on exchange of persons up to 1959.
An example of an attempt to integrate this type
of research into the broader area of attitude change
is contained in a special recent issue of the Public
Opinion Quarterly, edited by D. Katz, in which
Jacobson, Kumata and Gullahorn (1960) review
a number of studies constituting 'cross-cultural
contributions to attitude research'. As a final
general remark to this type of study, it must be
concluded that most studies of the effects on atti-
tude change resulting from international exchange
programmes have a long way to go in order to
meet the standards of recent experimentalresearch
pertaining to the question of attitude change. Of
course,there are considerable difficultiesinherent
in such studies, since in investigating the effects
of such global experiences as a year's stay abroad
it is difficult to isolate specific influences on
attitude change. Recent studies in this area are
Intergroup Contact and Community Studies
emphasizing the need for a more careful experi-
mental design.
Community studies
One of the most serious limitations on the action
programmes discussed thus far, such as educa-
tion, personal and group contacts, etc., is that
they usually reach a rather limited number of
individuals; and what is more important, efforts
in this direction often are at variance with larger
sub-cultural or group norms. W e have referred
previously (Part I, Chapter 2)to the importance of
group norms for the formation and change of inter-
group attitudes. MacIver (1948) has s u m m e d up
this point very succinctly: 'However prejudice
m a y first arise, a major determinant of its perpe-
tuation is simply the tendency of the members of
any group to take on the coloration of the established
mores' (ibid.,p. 198).
Studies which have the community as a focus
take cognizance of this fact in trying to 'swing'
whole communities, as it were, to change esta-
blished norms and practices in the direction of
improving intergroup attitudes and establishing
equality for all groups. This usually involves
enlistingthe aid of politicians, communityleaders,
local newspapers and radio stations, and other
'opinion makers'to bring about changes on a com-
munity-wide basis. Of course this is easier said
than done, since precisely those individuals whose
aid must be enlisted m a y be among the most
prejudiced, or m a y have vested interests in main-
taining the status quo. O n the other hand, as
Simpson and Yinger (1958,p. 769) have pointed
out, the belief, in equality is in many cases 'widely
shared but ...its violation has often been overlooked
because many people did not believe that discrimi-
nation existed, or they felt no sense of personal
responsibility, or tliey saw no way in which they
could take effective action'.
One of the most interesting and promising of
community-oriented programmes that has been
developed in recent years is the so-called 'com-
munity self-survey technique ' developed by C .S.
Johnson and associates at Fisk University(Sel1itz
and Wormser, 1949; Wormser and Sellitz, 1951).
Inthis method, help is enlisted of prominent citizens
of the community whose opinions carry weight,
and the aimisto gatherfacts and prepare a report
upon the actual situation in their own community.
This avoids the charge of 'interference from
without'. Also, as Haring (1949) has pointed out,
even individuals who are themselves prejudiced
can scarcely deny facts gathered by such a group.
In line with the principles of group dynamics,
participation in such activity itself is very likely
to have an effect on the participants' attitudes.
1. A n Analysis ofthe Impactof InternationalTravel
and Exchange Programmes on Young People:
Report of a Study Seminar, 9-13 M a y 1960,
Gauting/Munich, Unesco Youth Institute, 1960.
49
Intergroup Contact and Community Studies
Simpson and Yinger (1958, p. 768 et seq.) describe
this effect: 'The fact that they are working together
on a c o m m o n task, affects their attitudes. They are
more likely to accept data which they themselves
have gathered, for the facts become their facts;
their unity as a functional group obscuresthe ethnic
lines that divide them; and the group factor the-
development of in-group support to new ideas and
-
feelings also makes for acceptance. '
Without question further work along these lines
would prove fruitful. Although basic research on
various aspects of attitudes and attitude change is
- -
highly useful indeed indispensable one must not
lose sight of the fact that action programmes
directed at social change must take into considera-
tion the total social situation within which attitudes
or behaviour are to be found. Thus sociological
approaches are indispensable for the success of
major programmes of action. The work of Tumin
and his associates (Tumin, Barton and Burrus,
1958) is a promising example of this type of ap-
proach. O n the other hand it cannot be stressed
too strongly that an interdisciplinary approach is
essential. It is to be hoped that we shall continue
to see the development of scientists and practi-
tioners who, in addition to their competence and
expertise in their o w n field, have an appreciation
of the contribution made by research findings in
ancillary fields and are capable of working together
in interdisciplinary teams.
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League.
; BARTON, P.; B U R R U S , B. 1958.
Education, prejudice and discrimination: a
study in readiness for desegregation.
American sociological review, 23, p. 41-9.
W A T S O N , J.; LIPPITT,R. 1955. cearning
across cultures. Ann Arbor, University of
Michigan Press.
WILNER, D.M.;WALKLEY, R.T.; COOK,
S.W. 1952. Residential proximity and
international group relations in public hous-
ing projects. Journal of social issues, 8,
p. 45-9.
WILSON, E.C .; BONILLA,F. 1955. Evaluating
exchange of persons programs, Public opinion
uarterly, 19, p. 20-30.
WO%MSER. M.H.: SELLITZ. C. 1951. H o w to
conduct a community self-surveyof civil rights.
N e w York, Association Press.
51
 CHAPTER 3
CULTURAL I N F L U E N C E S AND THE ROLE OF SOCIETY
That the cuPture or society as a whole is of great
importance for the formation, maintenance and/or
change of social attitudes is a self-evidentpropo-
sition to which we have referred on a number of
occasions. But to what extent are practical pro-
grammes of action with such a broad orientation
feasible? H o w can culture,backed by centuries of
tradition,be changed or whole societies modified?
Of course, in a modern democratic pluralistic
society it is scarcely possible for one or a few
individuals to make radical changes in the whole
society overnight. Onthe other hand,it is beyond
question that groups of individuals, through con-
certed efforts and the application of modern know-
ledge, can and should work toward speeding up
socialchange and overcomingcertain 'culturallagsI.
While one must guard against over-optimism,
we cannot agree with those pessimists who contend
that no major changes are possible. This point of
view, by the way, is often held by representatives
of quite different disciplines. O n the one hand,
certain psychologically-orientedresearchers hold
the extreme view that prejudice is an expression
of deep-lying, irrational tendencies which are
essentially unchangeable; this fits in with the
'you-can't-change-human-nature' view, which has
long been the rationalization of sceptics, and which
has oftenfound some credence with the layman. O n
the other hand, certain students of social structure
have arrived at similar conclusions; proceeding
from the observationthat certain social phenomena
have their causes and function, and pointing out
that 'all'societies at alltimesthat we have studied
have manifested these phenomena, they argue that
-
the status quo can scarcely be changed 'What is
and always has been will logically continue to be. '
One well-known researcher in the area of pre-
judice, in propounding this point of view during a
discussion of the problem, went so far as to state
that teachers could scarcely be expected to help in
overcomingprejudice since the 'r6le'of a teacher,
his 'function'in the society, was to transmit the
existing cultural values, and since these values
included prejudice,the teacher must transmit such
prejudice in order to fulfil his 'function'and IrSle'
in the society. T o the extent that these remarks
were merely designed to point to certain diffi-
culties encountered in an attempt to change social
norms, they certainly have their value. O n the
other hand, to the extent that they are taken to
mean that major social changes are impossible,
we must disagree rather sharply.
