'Esquisse de L'historie de L'H

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I
| ARLIN, Mary Irene, 1939- , „
I ESQUISSE DE L'HISTORIE DE L'HARMONIE, CONSIDEREE
| COMME ART ET COMMS SCIENCE SYST^MATIQUE OF
i‘ FRANCOIS-JOSEPH FETIS: AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION.
!■ 5
• Indiana University, Ph.D., 1972
i Music
j University Microfilms, A XERGX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
© Copyright by
MART IRENE ARLIN
1972
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ESQPISSE IE L'HISTORIE BE L'HARMONIE. CONSII8SRBE COMME ART ET
COMME SCIENCE SYSTEMATIQOB OF FRAN£OIS-JOSEFH FETISi
AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION
BY
MARY IRENE ARLIN
Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Graduate School in

partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy, Indiana University
February, 1972
Accepted by the faculty of the Graduate School, Indiana University,
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of
Fhilosophy*
rector of Thesis
Ttus
Doctoral Committeei Chairman
iZtotk s!4
T u J .
kLk
A Odd.(£*■— -
ii
PLEASE NOTE:
S om e pages m a y have
indistinct print.
F i l me d as received.
U n i v e r s i t y M i c r o f i l m s , A X e r o x E d u ca t io n C o m pa n y
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The author wishes to express her sincere appreciation to all who
have helped complete this work, to those who have encouraged as well as
those who have assisted in a tangible way. I am particularly grateful
to my committee and especially to Dr. Vernon L. Kllewer, director of the
dissertation, for his perceptive guidance, critical suggestions, and
personal interest through the years. To Mary E. Cardillo, Proctor
High School, Utica, New York, my deepest thanks for her generous
assistance in a detailed checking of the translation, and to Dr.
Marianne Kalinke, University of Rhode Island, for reading the German
translations and offering helpful corrections. I am also indebted to
Mrs. Florence Pfanner and the Interlibrary Loan Department of Ithaca
College for helping me procure research material) to Dr. Albert van der
Linden, Bibliothecaire, for making the resources of Biblioth&que du
Conservatoire Royal de Musique, Brussels, available to me. Last, but
certainly not least, to my mother, who read and corrected the first
draft of the translation, and without whose patient assistance,
assurances, and encouragement this work would not have been possible.
iii
tables o f contests
Page
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . » r , 1
Biographical Sketch r > » . »■ . 2

Theoretical Concepts w > c * w i ^ v > r v « • > t* v » r v t 6
Esqulsse de l*historie de 1'harmonie . . , . . , 17
ESQUISSE DE L ’HISTORIE DE L‘'HARMONIE CONSIDER® COMME ART ET COMME

SCIENCE SYSTEMATIQUE 21
Foreword 22
Chapter I. The Creation of a Harmonic System « • 25
Chapter II, The Results of the Creation of a Harmonic System , * 103
Chapter III, The Nineteenth Century* The Development of the
Art. A Complete and Definitive Formation of the Theory of
Harmony . . . . . . . 181
APPENDIX . . . . . . r ..... ... r 218
Appendix A: A Note in Reply to That of Fetls • 219

How is Pure Gold Changed into Base Lead? 223
Appendix Bi > , . . . . . . . . > r . . , « . 227
BIBLIOGEtAPHY 231
INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
iv
INTRODUCTION
In the preface to The Theory of Harmony (2nd ed«s Dekalb,
Illinois: B 0 Coar, 1955), P» vii, Matthew Shirlaw states that "the
Esqulsse de 1*historic de 1*harmonie of Fetis Is a real history of
harmonic theory, and of harmonic systems*" But the Esqulsse de
l'hlstorle de 1 *harmonie is more than a "real" history of harmonic
theoryi it is the flrBt history of harmonic theory* Yet, little is
known about this work because it was published in Paris in 1840 in a
limited edition* there were only 50 copies printed for private
circulation, and few copies are extant *^
Fetis was eminently qualified to undertake such a work* As "one
of the most lucid musicologists of his time" and "one of the first to
consider the past with an artistic interest," he knew and understood
the historical aspects of the art* As a composer and teacher of compo
sition, he understood the technical problems of organizing the material
of music for the purposes of instruction. As a theorist, he had
examined and studied the writings of theorists throughout the ages. As
a result of his research, he expressed the fundamental idea* "art does
not progress, it transforms itself,"^
Êxcerpts from the book were printed in the Gazette musicals de

Paris. 1840, nos* 9, 20, 24, 35r 40, 52, 63. 68, 72, 73, 75-77? and in
Traits dtharmonle, Bk~ IV, pp* 201-54.
^Robert Wangermee, "Fran§ois-Joseph Fetis," Encyclopedic de la

musique (Paris* Fasquelle, 1959), II, 52*
-^Franjois-Joseph Fetis quoted by Robert Hangermee in Encyclopedia

de la musique* II, 52*
2
In view of Fetis' influence as a theorist, this annotated trans
lation is hased upon the need to provide access to his ideas on the
history of harmony hy making the Esqulsse de l'historle de 1'harmonie
available for the English reading public, so that F£tis* contribution
to the history of harmony can be interpreted and evaluated in the light
of contemporary scholarship.
Biographical Sketch
Frangois-Joseph Fetis, b o m on 25 March 1784 in Mons, Belgium,
was the son of a musician, Antoine, who was the organist at Saint-Wandru,
concertmaster of the theatre orchestra, and conductor of the village
concerts, Franjois-Joseph, destined to follow his father's profession
(F£tis was a musician more by tradition than vocation), began his
musical studies at an early age, receiving instruction in piano, violin,
and organ from his father. In the Blographie universelle Fetis wrote,
"The first instrument which was put into his hands was the violinf at age
seven he wrote some duos for this instrument, and began to study the
piano, Yet even Fetis was forced to admit that he was not a child
prodigy| he did not demonstrate talent for any particular instrument.
Rather, "what engrossed me then was the desire, to be more exact, the
2
need to compose."
•^■"Franjols-Joseph Fetis," Blographie universelle des musiciens,

2nd ed., III, 227f hereafter cited as BUM.
^Franjois-Josepb Fetis quoted in Robert Wangermee, Franyois-Joseph

Fetis. Musicologue et Compositeur (Brusselst Acadgmle royale de
Belgique, l951)t P*
While young Fetis had had no formal training in harmony or compo
sition prior to writing some piano concertos and sonatas, a Staaai for
two choirs and orchestras, and some string music, he had studied and
memorized about 30 symphonies of Haydn, about 20 symphonies of ELeyol,
as well as overtures and piano concertos of K.P.E. Bach, Kozaluch, and
Mozart.^- Fetis was particularly struck with the works of Haydn and
Hozart, because in them he found " . . . the secrets of a new and lively
2
harmony, of which he had no idea at all previously." He imitated these
men, and his own compositions were popularly received.
In October 1800, yielding to the entreaties of friends, the family
sent Fetis to the recently opened Paris Conservatoire where he continued
his piano study with Boieldieu and Louis Pradherj he studied harmony with
Jean-Baptiste Rey, a devotee of Rameau, and received the first prize in
harmony in 1803. About this same time he developed a keen interest in
the history and theory of music| he read and compared Catel's Traite
d*harmonie to that of Rameau. He studied German and Italian so he could
compare Catel and Rameau to Kimberger and Sabbatini. In 1806, at a
publisher's request, he began a revision of the plainsong of the Roman
Catholic Church and the preparation of a text which was more in keeping
with the traditions of medieval manuscripts. The fruition of his labors
and patient research had to wait, because of interruptions, nearly
30 years.
In 1806, Fetis married Adelaide Robert, a young woman of consider
able fortune, and in 1807 Fetis won the second prize (later called the
^Wangermee, p. 12.
2 "Franpois-Joseph Fetis," BUM. Ill, 227.
Brlx de Rome) in composition* Fetis believed that easy circumstances
would permit him to devote his time to composition, but in 1311 pecuniary
difficulties, precipitated by the loss of his wife's fortune, forced
Fetis to leave Baris* He settled in Ardennes, where he occupied himself
by studying philosophy which ", . . seemed indispensable for the exposition
of the principles of the theory of music, and for the analysis of the facts
of the history of this art,""*-
In December 1813, Fetis accepted the position of organist at
Saint-Pierre in Douai and professor of singing and harmony at the munici
pal school. Still hoping to earn his way as a composer, he returned to
Baris in 1818 where his stage-works, mostly comic operas, met with more
or less success* In 1821, he accepted an appointment as the professor
of composition at the Baris Conservatoire, and in 1824, at Cherubini's
request, he wrote and published his first important work# Tralte de
contrepolnt et de la fugue,
Fetis* concern for the lack of a journal dedicated exclusively to
music in France motivated him to fill the void, and from February 1827
to November 1835 Fetis wrote and published, virtually single-handedly,
the weekly journal I* Revue musicals. He continued to contribute daily
articles to 3> Temps and Ia Nationalj on several occasions he wrote
three different articles, each dealing with a different aspect of a new
opera, and each article appeared in either the Revue muslcale, Le Temps,
l"Frangois-Joseph Fetis," BUM, III, 229.
^This was not the first music periodical in FranceI La Revue

muslcale was preceded by Journal de Framery (1770), Correspondence des
amateurs (1802), and Tablettes de Polymnie (1810), none of which was
successful and all of which were very short-lived,
1
or National the morning after the performance. The publication of
Revue musicals and daily newspaper articles helped to make Fetis renowned,
and in the succeeding years he had considerable Influence on the Parisian
musical life, not as a composer or teacher but as a critic. He was
feared and detested) he was frequently the target of considerable criti
cism by composers, notably Berlioz who considered him to be a ", . «
Muster eines in seine Theorien verstrickten Fadagogen, der unfahig sei,

2
sich von der neuen Kunst ergreifen zu lassen."
In 1833 Fetis accepted the appointment as Director of the Conser-

A
vatoire in Brussels and aialtre de ehapelle to Leopold If until his death
on 26 March 1871, Fetis held dictatorial authority over the musical life
of Brussels as a conductor, teacher, and writer.^ Few men have wielded
greater influence as a critic, historian, and theorist.
The fame of Fetis rests on his prolific writings on the history,
theory, and literature of musicj these writings span a lifetime of
research and study. In the Preface to the Tralte d'harmonie (p. ix),
Fetis states that he read and studied mere than 800 works dealing with
harmony before attempting to write his own. When he died he was writing
Historic generals de la musique depuis les temps anclens a nos temps
(Baris1 Didot, 1869-76)j only five volumes of the projected eight had
been completed. His personal library, acquired by the government at
lnFranjois-Jcseph Fetis," BOM. Ill, 233*
2Bobert Wangeraee, "Frangois-Joseph Fetis," HGG. IV, 130.

(". « , an example of a pedagogue who, hopelessly involved in his £own3
theories, could not come to grips with the new art.")
3lbld.. 131.
the time of his death and housed in the Bibliotheaue royale de Bruxelles,
contained more than 5*000 works."*"
Theoretical Concepts
Undoubtedly Fetis1 most important theoretical works are the
Esqulsse de l*historle de l'harmonle (1840), the first history of harmonic
theory, and the Traite d*harmonie (1844), the twelfth edition of which
appeared in Paris in 1906, Through both of these works there is a thread
of continuity and commonality* tonality. In the Preface to the Traite
d*harmonie, Fetis contends that the efforts of all theorists who have
searched for the fundamental principle of harmony in acoustics, mathe
matics, aggregations of intervals, or classifications of chords have been

p
futile (p. vil), because tonality is the primary organizing agent of all
melodic and harmonic successions. This is the first use of the term
"tonality” in music1 the better share of the Traite d'harmonle is devoted
to explaining how it organizes music.
Scales and tonality* Fetis contends that the primary factor in
the determination of tonality is the scale* the order of the succession
of tones in major and minor, the distances which separate the tones, and
the resultant melodic and harmonic affinities (p. 2). But, as Hindemith
has said*
■*For a complete listing of the holdings see Catalogue de la

bibliotheque de F, J, Fetis, acquise par 1'State Beige (Paris* Firmin-
Didot "et" Cle.7l5777.-------- ---- -------------
p
All subsequent parenthetical page references refer to the
Traite dIharmonle,
7
Scales are undoubtedly an excellent and perhaps even an

indispensable add to theoretical as well as practical music (just
as the telephone book Is to the use of the telephone) hut they
are not In themselves the material out of which melodies— and
harmonies— are made*^
Consequently, FetisT quest for tonal coherence in ascending
major and minor scales was in vain, because scales are a posterior fact,
theoretical abstractions of melodic and harmonic material* In and of
themselves, scales are totally useless for determining tonality. The
first note of the scale, the "tonic,1* is the fundamental note not
because of its position, but by virtue of the musical context from
which it has been culled. Hence, one wastes time analyzing and dissecting
scales in search of tonality* Tonality is
, , , that quality of the musical perception which finds

its origin in the organization of a tonal complex about a central
point of emphasis. The term "tonic" achieves a terminological
importance since it refers to that tone about which all remaining
tones of the complex are grouped,^
Tonality existed, thus, prior to the emergence of major and miner
scales and is not the result of the emergence of major and minor scales.
Scales are not the arbiter of tonality, but the converse, Furthe? ore,
modality and tonality are not mutually exclusive as Fetis propounds!
modality is a particular set of scalar relationships to a fundamental
tone— tonic.
1Paul Hindemith, "Methods of Music Theory," Mg, XXX (1944), 24-25,
^William E, Thomson, "A Clarification of the Tonality Concept"

(unpublished Ph,D, dissertation, Indiana University, 1952), p, 205*
8
Twtervals and tonality. In Book I of the Traite d*harmonie. Fetis
breaks with the hwhr I taxonomy of intervals In his classification* There
axe four kinds of consonances: (l) the perfect consonances* the perfect
fifth and perfect octaves* which create the feeling of repose| (2) the
imperfect consonances, the thirds and sixths, which do not give a feeling
of repose; (3) the "mixed" consonance, the perfect fourth, which lacks
finality, is not variable in the major and minor modes# and does not
demand a resolution as do dissonances; its usage is, however, very
limited; and (4) the "appellative" consonances, the augmented fourth and
diminished fifth, are the intervals which "characterise modem tonality,"-*
The two remaining intervals, the seconds and sevenths, are classified as
dissonances because they " . . . are not pleasing by themselves and only
satisfy musical sense by their connection with consonances" (pp. 8-9)*
Recognizing the fragility of his definition of dissonance, Fetis
clarifies it by stipulating that the two dissonant notes must "touch
each other" either at the interval of a second or a seventh* The disso
nance created between the fourth and fifth degree of the scale is called
"natural” because it is the point of contact between the two tetrachords
on the scale (p. 18). This seventh and its inversion does not have to be
preceded by consonance, as do all of the other dissonant intervals.
Having completed his classification of intervals, Fetis proceeds
to explain the "laws of tonality," laws which sure rooted in the meta
physical principle of points of repose in a scale* Fetis never defines
^Fetis' inclusion of the tritone as a consonance appears to be

predicated on the premise that its role in tonality nullifies its
dissonant characteristics.
9
what renders the quality of repose to any scale degree! he merely lists
the degrees which possess repose* The tonic scale degree is the only one
which has the character of absolute reposey the fourth and fifth degrees,
points of momentary repose* may have the harmony of a fifth or octave.
Neither the triads nor the interval of a third on the fourth and fifth
degree may succeed each other because, ", . . having no point of contact
between them, £they] present the aspect of tonal absurdity to the musical
sense" (p. 17). This juxtaposition of thirds on the fourth and fifth
scale steps is called fauBses relations. If tonality truly resides in
the scale, why exclude the juxtaposition of two of the diatonic intervals
contained therein? Fetis is not referring to his limited concept of
dissonance and to the two notes which, because they separate two tetra-
chords, create "natural" dissonance, since he admits the progression
11^ - V in his harmonization of the scale with the justification that
" . . . the note of this sixth is at the same time the fifth of the domi
nant, and that establishes the contact" (p» 17). If Fetis* objection is
to avoid the parallel fifths which could result from the succession of IV
to V, his objection is unfounded1 parallel fifths need not occur in
chords which are related by the root relationship of a second* In the
Esqulsse de l*hlstorie de 1*harmonie, he quotes a rule of de Muris—
"we ought to avoid two major thirds by conjunct motion"— a rule which de
Muris never stated, but which Fetis misconstrued because he misread de
Muris* There is absolutely no tonal justification for the prohibition
offered by Fetis*
The second, third, and seventh degrees, devoid of tonal repose,
may not have root position triads built on them because the interval of
10
the perfect fifth is the interval of repose. While Fetis is contending,
on the one hand, that the law of tonality resides in the order of the
succession of pitches in the scale, on the other hand he is contending
that the interval of the perfect fifth is the interval of repose* Fetis
never reveals hew the interval of the perfect fifth gains ascendancy as
the primary structural unit. The reasoning which Fetis uses for exclud
ing the perfect fifth on the third degree of the scalecould also he
used to repudiate hisinclusion of the tritone as a consonance, albeit
"appellative” :
The reasons for this exclusion £of a perfectfifth on the

third degree] ares (l) that the fifth of this notewould be formed
with the seventh degree, of which the natural attraction towards
the tonic cannot be satisfying to the conditions of repose*
(2) that this same seventh note would establish a false relation
ship of tonality with the fourth degree, towards which the third
itself has an attractive tendency, being separated only by a
semitone.1
What universal law dictates a false relationship with an adjacent
note which is not sounding? Is Fetis implying that the triad on the
fourth degree should follow, enabling each note to resolve a semitone to
its "natural attraction"? I doubt it, because such a resolution would
create the anathema of "good" counterpoint— parallel fifths.
The sixth degree of the scale caused Fetis some consternation*
while he initially excludes it as a point of repose, he concedes that
occasionally it may be considered a point of repose and accompanied by a
perfect fifth, because the sixth degree is also the tonic of the relative
minor, and in the minor mode the sixth scale degree is also the fourth
^Traite d*harmonie, par, 51» P« 20,
11
degree of the minor model1 This convoluted reasoning could be applied
to an; of the remaining scale degrees. For example, the third scale
degree in major is the dominant of the relative minor, a point of reposej
the second scale degree in major is the fourth scale degree in the rela
tive minor, also a point of repose.
As for the exclusion of the second degree as a point of repose,
Fetis says,
If sometimes one accompanies it Kith the fifthy . . .

one removes its tonal character and effects a vague change of
tonality which opens the way f-r several endings in different
keys| for example
V/i,iJij i
First of all, the interval of a perfect fifth on the second degree
of the scale no more "effects a vague change of tonality" than any other
interval or chord unless one wants to modulate via a pivot chord—
establish a relationship between two keys through a chord or interval
which is mutually identifiable in both. For example, the interval d-a
could be replaced with "tonal" intervals and Btill cadence as Fetis
indicates:
iTraite d*harmonie, par. 48, p. 19.
2Ibid.r par, 51, P» 20.
12
For Fetis, the only intervals which can give the second degree of
the scale *tonal character" are the sixth and third or sixth and fourth.
Fetis appears to he stating, in his own inimitable way, that the notes of
tonal repose are those notes which can be the roots of cadence chords,
chords which normally occur in root position, hence, the perfect fifth.
This 1b probably why, in the face of two choices, (l) accepting the
sixth degree as an occasional point of repose, or (2) denying the
existence of the deceptive cadence, Fetis chose the former. In spite
of his insistence to the contrary, Fetis* theory of tonality is not
melodically conceived but harmonically, because a careful scrutiny of
melodic cadence pitches will reveal that any note of the scale may be a
cadence note, although some notes are more common than others.
This lack of concern for an understanding of the "tonal character"
of the second degree of the scale becomes one of the main theses in
Esquisse de l >hlstorie de 1*harmoniei Fetis censures every theorist who
constructs a triad or seventh chord on this degree, and he considers it
to be one of the basic flaws of every harmonic theory until his own.*'
Chords and tonality. In Book II Fetis* notion of points of repose
recurs again in his discussion of chords. There is only one consonant
*For Fetis, the seventh chord on the second degree of the scale
originates from "modification" by substitution and prolongation of the
dominant seventh.
13
chord, that which contains a third and perfect fifth and occurs on the
tonic, fourth, dominant, and sixth scale degrees. This consonant chord
is called a "perfect chord" because it renders "the feeling of repose
and of conclusion” (p. 23). Root position triads can occur on scale
degrees other than the tonic, fourth, dominant, and sixth only in a non
modulating sequence because ”. . . the mind, absorbed with the contem
plation of a progressive series, momentarily loses the feeling of tonality
and regains it only at the final cadence, where normal order is restored"
(p. 26). Otherwise, the second, third, and seventh scale degrees may
have only first or second inversion chords, depending upon the harmonic
circumstances,
The "natural" dissonant chord, the chord "invented" by Monteverdi,
is the dominant seventh chords it alona, according to Fetis, determines
tonality because it contains the "appellative” consonance. Unquestionably,
the dominant seventh chord used in conjunction with the tonic chord
clearly defines tonic and establishes a hierarchy of chords based on this
relationship to the fundamental chord. Fetis’ attribution of the invention
of the dominant seventh chord to Monteverdi can not be substantiated and
was refuted by Francois-Auguste Gevaert (1828-1908) in the article
"Reponse a M. Fetis, sur l’origine de la tonalite modems" intended for
publication in the Revue et Gazette muslcale on 13 December 1868, but
printed privately. The text of this rebuttal is appended on pages 219-26
All the other chords, "artificial chords," are the result of pro
longation (suspension), substitution— which only occurs in the dominant
^See Shirlaw’s comments on this same issue on pp, 3^5“3^7 of The

Theory of Harmony,
14
seventh or its inversions— alteration, or a combination of these# No
chord, aside from the perfect chord and the dominant seventh chords is
an independent structure representing only itself, and every theorist who
has failed to perceive this is in contradiction "with the true principles
of the art and the science" (p, 6l). Every non-dominant seventh chord is
the result of suspension* every non-dominant seventh is simply a triad
with an attendant non-chord (embellishing) tone, and every theorist, or
composer for that matter, who has placed seventh chords on every degree
of the scale as structural entities has "forgotten the law of tonality"
(p. 66)r
The four phases of tonality. The focal point of Book III is
modulation and its concomitant effect on tonality* the latter is divided
into four stagesi unitonlque, transltonlque« plurltonique, and
omnitonique, Unitonlque, the first stage of tonality is, Fetis claims,
the necessary result of plainchant tonality which consists mostly of con
sonant triads* modulation from one scale to another was impossible because
the church modes did not have a tritone between the fourth and seventh
degrees of the scale to define tonic, and "this lack of tonal determina
tion Is precisely the cause for the absense of modulation" (p. 155) •
This period of tonality existed until the end of the sixteenth century
because the composers, ", , , dominated by the nature of the harmonic
elements at their disposal, have been unable to escape from the rigorous
depotism of this tonal unity" (p, 151).
Contrary to what Fetis asserts, the composers did "escape from the
rigorous depotism" of tonal unity. By the sixteenth century, madrigal
composers, following the tenets of Vincentino, were developing pictorial
15
and expressive writing through extensive use of chromaticism and muslca
ficta. This trend, which hegan with Willaert (c, 1490-1562), reached its
heighth with Marenzio (l553_1599) and Gesualdo (c. I56O-I6I3). Modulation
was effected, not through the tritone, hut through common chords and
chromatic inflection! modulation and chromaticism were inextricably tied
together and a "floating tonality," a tonality which shifts from one
tonal region to the next, resulted. Consonant triads, assuming Fetis
means root position triads, are the preferred structure, although, because
of the chromaticism, they are often chromatically related, i.e., E-flat
major to C major or C major to 0-sharp minor. The music of the sixteenth
century was definitely not unitonlque, but, on the other hand, it was not
"atonal" as; Lowinsky propounds,! Fetis had allowed himself to be
deceived by a very limited definition of tonality.
The second phase of tonality, ordre transitonlque, commenced with
the "invention" of the dominant seventh chord by Monteverdi, because the
relationship of the fourth degree with the leading tone defined tonic and
created period phrase structure. Fetis is attributing more to Monteverdi
than can be verified! the dominant seventh chord did not emerge as a
stylistic mannerism until the late seventeenth century. The seventh of
the dominant was usually a passing tone, as it was in the sixteenth
century, and modulation was effected through a common chord and not by
"attacking the dominant harmony" of the new key. Furthermore, periodic
phrase structure was a manifestation of lats eighteenth-century music
and not early seventeenth-century music. The mere appearance of a
“Edward E. Lowinsky, Tonality and Atonallty in Sixteenth-Centurv