What empirical evidence have we that social
52
changes are possible? Bogardus (1958)investigated
changes in 'social distance' among various racial
and ethnic groups in the United States over a thirty-
year period. Although some groups showed an
amazing degree of stabilityin the amount of social
distance attributed to them by the respondents over
the thirty-yearperiod, and the total social distance
scoreshadnot decreased appreciably,on the other
hand, marked changes were to be found among a
number of groups with respect to social distance.
These were primarilypositive changes (less social
distance)in attitude toward those groups with res-
pect to whom there had been concerted efforts in
the United States duringthe past decades to reduce
prejudice and discrimination,andnegative changes
toward certain other groups due to major political
and military events. These data show quite con-
clusively that concerted programmes to improve
intergroup attitudes have along-term success, and
that major political and other events can also have
marked effects upon attitudes. Gilbert (1951),
in a replication of the original study by Katz and
Braly (1933) on stereotypes, used a comparable
group of subjects and found that there was appre-
ciablyless readiness on the part of the students to
generalize about ethnic groups than had been the
case 18 years previously. Not only did this later
generation of students assigntraits muchless fre-
quently to various groups,but a significantnumber
of the subjects spontaneously voiced a 'protest
against the unreasonable task of making genera-
-
lizations about people especially those they had
hardlyever met'(Gilbert, 1951, p. 251). W e have
referred previously to the conclusions arrived at
byTumin, Barton andBurrus (1958) as to the per-
vasive effects of formal education upon attitudes.
In a slightly different(though very pertinent) area,
Bronfenbrenner (1958) has shown that major and
significant changesin child-rearing practices have
taken place in the United States over a twenty-five-
year period, and furthermore that these 'shiftsin
-
the pattern of infant care especially on the part
-
of middle-class mothers show a striking corres-
pondence to the changes in practices advocated
in successive editions of U.S. Children's Bureau
bulletins and similar sources of expert opinion'.
The above-mentionedstudies were merelyillus-
trative of the fact that major changes in attitudes
and behaviour on the part of a society as a whole
over a period of time are possible. Numerous
other investigations could be cited to prove this
point. These changes are probably a cumulative
result of the combined efforts of many individuals

and organizations, using a number of different
methods and approaches. The question which
interests us here, however, is to what extent are
approaches on a society-wide basis feasible. W e
can't discuss in detail here the broad issues of
social theory implicit in this question. However,
we do wish to point to some of the methods which
are feasible at this level. For example, there is
no doubt that the public statements of top govern-
ment officials and other leading personalities whose
opinion is respected by the populace can have a
widespread effectupon the attitudes and behaviour
of a whole population. Another somewhat more
binding method by which society m a y make its will
felt upon individual members m a y be seen in legal
measures. Also of crucial importance for the
everyday life, and hence for the attitudes and
behaviour, of individuals are certain economic
factorsprevalentinthe society as a whole. Finally,
we should like to mention certain broad issues
associated with the use of mass communications
media, since these constitute one of the primary
vehicles by means of which the society conveys its
cultural norms and expectations to its members.
Numerous investigations have shown that the
statements of importantpoliticalleaders and other
influential personalities m a y affect the attitudes
and behaviour of the populace (e.g., Hovland,
Lumsdaine and Sheffield, 1949; Hovland and Weiss,
1951). One recent study has demonstrated this
point quite vividly. Following the epidemic of
anti-Semitic incidents which began with the dese-
cration of the Jewish Synagogue in Cologne, on
Christmas eve 1959, and spread not only through
western Germany but also through various other
countries, the Institute for Social Research in
Frankfurt a m Main conducted an investigation of
the attitudes of Frankfurt residents toward these
incidents (Schonbach, 1961). Attitudes toward
various issues related to the incidents were assessed
by means of interviews. Among other things, it
was determined whether or not the respondents
felt these incidents to be politically significant
or largely attributable to pranks, etc. B y coinci-
dence,just slightly less than half of the interviews
had been conducted when, on the evening of 16
January 1960, Federal Chancellor Adenauer c o m -
menting upon these incidents in a radio and
television speech said 'But in most cases they
-
/the incidents/ seem to have been pranks without
political foundation. This is also,as I was told,
the general opinion of the heads of the security of-
fices of the Lander'/l. In comparing the answers
of those subjects who were interviewed before
Dr. Adenauer's spe'ech with those who were
interviewed afterwards, it was found that where-
as only 7 per cent of those interviewed before
the speech regarded the incidents as pranks, 18
per cent of those subjects interviewed after the
speech held this opinion (this difference is statis-
tically significant at the 5 per cent level). Thus
it m a y be concluded that the public statement of
an important political leader had a significant
Cultural Influences and the R61e of Society
effect upon the opinion of the population.
In contrast to an opinion which held certain
currency a number of years ago, most social
scientists and others concerned with intergroup
relations are agreed today that legal measures
have a very important r6le to play in intergroup
relations. As Raab and Lipset (1959, p. 41 et seq.)
have pointed out, 'theimportance of law is not that
it prohibits or eliminatesprejudiced behaviour and
-
attitudes but that it changes the social situations
and community practices wnich breed prejudiced
behaviour and attitudes. Since these situations and
practices are the prime learning influences with
respect to prejudice, law then must be perceived
as a prime educational weapon in combating prej-
udice ... Laws hasten the elimination of preju-
diced "cues" in the community'. A number of other
authors have stressed the importance of legal meas-
ures as a means of effectively changing undemo-
cratic intergroup attitudes and behaviour (e.g.
Myrdal, 1944). Maslow and Robinson (1953) and
Berger (1952, 1954) have given excellent accounts
of the r61e of legislation in intergroup relations in
the United States. Of course, one of the most im-
portant examples in this respect in recent years
was the United States Supreme Court decision of
1954 declaring racial segregation in schools to be
unconstitutional. Although much work still remains
to be done before the full implementation of this
decision has been accomplished,it must not be
forgotten amidst the headline-making instances of
violence following this decision, that the majority
of localities have accepted and implemented this
decision,thus effectively shattering long-established
patterns of inequality. Itis not without some pride
that social scientists note that this important
decision was based to a significantextent upon the
expert testimony of qualified social scientists who
demonstratedthe harmfulness of such segregation,
and effectively countered the pseudo-scientific
arguments infavour of segregation. Closely related
to direct legal measures are administrative pro-
cedures relating to intergroup relations. Racial
integrationin the United StatesArmed Forces was,
for instance, conducted by administrative order.
Also in the area of public housing much has been
accomplished by administrative procedures. A s
Deutsch an2 Collins (1951) have shown, such
measures can have a very positive effect upon inter-
group relations. However, as McEntire (1957)
has shown, much remains to be done in this area.
The r61e of economic factors has been stressed
by a number of authors. Harding, Kutner,
Proshansky and Chein (1954)point to the inconsis-
tency among the numerous correlational studies
of the relationship between prejudice and socio-
economic status. However, most authors stress-
ing economic factors have pointed rather to the
basic economic structure of the society than to the
1. Die antisemitischen und nazistischen VorfUle,
Weissbuch und Erklarung der Bundesregierung,
Bonn, Bundesregierung, 1960, p. 40.