Music (Berkeley and Los Angeles; University of California Press, 1961),
PP. 38-50.
16
dominant seventh chord does not create a phrase) at a cadence, chordal
succession must be coupled with, for example, longer note values, metric
placement, and changes in harmonic rhythm,
Fetis explores for the first time the concept of common tone
modulation, a modulation which he identifies as an "intuitive attraction"
because ", « , musical sense compensates for this implied harmony at the
moment of the tonal c h a n g e . T h i s phase of tonality, the third, was
called ordre pluritonique. and Fetis contends that Mozart was the first
to recognize it as a viable means of expression. Modulation in ordre
pluritonique is achieved through enharmonic relationships in which one
note of a chord is considered the point of contact between different
scales. Herein lies the value of the "attractive" dissonances contained
in the diminished seventh chord, the German and the Italian augmented
sixth chords, because the enharmonic resolutions of each chord affords
several different possible key relationships.
The fourth and final period of tonality, ordre omnltonlque.
results from the alteration of the intervals of natural chords and
modification by substitution of notes. The fundamental problem with
extensive alteration and modification by substitution is that the har
monic aggregation reaches a point of saturation when it is impossible
to Identify the original chord. Fetis gives the following as an example
of the dominant four-two chord of G, with substitution of the minor mode
Ce-flat) and alteration of the sixth:
^Traite d*harmonie, par, 270, pp. 180-181,
Regardless of its "origin*” the above defies empirical verifi
cation as the dominant seventh chord in G. This is the basic flaw of
Fetis' theory of alteration and modification by substitution. Of this
last period of tonality Fetis says*
The tendency towards multiplicity or even the univer

sality of the keys in a piece of music is tbe last term of the
development of combinations of harmony| beyond that there is
nothing else for these combinations.1
The ordre omnltonique has no other goal than the destruction of tonal
unity in music, and in this it foreshadows the twentieth century.
Esqulsse de l'hlstorie de 1'harmonie
Although Fetis viewed harmony as a musical science which could be
codified and systematized, his presentation of the history of harmony is
not objective; it is permeated with his personal views. Believing in
the infallibility of his doctrine of tonality, he injects his personal
opinion at every opportunity; he praises the theorists whose ideas are
compatible with his, and he castigates those whose ideas run counter to
1Traite d*harmonie, par. 282, p. 195*
18
his. Virtually no theorist escapes his venom. The EBqulsse de 1'historic
de 1*harmonie is the work of an egotist.
As the title indicates, it is an historical outline rather than
an exhaustive studyj the sole intent was to provide a succinct record of
the facts, errors, and truths of harmony so that future theorists would
not have to ascertain them and could avoid perpetuating the "errors,"
It is a polemic couched in a sincere attempt to evaluate and compare the
major harmonic systems until 1840) herein lies its value. In a letter
(19 April 184-1) to Cousssmaker, Fetis said* "For its object this
[Esquisse] is a new work, and its material is one of the most important
of this history of music." Fetis' history of harmony finds its summation
in his own harmonic theories because* while "Rameau, Sorge, Sehroter, and
Gatel found the first elements, I have completed it [the theory of
harmony] by putting it on a solid base"*~ this "solid base" is tonality.
The annotated translation. Although one of the goals was to
produce an English translation which was smooth, readable, and accurate,
Fetis* manner of expression is often complex and involved! the temptation
to simplify or paraphrase was ever present, particularly in some of the
long intricate sentences. But it seemed more appropriate to retain the
flavor of the original with a fairly literal translation.
Some changes in the text have been made, however. Fetis* spelling
of names of composers, treatises, and musical compositions have been
changed from French into the original language or the more usual Latin
equivalent. For example, from Jean Gabrieli to Giovanni Gabrieli; from
Gafori to Gafuriusj from Lucldaire de la musique plalne to Lucidarium
■*-Ses p. 217.
19
in arte muslcae planae.
All musical examples cited by Fetis have been verified and any
discrepancies have been indicated in the footnotes; where it was deemed
appropriate, another version has been appended* Likewise, all quotations
have been checked for accuracy, and where phrases or words have been
omitted, either intentionally or accidentally, an ellipsis has been added
or the omitted word(s) enclosed in brackets* In addition, if the source,
author, or pages of the quotation were omitted, these have been included
in brackets also. All brackets and ellipsis are those of the translator
and annotator. Since FStls does not indicate when he has italicized
words in the quotations for emphasis, a parenthetical note— (Fetis*
italics)— has been added at the close of the quotation by the translator
and annotator;
The footnotes added by the translator and annotator attempt to
clarify the flaws, correct erroneous information, and elucidate where
clarification was deemed essential. To aid the reader in differentiating
between Fetis* footnotes and those of the translator and annotate^ all
footnote numbers of the latter are followed with an asterisk.
One last problem had to be coped with in maintaining the integrity
of Fetis* work— terminology. Technical terms (dechant or basso continuo)
have been left in the original language. The names of the scale degrees
have not been changed into their present equivalents because Fetis states
explicitly in the Traitd d*harmonle that the degrees of the scale are
-În Philosophies of Music History (1939I rpt,, New York: Dover

Publications, Inc*, 1962)7 Warren Allen claims it is a ", , , notorious
fact that when Fetis could not find a date, he invented or guessed at one"
(p. 67, n. 11).
20
deiiigii-- led by their melodic and harmonic tendencies! hence, "third
degree" rather than "mediant." Filially, because Fetis propounds in
the Tralte d'harmonie (p, 6) that only major and minor intervals become
augmented or diminished through chromatic alteration, the terms "just"
(perfect) fifth, "major" (augmented) fourth, and "minor" (diminished)
fifth have been retained.
ESQUISSE BE L'HISTORIE BE L'HARMONIE CONSIBEHEE
COHME ART ET COMHE SCIENCE SYSTEKATIQUE
22
FOREWORD
Voluminous histories of music have appeared in Italy, England,
Germany and even in France, where the literature of this art was less
cultivated. These histories, rich in learning as regards times and
facts whose vagueness has not yet "been dissipated because the documents
which could raise our doubts have not come to us, have been silent on
what in modern art is the most deserving of our interest: I mean
harmony.
Harmony, considered as art, offers the spectacle of transformation
in its history, so much more remarkable since the means and end change at
times through the appearance of certain facts which, at first sight, do
not seem to have such great importance. Thus, through a simple aggrega
tion of sounds (one is astonished not to see them introduced into the
art before the end of the sixteenth century) one suddenly sees music lose
its calm and religious character, acquire the expressive accent which
used to be lacking, and even then, having become appropriate to the
portrayal of passions, give birth to opera, which would not have been
able to exist without this accent.
But harmony is not only an art| It is also a science which, by the
diversity of its elements and the tenuousness of the bonds which bind
them together, presents, perhaps, more difficulties than any other for
the formation of a definite theory; What Is more worthy of attention
than the history of the constant and almost always barren efforts of a
vast number of learned men, philosophers, geometricians and great
musicians toward the formation of this theory? Harmony, as a science,
23
touches everything! from it originates these systems which are so contra
dictory that some have sought for its principle in the harmony of the
spheres, in acoustical phenomena, in abstract numbers, in the measure of
the division of the monochord, in the physical makeup of man, and, finally,
in Isolated and empirical facts whose influence has been the greatest
obstacle to the science's progress for a long time. Nevertheless, in
the midst of multiple errors there appear, from time to time, a few
scattered truths which, although misunderstood, remain the foundation
stones of the complete edifice.
I believe that the time has come when history ought to set down
all the facts, errors, truths! to analyze them, search for their origin,
and ascertain the actual state of the art and the science in order to
illuminate the path which remains to be traversed* to spare future theo
rists the useless efforts of redoing what has already been done, and to
avoid the pitfalls already pointed out by the failures. The volume which
I am offering today to a few friends of the science and the art is not
this history in all its developments! just as the title indicates, this
is only the outline of it. It has occurred to me that such a great work
could not be released to the public before its attention had been
attracted by the indication of essential facts, and I am determined to
publish the pieces which constitute this outline in a special paper. I
am only bringing them together in this volume, which is not designated for
circulation, so that my work can be submitted to the criticism of earnest
men whose interest it merits by its purpose.
The Author
Brussels, 12 January 184-1
2k
Published in fifty copies which are not for sale.
25
CHAPTER I
THE CREATION OF A HAHMONIC SYSTEM1*
From the time simultaneous combinations of sound began to emerge
from the barbaric system of diaphony, i.e., the long successions of fifths
or fourths and octaves, the first elements of harmony present only very
crude attempts! it is difficult to distinguish the melodic line from the
accompanying part when these imperfect successions recur very frequently*,
when the unison constantly happens to betray the harmonic objectives of
the compositions, and in which the crossing; of the voices is so frequent.
These initial attempts were only in two voices. We see some of the
examples in Franco's Ars cantus mensurabilis [Couss., Script., I, 117-1353
which, in spite of the conflicting opinion of some writers, belongs to
the end of the eleventh century, as I have shown in my Blographie
unlverselle des muslcicns fIII. 31^-320J.2* .
1#The title of this chapter is that of the translator, since Fetis

did not specify a title.
^*A1though Reese (Music in the Middle Ages [New York: W. W. Norton

and Co., Inc., 19^3» P= 289! hereafter cited as MMA) dates Franco as fl.
ca, 1250- after 1280, and his treatise as "shortly after 1280," Besseler
("Franco von Koln," MGG. IV, 692) contends that both of these assessments
are too late, since the technique which Adam de la Halle demonstrates in
his motets (composed between 1262 and 1269) corresponds exactly to the
Parisian models of Franco. Besseler asserts that since Adam was not
original technically, he copied Francot therefore, Franco's treatise pre
sumably was written ca, 1260. Strunk (Source Readings in Music History
[New York: N. W. Norton and Co., Inc., 19503 p. 13*Uaccepts the latter
date, Fetis' dating is wholly untenable and its acceptance " . . . would
quite upset the theory of a gradual growth of the mensural system towards
standardization." (Reese, loc0 clt., n, 51.) For a complete discussion
and critique of Fetis* article, see Coussemaker, L'Art harmonlque aux
XII? et XIII? slides (Paris: Durand, 1865)» pp. 22-32,
26
In this period of the origin of the axt, no harmony other than
simple intervals of two tones is recognized, although Franco clearly
states that there already was three-voice counterpoint at this time. But
since he does not furnish an example, and since he does not talk about
the uniting of two intervals, there is reason to believe that the third
voice was alternatively In unison or in the octave and fifth of one of
the other two. In Chapter XI where he discusses discant or harmony, he
divides the intervals into consonances and dissonances, or rather,
concordances and discordances. The concords are divided into three kinds,
namely, (l) the perfect concords which are the unison and the octavej
(2) the imperfect concords or the major and minor thirdsf and (3 ) the
mean concords or the fourth and fifth.'*'*
Franco also classifies the discords into perfect and imperfect.
There are, he says, four perfect discords, namely, the semitone
(semitonus), the tritone or major fourth (tritonus), the major seventh
(ditonus cum diapente), and the minor seventh (semiditonus cum diapente),
the imperfect dissonances are the major sixth (tonus cum diapente),
and the minor sixth (semidltonus cum diapente).
It would take too long to examine the principle which led Franco,
or rather his contemporaries* to a similar classification! but it is
evident that these principles were arbitrary and false, because the tone,
as well as the semitone, is a dissonance, and the sixths bring nothing
-*-*The fourth and fifth are intermediary concords— they fall half
way between the perfect and the imperfect concords in aural perception.
According to Franco " . . . they produce a concord better than the imperfect,
yet not better than perfect." (Couss,, Script., I, 129.)
27
"but a sense of concord to the ear and do not imply a necessity for reso
lution, With respect to the perfect fourth* ranked here with the conso
nances, we will see in another place that it has given rise to some lively
controversies,
Franco gives little information on the use of intervals in the
harmony or discant of his timej he only says that this harmony could
begin with a unison, octave, fifth, fourth, major or minor third. Here
is one of the examples which he gives of the harmony of his time,
beginning with a fourth, I have corrected the mistakes of the poor copy
of Abbot Gerbert, according to the British Museum’s manuscript (Scrlptores
ecclesiastic! de muslca sacra potlsslmum, II, 13)»
5
£
5
•3~»
W
3-
m ■O
A manuscript from the Royal Library of Paris shows us the didactics
of the art of composition and harmony in a most remarkable state of
advancement about the middle of the thirteenth century. Here are some
rules to which I am adding the examples that are lacking in the manu
script *
1♦
The volume number is undoubtedly a typographical error. It
should read Vol. Ill,
28
Whosoever wishes to discant £to accompany the chant]

ought to know first what the octave and the fifth are* the
fifth is the fifth note and the octave is the eighth* He
ought to examine whether the chant ascends or descends* If
it ascends Tthe chant]* he must take the octavef if it
descends* he must take the fifth.
If the chant ascends one note* as c-d, one ought to

take the upper octave and descend a third as one sees here j-*-
If the chant ascends two notes* as c-e* one ought to

take the discant at the octave* and descend one pitch* as in
this example:2
If the chant ascends three notes* as c-f, he must take

the octave and retain the same note.3
iQulsquis veult desonanter il voit premiers sauoir quest quest

quins et doublest quins ejus est 11 quinte note et doubles est la
witisme* et doibt regarder se li chant monte ou auale: se il monte
nous deuons prendre la double note) sell auale nous deuons prendre la
quinte note. Se li chans monte d*une note si comme ut, re* on doibt
prendre le deschant du double deseure et descendre deux notes* si
comme apert.
2
Se li chans monte 2 notes si comme ut* mi* nous devons prendre
li deschant en witisme note et decendre une note.
■^Se 11 chans monte III notes, ut* fa, nous devons prendre la
witisme note* et nous tenir au point.
29
Although these rules and the ones which follow3* for the accompa
niment of the various movements of the chant appear to have heen made for
the improvised harmony which they used to call specifically dechant or
or chant sur la llvre, and which the Italians have since then named
eontrapunto da mente, they denote a sensible progress which is noticed
to the same degree in the harmonic portions of music written in even
later time. But, as is seen, it is not a question of concord with this
harmony, but solely of two intervals, i.e., the fifth and the octave.
We observe also that regard for intervallic movement constitutes all of
the theory of the art, even in this remote time— a strange anomaly in a
time when many imperfect movements were being admitted into the practice.
In the same manuscript where there are some rules so consistent with
those of a more perfect art, we find some examples where the sequence of
fifths and fourths are numerous even in two parts, but where favorable
intervallic movement denotes progression towards a more satisfying
harmony. In the three-voice examples,1 the fifths and octaves are used
as actual harmony.
In the three-voice chanson by Adam de la Halle at the end of the
thirteenth century, and which I have published in the first volume of
Revue muslcale (1827) (as well as several other pieces from the
3*An English translation of all the rules for dechant can be found
in Hugo Rieraann, History of Music Theory, Books I and II, trans, Raymond
Haggh (Lincolni University of Nebraska Press, 1962), pp. 8I-83.
30
collection where I extracted it),•*•* a few examples of complete harmony of
third and fifth, and even of third and sixth, permit; us to see percep
tible progress in the sense of harmony.
It is curious to compare this example with the didactic, written
at the same time, which gives us the important works of Marehettus of
Padua, This author, whose fault it is to be obscure by verboseness
rather than conciseness, unduly expanded certain parts of the science in
which Interest Is moderate in his Lucidarlma in arte muslcae planae,2*
and does not expound enough on the objective of our actual researchj
nevertheless, we notice there (Tract, V & VI) that the teaching of
Franco, with respect to concords and discords, was still in force two
centuries after him.^* Thus Marehettus says (in the second chapter of
the sixth treatise) that the fourth is not only a consonance, but a
divine consonance because it contains in It the sacred quaternary, and
because Its parts are, with respect tc music, those which are in other
respects the four seasons of the year, the four evils of the world, the
four elements, the four gospels, etc. He must admit that these are
-^This chanson, "Tant que je vivrai," was published in the article

"Decouverte de plusieurs Manuscrits interessans pour 1'historic de la
musique,” and was extracted from the Vallifere collection, manuscript
cote 2736 of the Bibliothfeque Rationale,
2*See Gerbert, Script,. Ill (1784j rpt. Milan, 1931)# 65-188.
3*The premature dating of Franco's treatise led Fetis to a

fallacious conclusion. With the more plausible date of ca, 1260 for
Franco's treatise, his teachings were still in effect fifty years later.
Although the actual date of the Lucldarium has not been conclusively
ascertained, the date (1275) given by Gerbert is too earlyf the treatise
undoubtedly was written In the early fourteenth century, and probably
not later than 1318. (See Heinrich Huschen, "Marehettus von Padua,"
MGG, VIII, 1627,)
31
strange reasons for making a divine consonance out of the worst interval
of harmony. The major and minor sixth are a dissonance in Marehettusr
theory, as in that of Franco, of whom Marehettus is, in a way, a commen
tator, In the seventh chapter of the fifth treatise, he raises the
question whether the resolution of the dissonance of a major sixth is
better to the octave than to the fifth, and answers in the affirmative.
The examples which he gives of the two types of resolution furnish us
some chromatic successions, so much the more strange and remarkable for
the time when Marehettus was writing, because his works have plainsong,
where similar successions would be meaningless, for its goal. Here are
a few of his examples*^*
f :- f - = f frj*--
ij f
8 $6 8 5 #6 8 8 #6 5
r „ r ; f - ^ d = ^ = « = ^ = f -
These successions, and several others where the boldness of
Marehettus* imagination appears in a strange way, remained without
significance in his time and only had application nearly 300 years
later, because they did not meet any need in the tonality of plainchant.
The only one of these things which are found in practice at the close of
1 JkL ^
In each of these examples Fetis erroneously transcribed the
treble voice an octave higher them the manuscript indicatesf thus each
of the harmonic intervals should be simple rather than compound.
32
the thirteenth century is the major sixth accompanied by the third and
resolved to the octave* Adam de la Halle furnishes this example of one
preceded by a seventh, entering as the note changes, with a fourth which
was not prepared because it was considered a consonance.3-*
-o-
r
m
A treatise of thirteenth-century manuscript music which, after
having been passed on from the library of the Abbot of Tersan into that
of Perne and today is in mine, provides me ;;ith an example of the major
sixth with the major third which resolves down. Here is this passages
-*-*Both Cousseaaker (Oeuvres completes du trouvere Adam de la Halle

£Paris, 1872J, XV Bondeau, pp. 230-231) and Wilkins (The I<yric Works of
Adam de la Halle {Âmerican Institute of Musicology, 196?j, Bondeau Bo. 15,
p. 58y"have transcribed this work in triple meter. (See Appendix B,
p. 227, Ex. 1.) In L*Art harmonique aux Xllf et XIII9 slecles.
Ocussemaker argues that because of this metric discrepancy, as well as
rhythmic errors, Fetis* transcription is wholly erroneous (pp. viii,
15-16 and 113-119),
33
I ought to comment in passing that in this treatise the fourth
is classified amongst the consonances and the major and minor sixth
amongst the dissonances. These points of doctrine were, therefore,
universally adopted from Franco.
In summing up the facts which result from the preceding, we see
that harmony made progress very slowly in four hundred years— to the
end of the thirteenth century— because we must not forget that some
examples of diaphony or harmony by successions of fifths, fourths or
octaves are already found before 900* However, examinedwith a view
to the art, this progress is immense,
(1) Harmony of the third and fifth and of the third and sixth
are known and employed* this latter is, as a matter of fact, considered
dissonant, but its use is likened to that of consonances since it is
not prepared and resolves down when it ismajor with the minor third,
(2) Without having disappeared, the successions of fifths,
fourths, and octaves have become more rare and are interspersed with
contrary motion, elegant and varied.
34
(3 ) Finally a teaching of the art exists with respect to the
movements of the parts, a didactics which is more advanced than practice
and which is expected to prevail in the end over the imperfections of the
latter. It is in this state that harmony comes into the fourteenth
century, where we shall see the art resplendent with new elements.
The earliest document of complete harmony belonging to the four
teenth century which has come to my attention is a three-voice rondeau
composed between 1316 and 1327 by Jehannot de I’Eseurel, and which I
have published in the thirty-fourth issue of the Revue musicale (1832)
from a Roman de Fauvel manuscript which is found, in the Bibliotheque
de P a r i s . T h i s is net at all the place to examine the worth
of this piece of music with which its author was in advance of his
time, either with respect to the melody or the good taste of the
ornaments and the art of harmonizing them) but I will point out as
remarkable progress the small number of successive fifths, unisons, and
octaves which exist there. The sixth, accompanied by the third, is
employed there so frequently and in such varied ways, that it is evident
that from that time this harmony ceased to be considered dissonant.
(See Examples a and b Qp« 351*) For the first time I also notice in
this piece a sequence of two perfect chords completed by movements
•*-*Fetis gives the dates 1314-1321 In the Revue musicale (p. 269)
and 1316-1321 In the Blographle unlverselle (V, 2 8 2 ) for this three-
voice rondeau. The above date (1327) is undoubtedly a misprint. In spite
of this apparent contradiction, Fetis erred: Jehannot l*Escurel was
executed in Paris in 1303* (Reese, MMA, p. 333») Gilbert Heaney
asserts that if 1303 is considered to be the death year, and ca, 1310-
1316 the origin of the Roman de Fauvelff then the secular songs of
l’Escurel were written ca. 1300, ("Jehannot de L’Escurel," MGG, VIII,
666.)
35
as pure as the most proper composer could make them today* (See
\1*
Example c,)
b.
i i
6 3
A
A,
m m
L_3— '
The two tnree-voice French chansons of the fourteenth century,
which I uncovered on the parchment of the cover of a register of some
archives of Gand, furnish me one of the oldest examples of a regular
progression of sevenths prepared and resolved to a sixth (see Example a)
and another of the fourth prepared as a suspension to the third (see
Example b).
1*The se examples have "been extracted from "A vous debonnaire"i

(a) ms. 1-2, ('b) ms» 15-16, (c) ms# 6* See the Appendix B, p. 227,
Ex. 2 for Wilkins’ transcription of these same measures,
‘’In order to let no one doubt the age of these chansons, it will
suffice to say that they were written in black notation; now, examples of
this notation were rare after the first years of the fifteenth century.
36
a. b.
rf-tr-l— 1— ^ I I T —f 1 — | i J■ A.
j -- CJ M. iff-
Ji
¥1 ~ ^
-*-i— i "1 -e-2— —
5 3 TIT . T .
i^ F r F r
65
“fr.
65 6 A 3
.,
--------------
h t t r r j n
A treatise of manuscript music dated in Paris, 12 January 1375 r
and of which Ferae made a copy from a manuscript of Roquefort, is in
my library, and contains a three-voice French chanson which furnishes
some examples of the same kind (See Examples a and b), but which also
provides one of a seventh in anticipation of the sixth and of a suspen
sion to a unison, which would be good only if it were at the distance
of a ninth (see Example c). This latter fault has bssn made sometimes
in modern harmony, but here it is contiguous to a sequence of fifths.
-----r ----
f c l
3 4 3 6 5 3 3F
6 7 6 5 5 I I 1 8 7 6 5 5 b
,«L _ ©-----
J - i 8— *— j L
-*a
N
37
The syncopated harmony which we see established in the fourteenth
centuryr a-&<l which from that time became a mannerism amongst the musicians,
was an important acquisition of the art* this harmony* I maintain, led to
these anticipations which the still unskilled composers confused with
suspensions, tfe can see any number of examples at this time, Francesco
Landini, the celebrated composer and organist from Florence about the
middle of the fourteenth century, furnishes us some very remarkable
examples, particularly in this passage in an Italian canzonette of which
I published the first part in score in the first volume of the Revue
musicale (1827) from a manuscript of the Bibliotheque royale de Paris.-*-*
Hn
hs=£=
■—C—
*■ r
I jj
-i-=—
~r 0
mr
if*
—
c
«•--"
The second measure of this example is regular with respect to the
tenor, but not with the intermediary Cupper] part. Similar anticipations
became more rare when, the theory of harmony was grounded on a more solid
-*-*This canzonette, “Non arra ma* pieta," was published on pp* 111-
113 of Fetis1 article "Decouverte de plusieurs Manuscripts interessans
pour l’histoire de la musique"} measures 2-4 are illustrated, A compari
son of this Revue musicale copy with the above reveals two misprints:
(l) a* between ms, 1 and 2 in the upper voice should be tied} (2) g* in
the upper voice on the last half of the third beat in ms, 2 should be an
e*, Thu^ rather than an unstylistic anticipation at the cadence, there
is the more characteristic 7-6-1 or "under-third" cadence.
38
foundation) they had disappeared almost entirely in the splendid days of
the Roman school of the sixteenth century. In modern music anticipations
have reassumed favor) they are considered a simple modification of a
natural harmony obvious to the ear. Thus, according to this point of
view, the preceding example reduces to consonant harmony as follows s
Since I have cited where the excerpt in question, Landinirs
canzonette, is found, I ought to put the reader on guard against the
harmonic abhorrences which are found in a complete transcription of this
piece inserted in the Archives eurleuses de la musiquet to judge the work
from this example would cause one to form an absolutely false opinion
about the state of the art in the middle of the fourteenth century.^* In
all of the manuscripts from the middle ages where there is some music, the
copiests have glossed over any multitude of errors, and, as Tinctoris
remarks in several places in his Eroportlonale, the notational system of
this period so frequently confused even the composers that they made many
proportional errors in notating their works. In the transcriptions which
1*Schrade1s transcription of this canzonette in Polyphonic Music

of the Fourteenth Century (IV, 144) uses a partial signature. [See
Appendix B, p. 228, Ex, 3«)
39
one does of these early works, it is necessary, therefore, in each
instance to make corrections which require as profound a knowledge of
the state of the art in the period of each of these pieces as of early
notation. Now, no manuscript [[cote 535] is distorted hy a greater
number of mistakes than the one where Landini's chanson is found) some
of the symbols are absolutely false, certain things that appertain to
one part have been placed in another, and we see there the use of
dissonances which were never accepted in the music of the middle ages.
This is what the transcriber did not understand at all) he has given a
thoroughly false concept Of Landini's talent. Landini's superiority
over the other musicians of his time could never be doubted, and appears
even in this piece of which I have published the first part.
To Johannes de Hurls we owe some valuable information on the
didactics of the art of the period in which he wrote, i?e.r about 1360,
His treatise De Mscantu, of which I own a manuscript and which can be
found in many libraries, contains some exact rules on the quality of
intervals, their use and movement within harmony. The Abbot Gerbert has
given an extract from a manuscript of St, Blaise (Script, eccles. de
musica, II, 306),•*■* There we see that the fourth has disappeared from the
group of consonances) it is no longer, as a matter of fact, used in the
compositions which I have cited, with the exception of a chanson of
Jehannot de I'Eseurel which appeared at the beginning of the fourteenth
century* Johannes de Huris only acknowledges the unison, fifth, and
^*This volume number is undoubtedly a typographical error. It

should read Vol. III. While Gerbert's source, the St. Blaise MS, is
unknown today, other sources are extant, (Heinrich Besseler, ''Johannes
de Huris," MGG, VII, 112.)
40
octave as perfect consonances* The imperfect consonances* he says* are
the major third, minor third, and major sixth* We do not know why the
minor sixth was not included in this category* it seems that all of the
masters were in some accord on this part of the teaching, because the
same division is found in the manuscript of Roquefort, However that may
he, we see that the ideas as regards the major sixth were rectified and
that this interval has taken its natural place among the consonances*
Thus it is in Johannes de Muris* discant treatise that this
important rule is found to have become fundamental in the art of compo
sition for the first time* two perfect consonances created by similar
movement, whether ascending or descending, are to be avoided. Only
Johannes de Muris seems to want to weaken the severity of this rule a
little, in favor of the eraftmanship of the composers of his time,
adding, Min so far as it is possible," Here are his words* "Debemus
etiam binas consonantias perfectas seriatim coniunctas ascendendo vel
descendendo, prout possumus, evitare. Here the theory was still more
advanced than practice, because in the majority of the pieces of music
of this period that have come down to us, we still find some examples of
two unisons, two octaves or two consecutive fifths, although these faults
have become more rare. In this connection, Landlnl wrote many more than
his contemporaries.
It is thus in Johannes de Muris* discant treatise that we find,
for the first time, these rules which are still in force today*
•'•-"Also we ought to avoid two perfect consonances in succession,

either ascending or descending, as much as possible." (Gerbert,
Script., Ill, 306.)
41
(l) that all counterpoint ought to begin and end on a perfect consonance
("Sciendum est etlam, quod discantus debet habere principium et finem per
consonantlam perfeetam.")| (2) that we ought to avoid two major thirds
by conjunct motion, ascending and descending ("Debemus etiam duos ditonus
conjunctos, ascendendo vel descendendo, evitare."),^*
In summarizing what precedes concerning the history of harmony in
the fourteenth century, we find there remarkable progress which is
ehumerized heres
(1) The consonances are categorized into their natural order.
The fourth has ceased to be a perfect consonance! the sixth is re-entered
into the category of consonances.
(2) Consonant harmony is, generally speaking, complete} it is
comprised of a third and fifth, and of a third and sixth.
(3) The retardations of consonances, producing the harmonies of
fourth and fifth, seventh and third, and even ninth and third, are inter
posed into the art and produce some variety,
(4) The syncopated style is conceived and generally put into
practice »
(5) Finally, the use of four-part harmony commences in this
century. But here a single exception to the rule that forbids the
successions of perfect consonances presents itself1 these successions
a alleged quotation ("Debemus etiaa duos ditonus . . ,") is

not contained in de Muris' discant treatise, De Discantus, If Fetis is
paraphrasing the fourth rule which prohibits parallel perfect consonances,
he has done so incorrectly, because major thirds are classified as
imperfect consonances by de Muris. On the other hand, if Fetis is para
phrasing the second rule ("Imperfect consonances ascend or descend step
wise . . . " C-loe. elt,]), why he singled out major thirds as opposed to
minor thirds or major sixths is inexplicable.
42
were admissible when the concords were complete* Johannes de Muris
expresses the exception in this wayi "Item possumus ponere • < > duas
quintas cum octava et tertia* et duas octavas cum quinta et tei*tia per
ascensum vel descensum tenoris."^* This explains the numerous
inaccuracies of this genre which we observe in the four-part Mass of
Guillaume de Machaut which is believed to have been sung at the corona
tion of Charles V, King of France* in 1364* The error was not long in
being rectified* During the first years of the fifteenth century
Guillaume Dufay* Binchois and Dunstable professed to write with more
refinement. The first, particularly, who was one of the singers of the
pontifical chapel of 1380,^* appears to have introduced some noteworthy
ameliorations into harmony and the proportional system. Although he may
not be the inventor of whit*' notation, as some modern writers have
believed, it is undisputed that he improved it and propagated its usage.
It is not without reason that tht. writers of the fifteenth century have
pointed out Dufay as the greatest musician of his time. A comparison of
his compositions with those of musicians who immediately proceeded alone
can give an exact idea of his merit. There we find the first well-done
imitations and even some two-voice canons which we consider as the first
■^"Likewise we can place [[two fifths with a third in succession*

and two octaves of similar fashion and Jf'duss quintas cum una tertia in
rota* et duas octavas simili modo, et*)J two fifths with an octave and a
third* and two octaves with a fifth and a third, through the ascent or
descent of the tenor," (Gerbert* Script., Ill, 307«)
2*
Dufay was not born until c« 1400. His name appears in the lists
of singers in the Papal Choir on two different occasions! (l) from
December 1428 until August 14331 (2) from June 1435 until June 1437«
(Reese* Music in the Renaissance |_rev« ed.f New York! W, W. Norton and
Co.* Inc., 1959J* pp. 49-50| hereafter cited as MR.)
43
T* 2*
attempts of artificial counterpoint. The fullness of its harmony
and the natural stride and melodiousness of the parts are very remarkable.
We can judge this by the opening of the "Eyrie" from his four-part Hass
entitled Se la face ay pale.
1*
While the canon is not employed extensively as a structural
element in sacred music until after Dufay, canons and imitations are
found in Italian treeentc music. Landings "Del dinmi tu" I (153), a-
three-part madrigal, has a canon at the fifth between the two lower
voices in the first section and a three-part canon at the fourth in the
ritornello. In the three-voice caccia "Chosi pensoso" 2 (154)# the two
upper voices are in canon at the unison, (Schrade, Polyphonic Music of
the Fourteenth Century, IV, 216-220.) For a concise history of the
development of the canon in western music see Imogens Horsley, Fugue:
History and Practice (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 6-37.
2*Petis uses the descriptive term conditlonnelsi according to

Wangermee, Fetis, in an effort to make a finer distinction between the
different kinds of counterpoint in existence, used contrepolnt
conditionnel in lieu of contrepolnt artlflcleux for canons. (Hebert
Wangermee, Franpols-Joseph Fetis. Musicologue et compositeur [^Brussels:
Academie royale de Belgique, 195l]» P» 138, n» 3»)
44
To have reached this point, the harmony of plainchant tonality
truly merits the name of art, because in the restrictions of this
tonality, we would not know how to write consonant harmony any better.
A single dissonance left by the leap of a third attracts attention in
the third measure j this is what we call la note changes, because f takes
the place of e which would have been the consonant note. This harmonic
device was in use until the end of the seventeenth century.
The purity of Dufay's harmony, of which this example is obvious
proof and which we find in some pieces of the same composer in a manu
script which belonged to Mr. de Pixerecourt must put us on guard
against the transcription given by Mr. von Kiesewetter (Gescfalchte der
europSischabendlSndischen oder unsrer heutlgen Muslk. PI. XIl) of the
"Kyrle" from 1*Homme armg Mass of this composer. The most flagrant
mistakes abound in this piece, and these errors appertain no more to
Dufay than to the period when he lived. There we see an employment of
dissonances which not only was not in use a long time before Dufay, but
which has never even existed, and the false relationships there are
multiplied. Space is lacking in this outline to make the necessary
corrections to this piece of music extracted, undoubtedly, from an old
faulty copy. But I am unable to refrain from drawing attention to the
1*
Only one work in this manuscript is ascribed to Dufayi "Du
tout m'estoit abandonnee"! "Signeur Leon" has only been attributed to
Dufay, See the unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Indiana University, 1959)
"Art Edition of the Pixerecourt Manuscript! Paris, Bibliothfcque Nationals,
Fonds Fre 15123," Vol. 1 by Edward Joseph Pease, and Dragon Flamenac,
"An Unknown Composition by Dufay?", M.Q., XL (1954), 190-200.
For Kiesewetter's transcription of the "Kyrie," see Appendix B,

p. 228, Ex, 4.
k5
strange error of the transcriber who has written this piece in the first
tone transposed from plainsong, whereas the chanson from l'Homne arml is
in the fifth tone, just as the composition of this chant and the Masses
of Joaquin DePres, Pierre de la Rue and Palestrina composed on the same
theme prove f thus all the minor harmony of the transcription should be
major, I only make this observation in order to show what false ideas
of the history of the art some transcriptions of its monuments, transcrip
tions made from faulty copies by musicians who do not possess all the
necessary knowledge for similar workr can give.
A regular harmony and one conforming to the tonality of plainchant
was composed in the period of Dufay and merits the name art j nevertheless,
a few inaccuracies still appear every now and then in the works of this
musician and of his contemporaries or immediate successors: Binchois,
Domart and Barblnguant, of which Tinctoris kept a few fragments# Me
have seen the aggregations of consonances evolve so as to present complete
chords of the fifth and third, and of thethird and sixthj we have seen
the chord successions become regular, theunison more rare, and the origin
of the unnatural dissonant harmony in thesystemof prolongations.
Finally, we have seen the direct succession of fifths and octaves dis
appear, or at least be concealed by means of passing notes. However, a
reproach still could be addressed to the composers of the perfections
then introduced into the art: they did not know how to make the voices
sing in narrow limits without confusing them at each instance by the
crossings which spoiled the clarity of the harmonic outline. In this
respect the compositions which belong to the second half of the fifteenth
century present a remarkable amelioration. On this point Ocfceghem,
46
Busnois, Obrecht, and Tinctoris furnish us some examples of harmony as
satisfying by the natural placement of the parts, as by the fullness of
the chords and the regularity of their succession,, Here are Some of them*
*7\
5 i flj
*
=
s
$
&
/?*
xzm m
This harmonic fragment, extracted from Chapter XVIII of TinctorisT
Tralte on the various kinds of points in the notation of music fScriptum
47
magistrl Johannls Tinctoris super punotis muslcallbus~l, offers several
remarkable pecullarltlesr First is the fullness of the harmony*
although limited to three voices, combined with the correctness of the
successions and the natural movements of the voices* Secondly* notice
the desire for complete harmony must have been active at the time when
this excerpt was written (14-76)* since the tenor is divided into two
parts in the fifth measure (probably because it was supposedto be sung
by a chorus) in order to have the perfect chord of the third* fifth and
octave* lastly the 4-3 suspension is used with a great deal of elegance,1*
The same composer gives us some of the oldest examples of which I
am aware of the combined suspensions of the fourth and ninth in Book I,
Chapter V of his Liber de arte contrapuncti (see Ex. l),^* and of the
1*The chromatic alterations in this excerpt are not found in Cous-

semaker (Script*, IV, 75), and should be viewed as editorial--those Fetis
believed were applied by the performers at that time according to the rules
of muslca flcta or muslca falsa. In modern scholarly editions of early
music,' ail editorial chromatics sire placed above the note in order to dis
tinguish them from the chromatic alterations given in the original* For
some of the rules of and additional information on musica flcta see
Reese, MMA, ppa 380-382* Carl Parrish, The Notation of Medieval Music (New
York* W, W. Norton and Co., Inc., 19577T"pPr 197-200* Reese, MR, pp. 44-
48* the article "Musica ficta" in the Harvard Dictionary of Music (2nd ed.;
Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 19^9), PP. 5^9-551.
2*FetisT predilection for leading tones and penchant for over

editing transcriptions of early music in accordance with his concept of
tonality is revealed again here* there should be no leading tone in the
penultimate chord, A careful comparison of Fetis' transcription with
Coussemaker (Script.* IV, 85) reveals two glaring discrepancies* (l) the
meter signature is clearly indicated as tempus perfectum in Coussemaker
and not as tempus imperfectum. (2) The rhythm in the bass line should be
parallel to the two upper voices in the first measure* consequently, there
is no double suspension. The 4 figure in measure one (added by Fetis)
should read For an English translation of this trecîse see Jean
Tinctoris, The Art of Counterpoint, trans, and ed. Albert Seay (n.p.f
American Institute of Musicology* 1961).
U8
fourth and seventh in the same book. Chapter X (see Ex. 2), This last
example £Couss*> Script., IV, 9?J has the disadvantage of stating
several consecutive and exposed quarters at the moment the dissonances
resolve jr to avoid this disagreeable effect, contemporary musicians do
not resolve two dissonances simultaneously.
1.
At the period of the history of harmony at which I have arrived,
the system of consonant aggregations and of artificial dissonances by
prolongation is complete, with the exception of the fourth and the sixth
which did not appear at all as consonant harmony in the works of the
fifteenth-century musicians. At that time all the harmony was contained
in the chords of the third and fifth, third and sixth, third and octavef
and in four voices, third, fifth, and octave. This harmony is modified
by delaying the thirdl by suspending the fourth into the chord of the
H9
third and fifth to produce the fourth and fifth (Ex* l)j by delaying the
octave in the chord of the third and octave or the thirdr fifth and octave
to produce the ninth and third, or ninth, third and fifth (see Ex* 2}t by
delaying the sixth in the chord of the third and sixth to produce the
third and seventh (see Ex* 3)I by delaying the lowest note of this sane
chord to produce the second and fifth (see Ex. 4)j by delaying both the
octave and third in the consonant chord composed of those intervals to
produce the ninth and fourth, or ninth, fourth, and fifth (see Ex* 5) I
finally, by delaying the third and the sixth in the consonant harmony
composed of these intervals to produce the fourth and seventh (Ex, 6),
1 Z. 3
— 0-- f P- — «--- -f— p— ~ fi_____ .
9 = V
— H----
JL*— a----- -9o--- -
V - *-- 0
—
5 9 a 6 9 8 7 6
4 3 — a---- -j’s..™,.."—
At
. J.- o— — e—
H
K. c 6.
f c ~ = =
■=s-l
— .p ,.p:.q
-1-----
Ft 4 ^ — H-:
--
9 =
r= n
F = =t=j=?
— •---- — O--- o A . V
.a..:.«_ 4 j --itp|
— ©— - ' a —
9 — *— 5 9 8 8 7 6
JL 4- 3 6 4- 3
4 3
:— = = .s
H &- T — - “*r- — ar-“ — E---- -
y. -A —
\
50
Such are all the consonant and dissonant harmonies employed hy
the composers in the second half of the fifteenth centuryj until the
end of the sixteenth century no others were known, because the tonality
of plainchant, the basis for all music until this time, was not able
to give rise to anything d i f f e r e n t T h i s tonality, which is
unltonlque. i.e., does not modulate, in effect does not contain the
elements of any harmony other than the consonant chords and some
retardations of their natural intervals to produce the artificial
dissonances of the second, fourth, seventh and ninth. Until the
death of Palestrina, music was contained within these bounds.
It is easy to comprehend that, limited to such a small number
of harmonic combinations, the musicians were destined to search for
some elements of interest for their works in a sequence of musical
ideas richer in variety. This was what led them to the discovery
of imitations, canons, and contrapuntal fugue. I have said that the
earliest traces of these quests can be noticed towards the end of the
fourteenth century. In the first half of the following certury these
imitations become more frequent, and we find the earliest attempts of
two-voice canon.^* A name was needed to distinguish this new genre of
composition of simple counterpoint} it was given that of res facta
^*Tn his Tralte complete de la theorie et de la pratique de

l*harmonie ["(Brussels, 1844), Bk. II, par. 132, p. 5 9 Fetis speculates
that the need for variety within unity ("the logical relationship of
sound”) led to the modification of diatonic chords*
^*See footnote 1 on page 43*
51
(completed \rork)*^ Jean Ockegfeem seems to have possessed, about 1460, a
quality which was superior to all the other musicians of his timer Xt
is astonishing to see the degree of perfection to which he brought the
treatment of three-voice canons, or, as was said then, of the composition
of three voices in one. Here is the beginning of a piece of this genre,
taken from Glarean (Xbdecachordon, p. 454):
■^•Tinctoris defines the differences which existed between the

composition res facta, simple counterpoint, and general counterpoint
or chanc b u t le livre in Book II, chapter xx of his Liber de arte
contrapunctl. Guerson also speaks of it in detail in his treatise
entitled Iftillsslme musicales regtale cunctls summopere necessarie plan!
cantus. slmplicis contrapanctl, rerum factaram, , . . Lastly, one finds
something concerning this composition, but solely with respect to melodic
figures employed there, in the Rudiments de musique pratique, reduits en
deux briefs Traltez by Maximilian Guillaud (Parisi Nicholas Du Chemin,
155^ PFor a more recent discussion of res facta see Ernest T. Ferand,
"What Is Res Facta," JAMS, X (1957), 141-150 J "
^The original version was a third higher with three flats as a

key signature! I prefer this transposition because there is no point
in using the rather unfamiliar clefs, to musicians, with f on the third
line and c on the second,
52
1^ 1*-— — fr~f"—
p p - r r
fl— 3 --,---- _ --- --4 " - J . — #*----- M'Tl---

P* 'a “ P—
n n f r pf 1..i t 1 . j -
r —
q:? a .----- r - r — — ^ ----- f - f — ^ — ft?—

V i f f " ' N d = - ^ H h — --u r 1
i r Ui..::: T ~ T T T J 1 i
1 .....4 4 -- 1------ 0 0 u --
9 — «--------------*— ----- ^ r r n =
t r J ...- r i ^ Si.-: f - r f e C T f-T- f =
l jf f~- - "■“T T i f i ± z t { r
-n
1
T. - if
j j —, *
P — »
1
— =- - r
1
4 - i- b1— 1
Ai-f- p- -J-
f- f ■■■?. : .
-JL.-
4 -. w
- - .J.j
«L_^._ -fri- r
- r ■
— I- - -
t. **i t=y=-:.'-
-1
J
The artist who, as far hack as the origin of artificial
fconditionnellesl compositions, demonstrated this perfection of structure,
truly deserved the admiration which he inspired not only in his students*
hut in all the musicians of Europe. I still find myself compelled to do,
at this point, a critique of the errors which are the pitfalls of music
53
historians* grave errors which result in a completely false idea of the
art in past times. The piece of which I have just stated the beginning
was written by the composer as a single-line enigmatic canon* with these
instructions to serve as the key to the solution of the problems “Fuga
trium vocum in Epidiatessaron post perfectum tempus** namely, a three-
voice fugue (canon) at the fourth above, after a complete measure. Despite
such an explicit instruction, what does Burney do in his A General History
of Music (Vol. II, p. )?1* He reverses the order of the voices in such
a way that the canon is at the fifth below, and that wherever there ought
to be fifths, there are fourths. Here is his transcription:
y jri, i
© 4 - 3 ------- -— ---- ....... ---- - p — *— P' -

B H k — ------- — "1... — h .. H
~f— ft- ■ .. u r -
k i = = = = b u d
w i y f f ~T f I "p J
--=
-- c-- i " p - p - r- ~
1™ f--!~
f f . ■- -1
W 'T 1 ■_a___| __
^4
■*-*Vol. 1, p. 729 in the Dover reprint (1957) edited by Frank
Mercer.
5^
This ridiculous transcription has been, nevertheless, reproduced
hy Forkel in Vol. II of his Allegemelne Gesohlchte der Musik [^Leipzig,
18013 (Pr 530)^* and hy Mr, Kiesewetter in his memoire laureating Dutch
musicians (Plates, Ex. 0).
Once entered upon the path of imitation, canon and pursuit of
any genre, the musicians regarded these adjuncts of the art as the
principal object, applied all their faculties and, with some very few
exceptions where more bold and original trends appeared, all the music,
sacred or secular, continued in this manner until the end of the
sixteenth century, namely, for nearly one hundred and eighty years*
In this long period of time, melody made little progress, because the
themes of popular songs served as the foundation for madrigals and for
all mundane music, and the singing of hymns and antiphons, or even that
of common melodies, was also developed in the scientific combinations
of church music, A small number of compositions, designated by the
name sine nomine, appeared in immense quantity in the works which remain
of fifteenth and sixteenth century musicians* But the themes of these

2*
compositions have such little characterization that it is easy to
•*- Fetis apparently did not read Forkel*s explanation for the
inclusion of Burney*s transcription, Forkel points out (pp, 529-530) that
Burney avoided the fault of Wilphlingseder and Hawkins by correctly tran
scribing the canon in tempus perfeetum. But Forkel continues1 "On the
other hand, Burney side-stepped another of Ockeghemrs instructions,
according to which the three voices should follow each other at the fourth
above (Epidiatessaron). and wrote it at the fifth below, but however in
the Epldlapente instead of the Epidiatessaron under the canon. If there
fore this canon is to be solved complete according to the instruction of
the composer, the upper voice should be changed into the lower, and the
lower into the upper." (p, 533»)
2*The use of a secular cantus firmus rather than a Gregorian melody
was one of the characteristics of Burgundian polyphony. A sine nomine Hass
denoted a composed, as opposed to borrowed, melody serving as the cantus
firmus.
55
4magiTin that their composers attached little value to this aspect of the
art.
With respect to harmony, the tonality of jolainchamt, which was
that of all music, sacred or secular, presented nothing at all of the
source of other varieties than those which I have indicated previously*
Whence it happens that from Ockeghem to the death of Palestrina, namely,
in the space of 140 years, the chordal combinations remained nearly the
same. The well-known composer Palestrina attracted attention to himself
in this important aspect of the art only by the perfection which he
brought to the voice motion, and by the admirable sense of tonality
which shines in his harmonic successions.
The theory of harmony ceased to anticipate the practice of the
time when Dufay lived. However; in the second half of the fifteenth
century two men of keen intellect and profound erudition came along to
render some eminent services to the science, and established the
situation as it was at that time through their works. The first of
these erudite musicians was Johannes Tinctor, or rather Tinctoris, a
Belgian priest who was choir master for Ferdinand d*Aragon, King of
Sicily and Naples (prior to 14-75)» and who dedicated his books to this
Princes All Of the musical science of this era is contained in his works.
T#
The Art of Counterpoint. that is to say, the art of writing, is particu
larly well set forth by Tinctoris in the rules concerning the succession
of intervals, the sole fault of which is to be very redundant. But one
^•*Llber de arte eontrapuncti (Coussemaker, Script., IV, 76-153)r

one of 12 treatises by Tinctoris, is dated October l4-77» and is divided
into a prologue and three books. An English translation of the prologue
can be found in Strunk, Source Readings, pp. 197~199» For a complete
English translation, see p. 4-7, n» 2*»
56
must not search for the reasons for the chords taken individually, nor
for anything which resembles a system of classification of these chords.
The views of musicians were not at all directed towards such considera
tions, and they did not understand, moreover, the necessity for
systematic classification,
Gafurius, whose works are a few years later than those of
Tinctoris, is perhaps inferior to the latter with respect to the lucidity
of insightsf nevertheless^ he has enjoyed greater renown because his works
have been printed and several editions have been made of them, while those
of Tinctoris have remained in manuscript and copies of them are very rare,
Gafurius has given the rules for the art of writing harmony also in his
treatise Practlca muslcae £Milan, 1496]f but we find in this work only,
as in those of Tinctoris, ideas of intervals and not of chords of three
or four tones,**
In vain would you search in the writings of the sixteenth century
to find science more advanced in these respects} Zarlino himself, this
great musician whose works ought to be considered the code of the art at
this time, has nothing which could give us the idea of a synoptic science
of chords. Nevertheless, it is in these same works that we find elemen
tary ideas of double counterpoint, that is, harmony built according to
the notion of intervalllc inversion, a notion which was a stroke of
enlightenment for Rameau 160 years hence, and which lead him to the
discovery of one of the bases of the science of harmony, Zarlino dealt
^*The Practlca Muslcae of Pranchinus Gafurius, trans, and ed.

with musical transcriptions by Irwin Young (Madisoni University of
Wisconsin Press, 1969%
57
with these counterpoints in Book III, chapter 56 of his Lb Istltutlonl
harmoniche, the first edition of which appeared in 1558.1* It is
remarkable that the inversion at the octave, the results of which are
all consistent with tonality, did not stand cat in the minds of musicians,
and that double counterpoint at the tenth and at the twelfth, much less
natural, are those of which Zarlino speaks. It is also noteworthy that
the examples of artificial fcondltlonnelles"] compositions provided by
the celebrated writer are the only ones which ws know of in this era, and
of which not a single one is found in all of those of the masters of the
Roman School which have reached us prior to the end of the sixteenth
century.
I said previously that by the mid-fifteenth century all of the
harmonic resources which the tonality of plainchant could produce had
been fixed, and that this was a sort of foreboding of the impossibility
of introducing any new varieties, thus throwing the musicians into the
quest for imitations, canons and contrapuntal fugues, in which they
manifested a singular skill until the end of the sixteenth century.
The direction taken by all the artists during this long interval of more
than 150 years attracted them so much that not only were they not at all
Interested in the need to vary the forms of the chords, but also that
melody itself was considered as nothing more than a part so subsidiary to
music that they did not even condescend to invert any; and that the most
popular cantilenas were taken by 20 different composers for the themes
of their works. What is more, they attached so little importance to the
^*Book III is available in an English translation in Gioseffo