53
Cultural Influences and the R61e of Society
economic status of individuals.Opinions vary here
very widely, with certain classical psychologists
minimizingthe importance of economic factors and
many sociologists and economists emphasizing
these factors. Indeed, social scientists with a
classical Marxian orientation regard the import-
ance of economic factors as crucial and even many
psycho-analytically oriented writers have stressed
the importance of the total socio-economic struc-
ture of the society (e.g. Horney, 1937; Adorno
-
et al., 1950; F r o m m , 1955). To sum up, most
social scientists would agree thatthese factors are,
quite important and Allport's (1959) statement prob-
ably expresses the view of the majority of them:
'Economic insecurity breeds the frustration and
fear that are part of the soil of scapegoating. Ruth-
less economic competition often means that one
man's success requires another'sfailure. The "ins"
insistthat if anyone failsit shallbe the "outs". The
basic remedies would seem to be: (a) raising the
standard of living of all, thus eliminatingthe need
for competition for survival among marginal groups;
(b) establishing social and educational securityfor
the individual,thus enhancing his feelings of status
and lessening feelings of inferiority and apprehen-
sion; and (c) proper vocational guidance and place-
ment to help prevent feelings of dissatisfaction and
jealousy amongmembers of both majority and minor-
ity groups' (= .
, p. 36).
Finally, as a major source of social influence
we should like to mention briefly the mass com-
munications media. W e have discussed previously
(Part I, Chapter 3) experimental findings relating
to the effects of mass communications media.
However, from the broader perspective of mass
media as an instrument of society to change the
attitudes of individuals in a desired direction, it
is important to consider the question of the intent
of mass media communications; or, in other
words, the question of who controls these media.
Of course, this is a very controversial question,
with far-reaching political implications which we
shall not discuss here. W e do wish to point out,
however, that this question cannot be ignored in
the long run. Indifferentcountries,different forms
of control are exercised over the mass communica-
tion media. In some, these media are considered
as 'business'and, in line with the principles of
'free enterprise', are owned or controlled by pri-
vate individualsor groups of individuals. A number
of authorshave pointed out certain dangers which
m a y be involved when these media become con-
centrated in the hands of vested interests (e.g.
Durr, 1954; Lee, 1954). In other countries, such
media are State controlled. In still other coun-
tries, they are controlled by independent com-
missions composed of representatives of the many
different interest-groups within a pluralistic
society. In all cases,the question must be asked:
to what extent do these media serve the interests
of society as a whole (i.e.the whole human society),
and how can they best be employed to change
attitudes in a direction which is in accordance
54
with the principles of peaceful and harmonious
relations between all groups?
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ADORNO, T.W.; FRENKEL-BRUNSWICK,E.
LEVINSON, D.; S A N F O R D , R.N. 1950.
The authoritarian personality. New York,
Harper Bros.
ALLPORT,G.W. 19 59. ABC 's of scapegoating,
(3rded .)N e w York, Anti-Defamation League.
BERGER, M. 1952. Equality by statute. N e w
York, Columbia University Press,
. 1954. _Racial equality and the law.
Paris, Unesco.
BOGARDUS , E.S. 1958. Racial distance changes
in the United States during the past thirty years.
Sociology and social research, 43, p. 127-34.
BROFENBRENNER, U. 1958. Socialization and
social class through time and space. In: E.E.
Maccoby, T.M.Newcomb and E.L.Hartley
(eds.). Readings in social psychology. New
York, Reinhart and Winston.
DURR,C.J. 1954. Freedom of speechfor whom?
In: D.Katz, D. Cartwright, S. Eledersveld
and A.M. Lee (eds.). Public opinion and
propaganda. N e w York, Dryden Press.
FROMM, E. 1955. The sane society. New York,
Reinhart and Co.
GILBERT,G.M. 1951. Stereotypes,persistence
and change among college students. Journal of
abnormal and socialpsychology,46, p. 245-54.
HARDING,J , ; KUTNER, B.; P R O S H A N S K Y , H.;
CHELN,I. 1954. Prejudice and ethnic
relations. In: G. Lindzey . Handbook of social
psychology, vol. 11. Reading,Mass,, Addison
Wesley Pub. Co.
HORNEY,K. 1937. The neurotic personality of
our time. N e w York, Norton and Co.
H O F L m C .I.; L U M S D A I N E , A.A.; SHEFFIELD,
F.D. 1949. Experiments on mass communi-
cations, Princeton,University Press.
; WEISS, W. 1951. The influence
of source credibility on communication effec-
tiveness. Public opinion quarterly, 15,
p. 635-50.
KATZ, D.; BRALY, K.W. 1933. Racial
stereotypes of one hundred college students
Journal of abnormal and social psychology,
28, p. 280-90.
LEE,A.M. 1954. Freedom of the press. In:
D.Katz, D. Cartwright, S. Eldersveld and
A.M. Lee (eds.). Public opinion and
propaganda. N e w York, Dryden Press.
M A S L O W , W.; ROBINSON, J.B. 1953. Civil
rights legislation and the fight for equality,
1862-1952. University of Chicago law review,
20, p. 363-413.
M c E N T I R E , D. 1957. Government and racial
discrimination in housing. Journal of social
issues, 13, p. 60-7.

MYRDAL, G. 1944. A n American dilemma.
The Negro problem and modern democracy.
N e w York, Harper Bros.
RAAB, E.; LIPSET, S.M. 1959. Prejudice
and society. N e w York, Anti-Defamation
League.
Cultural Influences and the R61e of Society
S C H O N B A C H , P. 1961, Reaktionen auf die antisemi-
tische Welle im Winter 1959-1960, Frankfurter
Beitrage zur Sozioloae , Sonderheft 3. Frankfurt
a m Main.
TUMIN,M.;BARTON,P.;B U R R U S , B. 1958. Edu-
cation,prejudice and discrimination: a study in
readiness for desegregation. American sociolo-
gical review, 23, p. 41-9.
55
 S U M M A R Y AND P R O S P E C T S
Although the scientific study of intergroup relations
is approximately a half century old, and practical
efforts to improve intergroup relations have been
made in increasing number and intensity in the past
three or four decades, the bulk of scientific re-
search directed at the question of 'attitude change'
has developed within the past 15 years, and espe-
cially within the past decade. As we clearly stated,
it was not our intentto reviewthe whole vast field of
racial or other intergroup relations/l ; nor could
we attempt a complete review of the many action
programmes to improve intergroup relations being
conducted throughout the world. Especially in the
field of education we should like to have discussed
a few excellent examples of action research in
greater detail; fortunately,however, this has been
done very adequately in other publications (e.g. ,
James and Tenen, 1953; Clark, 1955; Bibby,
1959)/2. Our aim,rather,was primarily to review
and point to the practical implications of this
recent research on attitude change.
A critical review of the experimental and action
research in this area unfortunately leads to the
same conclusion arrived at by previous authors:
with afew notable exceptions,there is far too little
(and in the large number of cases, next to no) co-
operationbetween experimentalresearch and action
programmes, between scientists and practitioners.
Especiallyinlight of the rapid progress in experi-
mental research and attendant theory in this area
in very recent years, such co-operation becomes
more important than ever before (and,unfortuna-
tely, at the same time more difficult), if the gap
between the two is not to become unbridgeable. As
w e have mentioned before, such co-operation is
mutually advantageous, since not only will the ap-
plication of recent knowledge make practical efforts
more effective,but at the same time our knowledge
of human behaviour is most likely to be enriched
by tackling such challenging problems. O n the
basis of current researchtrends,we would predict
that research in the near future will be character-
ized by ever greater sophisticationof experimental
design and integration of the problems associated
with attitude change into the broader framework of
theories of human behaviour.
One of the major unresolved issues in the field
of intergroup relations is the question of the rela-
tionship between attitudes and behaviour. W e have
touched upon this questionbefore and unfortunately
space does not permit a detailed theoreticaldiscus-
sion of it here. Present trends would seem to indi-
cate that the 'behaviour'group is gaining ground.
56
W e have alreadymentionedthe views of Tumin and
co-workers in this respect (Tumin, Barton and
Burrus, 1958). Rose (1956) has taken an even
more extreme view,assertingflatlythat 'prejudice
has little to do with intergroup relations.. . The
laws, ... which govern one are independent of those
governing the other. One is socio-genic and the
other psycho-genic, and while they m a y both in-
habit the same individual at the same time,they also
m a y not'. This author goes onto saythat whereas
'there are undoubted advantages to interdisciplinary
co-operative research..., there are sometimes
also advantages to division of labour, to the culti-
vation of one's o w n specialized garden' (ibid., p.
176). This questionis not only of great theoretical
importance, but also of even greater practical
significance. If behaviour has nothing (or practi-
cally nothing) whatsoever to do with attitudes or
other interveningvariables within the individual,but
is dependent merely upon external circumstances
and m a y be manipulated at will; if indeed our aim
in improving intergroup relations is merely to
manipulate behaviour,with no concern whatsoever
for attitudes,what,then,will prevent a manipula-
tionintle opposite direction at some future point?
Are civil courage and inner convictions to be
considered mere fictions? Before embarking on a
programme with manipulation of behaviour as the
sole aim, it m a y be well to consider again the
words of warning given by Adorno, et., (1950)
to which we have referred previously (cf. Part I,
Chapter 1 , p. 12 et seq.). Instead of askingthe
question whether behaviour or attitude is more
important, it would probably be wise to heed
Klineberg's (1958)word of advice and ask, instead,
just how these two are related.
Another questionto which present research has
given no satisfactoryanswer is the extent to which
present findings can be generalized and applied to
different cultures. Unfortunately, most of the
published research on attitude change thus far has
been limited to the cultural setting of the United
1. For a very useful guide to studies in the more
general area of race relations, see J. Viet,
'Selected documentation for the study of race
relations'. Reports and Papers in the Social
Sciences, 1958, No. 9 , Paris, Unesco, 1958.
2. F o r a description of some practical classroom
techniques, see the Unesco pamphlet Education
for InternationalUnderstanding: Examples and
Suggestionsfor Classroom Use, Paris, Unesco,
1959.

States of America, which is reflected by the pre-
ponderance of American studies in this paper.
Although w e m a y have missed a few significant
studies conducted in other countries, since the
facilities at our disposal were far from adequate,
it is very probable that the proportion represented
in this paper is indicative of the true state of affairs,
The question of racial and other intergroup relations
has received research attention in other coun-
tries/l. However, as far as we can determine on
the basis of publishedliterature,and on the basis
of extensive correspondencewith colleaguesthrough-
out the world, in most other countries the stage of
research on the problem of attitude change has not
yet been fullyreached. The few cross-cultural stud-
ies that have been conducted have yielded interest-
ing results (seefor instance,Jacobson,Kumata and
Gullahorn, 1960),but there is a pressing need for
more such studies. Meanwhile,great caution must
be exercised in generalizingfromthe results found
within one cultural setting. Schtinbach (1961)has
illustrated this point very clearly by indicating
significant differences between his study of anti-
Semites in Germany, to which we referred in
the last chapter, and the results of a similar
American investigation (Galtung,1960).
A s a final concluding remark concerning pros-
pects for future research on attitude change, w e
should like to add a note of caution and at the same
time an expression of hope. The note of caution
concerns the danger of resolving intergroupten-
sions within a particular nation or other larger
group by an appeal for unity based on animosity
toward some other nation or larger group, be it on
political, religious or other grounds. W e feel that
this represents a major danger in the world today.
W e can follow the development of mankind from
the time when families or clans constituted 'in-
groups ' and battled against each other, through
successive stages up to the point of the develop-
ment of nation-States, and we have seen that as
the antagonizingunitsbecome larger the results of
conflicts between them have become more devas-
tating. Hence today there are antagonisms in the
world between whole nations or blocs of nations,
and the resolution of tensionsbetween these gi-oups
is the paramount task facing mankind today. A s
SherifandSherif(1956)have pointed out, the reso-
lution of smaller antagonisms by the creation of
largerones m a y produce a certaintemporarysuccess,
but is likely in the long run to lead to even larger
conflicts. A n example of an approach to this broader
question is a recent article by Bronfenbrenner
(1961), in which some of the results of group-
oriented research, especially the experiments
Summary and Prospects
on the so-called Asch phenomenon, are applied to
the question of internationaltensions. It is our pre-
diction and our hope that this area will increasingly
receive the attention of social scientists and that
research on attitude change will more and more
be conducted within the framework of this larger
perspective.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ADORNO, T.W.;FRENKEL-BRUNSWICK,E.;
LEVINSON, D.;S A N F O R D , R.N. 1950. The
authoritatianpersonality. NewYork, H a r p e y
Bros.
BIBBY,C. 1959. Race, prejudice and education.
London, Heinemann.
BRONFENBRENNER,U. 196 1. The 'mirrorimage
ofSoviet-Americanrelations. Journal of social
issues, 17.
CLARK,K.B. 1955. Prejudice in your child.
Boston, Beacon Press.
GALTUNG,J. 1960. Anti-Semitism in the making:
a study of American high school students. Oslo,
Institute for Social Research (mimeo).
J A C O B S O N , E .;KUMATA, H.;GULLAHORN,J.E.
1960. Cross-cultural contributionsto attitude
research. Public opinion quarterly,24, p. 205-23.
J A M E S , H.E.O.,TENEN,C. 1953. The teacher
was black. London, Heinemann.
KLINEBERG,0.1958. Comments. In: The r61e
of the social sciences in desegregation: a
symposium, p. 47-8. N e w York,Anti-Defama-
tion League.
R O S E , A.M. 1956. Inter-group relations versus
prejudice: pertinent theory for the study of
social change. Social problems, 4,p. 173-6.
S C H O N B A C H , P. 1961. Reaktionen auf die anti-
semitische Welle im Winter 1959-1960. Frank-
furter Beitrage zur Soziologie, Sonderheft 3,
Frankfurt a m Main.
SHERIF, M.;SHERIF, C.W. 1956. A n outline
of social psychology,(rev. ed.) N e w York,
Harper Bros.
TUMIN,M.; BARTON, P.;B U R R U S , B. 1958.
Education, prejudice and discrimination: a
study in readiness for desegregation. American
sociological review,23, p. 41-9.
1. For a review of recent research on racial rela-
tions in various parts of the world, see the two
specialissues of the InternationalSocialScience
Bulletin, vol. X,no. 3, 1958. and vol. XIII,
no. 2, 1961.
57
 AUTHORS INDEX

ABELSON,H.I. (1959) 9, 10, 32, 33 BREHM, J . W .