Zarlino, The Art of Counterpoint, Part III of Le Istitutlonl harmoniche,
1558, trans, Guy A, Marco and Claude V. Palischa (New Haven1 Yale
University Press, 1968).
58
significance of the words that they no longer respected either the mean
ing or the prosody* The extravagance of the musicians even went so far
that in churchr while one part of the choir chanted "Credo" or "Miserere*"
the other musicians said the words of the secular chanson which supplied
the theme of the Mass or Psalm, e.g., "Baisez-moi, mon coeur" or else
"Robin, tu mJas toute mouillee,"
To be sure, so complete a destruction of all reason, of all pro
priety, such a degradation of the art is one of the most remarkable facts
of its history. Taste, simple and true sentiment do not have strong
enough expression to denounce such aberrations. However, it is to these
atrocious errors that this same art is beholden for the immense mechanical
progress which it made then with regard to the purity of the harmonic
progressions, the elegance of the movement of the parts, and the magical
art of making five or six different voices sing in an easy, natural
manner in the most confined space. This art is unknown in our day, but
was carried to the highest degree of perfection in the sixteenth century,
particularly in the Roman School, When Palestrina came in the second half
of tbls century, he was to refine the style without impairing the skill
fulness of the art of writing, and to give to church music the noblest
character (the most worthy of his objective)! while appearing to be
richer in details and more inventive in contrapuntal resources than any
of his contemporaries or predecessors, Palestrina imprinted the style
of ultimate perfection on the music which emanated from the tonality of
plainchant. No less superior in the madrigal style, he closed the field.
Thus it became necessary to throw the art into new courses, in a word,
to transform it| several talented men were excited by this necessity and
59
made some more or less successful attempts* But In the midst of them
Monteverdi was conspicuous, especially through some innovations which
changed tonality and made it what it is today. Here I ask for the
undivided attention of the reader, because it concerns the most remarkable
era in the history of music and the most fruitful in consequences, At
first simply a violist, later the music director for the Duke of Mantua,
and finally maestro dl capella at San Marco in Venice, Monteverdi (bom
in Cremona about 1565) became famous through a number of inventions
which gave a new direction to music* This new direction was in Book III
of his five-voice madrigalsr published in 1598* where his genius showed
its forwardness by attacking the double and triple dissonances of suspen
sions in a manner unknown to his predecessors* particularly in the
madrigal "Stracciami pur 11 core*" where we notice this passaget**
rfl---------
0 - c—
■' - "i
1 "
... r j j =4=4= U = H &"fl= fl4r

1UBf''■ '“ s H =
f-4 -l
T - r - f r f r i
4-in a ... , A 4 J ■ i- k . J . 1
\ji - .
- -0-----
____ —A------ ------ ■ ar — - H9------ '•O'-'
“*1598 is the date of the third printing, The third book of five
voice madrigals was published initially in 1592 by R, Amadino in Venice*
("Claudio Monteverdi," MGG, IX, 518.)
2*
Claudio Monteverdi, Tutte le Opere, ed, G, Francesco Malipiero
(14 vols.f Viennai Universal, 1926-42), III, 26-32,
60
Nothing similar appears in any of the music which existed prior
to the publication of this excerpt* Some double dissonances had been
noticed here and there in the works of Palestrina, but these instances
are rare. Moreover, these dissonances by suspension are always regularly
prepared and resolved in the works of the illustrious master of the
Roman School? whereas the passage which we have just seen Includes not
only some triple dissonances of the fourth resolved to the third, of
the seventh descending to the sixth, and the ninth resolving to the
octave, but also the notes delayed by the three upper voices are
simultaneously attacked by the tenor in the third, fourth, and fifth
measures? this irregularity produced some Intolerable dissonances of
the second in the fifth and last measures. On the one hand Monteverdi
enriched harmony with new combinations? on the other hand he damaged
it by rejecting the evidence of the ear which revolts against such
harshness.
As regards the seventh accompanied by the fifth and the major
third, which we see in the penultimate measure of the cited example,
although it was prepared as a suspension, it is not an innovation of
lesser importance if we consider it as the origin of modem tonality,
because between the leading tone, which forms the major third, and the
seventh, which is the fourth degree of the scale, there is an appella
tion of cadence which precisely forms the character of our tonality?
whereas these processes of cadence are never necessary in the consonant
harmony which resulted from the tonality of plainchant nor in the
61
1#
harmony, dissonant by suspension, which derives from it,, If we
attentively examine all of the music which preceded the remarkable fact
pointed out here, it will be seen that what gives it the strange character
for our ears is the connection of the phrases to each other without
cadence, which never completes the meaning if it is not the end or at
some momentary pause. Thus our ear is incessantly frustrated and
searches in vain for a conclusion— the forming of a phrase before the end
of the piece. On the contrary, as soon as he had made use of the minor
seventh with the major third and fifth, the need for the resolution of
these two gravitational notes inevitably led to the cadence, defined
the resolution which concluded it, and gave a fixed form to the phrases.^*
If we are willing to understand how a seventh chord originating
from the delay of a sixth chord differs from the seventh chord composed
of a major third, just fifth, and minor seventh, such as Monteverdi
employed in the cited example, it should be noted that the resolution
of the dissonance being made, he has a sixth chord which does not belong
to tonic, because every dominant is, in modem tonality, a note of repose
or an intermediary of cadence which is not able to support a chord of
the sixth; this is only admissible in plainchant tonality (see Ex, 1
£p, 62]), Moreover, when a seventh chord with a major third is
•êtis, fervently believing that "modem" tonality resides in the

tritone, contends that ", , » having no leading tone in the established
music on this ancient unltonlque tonality, since this note only acquires
its character by its harmonic relationships with the fourth degree and
the dominant in the natural dissonant chords, the cadence properly speak
ing, that is the rhythmic termination of the phrase, did not exist,"
(Fetis, Traite d'harmonie, Bk, III, par. 245, P« 152.)
2*Petis asserts that with the advent of the dominant seventh

"cadences become frequent and regular," and periodic phrase structure
results, (Traite d'harmonie, Bk. Ill, pars. 256-257, pp. 165-166,)
62
accompanied by the fi£thr it is evident that it does not arise from
delaying the chord of the sixth because if the suspension were resolved,
we would have a harmony of the fifth and sixth (see Ex. 2). Thus it is
clear that, following modern tonality, when the seventh resolves down,
the major third ought to resolve up which, in the case where the bass is
stationary, creates the harmony of six-four (see Ex, 3)« It is thus that
Monteverdi employed these chords in the cited example#
It is correct to say that Marenzio had made use of the harmony of
the seventh with a major third and fifth in the madrigal M0 voi che
sospirate" in Book VI for five voices, published in 1591 or seven years
before Monteverdi had his third book for five [[voices] published. But
before long the latter, guided by his instinct, comprehended that the
preparation of the dissonance was not necessary in the dominant harmonies
accompanied by the major third, and in his fifth book of madrigals he
attacked, without preparation, not only the seventh, but even the ninth of
the dominant} composers have imitated him ever since. The relationship
established in these harmonies between the fourth and seventh degree of
the key Is the principal constituent of modem tonality. Me would search
in vain in all the music prior to Monteverdi and Marenziox it does not
existf it could not exist without destroying the tonality of plainchant.
The attraction of these two notes, the necessity of the seventh degree
to ascend while the fourth descends, is the peculiar character of the
leading tone which received its name because of its tendency. Thus all
modem tonality is built on this succession which was unknown to all the
musicians until the end of the sixteenth century?
As soon as this succession was admitted into the art, it banished
the eight church modes from the domain of harmony, and there were only
two modes of tonality? major and minor for each note? one or the otherof
these types was built on each note, with each type constructed in the
same way. In both modes the relationship of the fourth degree and the
leading tone is the same? as a result of the appellation of these two
notes, the end was always the tonic and harmonic dominant, i.e., the
note which is heard in the greatest number of chords is always the fifth
degree of the scale.
Another phenomenon was the necessary consequence of the dissonant
dominant harmony, I mean modulation, that is to say, the transition from
one key to another by the sole act of attacking the dominant harmony of
the latter without preparation, because this harmony immediately creates
64
the new key hy the double appellation of the fourth degree and the lead
ing tone. It Is this faculty of liaison between keys which I have called
ordre transltonique in the course "Philosophic de la musique* which I
taught in 1832 in Paris, No counterpart existed in early music based on
the church modes. Thus it occurred that the efforts of Nicola Vicentino^
and of several other masters of the sixteenth century to create modulatory
music were fruitless, because,never having the need for the resolution of
consonance and dissonance by suspension in early tonality, any change of
key was optional. Actual modulation was never made apparent. Hr, von
Winterfeld, who has only a vague notion of all this, like the other music
historians, went astray in his book on Giovanni Gabrieli when he proposed
to prove the existence of a chromatic genre among the early masters*
They had not known this genre because its existence in their system of
tonality was impossible,
flho would believe that there was not a word of everything we now
understand concerning this era which was so important in general history
and particularly in music for the change of tonality with all its conse
quences? These voluminous compilations abound in nonessential details,
but such a fact is not found in any of the compilators nor enough of
practical knowledge, attention or philosophy to shed any light on this
obscurity. All that Burney and Martini saw, copied by Forkel and routine-
minded people, is that Monteverdi had added some new chords to those
which were used before himj as for the results of these new harmonies,
no one questioned them,
^■L*antica Musica ridotta alia modema nrattica T (Borne 1 Barre,

1555)], JTW,----------------
2*See pp. 14-15,
65
Notice, however, that these results were not limited to those whom
I have known previously, because as soon as there was a means for modula
tion and of cadentisl action, the phrases were shaped rhythmically— they
had some closes; in their sequence they had as a goal tc move successively
from one key into another, then to return to the original key in order to
vary the feeling which previously lay on another base. Now the direction
of all music in a system of alternating modulation led, in the first half
of the seventeenth century, to the abandonment of canonic counterpoint
and of imitation, which existed only as an object for study, and produced
the substitution for it of the real and tonal fugue, the technique of
which consists of a regular system of modulation by means of a principal
phrase called the "subject," The true fugue, then, dates only from this
1*
epoch, although the name was known a long time before; but the name
misled the erudites in music who, without a solid understanding of the
art, confused all of these things. Insensibly the dissonant harmony of
the dominant wasestablished in the fugue, without preparation, as in all
the other music, The free introduction of this harmony in similar
scientific pieces was slow because the change of tonic was not perceived,
and because the actual principles of this tonal change were still a
■*-*For Zarlino rs followers the word "fugue" had a very precise

meaning. In The Art of Counterpoint Zarlino points out (pp. 126-13*0 that
there are two types of fugues* strict (legate), or what is now recognized
as canon, and free (sciolte), in which "the imitating voice duplicates the
other in fugue or consequence only up to a point; beyond that point it is
free to proceed independently" (p. 127). In both types of fugue the conse
quence, which had to be exact, occurred at the unison, fourth, fifth or
octave.-
Imitations, on the other hand, while also classified as strict or

free, could occur at any interval* the generic classification was retained,
but the specific size could vary, (ibid., pp. 135-1^1 ■)
66
mystery to the musicians. The rigorous conditions of early counterpoint,
the necessary consequence of plainchant tonality, restrained the masters
and created indecision amongst the students. Even today when students of
some composition schools leave the study of free counterpoint to take up
that of the fugue, their professors have a great deal of difficulty
explaining the reasons for the free employment of natural dissonances in
fugues, sinê they had prohibited them in counterpoint. It results in a
sort of trial and error experiment the first few times. However, I have
explained all of this in the second part of my Traite du conire-point et
de la fugue, published 16 years agoj a great deal of time is necessary to
make apparent to everyone the facts in an art-science where the consider
ations are as manifold as in the music, and when the music is capable of
numerous transformations.
In creating the fugue, the new tonality created double counter
point at the octave, because the necessity of alternatively passing the
subject and the countersubject, which served as an accompaniment, to the
lower and treble voices obliges the musicians to turn their attention
to the consideration of intervallic inversion at the octave| thus the
rules of double counterpoint arose. We understand from this that these
rules are the prolegomena of the fugue} we can evaluate the shortcoming
1 2 1
of criticism and of the order of ideas which lead Berardi, Trevo, Fux,-'
•*£d , Angelo Berardi], Document! armonlci (Bologna: Giacomo Monti,

1687).
^ZaccariaTrevqj, II Musico Testore (Venice: Antonio Bortoli, 1706).
Johann Joseph Fux], Gradus ad Paxnassum, slve nanuductlo ad

composltlonem muslcae regularem, methodo nova (Vienna: van Ghelen, 1725).
Marpurg,^- and Albrechtsberger,^ to d9al with some double counterpoint
only after the fugue, which would not exist without double counterpoint.
I have restored the rational order of these studies in my Tralta du
contre-polnt et de la fuguei several works, since published on the same
subject, have followed this order. I still ought to cite, with regard
to double counterpoint, a newly proven fact which substantiates that the
history of the art in general, and of harmony in particular, is ill-known,
even by the most educated men, and that much more is made of some curi
osities of little consequence than of those which have real value.
In the first months of 1830, Hr. de Vos Willemenz, a member of the
Instltut des Pays-Bas and secretary of the fourth class of this erudite
society, wrote to me, enclosing the volume which contained the report of
Mr. Kiesewetter and of myself on Netherlandish musicians* "You will read
with interest that Mr. Kiesewetter has demonstrated that the Netherlanders
are the inventors of double counterpoint." As a matter of fact, the
second part of Mr. Kiesewetter's report has the title L*Invention du
contre point artificial, nomme par les modemes CONTKE POINT DOUBLE,
peut-elle stre attribute aux Neerlandals?^ Now in examining this question,
Mr. Kiesewetter assumes that double counterpoint is only a division of the
^Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg], Traite de la fugue (Berlin* B. A.

Haude und J. C. Spener, 1753“175t /* [.Fetis has given the facts of publi
cation for the German edition* Abhandlung von der Fugue nach den Grund-
satzen und Exempeln der besten deutschen und auslandischen Keister* the
French edition did not appear until 1756*3
^Johann Georg Albrechtsberger]. Grundliche Anweisung zur

Komposltlon (Leipzig* Breitkopf, 1790).
%a n n den Niederlandern die Erflndung des kflnstllchen. oder von den

Neuren also genannten doppelten Gontrapunktes zugeschrieben werden?
68
part of the art which he designated hy the general expression contre
-point artificial, and the invention of which he attributed to the
musicians of the Netherlands Schoolj from this we are expected to
conclude that he considered these fifteenth century musicians the
inventors of this type of counterpoint* Seeing his error on the subject*
I wrote to Eandler, my corresponding member in Vienna and friend of Mr*
Kiesewetter, and showed him that double counterpoint did not arise prior
to the second half of the sixteenth century, and that its use in the
fugue dated from the seventeenth. Handler communicated my letter to his
friend, who wrote to me from the Baden resort near Vienna on 27 July 1830.
I am indebted to you for a very ingenious observation, one

worthy of a professor of counterpoint as well as a scholar in the
historical fact of the musical art} an observation which was truly
never so clearly presented to me. It is that the old masters were
not yet aware of this type of counterpoint which the academy of
our day called contre point double *3. and of which the first traces
are only found towards the end of the fifteenth century, I
acknowledge that immediately I went through about 100 scores of my
collection, and I am convinced of the accuracy of your assertion,
because everything that I have been able to find of the same kind
was indeed only simple imitation. If anywhere there was a short
passage which seemed to announce the outline of inversion, the
latter did not follow, and immediately I noticed that it was only
suggested accidentally and not intentionally in the forms.
In rendering justice to the sincerity of Mr, Kiesewetter, who
brought about recognition of an important error with so much candor, we
can not help regretting that the study in which he indulged after having
read my letter had not preceded his work} nonetheless, this error remains
Why "of our day"? Didn't Zacconi deal with De* Contrappantl doppii
in the second part of his Prattlea dl musica* published in 1^22? Isn't it
also the same for 1. Penna in Book II of his Prlml alborl musical!* pub
lished in 1656? for Bononcini in Part II of his Muslco prattlco (1673)?
for Berardi in his Document! armonlcl (I687), and for 20 other seventeenth-
century writers?
69
published in a hook whose Influence is much greater because it has been
awarded a prize by an academy. And it is precisely this Influence which
compels me to stress the fact that the natural harmony of the dominant
created modem tonality? that the latter led to the destruction of imita
tive counterpoint in the tonality of plainchant, and to the creation of
the fuguej finally, that the inseparable conditions of the latter gave
birth to double counterpoint at the octave. All of this is connected,
but, once more, the philosophy of music history has been completely unknown
until today.
Because the expressive accent, composed of the appellation of the
leading tone resolution in conjunction with either the fourth degree of
the two modes or with the sixth degree of the minor mode, was contained
in the natural dissonant harmony, music assumed a dramatic character
with the birth of this harmony? all the new forms which transformed the
art— true opera, the cantata, the air with instrumental accompaniment-
arrived at almost the same time.
But everything in an art which is transformed is not conquered.
The bold spirits who discovered the new harmony and all its consequences
could no I— be satisfied to sake do with the rigorous rules of the art of
writing to which the composers of the older schools were indebted for the
admirable purity of style which renders their works imperishable, and
which made them models of disheartening perfection. Inaccuracies of every
kind began to be profuse in the works of the musicians of Venice and
Naples? Home alone resisted and retained the excellent traditions which
more than two centuries have not destroyed completely. Proud of its
success, the new school did not delay invading the church? the dramatic
70
style was Introduced Into sacred music and took the place of the ponderous,
solemn and devout tone of the works of Palestrina* Then the absurdity of
this secular expression began to be applied to holy things) in lieu of
being prayers and professions of faith, the "Gloria," "Credo"Sequences"
and "Psalms" became dramas* The symbol of the suffering of the Savior was
transformed into a representation of carnal agony, and one went to church
to experience emotions rather than to pray with meditation*
That was not all* Instrumental harmony had become necessary
since vocal harmony ceased to constitute every single kind of music. Thus,
instruments assumed the same importance in the church as in the theatre and
became Indispensable especially for the accompaniment of motets for solo
voice or for two voices) motets were published in tremendous quantity in
the first half of the seventeenth century* The concert# style followed the
simple (osservato) style of the old sacred music) from that moment the genres
were merged and, as Abbot Bainl said, church music was destroyed* Since
then some beautiful works in the system of expression applied to sacred
music have been composed) some models of perfection of this genre are the
Psalms £l724[] of Marcello, the Miserere of Jomelli, some of the compositions
of Alessandro Scarlatti, [[Leonardo (1694-1744)3 Leo, Pergola si and, in more
recent +imes, the Masses of Cherubini. But the genre itself is an abase
ment of the primary object of the art in the service) the degradation
was so heartfelt that even Rossini, this leading propagate of the
brilliant art, frequently told me that the only profound and lasting
impression of a sacred character in church music which he had experienced
was made by the works of Palestrina, which he heard in Rome 25 years ago*
For the worldly people, and even for the musicians who hear only this
71
music in Earis concerts* with mediocre execution* there probably will be
more than some exaggeration in these words of the composer of Guillaume
Tell | but for whomever has made a serious study of the immortal works*
objects of his admiration* there is a conviction that true church music
ceased to exist with the appearance of theatre music* and that it lost
-<n one side what it gained on the other. Thus it was not without reason
khat Artusi attacked Monteverdi and the other innovators in his book
against the imperfections of modem musicj only he did not understand
that Instead of the older art* which they had ruined* they had fashioned
a new art whose existence was immense.
With solo voice music accompanied by the organ or by other instru
ments* the bass,which was called continue to distinguish it from the
interrupted bass of older choral music* was born} this instrumental bass
and continuo soon led to the need of certain signs to Indicate to the
accompanist the chords with which he was supposed to support the voice.
Then the systematic science of harmony began* the last consequence of
Monteverdi’s inventions and of the change of tonality. Therefore it was
in the first years of the seventeenth century that this science, the
investigation of which is about to concern me, began.
Among the generally accepted uncertainties about the most important
facts of music history, there are few which would be more difficult to
T♦
Fetis is referring to a two-volume work of Giovanni Artusi} the
first volume* L*Artusi, overo delle Imperfettioni della musica modaraa,
appeared in 1600* and was followed in 1603 with a second volume entitled
Conslderazloni musicall, Monteverdi replies to the attacks of Artusi in
the foreword to his Fifth Book of madrigals. For an English translation
of the "Foreword with the ’Declaration' of His Brother G« C. Monteverdi,"
see Strunk, pp, *K)5“12.
72
dispel than those which have enveloped the origin of the basso continue.
Lodovico Viadana, monk from Etroite-Observanee and maestro di cappella
at the Mantua Cathedral in the early years of the seventeenth century,
generally was looked upon as the inventor of this bass. Nevertheless,
his rights to the invention have been disputed recently with the appear
ance of so much evidence that it is necessary to examine thoroughly this
historic question. I am going to try to satisfy the doubts on this
subject, and to restore to each one the part of the glory which belongs
1#
to him in the creation of the primary foundations of harmonic science.
We know that the name basso continuo specifies an accompanimental
bass which is different from the vocal bass of older compositions! the
bass of the latter was often interrupted, whereas the other is continuous.
The bass of this last type fbasso continuo*] arose as soon as there were
some songs for solo voice supported by the accompaniment of an instrument.
According to [^Giovanni Battista] Boni (Trattato della Muslca Scenica, in
opere, II, 23), the first attempt at this kind of music was the episode
of Count Ngolin, set to music about 1580 by Vincenzo Galilei for solo
voice with vlole accompaniment. Although we no longer have this piece,
we are able to get an idea of its structure from the recitative in Jacopo
With the words "primary foundations of harmonic science," Fetis

is referring to the contributions of figured bass to the development of
the harmonic science. John W. Mitchell ("A History of Theories of
Functional Harmonic Progression £Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana
University, 1963]) summarizes these contributions as (l) the continuation
and expansion of the triad as the basic unitf (2) the triad governed by a
major or minor scale basis1 (3 ) the concept of the succession of vertical
structures! (4) the importance of chordal placement--a budding concept of
harmonic function! (5) the fusion of theory and practice-combining the
techniques of composition, accompaniment and improvisation! (6) counter
point and harmony bound together— the linear viewed as part of the
vertical successions (pp. 32-35).
73
Peri's Burldice, and In the drama of Emilio del Cavalierly works which
preceded the invention attributed to Viadana by a few years.
Neverthelessy the bass accompaniment of these first attempts at
dramatic music do not correspond precisely to this invention, because it
did not seem to have been destined to serve as a guide for the right hand
accompaniment on the harpsichord, i.e., to be the bass of a series of
chordsj there is reason to believe that originally this bass which served
as accompaniment for the recitative was played alone. It is pertinent to
state that Alessandro Guidotti, editor of Emilio del Cavalieri's musical
drama La Rappresentazione di Anima £ di Corpo, published in Rome in 1600,
said, in the preface which preceded this work, that the figures placed
under the bass notes represent the consonances and dissonances, and that
the sharp and the flat placed above or below the figures specify the
major or minor nature of the Intervals,^- But the particulars which
Viadana himself furnishes prove that he had used basso continuo for organ
and harpsichord accompaniment prior to the publication of Emilio del
Cavalieri1s work, that this invention dates back to 1596 or 1597r a-ad
that it originated in Rome where Guidotti became acquainted with it. In
1603 he published a collection of motets entitled Gento Goncertl
Ecclesiastic!, a Una, a Due, a Tre e Quattro Voci con 11 Basso continuo
per sonar nell* Organo Nova inventione commoda per ogni sorts de Cantoris,
e per gli Organist1 (5 vols.j Venice* Giacomo Vincenti, 1603). Volume
five contains the basso continuo part * "Basso per sonar nell* organo."
■*■"11 numeri piccoli posti sopra le note del Basso continuato per
suonare, significano la Consonanza, 6 Dissonanza di tal numeroi come 11 3
terzaj 11 4 quartai e cosl di mano £in mano]* Quando 11 diesis e posto
avanti overo sotto di un numero, tal consonanza sara sostentata: e in tal
modo il b molle fa il suo effetto proprio." [n, p.]
After having reviewed completely in his preface to the reader^* the
motives which led him to write sacred music for every genre of solo voice,
with an accompaniment part for organ, he adds that they were conceived
about six years beforehand (1597) in Home, and that he decided to publish
these compositions of a type of which he is the inventor, because this
invention had been received with applause, and because they had been
imitated many times since. (See the identical words of Viadana in the
article "Basso continuo" in Lichtenthal*s Dizlonarlo e Ilbllografla della
muslca.) No objection has been raised since against Viadana*s assertions*
The basso continuo part of this composer's motets has no chordal
figures, and he says nothing about the subject in the instructions in the
preface. Nor is there any question of the classification of chords into
consonances and dissonances. The purpose of the instructions, as much
for the singers as the organist, is the manner of executing the different
pieces contained in the work. Viadana recommends for the latter* (l) play
the score simplyj (2) do not cover the singer when embellishing the
cadences* (3) glance at the whole piece before performing; (4) never
accompany the treble voices too high, nor the bass voices too low; (5) play
tasto solo, i.e., without chords, the fugal style entrances, etc. In
1609 a new enlarged Italian edition of Viadana's motets was published in
Venice at the establishment of Vincenti, To the prescribed rules in the
^•*An English translation of Viadana* s preface can be found in F, T,