ABELSON,R.P. see ROSENBERG,M. COHEN,A.R. (1959) 37, 38
ADORNO,T.W.; (1950) 15, 16, 17, 19,20, BROCK, T. see HOVLAND, C.I.
FRENKEL-BRUNSWIK,E.; 42, 44, 46, 50,54. BRONFENBRENNER ,U(1958) 52, 54
LEVINSON,D.; & 56, 57 (1961) 57
SANFORD,R.N. BROPHY,I. N (1946) 24, 26, 47, 50
ALLPORT, F.H. (1924) 22, 25 BURRUS,B. see TUMIN. M.
ALLPORT, G.W. (1935) 8, 9, 10 BUTLER,J. see LEVINE,J.
(1937) 22, 25
(1952) 7, 10
(1959) 54 CAMPBELL, D.T. (1950) 9. 10
ALLPORT, G.W.& CAMPBELL, E.H. see HOVLAND,C.I.
KRAMER, D.M. (1946) 47, 50 CARLSMITH,J. H. see FESTINGER ,L.
ALLYN, J. & CARTWRIGHT,D. 8~
FESTINGER,L. (1961) 37, 38 ZANDER,A. (1953) 26
ANDERSON,N.H. -
(1959) 38 see also CHEIN, I. -
(1951) 9, 10 see also
REIGROTSKI,E. HARDING,J.
ARONSON,E. see MILLS, J. CHOO,T. (1960) 28, 33
ASCH, S.E. (1946) 31, 33 CHRISTIE,R. &
(1951) 19, 20, 23, 25 COOK, P. (1958) 15, 20
(1952) 23, 25 CHRISTIE,R. &
(1956) 19, 20, 25 JAHODA,M. (1954) 15, 20
AXLINE,V.M. (1948) 19, 20 CLARK,K.B. (1955) 56, 57
COELHO,G.V. (1958) 49, 50
COHEN,A.R. see BREHM,J.W.
BARON, L.K. (1957) 19, 20 COHLER , J. see KELMAN,H.C.
BARTON,P. see TUMIN.M. COLE,S.G. see VICKERY,W.
BECHTEREW, V.M. WIESE, M.J.
&DE LANGE,M. (1924) 22, 25 COLLINS, M.E, see DEUTSCH. M.
BENJAMIN,L. see KATZ,I. COOK,E. see COOK, L.A.
BENSON,W.M. see YOUNG, R.K. COOK,L.A. (1950) 43, 44
BERELSON,B. -
(1954) 29, 33 see also COOK, L.A. &
LAZARSFELD, P.F. COOK,E. (1954) 43, 44
BERELSON, B. & COOK, P. see CHRISTIE,R.
SALTER,P.J. (1946) 29, 33 COOK,S.W. see WILNER, D. M.
BERGER, M. (1952) 53, 54 COOPER,E.
(1954) 53, 54 DINNERMAN,H. (1951) 33
BERGIUS,R. see SOHDI,K.S. COOPER,E. &
BERKOWITZ. L 8~ JAHODA,M. (1947) 18, 20, 29, 33
COTTINGHAM,D.R. (1960) 18, 20 COTTINGHAM,D.R. see BERKOWITZ,L.
BETTELHEIM,B. & CROMWELL, H. (1950) 27, 30, 33
JANOWITZ,M. (1950) 18, 20 CRUTCHFIELD,R.F. seeKRECH,D.
BIBBY,C. (1959) 56, 57 CULBERTSON,F.J. M.(1955) 18, 20
BJERSTEDT,A. (1958) 49, 50
BOGARDUS,E.S. (1925) 9, 10
(1958) 52, 54, DANCKWORTT,D. (1956) 49, 50
BONILLA,F. see WILSON,E.C. (1959) 49, 50
BOOMER,D.F. (1959) 19, 20 DEAN,J. P. see SUCHMAN,E.A.
BOVARD,E.W. Jr. (1951) 23, 26 DEUTSCH,M. &
(1953) 23, 26 COLLINS, M.E. (1951) 24, 26, 47, 50, 53
BRALY, K.W. see KATZ, D. DINNERNLAN, H. see COOPER,E.
BRAMELD, T. (1946) 43, 44 DODD,S.C. (1935) 46, 50
BREHM, J. W. (1959) 37, 38 DROBA, D.D. (1932) 41, 44
DURR, C.6. (1954) 54

59
FENICHEL,0. (1946) 15, 20 HOVLAND,C.I.;
FESHBACH,S. (1961) 18, 20, 30, 33 CAMPBELL, E.H.
see also JANIS 1953 & BROCK, T. (1958) 31, 34
FESHBACH,S. & HOVLAND,C.I.;
SINGER,R. (1957) 18, 20, 30, 33 JANIS,I. (L.) &
see also JANIS,I. KELLEY. H.H. (1953) 28, 31, 32, 34
1953, 1954 HOVLAND,C.I.;
FESTINGER,L. (1957) 36, 37, 38 LUMSDAINE,A.A. &
see also ALLYN,J. SHEFFIELD,E.D. (1949) 32, 34, 53, 54
FESTINGER,L. & HOVLAND,C.I.
CARLSMITH,J.H. (1959) 37, 38 MANDELL, W. (1952) 28, 32, 34
FESTINGER,L. (1957) 30, 31, 34
KELLEY,H.H. (1951) 46, 50 HOVLAND,C.I. &
FINE,B.J. (1957) 28, 33 ROSENBERG,M. (1960) 38
FLAMENT, C. (1958) 19, 20 HOVLAND,C.I. 8z
FLOWERMAN,S.H. (1949) 29, 32, 33 WEISS, W. (1951) 28, 34, 53, 54
FORD,L.I. (1956) 19. 20 HYMAN, H.H. &
FRENKEL-BRUNSWIK ,E. see ADORNO,T.W. SHEATSLEY,P.B. (1947) 29, 34
FROMM. E. (1955) 54
FURUYA,T. (1958) 24, 26
IRISH,D.P. (1952) 48, 50

GALTUNG,J. (1960) 57
GAUDET,H. see LAZARSFELD,P.F JACOBSON. E. ;
GILBERT,G.M. (1951) 52, 54 KUMATA, H. &
GOLDBERG,H.D. (1950) 32, 33 GULLAHORN,J. E. (1960) 49, 50, 57
GOLDSTEIN,M.J. (1959) 18, 20 JAHODA,M. see CHRISTIE,R.
GRAHAM,E. see LINTON,H. COOPER,E.
GRANNEBERG,A.G. see MENEFEE,S. C. JAMES,H.E.0. &
GREEN, B.F. (1954) 8, 10 TENEN,C. (1 953) 56, 57
GULLAHORN,J.E. see GULLAHORN,J. T. JANIS,I. &
GULLAHORN,J.T. & FESHBACH. S. (1953) 18, 20, 30, 34
GULLAHORN, J.E. (1960) 49, 50 (1954) 18, 20, 30, 34
GUNDLACH. R.H. (1950) 24, 26 see also HOVLAND,C.I.
KING, B.T
LUMSDAINE,A.A.
HAEFNER,D.P. (1956) 30, 33 JANIS,I. ,
HARDING,J. & HOVLAND,C.I. et al. (1959) 19, 20
HOGREFE,R. (1952) 47, 50 JANIS,I. (L.)&
HARDING,J. ; KING,B.T. (1954) 37, 38
KUTNER, B. ; JANOWITZ,M. see BETTELHEIM,B.