Arnold, The Art of Accompaniment from a Thorough-Bass, I (l931f rpt. New
York* Dover Publications, Inc., 1965), pp. 2-4, n, 3l the same translation
appears in Strunk, pp. 419-23.
2*
An annotated English translation of Viadana*s rules can be found
in Arnold, I, 9*20; the original Italian version is appended on pp. 20-21,
preface of the previous edition, he added some information on the use of
the figures above the basso continuo * the information appears to have
been borrowed from Guidotti.- In the same year another edition of the
same work appeared in Latin, Italian and German with this titles Opera
omnia sacrorum concentuum, Cum basso continuo et general!. Organo
adplicato» , « , (Frankfort am Haim Emmelius, 1609), The same printer
produced similar editions of other works in 1613, 1620 and 1628.
I ought not to neglect to say that an English musician, Richard
Deering, published (Anversi Pierre Fhalese, 1597) a work of five-voice
motets with basso continuo under the title Cantlones sacrae quinque
vocum, cum basso ad organum. But at this time this musician had just
arrived from Italyf undoubtedly he was one of the imitators of whom
Viadana spoke. It is improbable that this Englishman had anything to do
with the invention of a new genre of music, which, moreover, he did not
usurp. 1*
Cruger, a contemporary of Viadana, appears to me to be the oldest
author who said positively in his Appendix de basso, general! seu continuo,
in the series of his book entitled Synopsis masica (12 vols.* Berlin, 1624),
that this musician was the inventor of basso continuo. Here are his words*
1*
The existence of this purported 1597 edition has been disproven
by Sir Frederick Bridge in Twelve Good Musicians* From John Bull to Henry
Purcell (London* Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co.,Ltd., n.d.) pp. 50-62,
Bridge believes the date 1597 is a misprint of 1617* Fetis probably secured
the erroneous date from either Hawkins (A General History of the Science
and Practice of Music) or Burney (A General History of Music). The dis
covery of additional facts and the subsequent reassessment of the existing
information about Deering’s (Bearing, Bering, Diringus) biography reveals
that he was not in Italy in 1597* he presumably made his first trip
between 1610 and 1612. See Peter Platt, "Dering’s Life and Training,"
ML, XXXIII (January, 1952), 41-49.
76
"Bassus general!s seu continuus, bo von furtrefflichen italianlschen Kuslco
Ludovico Viadana erstlich erfundsn."1 If my memory is correct* there exists
more evidence in favor of Viadana* closer to the time of the invention* in
the preface which Gaspar Vincenz* organist at Spire, put at the beginning
of Abraham Schad's Promptuarium musicum, published in l6llf but I do not
have this collection near at hand. After Cruger* Printz expressed himself
on this subject in a no less positive mamt.er in his history of music.2
Brossard appears to have drawn his information on that account from the
latter’s book, but I do not know from which authority he said, in the
article "Basso continuo" in his Dictlonaire de muslque* that Viadana pub
lished a treatise on basso continuo* J« J. Rousseau copied Brossard* and
without examination cited this alleged treatise on basso continuo,3*
Abbot Baini, who had no knowledge at all of Cruger's passage,*** and
who had seen the 1603 collection of motets in which Viadana reported
his invention and the time when it was known in Rome, established in several
places in his Memorie storico-crltiche della vita e delle opere di Giovanni
Pierluigi da Palestrina, notably Volume I* note 238, pages 149-50r that before
Viadana's birth* about the middle of the sixteenth century* £l] a counter
point improvised with instruments on the bass of vocal compositions was
-*-"The basse generale or continuo was invented first by the excellent

Italian musician Lodovico Viadanna" (p* 213).
^Wolfgang Kaspar Printz], Historlsche Beschrelbung der edelen

Sing-und KLlng-Kunst ^Dresden, l690j, chap, xii, par, 11 [_pp. 132-33J•
3*Neither Brossard nor Rousseau gives a title to this alleged treatise.
***Baini did have knowledge of both Brossard’s and Rousseau's articles,

as he states on page 149.
77
realized| (2) in order to avoid the dissonances which could arise from
this mixture of counterpoint improvised by instruments and notated vocal
parts, some figures and symbols which indicated the nature of the intervals
were marked above the bassj (3) the contemporaries of Viadana, particularly
Banchieri in his Moderna prattlea della muslca (1613), do not cite him as
the Inventor of basso continuo, but as one of the first and best didactic
authors on this subject. The authorities cited by the learned Baini do
not, to my mind, prove his first two assertions! I myself am certain, by
the multitude of compositions published "5>n the second half of the six
teenth century with these wordsi da cantare e suonare, that the instru
ments performed the same parts as the voice. As to the figures and symbols
placed above the bass, these are not noticed at all prior to the year 1600.
The idea must be credited to either Emilio de Cavalieri or to Guidotti,
Concerning Viadana*s invention, the error of Mr, Baini results from knowing
neither the passage where this musician himself speaks, nor the testimony
of Cruger,
From all of the preceding it follows that (l) the initial idea
of a continuous bass accompaniment arose with the first attempts of solo
voice songs supported by an instrument, about 1580} (2) this bass, becoming
more animated and varied in its forms, was adapted to organ for vocal
accompaniment by Viadana, and received the name basso continuo from him
about 1596t (3) about the sane time, the usage of figures and symbols
above the bass for raising or lowering £notesJ was introduced by either
Emilio del Cavalieri, his editor Guidotti, or perhaps by some other unknown
•j jt
Arnold states that "The term was first brought into general
notice owing to the large and immediate circulation of Viadana*s Concerti,
1602, though the term Basso continuato was used by Guidotti in 1600,"
(Arnold, I, p, 6, n, 27)
78
musician. Soon afterwards many sacred works with figured basso continuo
were published, and from that moment the genre madrigal-liker i»e*,
unaccompanied music for several voices and in imitative style, ceased to
be in vogue in order to make way for what the artists themselves called
the nuove ausiche.
It would be deceiving to believe that the formation of a harmonic
system was the immediate result of the double invention of basso continuo
and figures intended to denote its accompanimenti things did not move so
quickly. The slowness of scientific progress in that respect is likewise
one of the remarkable facts of the history of music* Some directions
which appeared in the first half of the seventeenth century concerning
the art of figured bass accompaniment only reinforced the observations
of detail, which showed no consideration at all for the generation of a
chord. At last a fact of some importance appeared 25 years after the
publication of Viadanars workj in this fact the first elements of ths
science of harmony are found. It merits all of our attention* Agazzari
from Siena, a contemporary of Viadana, had worked out Guidotti's instruc
tions on the use of the figures, and had extended its applications in his
Del sonare sopra 11 basso con tutti 11 stromentl e dell* uso loro nel
conserto, placed at the front of the fifth book of his motets which
appeared in 1607? he did not show the nature of the chords which ought to
have belonged to such and such degree of the scale. Galeezzo Sabbatini,
maestro di cappella to the Duke of Mirandola, went farther In his small
work entitled Regola facile e breve per sonare il Basso continuo nell*
Organo, fMana cordo.l £ altro Simile Stromento * * . (Venice, 1628, 30 PP*)r
because he gave the first rule of the octave which is known, namely, the
79
I*
harmonic formula indicating the proper chord for each note of the scale.
It is of this formula that Sahbatini intends to speak when he says that he
is the inventor of its method; but the ambiguity of his words leads one to
believe that this musician was the first who had a treatise on accompani
ment. This is an unmistakeable error.
It does not seem that Sabbatini's method had much success in its
newness, because Lorenzo Fenna, who had a treatise on basso continuo and
on the manner of accompaniment r said not one word about the rule of the
octave in Book IIr Chapter 23 of his Li prlml alborl musical! (Bologne ,
1656), Most of his rules are arbitrary; he does not go into the consider
ation of the formation of chords at all. Things remained in this state in
Italy until the end of the seventeenth centmry with respect to harmonic
theory; but the practice of accompaniment made considerable progress
particularly in the schools of [^Bernardo] de Pasquini in Rome, and of
Alessandro Scarlatti in Naples. For their students these great musicians
wrote a great many figured basses, to which they gave the name partimentl1
instead of striking some chords, following the French and German usage,
these masters demanded that the accompanist have all the parts of the
accompaniment sing in an elegant manner. In this connection, the Italians
maintained an Incontestable superiority in the art of accompaniment for a
long time.
The book of Francesco Gasparini, maestro di cappella in Venice,
made progress in the methods of exposition, although it ought not to be
regarded as a systematic treatise of this science. This book, LtArmonlco
In the rule of the octave each note in the diatonic scale was
given a preferred figure; this figure would be used only when that particu
lar scale degree appeared in an unfigured bass.
80
Pratleo al Olmbalo, appeared for the first time in 1701 In a very
few pages it gives the proper principles for the accompaniment of various
bass movements, progressions, and especially for major and minor scales*
It is in this last part where Sabbatini's rule of the octave is found
again. This rule, different in many respects from the usage set up in the
French and German schools, offers this pecularityi the ascending fourth
degree of the minor scale is accompanied by a perfect chord, while the
same note in the major mode is accompanied by the six-five chord,
Gasparinl*s book, frequently reprinted, remained the vade mecum of all the
Italian schools during the entire century, and has been profitably replaced
by Fenaroli's treatise, of which I will speak later, on harmonic practice.
The systematic works of Tartini, which came to light about 50 years after
L'Armonlco Pratico, exercised no influence on the practice of Italian
schools. I will discuss these work3 later.
I have cited Cruger as the author of a method on the accompaniment
of a basso continuo, published as a supplement to the second edition of his
book Synopsis muslca (Berlin, 163*0* This method is important because
■Âccording to Martin Ruhnke ("Gasparinl," in MGG, IV, 1414-17),

the first edition of Gasparinl*s treatise was published in 1708 in Venice
by Bortolij the sixth and last edition was published in 1802, nearly a
century after the initial printing. In Biographle unlverselle. Ill, 414-15,
Fetis gives 1683 for the first edition and 1708 for the second edition.
If the date 1683 is accepted, Gasparinl's treatise was published when he
was only 15 years old,
^*A1though Gasparinl states (p, 68) that the fourth degree in minor,
whether approached by step or by leap, must always be accompanied by a minor
third, he neither states nor consistently illustrates this scalar degree
with a "perfect chord," i.e., a minor chord in root position! occasionally
he uses six-three or six-five. See Francesco Gasparinl, The Practical Har
monist at the Harpsichord, trans. by Frank S. Stillings and ed, by David
L. Burrows (New Haven* Yale University Press, 1968\ pp. 29, 69, 74, 75*
81
for the first time the isolated construction of consonant chords, desig
nated by the author as triade harmonlque, is foundj the name was retained
by his successors* It does not seem that Cruger understood the formation
1*
of natural dissonant chords --at least he says nothing at all about them--
although they were known as early as his era. The other German writers of
the same period who discussed basso continuo at the end of the seventeenth
century and the beginning of the eighteenth century, particularly Prinz
and Werckmeister, added a few changes to the chordal successions in the
examples furnished by Cruger, but did not try, any more than their prede
cessors, to form a synoptic classification of these harmonic groups.
The theoretic science of harmony made progress in the hands of
Friedrich Erhardt Niedt , a German musician who was at first a notary in
Jena, and then settled in Copenhagen where he died in 1717, A poor
writer, he often tires the reader with his diffuse style, but it can not
be denied that he inspired a salutary impulse to the theory of harmony in
the first two parts of his book on this science. The first, Guide musical,^
contained a treatise on basso continuo. The formulas for the harmonic
cadences which are still in use today, the way to realize them, and the
theory of passing tones which can be substituted for the struck chords are
found there.3* The natural dissonant chords of the seventh and ninth are
1#
'L A "natural dissonant chord" is one in which the seventh and
ninth are unprepared, The dominant seventh and dominant ninth chords fall
into this classification,
^Musikalische Handleltung, oder der Grflndllcher Unterricher.

Yermlttelst welchen eln liobhaber Edlen Music in kurtzer Zelt slch so welt
perfectionlren kan , , , (Hamburg1 [b. Schillers], 1710),
^Chapter VIII.
82
presented there In their true character, namely, as able to be attacked
without preparation* but the ninth chapter, with reference to these
chords, gives a false ascending resolution of the seventh in these examples.
This fault recurs in several places. It is remarkable that Mattheson, to
whom we owe a second edition of the second part of Niedt*s book, has said
nothing at all about this irregularity. The last chapter of the first
1*
part also attracts attention by the formulas for harmonic modulations,
which no author had indicated previously.
In the second part of his Guide musical. Niedt presents many varia
tions of simple bass movements, with some rules for the ornamentation of
the harmony in the upper voices. Mattheson issued a second enlarged and
improved edition of this second part (Hamburg, 1721), to which he added the
dispositions of 60 of the best German organs. The third part of the Guide
musicals relates to counterpoint.
The development given by Niedt to the science of harmony and
accompaniment doos not go so far as to search for the normal generation of
chords* the idea of such a generation had not occurred to any harmonist
before the genius of Rameau conceived it. Thus, we ought not to expect to
find more progress in this connection in a few books published in Germany
after Niedtrs work* but the method of exposition and the natural classifi
cation of the principal variations of harmony received some considerable
improvements in the basso continuo treatises that the choir masters
Heinichen and Mattheson revealed soon afterwards. The first of these
authors published the first essay on his method in Hamburg in 1711 in a
■*-*Chapter XI contains the harmonic progressions for modulation*

there are 12 chapters in the first part.
83
book entitled Instruction fondamentale et nouvellement inventee qulr par
une methods certalne et profitable, peut condulre un amateur de muslque
a la eonnaissance complete de la basse continue,-1- This work is divided
into two parts, each one of which contains five chapters. In the first
the author arranges all of the true chords into two classes, consonant
and dissonant. The perfect chords— major, minor, and the chord of the
sixth— are the only ones admitted into the first classification by
Heinichenj the six-four chord does not appear in the exercises which he
gives for the use of consonant harmony, because he does not accept an
unprepared fourth. In the second classification all dissonant harmonies
are listed according to the prolongation of intervals. In this classifi
cation of chords, Heinichen confused those of the dominant harmony which
exist by themselves, independently of every circumstance of prolongation.
In this respect, he is less advanced than his predecessor Niedt. The third
chapter deals with passing notes and the way to distinguish them from the
actual notes, by means of the duration of each genre of tacten, Heinichen
manifests great sagacity in this matter, and presents some delicate con
siderations which have been very neglected by modern harmonists. In the
following chapter we find the application of all the rules which concern
chords, figures and passing notes in all the keys. The last chapter has
some exercises for accompaniment.
In the second part of the book we find some rules for the accom
paniment of an unfigured basso continuo. 2* a very good chapter on the
*1 H
Neu erfundene und Grundliche Anwelsung, wle eln Muslc-llebender
auff gewlsse vortheilhafftlge Arth kSnne zu vollkommener Eh"lera»n|g des
General-Basses L(Hamburg! 17 Schillers, 1?10)J, 284 pp,
2*Heinichen expands upon Sabbatlni's rule of the octave, focusing

on the role of chords in a musical context.
84
accompaniment of a recitative, another chapter on modulation, and some
general exercises for accompaniment.
Seventeen years after the publication of this book,the author
produced a new edition, which seemed more like an entirely new work on
the framework of the first. This new work of Heinichen, an immense
encyclopedia of the art of accompaniment at the beginning of the eighteenth
century, which forms a volume of more than a thousand pages, appeared under
the title La bases continue dans sa composition, ou instruction nouvelle
et fondamental. , . I have just said that this new book is realized
from the same plan as the first, although the material is developed with
a great deal more depth; nevertheless, the ideas of Heinichen had been
modified with respect to the dominant seventh, because he gives some
examples of it as a natural dissonant chord (pp. 145-46).
Mattheson, whose name dominates music literature in Germany during
all of the first half of the eighteenth century, benefited from the work
of Niedt and Heinichen for the composition of his booki Die exemplarische
Organlsten-Probe im Artikel vom General-Basse (Exemplaire de I1examen de
1'organists en ce qui concerns la basse continue), published in Hamburg in
1719. Just as this title Indicates, the principal part of this work is
composed of figured basses or Partlmenti, accompanied by analyses of the
• W General-Bass in der Composition, oderi Neue und grundllche

Anwelsung, wle eln Muslk-Llebender mlt besondern Yorthell, durch die
Brlnclpla der Composition . . . (Dresden. 1728). The errors are so numer
ous in this volume that he had to make 10 pages of errata in small print.
^*George J.Btelow does a comparative study of the two editions in

his dissertation! "Johann David Heinichen, Der Generalbass in der Com
position ! A Critical Study with Annotated Translation of Selected Chapters"
(unpublished Hi.D. dissertation, New York University, 1961), Chapter 2,
85
various harmonic circumstances which are encountered there* A theor
etical introduction precedes these exercises; some rather vague principles
of harmony, mixed with calculations of the numerical proportions of inter
vals, a n found there* Although approaching Heinichen in the details of
analysis, Mattheson’s hook is absolutely different from that of the former
as to plan, because no classification of chords can be seen there* As in
most of Mattheson*s books, in this one we encounter a multitude of things
foreign to the subject, or which have no direct bearing on it. The second
edition of this book, Grosse General-Bass-Schule, is no more methodical
than the first, although more developed.
In his Petite ecole de la basse continue (ELeine General-Bass-
Sohule), an absolutely different work from the one which preceded,
Mattheson created a truly methodical treatise of harmony, preceded by the

2*
principles of music. He goes farther than Heinichen in the division of
chords into different classes,3* and examines with much care the harmonic
'Ircumstances of the preparation of resolution of dissonant chords; it
can be said, nevertheless, that this book, published 13 years after Rameau’s
Tralte de l’harmonle, is not on the level to which this great man had just
^Hamburg: Kiszner, 1735*
^*The book is divided into four "classes"; (l) lowest, (2) ascend-
ing, (3 ) higher, and (4) upper; each class is divided into seven lessons
(Aufgaben), and on occasion the lesson is subdivided into smaller units
called Abthellungen.
3*MatthesonTs division of chords into classes is based solely upon

the frequency of occurrence of each chord. Mattheson orders chords into
three groups: (l) common or most harmonious, (2) less common, and (3) un
common. Hhile the first class professes to deal solely with consonances,
the diminished triad, augmented triad, dominant six-five, supertonic six-
five, and augmented sixth chords are included in this classification; the
latter two groups of chords are dissonant.
86
raised the science. In all his vork Mattheson observes profound silence
on the theory of the generation of chords conceived by the French theorist.
Moreover, it is evident by the analysis which he gave of the Tralte de
l'harmonle in his Grltlca muslca (II, 7-H) that he understood neither
this work nor the theory of the inversion of chords discovered by Bameau.
Several treatises on accompaniment and on basso continuo were
published in France before Bameau had entertained his theory of chords and
of fundamental bassf the main ones are those of Saint"Lambertr Boyvinr
Couperin and Dandrieu.'1"* All wrote in the same spirit, i.e., without
criticism and with the unique end of accompanlmental practice. In order
to have an idea of the utility which could be drawn out of these works, it
suffices to glance at the division of harmony which Boyvin placed in his
Tralte fabrege] de 1*Accompagnement (Paris* Ballard, 1700). There are,
he said, three kinds of chords, namely, perfect, imperfect, and dissonant.
The perfect is composed of a third, fifth, and octavej the imperfect
contains the fourth and the sixths1 the dissonant includes the second,
seventh, etc.
Although ordinary usage demands that dissonance be pre

ceded by consonanceg one may dispense with this rule now and then
and create some which are not precededi this is recognized by good
usage and good taste.^* (Fetis* italicsT)
Saint-Lambert, Houveau Traite de 1' accompagnement du clavecin,

de l'orgue et de quelques autres instruments (Paris* Ballard, 1707)*
Jacques Boyvin, Tralte abrege l~Accompagnement pour l*0rgue et pour le
Clavessln (Paris* Ballard, l?00ji Frangois Couperin, Begles pour
11accompagnement (MS, c. 1698). Jean-Frangois Dandrieu, Princlpes de
1*accompagnement du clavecin (Paris* The author, 1719)*
^*Jaeques Boyvin, in Archives des Maitres de l*0rgue des xvig

xvllg xviiif Siecles, VI, 75*
87
Thus this poor Boyvin knew no other way to distinguish natural
dissonances than hy "good usage and good taste"! Such was the state of
the science when Bameau gave it a real existence*I will expose presently
the creations of this man of genius and the results which they produce in
all of Europe*
While the science was stationary* the art was enriched hy several
types of new effects* Thus the composers had introduced into the chords
some momentary alterations of natural notes, and hy this means had estab
lished some ascending and descending tendencies which multiplied the
expressive accents* The chords affected hy these alterations assumed a
new aspect* Moreover, as well as substituting the sixth degree for the
1#
dominant in the dominant seventh chord and its derivatives* they gave
rise to some new dissonant chords which were attacked without preparation,
like those from which they originated. The substitution in the seventh
chord had produced the chords commonly called the "major dominant ninth"
in the major mode, and the "minor ninth" in the minor aode.^* The same
substitution in the first derivative of the seventh chord had created
the leading-tone seventh chord in the major mode, and the diminished
1*
A "derivative" is an inversion* It is "derived" by transposing,
for example, the dominant (root) note to an upper octavej the resultant
structure, a dominant six-five chord, is the second combination of a
dissonant chord* (Fetis, Traite d'harmonle, pp. 40-44.)
^*To obtain a complete triad on the resolution of a dominant

seventh in four voices, F£tis propounds that the root of the dominant
seventh be doubled and the fifth omitted* The substitution of the sixth
degree for the doubled note creates the dominant ninth* "The substitution
of the sixth degree for the dominant is always a melodic accent placed, for
this reason, in the upper voice* * * (Fetis, Traite d'harmonle* Bk* II,
par. 120, pp. 47-48.)
88
seventh in the minor,1* Lastly, each one of the seventh chord derivatives
had undergone a double transformation consistent with the mode in which
they were to he employed, The result of the minor mode substitution and
the ascending alteration of the natural notes in the perfect chord and
its derivatives had been to create the transition, i.e., the optional
modulation which can be resolved into several keys, and leaves the ear
irresolute until the completion of the resolution.
It is from this new order of facts that the emotion of surprise,
so frequently called forth, arose, and in that very way is weakened in
modem musicI One must not believe that those who found these novelties
were passionately fond of themj they employed them only very guardedly,
and their appearance in compositions was so unusual until the era when
Mozart took possession of them that they were considered, as it were,
only as exceptional licences.
Such was the situation of the art and of the science when Rameau
undertook to join together the elements of harmony in order to give them
a systematic foundation. B o m in Dijon in 1683 of a father who had more
inclination for music than knowledge of its theory and practice, he had
1#
In each inversion of a dominant Beventh in which substitution
will occur, the root of the chord must be in the soprano. Fetis explains
it thusly i "It [[the sixth scale degree[] is a melodic accent in the
inversions as in the fundamental chord, and consequently it is always
placed in the upper voice, and is found at the distance of a seventh
from the leading tone. . . . " (Fetis, par, 121, p, 48.)
^*Having no discernible root and with each note a potential prime,

the diminished seventh chord can easily adapt into any key* the listener
is dependent wholly upon context for its harmonic role, The German and
Italian augmented sixth chords share, to a lesser extent, some of this
same ambiguity* only within a context can its identity as an augmented
sixth or a major-minor seventh be ascertained. This is the factor to
which Fetis is referring here, and upon which he elaborates in Ek» III,
oh, iii of his Tralte drharmonie.
89
no other master for composition} a few clavecin lessons from an organist,
a family friend, constituted all of his elementary education. Later he
visited northern Italy, but it seems that the sojourn which he made to
Milan was of such little profit to his education that he was more than 30
years old when he learned the rule of the octave from an obscure musician
2*
named Lacroix in Montpellier, It is from this moment that his meditations
on harmony date. Going to Paris in 1717 but not being able to locate there
suitably, he was obliged to retire to a province, and for four years he ful
filled the duties of organist at the Cathedral of Clermont at A u v e r g n e , 3*
These four years were spent perusing the books of Mersenne, Kirchner,
Zarllno, some treatises on accompaniment, and drafting his Traite de
l'harmonle, which he finished at the age of 29 and published in 1722 in
Paris.
1 There is no existing evidence to substantiate Fetis' assertion

that Bameau had only a few clavecin lessons from a family friend. A
musician and organist himself, Jean-Philippe's father instructed each of
his 11 children in music. Of this instruction Hugues Maret (ELogue
historlaue de MY Bameau £Dijon* Causse, 1766], p. 43) states, "He
taught them music even before they had learned to read} the rewards,
suitable to what they desired, were given to those who knew their lessons
well, and a lack cf attention or slothfulness was severely punished."
2*When Bameau actually learned the rule of the octave can not be
conclusively ascertained} nothing was written of his early years during
his lifetime. Sr. Michaela Maria Keane, S.N.J.N., suggests that during
his return home from his short sojourn in Italy ". . .he may have met
M. de la Croix who was to teach him at the age of 20, the then popular
rule of the octave." (The Theoretical Writings of Jean-Phllippe Rameau
(^Washington* The Catholic University of America Press, I9&J, p. 10.)
3*Cuthbert Girdlestone (J ean-Phllippe Bameau* His Life and

Work fLondon* Cassell and Co., Ltd., 1957J* p. 5) insists that when
Bameau arrived in Clermont and how long he stayed is unknown, while
Sr. Michaela Maria asserts (p, 14) that he was there for a period of
six years, probably 1716-1722.
90
This hook created little sensation when it appeared! the novelty
of the material and the obscure and verbose style of the author made it
intelligible to only a small number of readersj it is even permissible to
say that people did not exactly understand the importance of it. This was
the creation of a new science which merited the attention of educated
musicians. But where can the latter be found in a time when education
for artists was lacking, and when all their learning was restricted to
the knowledge of the contemporary practices of their art? If they had
been able to understand that Rameau's work did no less than lay the founda
tions of a philosophical science of harmony, the idea to them would have
seemed so ludicrous that it certainly would have been the object of their
taunts. There was a great distance between this frame of mind and that
which would have been necessary to welcome the Tralte de l'harmonle with
the interest which it was worthy of inspiring. At last I have arrived at
the analysis of the theory, so new then, set forth in this book,
Zarlino, Mersenne, and Descartes Introduced Rameau to the cognizance
of applying numbers to the science of sounds| his ardent soul was enthused
by this science which revealed the possibility of giving a positive founda
tion to music theory,^-* From that time the regular divisions of the mono
chord appeared to him to be the point of departure of a harmonic system,
and all his attention was turned towards the development of the logical
consequences of the facts revealed by these divisions. In the very
1#In the preface to the Trait! Rameau writes, "Music is a

science which should have definite rules. These rules should be drawn
from an evident principle, and this principle cannot be known to us
without the help of mathematics," (Rameau, Tralte de l'harmonle redulte
a ses prlncipes naturels, dlvise en quatre llvres (Parisi Ballard, 1722),
preface, n.p,)
91
■beginning of his hook he established that the Identity of the results of
the science of numbers, whether the application be to the divisions of
a single string or whether it have as its objective the lengths of strings
corresponding to these divisions, the dimensions of the tubes of wind
instruments, or the rate of vibrations, makes evident the utility and
infallibility of this science in its connections with music. His
efforts have, then, for a goal to settle that the sound of one string
in its entire length, represented by 1, is identical to the ear with the
divisions of the same string corresponding to the numbers 2, 4, 8 which
produce the octaves of this entire string. This identity of octaves,
to which he returns later in his other works, notably in one pamphlet
of which it is the particular object,seemed to him rightly the
foundation for the system of the fundamental bass which he wanted to
establish, and of which he will speak later.
On the other hand, a statement from Descartes1 Compendium musicae
became the criterion for the generation of chords for himj it is stated
this way*
I can still divide the line A B [[the monochordj into

4, 5 or 6 parts, but not further, because the ear is not able
to distinguish any further the differences of pitch without
considerable effort.2
•Êxtralt d ’une reponse de M, Bameau a M, Euler, sur l'ldentite des

octaves, d'ou result des verites d'autant plus curleuses qu'elles n*ont
pas encore ete soupoonnees (Parisi Durand, 1743), 41 pp.
^Rursus possum dividers lineam A B in 4or partes vel in 5e vel in

6, nec ulterius fit divisiot quia, scilicet, aurium imbellitas sine
labors majores sonorum differentias non posset distinguere, (Compendium
musicae [[Trajecti ad Bhenum, I650J, pp. 12-13)«
92
Now the numbers 1, 2, 3, 4. 5, 6 give the perfect chord, with the

1*
intervals doubled and arranged on the monochord in the following way*
c c g c e g c
1__________ 2___________ 2__________ 4_______ 1______6________ 8
octave double triple
octave octave
After having developed at great length the demonstration of this
principle of the existence of the perfect chord in the laws of numbers
applied to the divisions of a resonant string, Rameau envisions a theory
from which all the other chords are generated by a supposition or super-
position of a certain number of major or minor triads, or derived by
the inversion of these original aggregations of thirds, ^
One difficulty arises, however, in the outcome of the division of
the monochord taken as the basis for consonant harmony* it gives only
the perfect major chord, Rameau understood that it was very grave to
reverse his system if he stuck to this general resultf he dodged it by
only drawing upon the proportions of the major third (4*5) and of the
minor third (5*6), given by the notes c-e and e-g, in order to form all
of its combinations of thirds. This combination became his point of
departure, He says t
^*With the exception of the number eight which Rameau has added,
this arithmetical series of numbers represents the senaxlo of Zarlino,
Rameau has omitted the number seven because he is trying to confine his
theory to the consonance of the major chord as it is contained in the
senario.
^Jean-Philippe Rameau, Traite de l*harmonlet p, 33•
3Ibld,, pp. 34ff.
93
As a matter of fact, in ordsr to form the perfect chord,

one third must he added to the other, and in order to form all
of the dissonant chords, three or four thirds must he added one
on to another| the difference between these dissonant chords
only proves the different position of these thirds. That is the
reason w© can Attribute to them all the force of the harmony in
reducing it to its first degrees, One may prove it hy adding a
proportional fourth to each perfect chord, from which two seventh
chords will arisef and hy adding a proportional fifth to one of
these seventh chords, from which a ninth chord will arise. The
ninth chord will contain the four preceding chords in its con
struction,1
From this theory Bameau established that there are two perfect
chords, one major, the other minor, and that each of these chords generates
hy Inversion a chord of the sixth and of the sixth and fourth.2 To the
perfect major chord which he transposes, no one knows why, he adds a
minor third and forms the dominant seventh chord (g-h-d-f) which, hy
inversion, gives the chords of fausse quinte (minor fifth and sixth),
petite sixte (leading-tone sixth), and the triton,^
By the addition^ of a minor third to the perfect minor chord
(a-c-e), he forms the minor seventh chord (a-£-e-g) which has for deriva
tives, hy inversion, the chords of grande sixte (fifth and sixth), petite
sixte (third and fourth), and the seconded
1Ibid,, p. 33,
2Ibid,, pp. 34ff.

3Ibid,, p. 37,
^This paragraph as well as some of the following were extracted

from my Revue muslcale, XIV, 114.
-Rameau, Traite de l'harmonle. p. 39,
94
The addition of a major third to the perfect major chord provides
the "major seventh" chord (c-e-g-b) for Rameau,3-
A minor third added below the perfect minor chord (g-b-flat-d)
produces that of the seventh with a minor fifth, which we designate by
the name leadlng-tone seventh (e-g-b-flat-d), and its derivatives by
inversion.2
The aggregation of two minor thirds gives Rameau the fausse quinta
chord (minor third and minor fifth or perfect diminished chord), and that
of two major thirds, the qulnte superflue chord (augmented fifth chord),
as well as their derivatives by inversion.
Rameau finds the origin of the diminished seventh chord (c-sharp-
e-g-b-flat) in the addition of a minor third below a fausse qulnte chord
(e-g-b-flat).
He calls accords par supposition those which were created, accord
ing to him, by exceeding the compass of an octave by the addition of one
or more thirds under any seventh chord. It is thus that he explains the
origin of "ninth” and "eleventh" chords, which we now consider as the
retardation of the octave by the ninth, and the third by a fourth--^*
In the ignorance which he had of the technique of prolongation, he demon
strates a rare sagacity to find a reasonable explanation of the difference
of this quarte dissonants, an object of so much embarrassment for former
harmonists,^
•Îbid.. pe 40,
2Ibld,. p, 41,
^*By "we," Fetis is referring to his theory of the origin of ninth

and eleventh chords.
^Rameau, Traitg de l'harmonle, p, 73,
95
If we were to put ourselves into the situation In which Rameau
found himself, i.3.f in complete absence of any harmonic system at the
time when he was writing, we could not help but admire the powerful mind
which created all that he invented, and of which I have just stated a
summary, although the system is essentially false* Fascinated by certain
properties of combinations which the intervals employed in the construction
of chords possessed, this genius of a man seized hold of them to form the
foundation of his theory. When he published his Tralte de l'harmonie. he
had still not focused his attention on the phenomenon of the production
of harmonics in the resonance of a sonorous body,1* which subsequently
made him modify his ideas, and which successively gave rise to the publi
cation of his Nouveau system de muslque theorique and his other works.^
This was still only the principle of superposition and supposition of
thirds which guided him in his system when his first book of harmony
appeared. Now, in order to make the application of this principle to
all chords, he found himself obliged to abandon the whole idea of tonality,
because he did not always find the thirds disposed as he wanted them in
his system, for each dissonant chord, on the notes where these chords are
placed according to the tonal principle. For example, the chord of the
minor seventh with a minor third,the eternal stumbling-block of all the
If
A "sonorous body" is theacoustical phenomenon in which the funda
mental tone is accompanied by itsovertones in a harmonic ratio,
^Nouveau syst&me de musique theorique ou l’on decouvre le principe

de toutes les rfegles necessalres k la pratique, pour servlr drintroduction
au TraitS d’harmonle (Paris: Ballard, 1726;j generation Harmonique. oil
Tralte de musique theorique et pratique (Paris! |Prault j, 1737)f Demon
stration du principe de 1*harmonique, servant de base a toute l*art
musicals theorique et pratique (Paris: Durand, 1750)I Nouvelles reflexions
|_de M, fy»»eauj sur la Demonstration du principe de l'harmonie (Paris:
Durand, 1752).
96
false harmonic systems, this chord, I say, which we commonly call the
•
'’seventh chord on the second degree" because It is formed on the second
note of a major scale (d-f-a-c), could not arise from the minor perfect
chord of this second note, because he knew very well that in the system
of modern tonality this chord does not occur on the note from which it
is set into motion. He was thus obliged to take, for the origin of this
"chord of the minor seventh with a minor third," the perfect minor chord
of the sixth degree (a-c~e), so that his seventh chord (a-crl-s) seems to
be connected to this last note.
By operating in this manner for most of the dissonant chords,
Hameau was obliged to consider these chords as isolated occurrences,
and to separate all of the rules of succession and tonal resolutions
established in previous treatises of accompaniment and composition.
Because these rules, consistent with the natural laws of tonality, assign
certain positions to the chords, they were incompatible with the doctrine
of the generation of chords by the superposition or supposition of thirds.
Such, then, was the radical vice of the harmonic system conceived by
Rameauj it consisted of destroying the rules of sequency based on aural
impression, although it might be qualified as arbitrary, in order to
substitute a certain order of generation, fascinating for its regular
aspect, but the effect of which was to leave all the harmonic groups
isolated and without connection.
Too good a musician not to understand that after having rejected
the rules of the succession and resolution of chords incompatible with
his system he had to supply some new rules which would not be contrary,
Rameau conceived his theory of "fundamental bass," the system of which
97
he set forth in the second article of the eighteenth chapter of his
Tralte de l'harmonie. This article was captioned "The way to compose
a fundamental "bass underneath every kind of music.
The fundamental bass in Rameau's system is only a means of verify
ing the harmonic regularity and not an actual bass; this is why he pointed
2
out that one ought not to stop writing successions of consecutive octaves
or fifths,3* The principle rules of this bass are (l) to form harmony
with the other parts, there can only be perfect chords on the tonic, fourth
degree, dominant, and sixth degree; and seventh chords on the dominant and
second degree. During certain successions of the fundamental bass, it was
sometimes necessary to restore cadential action to this bass with a six-
five chord on the fourth degree moving to tonic. This difficulty led
Rameau to consider this chord on the fourth degree as a perfect chord,
to which one will sometimes add the sixth; he gave it the name "added
sixth," But considering the perfect identity of this chord with that of
the second degree which he designated as the grande sixbe, he also gave
the former the name chord of duplication f d*accord de double emplol], and
supposed that until it makes its resolution on the perfect chord of the
dominant, it is the grande sixte chord and is derived from the minor
seventh chord (Example a); that until it is followed by cadential action
towards tonic, it is the added sixth and fundamental chord (Example b).
^Rameau, Tralte de 1'harmonle, p, 13^.
2Ibid,. no. 7, p. 135,
3*According to Rameau, the fundamental bass of a chord is the tone

corresponding to the string length which, when divided harmonically, will
produce all the tones of the chord. Consequently successive fifths and
octaves are permissible in the fundamental bass, because they are not
occurring between composed voices.
98
a b.
=4-— z±-— :
fe— * ---- • 1 -fl-------
^ — «----- — -a
v 1 _A _______
Now, It Is evident that this so-called fundamental chord, which
one would not know how to compose of superlmposed or supposed thirds,
destroys the economy of Rameau's system from top to bottom| but such is
the effect of prejudice, that the inventor of the system of fundamental
bass deceived himself on this capital shortcoming, and that his partisans
did not even perceive it.
The other rules for the verification of harmony by the fundamental
bass were (3)^"* In every perfect chord on the tonic or dominant at
least one of the notes which composes the chord should be found in the
preceding chord, (4) The dissonance of a dominant seventh chord also
ought to have been heard in the preceding chord, (5) In the six-five
chord or the "added sixth," the bass, its third, or its fifth must have
been prepared in the preceding chord, but the dissonance formed by the
sixth against the fifth is free in its movement, (6) Every time the
dominant is heard as the fundamental bass it ought to descend a fifth or
rise a fourth* (7) When the fourth degree is in the fundamental bass,it
ought to rise a fifth or descend a fourth,
l'*For some unknown reason, (2) is omitted by Fetis,
99
These rules, given by Rameau for the formation of & hass different
from the actual bass of the music and for the verification of good employ
ment of the chords, could only be established by him in an arbitrary wayi
it would have been impossible to state a rational theory founded on the
very nature of harmony. Moreover, they have several essential defects
which all the inventor's sagacity was not able to rectify. One was the
inadequacy of these rules for a number of circumstances, an inadequacy
that has become much more apparent since a great quantity of harmonic
combinations unknown in Rameau's time have been introduced into music.
But it is not only for their inadequacy that the rules of fundamental
bass fall short, it is also in their contradistinction to tonal gravities
and to the judgement of the ear in most of the successions. According to
this doctrine, several of these successions have been rejected, in spite
of musical instinct and the laws of tonality. Thus according to the
fourth rule, the dissonance of a dominant seventh chord or its derivatives
must have been prepared by the preceding chord, whereas what distinguishes
these natural dissonant chords from dissonances by prolongation is precisely
that they could be attacked without preparation. Following the fifth rule,
the bass, the third, or the fifth ought to have been prepared, while the
dissonant sixth is free in its attack. Now in this chord it is not at all
the sixth which is the dissonance, but the fifth, and the pecularity of
this dissonant fifth is precisely of being able to be employed only with
preparation, while the bass and the third are free. Moreover, the specified
succession of this six-five chord to the perfect tonic chord is not good,
and although it has been employed in these times by Beethoven and some
other musicians of the German school, it is, nevertheless, a harmonic
100
absurdity since the dissonance has no resolution.
The doctrine of the fundamental bass was, in the origin of Rameau's
idea, only an accessory* or, if you will, a complement of his harmonic
system. In the sequel when this great musician became enthusiastic for
the phenomenon of the production of the perfect chord in the resonance of
a sonorous body of a large dimension,1* he feels somewhat embarrassed about
the subject of the perfect minor chord when the experiments had not found
the product at all in this phenomenon, A little self-satisfaction for his
theory of fundamental bass has made him contrive the double emplol of the
six-five chord. A condescension analogous to his new ideas made him
discover^ some quivering or other of aliquot parts^* of the sonorous body
which produced to a weaker degree this minor perfect chord which he needed.^*
•*-*Rameau appears to have studied the acoustical theories of Mersenne

and Sauveur before wilting the sequel.
^Demonstration de •principe de l'harmonle. [jpp. 6kff/]»
3*An "aliquot part" is that part which will measure the whole without
a remainder— an exact divisor. Thus k is an aliquot of either 12 or 16,
whereas 5 would be an "aliquant part" of 12 or 16,
^*Rameau's explanation is rather confusing. He says, "The minor

third then will be of necessity generated from the difference cf the
effect between it and the major.
"The ear also indicates clearly the operations of the principal

generator C in this circumstancef it chooses there, itself, a fundamental
sound, which becomes subordinated to it. . . .
"In forming the minor third of this new fundamental sound, that one
judges must be the sound A, the principle C still gives its major third
for a fifth. . . . This new fundamental sound that one can regard in this
case as generator of its mode is not a generator except by subordination!
it is forced to follow, in all points, the law of the first generator,
which cedes to it its place only in this creation, in order to occupy there
that which is the most important," (Demi>nstratlon, pp. 70-71.)
101
As a matter of fact, he would have been able to find many other resonances
and quiverings in a sonorous body of fixed shape and dimensions, but I
will demonstrate elsewhere that these have no coincidence with the real
system of harmony. However that may be, we noticed from that time on
that Bameau insisted less than he had formerly on his doctrine of the
generation of chords by the combination of thirds, while his system of
fundamental bass pleased him more each day. Therefore it was this part
of what he called "his discoveries" which were most successful, Many
people who did not understand his theory of the generation of chords set
forth in the Tralte de l'harmonle were enthused over the fundamental bass,
by means of which they believed they learned "composition," thanks to
some short formulas.
One observation which has escaped all the critics who spoke about
the fundamental bass system is that, even in admitting his rules as
infallible and conforming to what we call the laws of tonality and our
musical consciousness, they would not have been able to take the place of
the older practical rules, because the application of the latter gives
some immediate results, whereas the fundamental bass was only a means for
verifying the faults which had been made,
Notwithstanding the radical shortcomings of the various parts of
Rameau’s system, it is none the less true that this system could only be
the work of a superior man, and that it will always be noteworthy in the
According to Krehbiel (James W. Krehbiel, "Harmonic Principles of

Jean-Philippe Rameau and his Contemporaries” £unpublished Ph.D. disserta
tion, Indiana University, 1964], pp. 51-52) the fundamental C is using one
of its overtones to produce an interval which is foreign to the original
fundamental. Yet Rameau does not explain how A becomes a generator, even
a "subordinate" generator. Is the implication an arithmetical derivation
of the generator A from E?
102
history of the art as a creation of a genius. There isr moreover, in
this system an idea which alone would immortalize its author, might he
otherwise not have any titles to famei I wish to speak of the considera
tion for the inversion of chords which belongs to him, and which is
fruitful in favorable results. Without it, no system of harmony is
possible! it is a general idea which can be applied to all good theory,
and which can be considered the basic foundation of the science.
103
CHAPTER II
THE RESULTS OF THE CREATION OF A HARMONIC SYSTEM
Each era has its tendencies in every matter) we observe that the
need to search for a theoretical base for harmonic practice was a pre
occupation of the eighteenth-century musicians and scholars, and that
this general tendency became more pronounced immediately following the
publication of Rameau*s Nouveau system de musique theorique in 1726. The
first who rushed into this research was the illustrious geometrician Euler.
If it is true, as Forkel says and as I have repeated on his authority, that
a first edition of his Essai d*une nouvelle theorie de la musique^ was
published in 1729 in St. Petersburg, he was only 15 years old when this
book appeared) I only know the edition which he put out in 1739* Even
then he was considered one of Europe's greatest mathematicians, and his
admirable intellectual proficiency appeared in several academic memoires
and in his Mecanique analytique. Using as a point of departure the
principle expressed by Leibnitz, that music is an arithmetic secret of
sound relations that man makes without realization, he concluded from this
that the most simple ratios are those which ought to please more, because
they are more easily understood) he formulated some tables of degrees of
■'•Leonhard Euler, Tentamen novae theoriae ausicae ex csrtissimis

harmoniae principlls dilucidae exposltae (St. Petersburg, 1739)•
Charles Smith refutes the existence of this alleged edition with

the following statement* "Euler had almost completed the Tentamen in 1731.
about eight years before publication. This information plus a succinct
statement of purpose is contained in a letter (pa) May, 1731 to Daniel
Bernoulli, . . . " ("Leonhard Euler, Tentamen npyae theoriae musicae,
trans. and commentary"by Charles Samuel Smith [Ûnpublished Ph.D. disserta
tion, Indiana University, i960], p. 8.)
1<&
the agreeableness of the harmonic relations of sound based on the numbers
which serve to express these relations* Trying to prove through the
phenomenon of sight what happens In the audition of two tones, he
establishes that the sensation of the unisonr expressed by the ratio 1*1,
produces the aural effect of perfect orderr because the vibrations of
two sounds which give this impression to our perception occur in our mind
as two lines of dots corresponding perfectly*
1* • * * ? *;* » *. * * * . * * ratio Of the

1 * . * * ** * * * * * * * * * * * UnlSOn
The ratios of the single octaver double, triple, etc, octave also
strike the mind with a feeling of order, but not that of identity, because
the vibrations of a sound located an octave above another is double in
number, and they increase in the same proportion from octave to octave,
so that the sensation produced in the ear by these octaves is in proportion
to what strikes the eyes from the sight of these figures*
2 , * * . , , . . . * * * * * * * * first
1. * * * * * * * * octave
**• * * • , * * * * * * ■ » « * * * « second
1 * * * * , octave
The ratios 2*1, 4*1.etc*.thus constitute, following Euler's doctrine,
the second and third degree of agreeableness of the harmonic relations of
tones because of the proportional facility which the mind has to comprehend
these ratios.
105
This facility diminishes progressively in the same proportion that
the ratios become complicated] the complication is as great as the first
numbers which express these ratios rise further* For example? the ratio
3t2, which is that of the fifth? already presents a disorder of vibrations
to the ear where identity is restored only at each third vibration of one
part, and at each fourth of the other] for the eyes, the effect corresponds
to lines of dots disposed in this orderi
ratio of the
2 * * * * * * * * * * * fifth
Euler placed this ratio in the fourth degree of harmonic agree
ableness .
The identity becomes more infrequent and the ratio is more difficult
to grasp, if the proportion is 4*3r i»e»? if the two tones form the inter
val of the fourth* Euler likens the sensation which results from this
interval to what produces for the eye two lines of dots disposed in this
way:
4 . * . * * . , * * * , . * r * . * ratio of the
3 * ** • * * * . * . * • * fourth
Euler places this ratio in the fifth degree of harmonic agree
ableness*
The proportion of the major third (5*^0t placed by Euler in the
seventh degree of agreeableness, ought to? according to him, give the ear
a sensation analogous to that which produced the ratio of two lines of
106
dots disposed in this order for the eye*
5 ratio of the
4 major third
Here a difficulty which seemed radical and destructive to the
theory of the agreeahleness of the intervals of tones based on the
simplicity of numerical ratios, and which clearly clashes with the rules
of the art, turns up* Every musician who will consult the ear will
state that the major third and even the minor, of which the ratio is 6*5
and which occupied the eighth degree of agreeahleness in Euler*s system,
affects a much more agreeable sensation than the fourth. From that come
the rules which, in counterpoint or simple two-voice composition, admit
the thirds among the best unions of two tones and banish the fourth.
This is not the only anomaly which the classification of the union
of two tones by degrees of agreeableness based on numerical ratios presents,
because Euler ranks not only the minor third, expressed by the ratio 6*5,
in the eighth degree, but the major second (9*8) which, as one knows, is
a dissonance, and the minor sixth (8*5)* Euler foresaw the objections
which would arise against his system in this regard} he believed that he
refuted them with the following paragraphs*
I have already said that contained under the name chords are
those which are commonly called consonances and dissonances. With
the help of our method, we will be able to assign, to a certain
extent, the bounds which separate these two categories of chords}
for the dissonances belong to the higher degrees of agreeableness,
and we consider as consonances the chords which belong to the
lower degrees. Thus, the tone £major second], created from two
tones having an 8*9 ratio and belonging to the eighth degree, is
Included among the disonances, while that of the ditone or major
107
third* with a 4:5 ratio and appearing in the seventh degree, is

considered a consonance. However it does not follow that the
dissonances ought to be thought of as starting from the eighth
degree, because in this same degree are included the ratios 5*6
and 5*8, which are not considered as dissonances.
If the matter is examined attentively, one will recognize

that the difference between the consonances and dissonances lies
not only in the ease of perception of the sought-for ratio, but
that it ought to be considered in the whole process of composition.
The chords whose use is less advantageous in music are called dis
sonances, even though they are easier to perceive than some other
degrees among the consonances. This is why the tone 8i9 is included
with the dissonances, and some other chords of a higher proportion
are considered as consonances. This is the same way that one
explains why the fourth, with a 3:4 ratio, is taken by musicians as
a dissonance rather than as a consonance, although there is no doubt
that it can be easily perceived.^ (Frftis* italics.)
The weakness of the illustrious geometrician's greasoning here is
obvious. One of two things [is true]: either the criterion of his theory is
"Jam monui, me hie sub consonantiae nomine tam consonantias, quam

dissonantias vulgc sic dictas complecti. Ex tabula autem apposita et
methodo nostra limites quodammodo definlrl posse vldentur. Dissonantiae
enim ad altiores pertinent gradus, et pro consonantiis habentur, quae ad
lnferiores gradus pertinent. Ita tonus, qui constat sonis rationem 8:9
habentibus, et ad octavum gr&dum est relatus, cLissonantiis annumeratur,
ditonus vero seu tertia maior ratione 4:5 contentus, qui ad septimum
gradum pertinent, consonantiis, Neque tamen ex his octavus gradus initium
potest const!tul dissonantiarumj nam in eodem continentur rationes 5*6,
et 5*8, quae cLissonantiis non accensentur.
"Hanc rem antem attentius perpendenti constabit dissonantiarum et

consonantiarum rationem non in sola perceptionis facilitate esse
quaerendam, sed etiam ad totam componendi rationem spectari debere.
Quae enim consonantiae in concentibus minus commode adhiberi possunt,
eae dissonantiarum nomine sunt appellatae, etiamsi forte facilius
percipiantur, quam aliae, quae ad consonantias referuntur. Atque haec
est ratio, cur tonus 8:9 dissonantiis annumeretur, et aliae multo magis
compositae consonantiae pro consonantiis habeantur. Simili modo ex hoc
explicandum est, cur quarta seu diatessaron sonis rationem 3*4 habentibus
constans a musicis ad dissonantias potius quam ad consonantias referatur,
cum tamen nullum sit dubin, quin ea admodum facile perclpi queat."
(Euler, Tentamen novae theoriae musicae, ch. iv, pars. 14, 15, pp.
62-63.)
108
universal, or it is not. In the first instance it would have a true
value, hut he destroys it when he contradicts himself immediately after
fcha introduction of the system! what more flagrant contradiction of the
principle of harmonic agreeahleness hased on the simplicity of the ratio
of tones than to see the harsh dissonance of the major second put in
the same degree as the minor third, consonance of repose, and the minor
sixth, suspensive consonance of conclusion? In vain Euler pretends to
explain this anomaly hy saying that the chords whose use is less advan
tageous in music ("quae enim consonantiae in concentihus minus commode
adhiheri possunt") are called dissonances ("eae dissonantiarum nomine
sunt appellatate"), even though they are easier to perceive than some
other degrees among the consonances ("etiamsi forte facilius percipiantur,
quam aliae, quae ad consonantias referuntur"). This opposition of
experience with principle is its condemnation. Notice^ moreover, that
the statement of Euler's theory is in such absolute terms that even he
is not able to deal with this result. This is how he expresses it:
Several simple sounds heard together constitute the composite

sound we call accord. . , .
To find the agreeableness in a chord, it is imperative that

the relationship which exists between the simple tones which com
pose it be perceived. And since here one is not concerned with
the duration of the sounds, the pleasure will consist only in the
perception of their differences with respect to lowness and high
ness, Now, since the lowness and the highness of sounds are
measured by the number of vibrations produced in the same time,
it is evident that those who are conscious of the mutual relation
ship of these numbers will also perceive the agreeableness of the
chord.
We have previously established that sounds can be repre

sented by the number of vibrations produced by each in the
specified time, i.e., that their quantity, determined by the
109
degree of lowness or highness, is measured "by these numbers* For