PROSHANSKY,H. JARRETT,R.F.&
& CHEIN, I. (1954) 9, 10, 41, 44, 53, SHERIFFS,A.C. (1953) 31, 34
54 JONES,E. ; ZELL,H.
HARING,J. (1949) 49, 50 & TORREY,R. (1958) 28, 34
HARTMEN, G.W. (1936) 30, 33
HARVEY,0. J. see SHERIF,M.
HEIDER,F. (1946) 36, 38 KATZ , D. (1960) 19, 20
(1958) 36, 38 see also SARNOFF,I.
HOBAN. C.F. & KATZ, D. &
VAN ORMER, E.B. (1951) 32, 33 BRALY,K.W. (1933) 52, 54
HOFFMAN, M.L. (1951) 16, 20 KATZ , D. ;
HOGREFE,R. see HARDING,J. McCLINTOCK,C.
HOLLANDER,E.P. see TITUS,H.E. & SARNOFF,I. (1956) 18, 20
HOLTZNLAN,W.H. see YOUNG,R.K. (1957) 18, 20
HOOD, W.R. see SHERIF, M. KATZ, D. &
HORNEY,K. (1937) 54 STOTLAND,E. (1959) 18, 20
HOROWITZ,M.W. see PASTORE,N. KATZ, I. &
HOVLAND,C.I. (1954) 32, 33 BENJAMIN,L. (1960) 17, 20
(1957) 31, 34 KELLEY,H.H. (1955) 24, 26, 29, 34
(1958) 27, 33 see also
see also JANIS,I. HOVLAND, C.I.
KELMAN,H.C. FESTINGER,L.

60
KELLEY,H.H. & MAC KENZIE,D.K. (1948) 47, 50
VOLKART,E.H. (1952) 24, 26, 29, 34 MANDELL, W. see HOVLAND,C,I.
KELLEY,H.H. & 1952, 1957
WOODRUFF, C.L. (1956) 24, 26. 28, 34 MANIS, M. (1960) 32, 34
KELMAN, H.C. (1952) 19, 20, 25 MANSKE,A.J. (1935) 41, 44
(1953) 37, 38, 43, 44 MASLOW, W.&
(1956) 17, 18, 20 ROBINSON,J.B. (1953) 53, 54
(1960) 18, 20, 38, 49,50 MAUSNER, B. (1953) 23, 26
(196l)(a) 18, 20, 38 (1954) 23, 26
(1961)(b) 38 McCLINTOCK,C.
G. (1956) 18, 21
KELMAN. H.C. see also KATZ,D.
COHLER , J. (1959) 18, 21 1956-57
KELMAN,H.C. & McCORD, F. (1948) 23, 26
HOVLAND,C.I. (1953) 28, 34 McDAVID,J.W. Jr. (1958) 32, 34
KIHARA , K. see OGAWA, T. McDOUGALL,W. (1908) 22, 26
KING,B.T. McENTIRE,D. (1957) 53, 54
JANIS,I. L. (1956) 37, 38 M c GINNIES, E. see MITNICK,L.L.
see also JANIS,I.
L. McGUIRE, W.J. (1960)(a) 36, 38, 42
KLINEBERG , 0 . (1958) 10, 56, 57 (1960)(b) 36, 38, 42
KNOWER,F.H. (1935) 30, 32, 34 MEEHL, P.E.
(1936) 32, 34 MAC CORQUODALE,K.
KRAMER, D.M. see ALLPORT, G.W. MENEFEE, S. C. &
KRECH,D. & GRANNEBERG,A. G. (1940) 30, 34
CRUTCHFIELD,R.F.(1948) 9, 10 MERTON, R. K. (1957) 44
KUKAYA,S. see OGAWA, T. MIDDLETON. R. (1960) 32, 34
KUMATA, H. see JACOBS0N.E. MILLS, J. ;
KUTNER,B. ; ARONSON. E. &
WILKINS, C. ROBINSON,H. (1959) 29, 34
YARROW, P.R. (1952) 10, 36, 38 MITNICK, L.L.&
see also HARDING,J. McGINNIES,E. (1958) 33, 34
MORENO, J.L. (1953) 9, 10
MORRISSETTE , J. see ZAJONC,R.B.
DE LANGE,M. see BECHTEREW ,V. M. MURPHY, G. (1953) 25, 26
LA PIERE,R.T. (1934) 10, 36, 38 MURPHY, G. ;
LASKY,J.J. (1950) 16, 21 MURPHY, L.D.&
LAZARSFELD,P.F. (1950) 8, 10 NEWCOMB, T.M. (1937) 27, 34
LAZARSFELD,P.F.; MURPHY, L.D. see MURPHY, G.
BERELSON,B. & MUSSEN, P.H. (1950) 46, 50
GAUDET,H. (1944) 29, 34 MYRDAL, G. (1944) 53, 55
LEE, A.M. (1954) 54
LEVINE,J. &
BUTLER,J . (1953) 25, 26 NADLER , E.B. (1959) 19, 21
LEVINSON,D. see ADORNO,T.W. NEWCOMBE, T.M. (1943) 23, 26
LEWIN,K. (1935) 9, 10, 22, 26 (1948) 23, 26
(1948) 43, 44 (1950) 23, 26
(1953) 25, 26 (1953) 36, 38
(1958) 25, 26 see also MURPHY,G
LINTON. H. NOWAK, S. (1960) 24, 26, 42, 44
GRAHAM,E. (1959) 17, 19. 21
LIPPITT, R. see WATSON, J. OGAWA,T.;
LIPSET,S. M. see RAAB, E. KIHARA,K.;
LUCHINS, A.S. (1 958)(a) 31, 34 KUKAYA,S. &
(1958)(b) 31, 34 TANAKA,K. (1957) 43, 44
LUDLUM, T.M. (1958) 28, 34 ORR,D. (1946) 15, 21
LUMSDAINE,A.A.
& JANIS, I. L. (1953) 31, 34
see HOVLAND,C.I. PASTORE,N.
LUND, F.H. (1925) 27, 30, 34. 36. 38 HOROWITZ,M.W. (1955) 28, 34
PATRICK,J. R. see SIMS,B.M.
PEARL, D. (1955) 19, 21
MAC CORQUODALE,K. PETERSON,R.C.
& MEEHL, P.E. (1948) 8, 10 THURSTONE,L.L. (1933) 32, 34
MAC IVER,R.M. (1948) 7, 10, 43, 44, 4 9 , 5 0 PITKIN,V.E. (1950) 43, 44

61
PLANT,W.T. (1956) 42, 45 SMITH,C.M. see SMITH,B.L.
PROSHANSKY.H see HARDING,J. SMITH,F.T. (1937) 46, 51
SMITH, M.B.(ed.) (1956) 49, 51
SODHI,K.S. (1953) 23, 26
RAAB, E. & SODHI,K.S. &
LIPSET, S.M. (1959) 53, 55 BERGIUS, R. (1953) 9, 1 1
RAMSEYER,L.L. (1939) 33, 35 STAR,A. ;
REIGROTSKI, E. & WILLIAMS,R.M.Jr.
ANDERSON,N. (1960) 50 & STOUFFER,S.A.(1958) 47, 51
RIEGEL,0. W. (1953) 49, 50 STEVENS,R.B. (1958) 48, 51
ROBINSON,J. B. see MASLOW, W. STOTLAND,E. see KATZ, D.