a pleasing chordr it is necessary that the ratio which occurs
between the quantities of simple sounds or between the sounds them
selves r by considering them as numbers, be perceived* In this way
we reduce the perception to the cognition of numbers* « ■ *
By applying these precepts, it will be easy to assign to the

perception of each chord a certain degree of agreeableness, which
will be known by how much ease or difficulty the chord can be
comprehended.
I do not believe I am in any need of having to prove what contra
diction exists between these paragraphs and those which have been cited
previously* I will continue the analysis of the system set forth in
Tentamen novae theoriae musicaei
The classification of chords of three or more sounds,

following their degrees of agreeableness can be done in the same
manner as those chords of two sounds| thus it is superfluous to
give new explanations on this subject. Only it is advisable to
^"Plures soni simplices simul sonantes constituunt sonum compositum,

quern hie consonantiam appellabius, . » •
"Quo igitur buiusmodi consonantia placeat, oportet, ut ratio, quam

soni slmplicos earn constltuentes inter se tenent, percipiatur* Quia autem
hie duratio sonorum non spectatur, sola varietatls, quae in sonorum
gravitate et acumine inest, perceptio 1stam suavitatem continebit*
Quamobrem, cum gravitas et acumen sonorum ex pulsuum eodem tempore editorum
numero sint mensuranda, perspicuum est, qui horum numerorum mutuam
relationem comprehendat, eundem suavitatem consonantiae sentlre debere*
"Supra autem iam constituimus ipsos sonos per pulsuum, quos dato
tempore conficiunt, numeros exprlmere, ex hocque sonorum quantitatem seu
tenorem, qui gravitatis et acuminis ratione continetur, metiri. Quo
itaque proposita consonantia placeat, necesse est ut ratio, quam sonorum
simplicium quantitates, seu ipsi soni (sonos enim tanquam quantitates
consideramus) inter se tenent, percipiatur* Hoc igitur modo conson-
antiarum perceptionem ad numerorum contemplationem revocamus* * * «
"Facile igitur erit consonantiae cuiusvis perceptionem ad certum

suavitatis gradum reducere, ex quo apparebit, utrum facile an difficile
et insuper quo gradu proposita consonantia meute comprehendatur* * * ."
(ibid.* chw iv, pars. 1-4, [jpp, 56-583*)
110
note that the simplest chord of three sounds belongs to the third
degree of agreeahlenessj It Is composed of the tones 1*2*4, and
its exponent^* is 4. It is apparent from this, that the more
tones of which a chord is composed, the higher the degree of
agreeahleness of the chord £i.e,r the more the agreeahleness
decreases]], even if it is the simplest genre of s o u n d , 2
If there is nothing to object to in the contents of this paragraph
with respect to the mathematical principle, since it is apparent that
each added tone complicates the comparison of ratios* it is none the less
true that, as a result of this very paragraph, there is a new proof that
the principle is in opposition with, under the ratio of agreeahleness,
which experience demonstrates) because in a chord composed of consonances,
for example, the doubling of all its tones in various octaves, from the
lowest to the highest, is one of the most fascinating and most powerful
harmonic effects. The least experienced amateur musician is sensitive
to this effect.
Nothing is more difficult for a musician than to explain the
objective which Euler proposed in what follows the above paragraph*
I will not concern myself any further with the division of

the chords which have just been discussed, because I am going to
make use of another, both more suitable and useful, namely their
division into complete and incomplete, I call a chord complete
1*
An exponent is the smallest integer into which all of these
can be divided equally, hence the least common multiple#
2"Trlsonarum et multisonarum consonantiarum secundum suavitatis

gradus enumeratio simili modo perficietur, quo bisonarum, ita ut
superfluum esset tarn abunde de iis explicare. Id tantum animadvert!
convenit simplicissimam consonantiam trisonam ad gradum suavitatis
tertium pertinere sonisque 1*2*4 constare, cuius exponens est 4, Ex quo
intelligitur, ex quo plurlbus sonis consonantia sit compos!ta, earn ad eo
altiorem quoque suavitatis gradum pertinere, etiamsi sit in suo genera
simplicissima." (Euler, ch, iv, []par, 20], p, 65.)
Ill
if no other tone can be added without raising its degree of agree

ableness [i.e., without the agreeahleness decreasing]r or without
its exponent becoming larger. Such is the chord composed of the
wounds 1*2x3*6r which has 6 for an exponent* by adding any new
tone, the exponent rises* On the other handr a chord is incomplete
whenr to the tones which compose it, one or more can be added
without increasing the exponent. For example, the chord 1*2*3
does not raise its exponent even if one adds the sound 6.1 (Fetisr
italics*)
What Euler calls a "complete chord" is composed of a fundamental
tone, its octave, the fifth and its octave, and the doubling of this
fifth, because these are the tones which correspond to 1*2*3*6* whereas
the chord can be complete in the meaning attached to this expression in
music only by adding the third to these sounds. But it is evident that
the chord called "perfect" by musicians is, following the theory of the
celebrated geometrician, placed in a degree a long way from the point of
absolute agreeableness, which is found only in the ratio 1x1. Imagine a
chord composed of c-e-g-c, and we will find combined there (l) the 2*1
ratio which is that of the octave* (2) 3*2 for the fifth c-g* (3) ^*3 for
the fourth g-£* (4) 5*^ for the major third c-e* (5) 6*3 for the minor
third e-g* and finally (6) 8*5 for the minor sixth e-c. And if by
chance the chord has its third doubled, as in c-e-g-c-e, it will be
necessary to add to all of the preceding established ratioB that of 5*3
Eo autem magis hanc consonanuiartim divisionem ulterius non

persequor, cum aliam multo aptiorem st utiliorem divisionem sim allaturus,
quae fit in completas et incompletas consonantias. Voco autem consonantiam
completam, ad quam nullus sonus superaddi potest, quin simul ipsa con
sonantia ad altiorum gradum sit referenda* seu eius exponens fiat magis
composltusi huius modi est consonantia sonis 1*2*3*6 constans, cuius
exponens est 6* Superaddito enim quocunque novo sono exponens flet
maior. Consonantia contra incompleta mihi est, ad quam unum vel plures
sonos adilcere licet, citra exponentis multiplicationem* ut huius
consonantiae 1*2*3 exponens non fit maior, etiamsi sonus 6 addatur,
quamobrem earn incompletam voco," (ibid*, ch, iv, [par. 2l], p. 65.)
112
for the major sixth g~e. Now, it is precisely to retain the simplest
possible ratios that Euler composed his chord in this combination,
1 s2 i3 j 6, in lieu of I:2i3»4i6>1* because he wanted to have the greatest
degree of agreeableness possible, he avoided the complication of the kij
ratio, which is that of the fourth g-c, According to this, when we
judge the excessive complication of all these combined ratios and of the
separation, the perfect chord, composed of all its intervals and their
doublings, ought to be in the first degree of agreeableness!
Such is the inevitable result of the agreeableness of harmony
founded on the simplicity of numerical ratios. Fascinating at first sight
because it seems to have something philosophical, the initial idea of this
theory does not support the development of its consequences. But before
an opinion about the worth of Euler's system can be formulated, it is
imperative to consider it in its other applications, I am going to proceed
to this examination, and I will continue to restrict myself to pointing out
that this system is the most complete negation Imaginable of the reality
which Rameau, as we saw (Gazette muslcale, no, 40), finally summed up in
the production of the harmonic intervals of the perfect chord through the
resonance of large sonorous bodies. Following Rameau, the objective fact
in harmony is identical with the subjective conscience, while according
to Euler's doctrine, the aggregations of sounds are only some fortuitous
constructions to which we only consciously gave numerical ratios; and the
feeling of the harmonic ratio of sounds grows weaker in the same
The inclusion of k raises the exponent to 2k, and hence to the

sixth degree of agreeableness, as opposed to the fourth. The inclusion
of 5 would raise the exponent to 60 and move it into the seventh degree
of agreeableness.
113
proportion that these ratios become complicated and lose their simplicity.
It is this prevailing idea, the premise of all his system, which
has not permitted him to deal Hith the construction of truly complete
chords, according to musical sense, in the chapter of his book devoted
precisely to this aim* His scale of degrees of agreeableness is already
so high for simple chords of two tones admitted by the ear with pleasure,
that for him the construction of chords of three and four distinct notes
had seemed a source of intolerable confusion for hearing, as well as
complexlng for the mind, I admit that I am not able to explain why this
circumstance did not enlighten him on the lack of his principle if, as
Mr. Fuss (his son-in-law and biographer) said, music was one of Euler's
principal pastimes| it is true that he added that when cultivating it,
Euler brought all of his geometrical mind to it. It is very likely this
mind, which conceived nothing if it was not in the form of computation,
and which absorbed the pure feeling of harmony with Euler, put his
intelligence at variance with his ear.
In spite of the insurmountable difficulties which he encountered for
the construction of his chords by subjecting them to his scale of agree
ableness, he dares to treat the laws of the succession of two chords in
the fifth chapter of his book. The incisiveness, the precision of his
mind had made him see that the succession of harmonies ought to be one of
the causes of the pleasure which it procures, as well as the composition
of the chordsf and in that he had seen farther than Rameau, whose views
had only spanned the combinations of isolated chord.
The order which we follow demands that we investigate now

what will be the nature of two tones or two chords which succeed
114
one another, so that the condition of pleasure he fulfilled.

Because, to obtain an agreeable succession of sounds or chords
for the ear, it Is not sufficient that each of them please
individuallyj moreover, it is necessary that they have a certain
relationship for one another, that can best be defined only by
calling it an affinity. (FStis* italics.)
Nothing is more true nor more thought-provoking than this passage |
to see it singly, we would believe that the writer had preceded or sur
passed his century in the theory of music, and that he had penetrated its
secret} but before long disenchantment arrives. And at first, instead of
beginning to examine the succession in the two sounds of which he spoke
and to build a scale of these sounds, i.e., the scale or rather the scales,
he enters into the subject with chords} if he speaks of the isolated
sounds of which they are composed, it is only to consider the particular
numbers to establish the ratio of the succession. After having said
(chap. v, par. 2) that in order to know with what facility a succession
can be evaluated, it is necessary to express the simple sounds which make
a part of it by the numbers which represent them, and to form the smallest
multiple} next, to find this multiple in his table of degrees of agree
ableness, and that degree which will correspond will make known how much
ability is necessary to perceive the proposed succession. He arrives at
this necessary, but monstrous for a musician's intelligence, conclusion
in his systemi
"Hoc igitur capite ordo requirit, ut investigemus, cuius modi esse

debeant duo soni vel duae consonantiae, quae se invicem sequentes atque
successive sonantes suaves sint perceptu* Non enim ad suavitatem
successionis sufficit, ut utraqu9 consonantia seorsim sit grata; sed
praeterea quandam affectionem mutuam hebere debent, quo etiam ipsa
successio aures permulceat, sensuique auditus placeat»" (Euler, ch. v,
Cpar. l], p. 77.)
115
For this, the two chords which compose the succession

ought to he considered as if they sound togetheri the exponent
of the composite chord which arises from this hypothesis will
indicate the degree of agreeahleness to which the succession
itself is raised,-*- (Fetis* italics,)
Leaving aside the impossibilities that a similar conclusion
necessarily includes with the musical ratio, Euler*s embarrassment
becomes evident in realizing the inevitable consequences of his system,
because he contradicts himself twice on the same page. As a matter of
fact, it is easy to understand that if the calculation of ratios becomes
complicated with respect to a single chord, it is more so in the combina
tion of the ratios of two chords. This consideration led the great
geometrician to express himself thus*
Just as the simplest chord of three tones is more difficult

to perceive than the simplest blsona, so the difficulty of per
ceiving any chord, be it the simplest of its kind, will be
increased with the number of tones which compose it. Nonetheless,
the agreeableness of multi-tone chords will not only be equal to,
but will surpass that of a simple tone or that of a chord which
would be created from only two tones, (Fetis* italics,)
A little farther on these words are found* "However it can not
be denied that the simpler the exponent of a succession of two tones,
-^"Ambae igitur consonantiae successionis tanquam simul sonantes

considerari debebunt, huiusque consonantiae compositae exponens
declarabit, quam suavis et perceptu facilis sit ipsa [consonantiarunQ
successio," (ibid,, ch, v, par, 3r Cp * 77l«)
^"Quemadmodum enim simplicissima consonantia trisona magis est

composita, quam simplicissima blsona) ita ex quo pluribus sonis constet
consonantia, magis etiam erit composita, etiamsi sit simplicissima in
suo genere. Hoc tamen non obstante suavitas non solum eadem, sed etiam
maior percipitur ex consonantiis duobus tantem sonis constantibus,"
(ibid., ch. v, par. 5, [pp. 77-78].)
116
the easier it is to comprehend the order which governs it, Now, if the
fundamental principle of all Euler’s system was that the agreement which
results from harmony is a corollary of the simplicity of ratios, this
last passage is in flagrant contradiction with the preceding,
I shall not examine the laws of the succession of chords according
to this theory any further} what we have seen will suffice to make clear
to what results it is hound to lead, I still have to expose the forma
tion, from this same theory, of what Euler calls "genres of music." The
eighth chapter of Tentamen novae theoriae muslcae, where he has dealt
with this subject, is one of the most curious of the work.
Euler calls "genre of music" a system of composition where one
would make use of only certain pre-determined chords. Thus the first
genre, according to him,contains no harmony at all other than the octave|
but owing to its very great simplicity, it is not employed. The second
genre of music is that which contains only the tones 1, 3r and their
multiples, i.e., the fifth, octave, and their doublings, "By representing
the lowest tone with 3» the form of the harmony will be 3*4i6 (£-£-&) t
where the lower interval is the fourth, and the upper interval is the
fifth," (Ch. viii, par. 14.) He adds that this genre is still very
simple and that it has never been employed} but in this he is deceived,
because the diaphony of the tenth and eleventh century was nothing else.
The third genre is that in which the sound 5» i.e., the major third,
is introduced into the harmony, but without preserving the sound 3r which
■^"Interim tamen negari non potest, quo simplicior fuerit successionis

duarum consonantiarum exponens, eo facilius etiam ipsam successionem et
ordinem, qui in ea inest percipi." (ibid,, ch. v, par, 7, Qp, 78].)
117
is the fifth, so that the chords there are composed of only the third and
the octave* Apropos of this novel harmonic element, Euler makes this
remarki
Until our day we have admitted into music only the chords
whose exponents are composed of the prime factors 2, 3 and 5f la
fact, in the formation of chords, musicians have not gone beyond
the number 5«^*
A century before Euler, Descartes had said in his Compendium
muslcaei
Bursus possum dividers lineam A 3 in quatuor partes vel

in quinque vel in sex, nec ulterius fit divisioi quia, scilicet,
aurium imbeclllitas sine labors majores sonorum differentias non
posset dlstinquere.2
This principle which is still held by many geometric theoreticians
had been refuted by Euler himself about 30 years after the publication of
his Tentamen novae theoriae muslcae in his Memoirs entitled "Conjecture
sur la raison de quelques dissonances generalement regues dans la musique,"
inserted into the anthology of the Academy of Berlin (1764)* This
Memoire purported to discover the principles of the rational construction
of the dominant seventh chord (g-b-d-f) and of the six-five (f-a-c-d) »
After having remarked that the character of the chord &-b-d-f is contained
in the ratio of b, expressed by the number 45, with f represented by the
number 64, he points out that the latter number undergoes a modification
1*
"In Musica ad hunc usque diem aliae consonantiae non sunt receptae,
nisi quarum exponentes constant numeris primis dolis 2, 3 et 5, adeo ut
musici ultra quinarlum in formandis consonantiis non processerint," (ibid,,
ch» viii, par. 15.)
^Descartes, pp, 12-13.
118
through the attractive affinity of the intervalj and he adds (par. 13)
that the ear substitutes 63 and 64, so that all the numbers of the chord
are divisible by 9, such a way that (par. 14), for the audition of the
tones g-b-d-f, expressed by the numbers 36 *45 *54*64, we think we hear
36*45*54*63 which, reduced to simplest terms, gives 4:5»6s7«^* Euler
terminates his MemoIre with this outstanding paragraph!
It is commonly contended that only the proportions composed

of the three prime factors 2, 3 and 5 are employed in musicf the
great Leibnitz has already remarked that in music we still have
not learned to count beyond 5» a remark which is unquestionably
just for string instruments following harmonic principles. But
if my conjecture is founded, we can say that today in composition
we count up to 7r and that the ear is already accustomed to iti
it is a new genre of music which is being employed and which was
unknown to the ancients. In this genre the chord 4*5*6*7 is the
most complete harmony, since it includes 2, 3, 5 and 71 hut it is
also more complex than the perfect chord in the common genre,
which contains only 2, 3 and 5« * » «2* (Fetis* italics.)
Euler returned to the same subject in his Memoirs. "Du
veritable caract&re de la musique modems" (Academy of Berlin,
1764)r and confirmed his conjecture by some extensive theoretical
^ Euler, believing that the ear is not capable of perceiving

complicated proportions (e.g., 36*45*54*64 or 2° x 3^ x 5)» finds his
justification for alteration in equal-tempered tuning. "In equal
temperament where all of the 12 intervals of an octave are equal, there
are no exact consonances except the octavest the fifth there is
expressed by the irrational proportion of 1* , which Is somewhat
different from that of 3*2. Nevertheless, . . . the ear is not jarred
by this irrational proportion, and hearing the interval G*G does not
fail to perceive a fifth, or the proportion 3*2." ("Conjecture sur la
raison de quelques dissonances generalement recues dans la musique," in
Memories de l rAcademle Berlin. XX [[17643, 168.)
2*Ibid., p. 173*
119
1*
developments. It is necessary to render justice to this great manf if
the fascinating hut false hypothesis on which he hullt his system led him
astray, and if his weak view of harmony caused him to construct some
intolerable aggregations of sounds in his chapter on genre of music, the
philosophy of this art is none the less indebted to him for the discovery
of a truth as irrefragable as new in the paragraphs of the Memolre I have
just cited. He was the first who saw that the character of modem music
resides in the dominant seventh chord and that itB determining ratio lies
in the number 7l but until today his words have not been understood. This
ratio constitutes the genre which I have named transltonique, I will show
in my Philosophle de la muslque that the ordre plurltonlque, which is that
of actual music, raised its exponent to the prime factor 11, and that the
ultimate limits will be attained in the ordre omnltonlque when the exponent
will be raised to 15, I have already indicated this in some of my articles
on this philosophy, notably in the outline of my work (Gazette musicale,
1840, p, 4) in the fourth paragraph of the second book,
I will not begin an examination of the bizarre and inadmissible
combinations of the various genres of music exposed by Euler in his
Tentamen novae theoriae musicae, because all of these things are actually
incompatible with the true art. But I will remark that before having found
the important truth of which I have just spoken (with reference to the
numerical expression of the dominant seventh ratios), it was impossible
1*
To recognize seventh chords, particularly the dominant seventh,
as more consonant and thus give them a lower ratio, Euler uses the seventh
partial as well as the second, third and fifth to derive scales. Beginning
on F and using the formula 2n ,3^»5^,7r Euler derives a 24 tone chromatic
scalei he calls the 12 new tones tons strangers.
120
for him to give the exact formation of the diatonic-chromatic genre , the
eighteenth of his table, which he correctly considered as characteristic
of modern tonality.
Here I have to stop the analysis of this system, the first to be
produced after that of Bameau, In spite of the illustrious name of its
author, it has remained unrecognized, and I think I can affirm that until
today no musician, not even one of those who has made the theory of this
art the object of his studies, has either known or understood,-*-* although
copies are not scarce. Only d'Alembert expressed a somewhat favorable
opinion of this system in a note placed among his mathematical works. It
is probably of this note that Mr, Puss (Euler’s biographer), erudite
geometrician and president of the Imperial Academy of Science in St.
Petersburg, wished to speak when he put it this way,
This principle of the inadequacy (the one of agreeableness

procured by the harmony) of the simplicity of numerical ratios has
been accused correctly; but since no mathematician is able to sub
ordinate the relative qualities of the sound to the stringency of
his calculations, it is difficult to prove the solidity of it.
Granted this principle, we would be obliged to acknowledge that
it is impossible to make better use of it, nor to reason with
more solidity and penetration. Besides, all the objections
against this principle are not liable to do harm to the actual
work; they could only be inclined to regard it as a perfect
edifice in all its parts, but built upon shifting terrain* while
admiring the competency of the architect, they would lament not
having been able to construct it on a more solid base.
This conclusion is precisely that one at which we arrive after an
attentive and intelligent study of Euler’s work. It Is an important
^•*Fuss said, "Euler's Tentamen novae theorlae muslcae had no

great success, as it contained too much geometry for musicians, and too
much music for geometers." N. Fuss quoted in Robert E, Moritz, Memora
bilia Mathematica or The Philomath's Quotation Book (New York* KacMlllian
Co., 1914), P. 156.
121
subject of reflections on the employment of mathematics In the theory of
music, although the complete disappointment of a greater intellect which
had overcome so many other difficult subjects.
Once the thought occurred of the possibility of an exact and
complete theory of harmony, we see systems of every kind presented as the
realisations of this thought) they followed one another rapidly. After
those of Bameau and Euler came the one which the celebrated violinist
Tartini set forth in a book titled Trattato dl muslca secondo la vera
sclenza dellrarmonla (Padua* [[stamperio del Seminario]r 175**, 175 PP»)»
This book is divided into six chapters, the contents of which follow*
(l) "Of harmonic phenomena* their nature and their usage") (2) "Of the
circlet its nature and its use") (3) "Of the musical system* consonances,
dissonances, their nature and definition") (4) "Of the diatonic scale, of
practical musical genre* its origin, its usage, and its consequences")
(5) "Of the modes or ancient and modem keys") (6) "Of the intervals and
of the modulations of modem music."
One of the most remarkable phenomena of the human mind's lack of
consistency comes in this book, because there we can see a man acquainted
with all the secrets of his art search outside of the structure of this
art for the principles which serve as its basis, and wear himself out
^*Helmholtz believed that the fundamental problem in Euler's theory

was his failure to express how the mind " . . . contrives to perceive the
numerical ratios of two combined tones," Helmholtz endeavored to rectify
this deficiency in his investigations of the physiological processes, and
concluded that the human mind " . . . perceives only the physical effect
of these ratios, namely the continuous or intermittent sensation of the
auditory nerves." (Herman Helmholtz, On the Sensations of Tone, trans.
Alexander J. Ellis |_2d ed.) New York* Dover Publications, Inc., 195*0*
P. 231.)
^*Fetis is referring to Tartini’s physical-mathematical system as

evidenced by the harmonic, arithmetical, and geometric systems.
122
in barren efforts to draw them from a doubtful form, and from calculations
whose mechanism he did not know* Repelled by the obscurity which prevails
in all the work, the critics have reproached Tartini for not having
presented his ideas in a clear enough manner and attributed the lack of
clarity which they noticed to his style »•*•* With more attention, they
would have seen that the obscurity is in the ideas themselves, and that
if ingenious views are not lacking in the system which the author endeavored
to coordinate, rigorous liaison does not exist between them; finally, that
the results which he draws from them have no soundness at all.^* But do
not anticipate, and let us only say that Tartini’s system having exercised
no influence on the formation of a system of practical harmony, it will
suffice to give a succinct analysis of it here.
The first chapter of the Trattato dl musica contains an account of
the various phenomena of harmonic resonance as they had been observed by
his time. He accepts those harmonics forming the octave of the fifth and
the double octave of the third of the principal sound of a deep sonorous
body, and does not reject the resonance of the octaves and double octaves
1*
Recognizing that , there are many parts of the original very
complicated and difficult to comprehend*" Tartini’s follower, Benjamin
Stillingfleet, attempted to explain these principles "in a more easy way"
(p. iii) in Principles and Power of Harmony (Londons J, and H« Hughs, 1771),
^*In his remarks about Fetis’ critique of Tartini, Rubeli states,

"If Fetis maintains that not only Tartini’s manner of presentation, but
also his ideas are obscure and unclear, he certainly is not wrong. But
it is severely exaggerated when he accuses Tartini of not having correctly
understood his own methods of calculation, because the computations which
are contained in the Trattato are almost without exception correct,"
(Giuseppe Tartini, Traktat uber die Musik gemass der wahren Wlssenschaft
von der Harmonle, ubersetz und erlautert von Alfred Rubeli |_Dusseldorfi
Im Verlag der Gesellschaft zur Forderung der systematischen Musikwissen-
schaft e. V,, 1966], p, 28,)
123
of this sound, to the weakest degrees) hut he does not immediately draw
any conclusion from this fact. Moving ahead to the examination of the
natural tones produced hy the horn and the trumpet at the harmonic points
of the division of their tubes, he devotes himself to some reasonings and
to some hazardous conjectures to explain the conflicting results which
the production of harmonics give in the resonance of deep sonorous bodies,
and the progression generated hy these tuhes. Moreover, neither does
he draw any fundamental conclusion from this fact, and passes rapidly to
the examination of the harmonics produced hy the monochord called the
tromba marina. He deceives himself radically in this examination when he
affirms that hy lightly touching the point which cuts this string in half,
its harmonic can not be produced.-*-* If he worked out the experiment,
some extraordinary circumstance must have prevented the production of
this harmonic, the existence of which other tests have proven. All the
reasoning which he sets up on this fact thus fall wrongly. In addition,
he begins to hint here at his system according to which it would not he
the fundamental sound which would generate the harmonics, hut the combi
nation of the latter, from which the fundamental sound would result. And
for proof he took the organ stop called foumlture, where on each touch
^ Rubeli disagrees with this statement which Fetis attributes to