ROBINSON,H. see MILLS, J. STOUFFER,S.A. see STAR,A.
ROGERS, C.R. (1951) 44, 45 SUCHMAN,E.A.;
ROKEACH,M. (1948) 19, 21 DEAN,J.P. &
(1960) 19, 21 WILLIAMS,R. M.Jr. (1958) 48, 51
ROSE,A.M. (1948) 7, 10, 32, 35, 42, SUMNER,W.G. (1907) 36, 38
45 SUSSMAN,M.D. (1957) 48, 51
(1956) 56, 57
ROSENBERG,M. 8.t
ABELSON,R.P. (1960) 37, 38 TAMAKA,K. see OGAWA, T.
see HOVLAND,C.I. TANNENBAUM, P. (1956) 28, 35
SAENGER,G. (1953) 7, 11 TAUSCH,A. M. (1961) 43, 45
SALTER,P.J. see BERELSON,B. TAYLOR,J. A. (1956) 30, 35
SAMELSON,B. (1945) 42, 45 TENEN, C. see JAMES,H.E.0.
SANFORD,R.N. see ADORN0.T.W. THURSTONE,L.L. see PETERS0N.R.C.
SARNOFF,I & TITUS,H.E. /k
KATZ, D. (1954) 17, 18, 21 HOLLANDER,E.P. (1957) 15, 21
see also KATZ,D. TORREY,R. see JONES,E.
SCHLORFF , P.W. (1930) 41, 45 TRIANDIS,H.C. &
SCHNEIDER , E. (1958) 19, 21 TRIANDIS, L.M. (1960) 9, 1 1
SCHONBACH, P. (1961) 53, 55, 57 TRIANDIS, L.M. see TRIANDIS,H.C.
SELLITZ,C. TUMIN,M. (1957) 48, 51
WORMSaR, M.H. (1949) 49, 50 (1958) 10, 1 1 , 32, 35
see also WORMSER.M.H. (1960) 48, 51
SHEATSLEY,P.B. see HYMAN, H.H. TUMIN,M. ;
SHEFFIELD,F.D. see HOVLAND,C.I. BARTON,P. &
SHERIF. C.W. see SHERIF. M. BURRUS. B. (1958) 10, 11. 33, 35, 42,
1953-54-56 45, 50, 51, 52, 55,
SHERIF,M. (1936) 22, 26 56, 57
(1937) 22, 26
SHERIF,NI. ;
HARVEY,0.J. ; VAN ORMER, E.B. see HOBAN, C.F.
WHITE, B.J.; VICKERY,W. &Z
HOOD, W.R. COLE,S.G. (1944) 43, 45
SHERIF,C.W. (1 954) 25, 26, 30, 35, 47, VOLKART. E.H. see KELLEY,H.H.
50
SHERIF,M. &
SHERIF,C.W. (1953) 26 WAGMAN, M. (1955) 16, 21
(1956) 23, 26, 27, 35, 57 WALKLEY, R.T. see WILNER,D.M.
SHERIFFS,A.C. see JARRETT ,R. F. WATSON,G. (1947) 7, 11
SHUEY,A.M. (1 953) 29, 35 (1956) 43, 45
SIEGEL,A.E. i% WATSON,J. (1950) 24, 26
SIEGEL,S. (1957) 23, 26 WATSON,J.
SIEGEL,S. see SIEGEL,A.E. LIPPITT,R. (1955) 49, 51
SIMPSON,G.E. 2k WEISS. W. see HOVLAND,C.I.
YINGER,J.M. (1958) 7, 1 1 , 43, 44, 45 WHITE,B.J. see SHERIF,M.
49, 50 WIEDER,G.S. (1951) 44, 45
SIMS,B.M. & WIESE,M.J. &
PATRICK,J.R. (1936) 23, 26, 41, 45 COLE,S.G. (1946) 33, 35
SINGER,R. see FESHBACH,S. WILKE,W.H. (1934) 32, 35
SINHA,D. (1952) 23, 26 WILKINS. C. see KUTNER, B.
SMITH,B.L.& WILLIAMS,R.M.Jr.(1947) 7, 1 1 , 27, 35, 42,
SMITH,C.M. (1956) 50 45

62
 (1958) 42, 45 YARROW,P.R. see KUTNER,B.
see also STAR,A. YINGER,J. M. see SIMPS0N.G.E.
SUCHMAN,E.A. YOUNG,D. (1927) 41, 45
WILNER,D.M. ; YOUNG,R.K.;
WALKLEY, R.T. 8~ BENSON. W.M. &
COOK,S.W. (1952) 48, 51 HOLTZMAN, W . H . (1960) 42, 45
WILSON,E.C. 8~
BONILLA,F. (1955) 51
WOODRUFF, C.L. see KELLEY,H.H. ZAJONC,R.B. 8~
WORMSER, M.H. & MORRISSETTE,J. (1960) 32, 35
SELLITZ, C. (1951) 49, 51 ZANDER,A. see CARTWRIGHT,D.
see also SELLITZ,C. ZELL,H. see JONES,E.

63
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Gunfoundry Road,H Y D E R A B A D I ; 36A Mount Road,
MADRAS 2; Kanson House, 1/24 Asaf Ali Road,
N E W DELHI I.
Sub-depots: Indian National Commission for CO-
operation with Unesco, Ministry of Education. NEW
DELHI 3; Oxford Book and Stationery Co.,17 Park
Street, CALCUTTA 16, and Scindia House, NKW
DELIII.
INDONESIA: P. N. Fadjar Bbakti, Djalan Nusantara
22. DJAKARTA.
IRAN: Commission nationale iranienne pour I'Unesco.
avenue d u Musee, Tl?HhAN.
IRAQ: McKenzie's Bookshop. AI-Rnshid Street.
BAGHDAD.
IRELAND: The National Press, 2 Wellington Road,
Ballsbridge. DUBLIN.
ISRAEL: Blumstein's Bookstores, 35 Allenby Road
and 48 Nahlat Benjamin Street,TELAvlv.
ITALY: Libreria Commissionaria Sansoni S.p.A.
via Lamarrnora 45, casella postale 552, FIRENELE;
Libreria Internazionale Rizzoli, Largo Chighi.
ROMA; Libreria Zanichelli, Portici del Pava-
glionc.BOLOGNA;Hoepli,via UlricoHoepli 5, MILANO;
Librairie frangaise,piazza Caslello 9,TORINO.
JAMAICA:Snngster's Book Room, 91 Harbour Street.
KINGSTON.
JAPAN: Maruzen Co. Ltd.. 6 Tori-Nichome. Nihon-
bashi. P.O. Box 605, Tokyo Central. TOKYO.
JORDAN: Joseph I. Bahous & Co.. Dar-ul-Kutub.
Salt Road, P.O.Box 66,AMMAN.
K E N Y A : ESA Bookshop, P.O. Box 30167. NAIROBI.
K O R E A : Korean National Commission for Unaco.
P.O.Box Central 64,SEOUL.
L E B A N O N : Lihrairie Dar AI-Maref Liban. S.A.r.L..
immeuble Esseily, 3 e etage, place Riad El-Solh,
B.P. 2320. BEYROUTH.
LIBERIA:Cole 4 Yancv BookshoDs Ltd..P.O.Box 286
MONROVIA.
LIBYA: Orient Bookshop, P.O. Box 255. TntmLI.
LIECHTENSTEIN: Eurocan Trust Reg.. P.O.B. 124.
SCHAAN.
L U X E M B O U R G : Lihrairie Pau IBruck 22 Grand-Rue,
LUXEMBOURG.
M A D A G A S C A R : Commission nationaie de la R6pu-
blic malgache. Minislkre de I'education nationale.
TANANARIVE.For The Courier ': Service des (Euvres
post el piri-scnlaires, Ministtc de I'educalion natio-
d e , TANANARIVB.
MALAYSIA: Federal Publications Ltd., Times
House. Rivcr Vallcy Road, SINGAPORE.
M A L T A : Sapienza's Library. 26 Kingsway. VALLE~TA.
MAURITIUS: Nalanda Co. Ltd..30 Bourbon Slreet.
MEXICO: Editorial Hermer. lgnacin Marisca 41,
MEXICO D.F.
M O N A C O : British Library,30. boulevard des Moulins.
MONTE-CARLO.
M O R O C C O : Libmirie A u x belles imnpes ", 281, ave-
nut hlohunmed V. RABAr (CCP 47.69.)
For '71w Courier' (fur teoc+ers) :Cornmission natio-
nale rnitrociline pour I'Unesco.20,Zenkat Mourabitine.
R A U A T(CCP 307.61).
M O Z A M B I Q U E : Snlema and Carvalho Ltda., caixa
poslal 192. BEIRA.
NETHERLANDS: N.V. Marlinus Nijhoff, Langc
Voorhout 9, ' S - G R A V E N H A G C .
NETHE.RLANDS ANTILLES: G.C.T. Van Dorp
and Co. (Ned. Ant.) N.V.. WILI EMSTAD (Curncao. VIET-NAFI: Librairle-papklerlr XuPn-Thu, 195-193
N.A.).
N E W CALEDONIA: Reprex, avenue de la Vicloire,
Irnmeuble Painbouc,NOIJMPA.
N E W Z E A L A N D : Government Printing Ofit :,
20 Molesworth Streci (Private Bag), WELLINGTO
Government Bookshops: AUCKLAND(P.0. Box 534-
CHRISTCHURCH (P.0. B O X 1721); DUNEDIN (p.
Box 1104).
N K A R A G U A : Libreria Cultural Nicaragiiense. cal
IS de depliembre y avenida Bolivar. apartadc
n.O 807. MANAGUA.
NIGERIA: C M S (Nigeria)Bookshops. P.O. Box 174,
LAGOS.
N O R W A Y : A.S. Bokhlornet, Lille Grensen 7. OSLO
For 'Thr Courier': A.S. Narvesens Litteralurjeoeste.
Stortingsgl. 2. Poslboks 115. OSLO.
PAKISTAN: T h e Wesl-Pak Publishing Co. Ltd..
Unesco Publications House, P.O. Box 374, 5 6 N
Guiherg Industrial Colony. LAHORE.
P A R A G U A Y : Agencia de Lihrerias de Salvador
Nizza. Yegros. entre 25 de M a y o y Mcnl. Estigarrihia.
ASUNCI~N: Albo Induslrial Comercial S.A..Seccidr
Libreria, Gral. Dim 327.ASUNCIbN.
PERU: Dislrihuidorn LNCA S.A.. Emilio Altahu?
460 Lince. LIMA.
PHILIPPINES: The M o d e m Book Co., 508 Riza
Avenue. M A N I I A .
POLAND: Oirodek. Rozpowszcchniania Wydawnictv
Naukowysh PAN,Palac Kultury i Nauki,WARszAWA.
PORTUGAL: Dim Rr Andra de Lda., Livraria Portugal.
riid do Carnio 70. LISWA.
PUERTO RICO: Spanish English Pubhcarions. tlea-
nor Roose\e!t115. apartodo 1912, HATO REY.
RUiMANIA: Carrlmex, Sv. Aristide Briand 14-IP
P 0.Box 134-135.BuctlnEsll.
SENtGAL: La Maisoo d u livre. 13. avenueKnunw
DAKAR
SINGAPORE: Sec Malaysia.
SOUTH AFRICA: Van Schaik's Bookstore (Pty) Ltd.
Libri Building. Church Srreet. P.O. Box 72a
PRKIORIA.
S O U T H E R S RHODESIA: The Book Centre.Gordoi
Avenur. SAtlSBURY
SPAIN: Libreria Cientifica Medinaceli, D u q u c d *
Medinaceli 4. F ~ A D R I14 D.
For 'The Courirr': Ediciones Iherqamericanas S.A
calle de Ofiaie 15, M A D R ~ D .
S U D A N : A: Dashir Hoo4sliop. P.O. Box 1111.
KHARTOIIM.
S W E D E N : A I B C. E. Fritzcs Kunel. Hovbokbandel
Fredsgatan 2.SrocKuoLM 16.
For 'The C-ourtu : Svenska Uneacortidet, Vasagatan
15-17.STOCKHOI ci C.
SWITZERLAND: turopa Verlag. RHmistrasse 5.
ZURICH; Payot. 40. rue d u Marchb. GENbVe.
SYRIA: Librairie iniernationale Avicenne. boile pos-
lale 2356, DAMAS.
T A N G A N Y I K A : Dar es Salaam Bookshop. P.0
BOX 9030. DAn ES S A L A A M .
THAILAND: Suksapan Panit. Mansion 9, Rajdsmnen.
Avenue BANGKOK.
T U R K E Y : Librnirie Hachette. 469 Istiklal Caddes
Beyoglu. ISTANBUL.
A : Uganda Bookshop,P.O.Box 145,KAMPAL.,
Meihdunarodnaja Kniga. MOSKVA G-200.
UNITED A R A B REPUBLIC: Librairie Kasr El Nil.
38, rue Karr El luil, CAIRO.
Sub-drpdt: La Renaissance d'Egypte, 9 Sh.Adly Pashz.
CAIRO(Egypt).
UNITED K I N G D O M : H.M. Stationery Office. P.O.
Box 569 London, S.E.I. Government bookshops:
London,'Belfast.Birmingham, Cardlff, EdlnhurgL
Manchester.
UNITED STATES O F AMERICA: Unesco Publi-
cations Cenler (NAIP), 317 East 34th St., New-
Yonx.N.Y.10016onderc~plJorperiodicrrls: Columbk
University Press,2960 Droadway,N E W YonK 27,N.Y
U R U G U A Y : Representacion de Edilonales, plam
Cagancha 1342. I.er piso. MONTEVIDEO.
VENEZUELA: Librerla Poiilecnica.calle Villaflor,locai
A, PI lado General Electric,Saband Grande.C A R A C A S ;
Libreria Crun del Sur. Centro Comercial del Estr
local 1 I aparlado 10223, Sahona Grande, C A R A C A S
Oficina 'Publicaciones de la Unesco. Gobernador z
Candilitc n." 37, aparlsdo poslal n.O 8092. C A R A C A S ;
Libreria Selecta. avenida 3. n 23-23.MERIDA.
rue Tu-Do,B.P. 283. SAIGON.
YUGOSLAVIA: Juposlovenska Knjiga, Teraziic 27
BEOCRAn