Tartini) Rubeli says, "Such an assertion, however, appears nowhere in
the entire first chapter, although it would fit later theoretical state
ments, Here Fetis has obviously carelessly read a passage which contains,
indeed, a significant misobservation for the system. For Tartini main
tains (p, 12 of the first chapter), that if a string were touched at the
point 2/5 (thus not at the point 1/2), then no higher tone would arise,
as is the case with contact on the point 1/5, but only an 'ambiguous
hum’ (*um certo tal qual ronzamento'). In reality there appears on all
points which delineate a divisible distance through l/5 of the total
string length, . , . the fifth overtone which corresponds to the basic
sound of the string," (ibid., p, 29,)
124
a series of pipes tuned In a harmonic manner produce the perfect major
chord with various doublings of their intervals because of the number of
pipes of which they are composed, and which to the ear produce only the
sensation of a single tone.- But this demonstration is deceptive, because
the harmonics of the fouralture are not absorbed into the sensation of a
single tone any more than adding some large pipes such as the bourdon or
the eight foot open flutej so that here, as in all, it is not the har
monics which generate the deep sound, but the latter which contain the
harmonics.
Tartini likens to the phenomenon of a plain pipe of the organ that

1#
which had been pointed out previously by Serre from Geneva, and by
Oik
Romieu from Montpellier. He said. "One has discovered a new harmonic
phenomenon which admirably proves the Bame thing, and indeed a great deal
more."3 This phenomenon, designated by the name "third sound," is the
product of an experience in which two treble sounds, forming between them
a harmonic interval, produce, when they resonate loudly and with perfect
justness, a third low-pitched sound which is the fundamental of these
Jean Adam Serre (1704-?) deals with difference tones in intervals

only in Essais sur le principes de l'harmonle, ou l*on traite de la Theorie
de l'Harmonle en general. . , . p^risi Prault fils, 1753)* Krehblel
discusses Serre's findings on pages 116-129,
01k
" Jean Baptiste Romieu (1732-1766) explains difference tones in an
article entitled "Nouvelle d6couverte des sons harmoniques graves, dont
la resonnanee est trfes sensible dans les accords des instruments A vent"
published in the Memories de la Societe des Sciences de Montpellier, 1752,
(Fetis, Biographle unlverselle. VII, 304-305.)
^"Si e poi scoperto un nuoco fenomeno armonico, che prova mirabil-

mente lo stresso, e moito di plu." Giuseppe Tartini, Trattato dl Musica
secondo la vera scienza dell'armenla (Padua: Staaperia del Seminario
LG. Manfre], 1754), P» 13.
125
harmonics, although it may be the product in experience.1* The phenomenon
which it concerns is the irrefragable proof for Tartini that harmony
reduces itself to unity, represented by the fundamental sound of the
whole chord, and in his enthusiasm for this discovery he exclaims,
"Therefore, the unity considered in all its ratios, is inseparable from
the harmonic system? the harmonic system itself enters into unity as
into its principle."
It is evident, from the preceding, that the point of Tartini's
departure for the formation of a harmonic system is exactly the anti
thesis of that of Rameau?^* one will see by the following that this
point of departure leads to some much less complete and much less
satisfying results than those of the theory of the illustrious French
musician.
The second chapter of Tartini's book has for its aim to profit
by the properties of the circle in favor of the harmonic theory, and in
particular of the circle considered as inscribed in a square. The idea
of the application of these properties to music was not new, because
Ptolemy devoted himself to the examination of this question in chapters
As a general rule, Tartini is mistaken in the placement of the

difference tones* they are an octave too high for first-order difference
tones,
^"Dunque dal sistemo armonica e inseparabile la unita considerata

in qualunque rispetto, ansi il sistema armonico si rlsolve nella unita,
come in suo principio," (Tartini, Trattato, p. 13.)
3*Shirlaw denies this, asserting that through mathematical and

scientific principles Tartini attempts to demonstrate the correctness of
Rameau's theories. (Matthew Shirlaw, The Theory of Harmony ^DaKal'b,
Illinois* Dr, Birchard Coar, 1955]r P« 293.)
126
two and nine of the third hook of his Harmonicsi^~ the same subject has
been discussed in great depth by Othon Gibel in his Introductlo muslcae
theoritlcae dldacticae (pp. 125ff), The obscurity is more profound in
this chapter than in all the rest of Tartini*s book, and one can see in
the rash propositions, uniquely founded on some arbitrary ratios, that
the author himself did not understand, and that he had so little con
fidence in the results which his pursuits had produced, that he ended
by asserting that these speculations are not necessary for the compre-
hension of his system. Here are his words: "Pero mi son dilatato, e
ho divagato dl molto in questo secondo Capitolo per cose non affatto
necessarie al sisterna Musicale" (p. 47), Thus it would be fruitless to
follow him in his divagations on this subjectf yet it is perhaps not
fruitless to give an example, taken from this same chapter, of the lack
of soundness of the celebrated artist's reasonings! one will find it in
the following paragraph.
Tartini recognizes that he has demonstrated by algebra and by
the most detailed method of arithmetic that the three terms, 1, 2, x,
•^Pages 229, 252 and following of the Wallis edition (Oxford, 1682),
or Vol. Ill, pages 129 aad 141 of the mathematical works of the latter.
^Rubeli takes exception to this paragraph: ", , . Fetis* deroga

tory criticism about the second chapter of the Trattato is unjustified.
Although Tartini often makes it difficult for the reader, one must still
grant him that he arranges the content clearly. The added mathematical
examples at the end of the second chapter— and this intention is expressed
clearly in the text many times— were to persuade the mathematicians of
the correctness of his new harmonic way of thinking. Undoubtedly this
manner of thinking is absurd in itself, but it is a gross misunderstanding
if one believes he himself doubted his proofs! It is wholly misleading to
believe he himself didn't quite trust these proofs, and that for this
reason, he explained, that they £the proofs] were not absolutely necessary
for the comprehension of his system," (Hubeli, p. 29.)
127
being supposed to form a harmonic proportion, x designates an infinite
size by relation to the first two terms. He adds that the circle gives
the proof, because, he says, the radius represents the first term, 1 ,
the diameter the second term, 2, and the circumference expresses the
third, x. In the enthusiasm which this discovery prompts, he exclaims,
"Oh, what will the results of a similar conspectus be, if it is true!""1"
Farther on, however, he is obliged to recognize that it would be absurd
to pretend that the circumference of a circle is, in this circumstance,
a size equal to x, namely, an infinite size,^ To summarize, the long
garrulousness of this chapter, which fills up 28 pages in quarto size
and which d'Alembert himself found to be an impenetrable obscurity, has
no other aim than to establish the similarity and relationship of harmonic
unity with the unity of the plan of a circle in which all the arcs and
their angles converge to its formation, as the harmonics tend to resolve
into the fundamental tone. He does not doubt that there would not be
the demonstration of his proposition, if the problem of the quadrature
of the circle had been resolved. In supposing, for an instance, the
reality of these relations, one does not understand why Tartini had the
idea of rushing into this research without possessing the most elementary
elements of analysis,3*
^"Oh quali, e quante consequenze da tal vista, s'e veral" (Tartini,

P. 27,)
^Moreover, Serre has proven that this is not at all the circum
ference of the circle, but the hyperbole, considered between its asymp
totes, which contains exactly the conditions demanded by Tartini,
J Some of Tartini*s arithmetric premises are discussed and analyzed

by Alejandro B, Planchart in "Theories of Giuseppe Tartini," JMT, IV (April,
i960), 4i-^7» and. in Serre, Observations sur les principes de l'harmonle,
oceaslonnees par quelques Ecrlts modemes sur le sujet, , . , (Geneva t
H, A. Gosse and J, Gosse, 1763), part 3,
128
The results of Tartinirs musical unity is precisely contrary to
that of the phenomenon of the sonorous body adopted by Rameau as the
basis of his system, because the first ^Tartini] departs from the har
monics to go back to the low tone, while the latter {^Rameau} follows an
T'fc
inverted course. Whence it follows that Tartini*s system lacks some
criterion for the generation of chords, and that it can not match the
beautiful theory of inversion discovered by Rameau. This consideration
alone demonstrates the superiority of the French musician's work, with
respect to the practical didactic and the barrenness of the principle of
unity, so highly spoken of by the Paduan violinist. This radical vice
was noticed neither by J. J, Rousseau in the erroneous analysis which he
made of Tartini's theory in the article "Systems" in his Dictionnalre de
Muslque, nor by d'Alembert in his article "Fondamental" of the Encyclopedle.
nor even by Suremain-Myssery

2* who wrote a special report on this subject,
and who had grasped the question much better than d’Alembert and Rousseau.
The point of junction fails so completely in Tartini between his principle
of unity and the facts of the practice of the art, that having come, in
the third chapter of his book, to the musical deductions of his speculations,
he further finds only arbitrary rules of which the first are insignificant,
and of which the others are contrary to the known rules of the art of
1*
While Rameau emphasizes the multiplicity of sound with the
sonorous body, Tartini " . . . considers multiplicity a function of unity
and regards the division of unity into multiplicity and the resolution of
multiplicity into unity as parts of a complete cycle," (Planchart, p. 36.)
Thus, Tartini and Rameau are not, as Fetis would lead one to believe, in
direct opposition to one another.
2*
Antoine Suremain de Missery, Theorie acoustico-muslcale, ou De
la doctrine des sons rapportee aux principes de leur combinalson (Pariss
Didot, 1793).
129
writing; since he can not form a complete table of the recognized chords
In harmony, and In those which he does cite he falls Into some gross
errors with respect to their constituent intervals.
Tartini has nine practical rules. With the first he recommends
that the tones of chords be arranged so as to form, as much as possible,
a harmonic proportion, i.e., that they be arranged in this orderi 1 , 1/2,
1/3, 1/5 . This can be good for the complete chord in which the octave can
be effectively placed near the bass, then the fifth and finally the third
in the top parti but this is not always practical in the others, and
besides, it would be in manifest opposition to the considerations of

1*
succession, considerations on which the whole art of writing rests.
The second rule of Tartini is that in a perfect chord one ought
not to redouble the principal tone at the double octave in following this
progression: 1 , 1/2 , l/3, l/4, 1/5, etc., i.e., in composing the chord
£•-£-£-0-67 etc.
The motive of this bizarre rule, absolutely contrary tj practice
and which would make all harmonic music Impossible, is explained only
with much effort and in an almost unintelligible manner by Tartini) but
a patient study of his obscure phrases discloses that the rule intends
to avoid the fourth which is found between the two terms l/3, 1/bt i.e.,
between g and £, and constitutes the proportion kij which, according to

2*
Tartini, is a principle of dissonance. This false theory has classified
^•*Fetis has misconstrued the intent of this rule which is to

preserve the spacing of the harmonic proportion and not the ordering.
^*This is a complete distortion of the rule set forth by Tartini,

which he expresses thuslyi "Tones that are in proportion as l:l/2:l/^
ought not to be employed as harmony, although they are contained in the
130
the fourth among the dissonances, as if the intervals could not he
generated hy the inversion of intervals of the same nature, and as if
the fourth was net, in this connection, the product of the fifth which
is a consonance. ‘
This theory, I say, has no other cause than the
appearance of dissonance where the fourth occurs, when through the
result of prolongation, it strikes the fifth at the second} hut in this
case, it is not as a fourth that the note which forms the interval is
dissonance, hut as a second, the fundamental principle which has heen
recognized hy none of the authors of harmonic systems.
Having not perceived at all, or rather not heing ahle to accept

1*
the theory of inversion since his principle of unity makes him
follow a contrary route, and yet understanding the necessity of
harmonies derived from the fundamental chords, Tartini could not
present a regular system of the generation of chords} hut he compen
sated with his third rule which permits all the tones which are part
of the chord to move in an arbitrary way to the low-pitched or to the
harmonic sextuple 1, 1/2, l/3» l/4» l/5» 1/6 . . . . The tones 1, 1/2,
l/4 contain merely the possibility of a harmonic chord, hut they still
form no defineable harmony, as for example the chord 1 , 1/3, l/4
fC-£ Cl, or 1/2, 1/5, 1/6 fc-e'-gl, or 1/3, 1/4, 1/5 fg-c'-e'J, and
therefore they also produce no satisfactory chord. Moreover, 1, l/2,
l/4 is a geometric progression, and we will see later that the geometric
progressions are at the hase of the dissonant chords." (Tartini,
Traktat, trans. Rubeli, p. I67.) While the geometric progression (A
geometric progression is a series of numbers which progress hy multiplying
each preceding term hy a fixed number called the "common ratio." The
common ratio of 2 , 8, 32, 128 is 4} of 2 , 6, 18, 54 is 3*) 1» l/2» l A is
not dissonant, the geometric progression li3*9 fc-g-d] is dissonant,
1*
To the contrary} while Tartini recognizes the theory of inversion,
he employes the word "position" instead, (Planchart, p. $1.)
131
high-pitched. But fruitlessly Tartini took a great deal of trouble to
shroud this rule with the appearance of obscurity, which hs knows how to
put everywhere j it is no less true that after having taken a direction
opposed to that of inversion for the construction of his system of unity,
he was obliged to come back into the veritable order of generation,
without which there would be no possibility of harmonic variety.
But here is a much more striking contradiction.^* After having
forbidden the doubling of the octave (1/^) in his second rule because of
the fourth which it forms with the third term of the harmonic progression
(1/3), Tartini establishes in the fourth rule or musical laws
The intervals of the octave, fifth, fourth, major third and

minor third, as essential parts of the system or of harmonic
resonance which forms the most complete and most perfect consonance,
are all consonances, because they are all of the same nature or of
their integral unity, which is the sextuple harmonic progression. 3
Thus, here the fourth, which was dissonance, becomes the consonance
it actually is. But observe that the major sixth, of which he does not
speak, is also contained in the harmonic progression 1, 1/2, 1/3, l/^»
1*
The third rule has nothing to do with voice-leading. Tartini
says, "But it would contradict the mathematical and physical facts of
my system, if one were to add notes which can not be brought to unity
with a note of the sextuple through transposition by one or more
octaves. . . , Rule threes Hie tones of the harmonic sextuple may be
transposed by one or more octaves." (Tartini, Traktat, trans. Rubeli,
p. 168.)
^*Fetis' unfounded interpretation of Tartinifs second rule led

to this seemingly "striking contradiction,"
^"Che gl* intervalli di ottava, quinta, quarta, terza magglore,

e terza minore, come parti integrant! del sestuplo armonico sistema,
ch'e la perfettissima eonsonanza integrals, sono tutti consonant!,
perch! sono della natura del suo tutto, o sia della sua unita integrale,
ch'e la sestupla armonica." (Tartini, Trattato dl Musica, p. 65.)
132
l/5, l/6, since it is found between gy the third term of this progression
and er the fifth term, As for the minor sixth, it could not be found in
the six terms of his progression. Notice further, that the sixth term
would be useless (since it is only the doubling at the octave of the
third term), if it did not aid in the production of the minor third* now,
since Tartini understood the necessity of this doubling, we do not see

1*
why he stopped at this sixth term.
I will say nothing of the two following rules, because they are of
no practical use* but 1 notice in the seventh a fact borrowed from Bameau
for the formation of dissonant chords, because this rule is stated thusi
", . . it is not possible to have a dissonant chord which is not based on
a consonant c h o r d , I t is, as one sees, the generation of dissonances
by the addition of thirds, an abstraction based upon determinations of
tonality. One can see what I have said of the drawbacks of this system
in the examination of Bameau*s theory.
By his eighth rule Tartini wishes ", , , that the dissonance be
prepared by a consonant note on the same degree, and that it be resolved
by descending a tone or a semitone,"^* It is apparent with this very
rule that he did not understand that there are some natural dissonances
which result from the tonal relationships* others arise from the artful
^•*Tartini undoubtedly stopped at the sixth term because these are

the terms contained in the resonance of sonorous bodies. Like Bameau,
Tartini is confining his theory to the consonance of the major triad as
it is expressed in the senarlo,
2**, , , che non si dAf ne pub darsi posi?lone alcuna dissonate,

se non fondata sopra la posizione consonate," (Tartini, p, 77*)
3*", , . che la dissonanza sia apparecchiata da nota consonate

unisona, e sia zisoluta in nota consonanta, che a ragguaglio della
dissonanza discenda per tuono, o semituono," (ibid., p» 84.)
133
device of prolongation, and these are the ones which have to he prepared*
This rule and the preceding one suffice to destroy from its foundation a
whole harmonic system*
I have nothing to say about the ninth rule which is found in the
following chapter, and which is of little Interest because it concerns
only the discordances or notes which never create harmony. To touch on
such a subject, I would be obliged to say that there are no disoordances
other than the tones which lack exactness, and that every interval, what
ever it may be, is harmonicj but this subject, which contains a complete
order of new considerations about harmony, would not be proper here, and
would involve me tee such w Quo will find it dealt with theoretically in
my Philosophle de la muslque and practically in my Traite complet de
l'harmonle*
The analysis which I have just given of Tartini's system seems to
me to show the radical vices of its conception, its inadequacy as a
practical method, and its inferiority with respect to a system of funda
mental bass. It is often said that its obscurity gave rise to successj
I believe that the opposite is more exact, because when one does not
understand, one assumes profundity* If he had been more intelligible,
the defects would have been more easily perceived*
I am obliged to go back a few years prior to the publication of
Tartinirs system for another theory which, having not been noticed when
it appeared, was reproduced later in various forms* Levons, maltre de
muslque of the Bordeau Cathedral, was the first who made it known in a
^•*It is noteworthy that Fetis, with his obsession for the prepara
tion and resolution of dissonance, did not comment about Tartini's reso
lution of the augmented twelfth down rather than up* (Ibid*, p* 82.)
134
■book entitled Abrege des regies de l'harmonle pour apprendre la
composition, avec un nouveau project sur un systfeme de muslque sans
temperament, nl cordes mobiles (Bordeaux* Chapters, 1743, 92 pp»)« In
the first part of this work Levens proves that he was a good musician
and that he wrote more correctly than most of the authors of musical
treatises, The first part concerns the practice of harmony, such as it
was known in France at this time, and according to Rameau's doctrine,
which the author does not always understand and sometimes contradicts.
The second part of the book offers more of interest with the plan for a
new system of which Levens turns out to be the inventor, as he himself
says, because first he substitutes the arithmetical progression for the
harmonic progression employed until his time for the generation of
intervals,lie noticed that the harmonic progression can not generate
a complete scale, and thi? fourth note was not necessarily its product
because, he said, none of the numbers of this progression could find
some other which would be in the proportion of 4*3, which is that of the
fourth, with it. This consideration leads him to propose to turn to the
arithmetical progression extended jointly with the harmonic progression
to the tenth term, the latter one rising, the other descending. From this
progression he divides two strings of which the first gives him an ascend
ing series of tones whose intervals are those of the natural tones of the
horn and of the trumpet,
1#An arithmetical progression is a series of numbers in which each

term, after the first, is obtained by adding a fixed number called the
"common difference" to each preceding term. In the series 1, 3, 5, 7
the common difference is 2, and in the series l/2, 2, 7/2, 5 the common
difference Is 3/2, A harmonic progression is a series of fractions in
which the numerator is common and the denominators create an arithmetical
progression. For example, 1, l/2, 1/3, l/4, l/5l or 60, 30, 20, 15, 12
(60, 60/2, 60/3, 60/4, 60/5),
135
Example of the ascending progression
0, c, £, c’, e ’f g', b-flat*, c” , d* *, e»'
1 1/2 1/3 1/4 1/5 1/6 1/7 1/8 1/9 1/10
Proceeding in the reverse for the second string hy means of the
arithmetical progression, he finds a descending series which gives him
the fourth degree and the sixth degree lowered hy a half-tone*
Example of the descending progression
c"\ c” , f', o', a-flat, f, d, c, B-flat, A-flat
1 2 3 4 5 6 ? 8 9 10
In this system Levens found three different £whole] tones, namely,
the "major tone" in the proportion 7*81 the "perfect tone," in that of
8*9i finally the "minor tone," as 9*10* Prom the experiment which he
had done, he said there resulted in this diversity of tones a very
acceptable variety* To complete the chromatic scale, he had only to
divide the major tone into two unequal tones in the proportions of I4il5
and I51I6, the perfect tone intotwo semitones of which the proportions
are 16*17 and17*18* finally, the minor tone into two minor semitones, as
18*19 and 19I20*1*
The main defect of this system, a defect which crumbles it at its
foundation, is, on one hand, that it does not correspond to the formation
-*-*To derive each of the new tones it was imperative to find the
harmonic mean of each proportion, which is the average obtained by doubling
(the new tones will occur an octave higher) the ratio of each proportion.
This harmonic mean becomes the "mean proportional" in the expression
a*b=b*c, In 2(7*8), the harmonic mean Is 151 therefore the expression
aib=bsc is 14 *15=15*16* In 2(8*9), the harmonic mean is 17, and the
expression is 16*17=17*18, Consequently, Levens ends up with six differ
ent semitones, ranging in size from 119 cents (l4*15) to 89 cents (19*20),
136
of any tonality, and,on the other handr that with regard to their pro
portions, the intervals do not coincide in the various octaves, and
consequently false sensations stimulate the ear. For example, at the
two extremes of the scale^* one finds the distance from c to d
represented by a major tone on one side, and by a perfect tone on the
other side. But these difficulties do not stop Levens, and do not
preclude him from building, with the harmonic progression, a minor
seventh chord (c-e-g-b-flat) on tonic, although the note which forms the
seventh may not be of the keyj a six-five chord (£”e-g-a) on the same
note, although this chord never occurs theref a dominant seventh chord
(g-b-d-f), forgetting that this last note does not exist in the first
10 terms of the harmonic progression, and that what he substitutes is
not the true fourth degree of the keyj the six-five chord (f-a-£~d),
although the first two notes of this chord are also missing in the
harmonic progression of the first 10 terms? finally, the dominant seventh
chord from the harmonic progression, although the third of this dominant
2*
may be formed with a note lower than the true leading tone.
Nevertheless, it is the essential feature of this system that
was taken up much later by Balli&re, geometrician and member of the
Academy of Science of Houen, and even much later by Jamard, Canon of
1#In this case the two extremes of the scale are the upper portion
of the ascending harmonic progression and the lower portion of the
descending arithmetical progression,
2*In the harmonic progression the minor second from b-c (15*16 or
112 cents) is larger than the minor second 17*18 (c-sharp-dT which, at
99 cents, is an approximation to an equal-temperament semitone of 100 cents.
The solution to this disparity of just intonation was propounded by Andreas
tferckmeister who, in his Husikallsche Temperatur (1691), formulated the
principle of a twelve-tone scale in which all the half-steps were equal.
137
Sainte-Genevieve. If we compare Levens' "book with the one which Ballifcre
published under the title Theorle de la muslque (Parisi Didot, 176*0,
we recognise at first glance that the latter was a much less competent
musicisn, but a better educated mathematician* After having established
in nearly the same way as his predecessor the necessity to extend the
harmonic progression beyond six in order to complete the scale, he arrives
at Bameau's objection against the natural sounds of the horn and of the
trumpet* "The tones l/7, l/ll and l/l3» being not at all harmonics of 1
1* 2
or 3, are always false in these instruments*-" Bameau, like all those
who have expressed the same opinion, had not seen that the ratio of the
number seven was precisely the one which could give the fourth note of
the key its attractive character with the leading tone, as Euler saw so
well* (See the above mentioned.) Balllere did not see so far; he was
content to make this weak reply [to Rameau's statement]]*
If by the word "false" one means that they deviate from the
principles which musicians have established, flnef but if one means
to say that they deviate from the natural laws, the wnrd "always"
fails to apply to the proposition. How can I "believe, in fact,
that a sound which nature "always" presents is not that which it
ought to present? One Is more justified In believing that the
principles of musicians lack some exactitude. 3*
In place of "principles of musicians," he ought to have said
"principles of geometricians," because musicians have felt precisely by
instinct the necessity of the number seven, not for the seventh degree
Bameau undoubtedly means that these are out-of-tune to just

intonation, because he omits the tone l/9*
2
Bameau, Generation Harmonique, p. 62.
3*
Charles Louis Denis Balllere de Lalsement, Theorie de la
muslque (Paris* Hidot, 176*0, P81* 7* P» 5*
138
but for the fourth j Euler saw quite well that for that [^reason] he had to
change the generating note from the tonic to the dominant.
Balli&re, like Levens, understood the necessity for the descending
progression which he calls sous-doubles t he does not create it in the
same way. In order to arrive at the same result while avoiding the
monstrous defects of Levens' inverted progression, he employs a geometric
progression which furnishes him for each note proportional lengths of
strings, and which, on the whole, is identical to the properties of the
sections of the circle analyzed by Gibel in his Introductlo muslcae
theoreticae didactlcae. By the artificial introduction of the inter
mediary sounds to the products of the inverted progressions, Balllere
forms the two following ascending and descending scales i
c, d, e, f , g, a, b-flat, b-natural. c.
c b, b-flat, a, g, f, e, d, c.
That settled, Balllere searches for the principle of chords in the
combinations of numbers, and after having established that the sounds 1,
3, 5 (which form the perfect chord) are the principle of harmony, he does
not see any difficulty, Mthe impression of 1 being given," with this
chord being followed by those ofthe same form* 7, 9» H (b-flat-d-f)
or 9, 11, 13 (d-f-a). He does not concern himself for even a minute
with the dreadful succession of these tones, absolutely strange to one
another, because he is satisfied that there was a geometric progression

1*
in the formation of these chords. And so one may not believe that I
^*The progression which creates these chords is arithmetical, not

geometric.
139
attribute a meaning to his words which they do not have, and that
Balliere may consider these chords in isolation and not in succession,
here it is as he expresses its
The. perfect chord 1, 3r 5 is therefore the principle one

of harmony, and every piece of music begins with this expressed
or implied chord* The impression of 1 being given, one can follow
this chord with other notes of the progression, such as
7 9 11 3 9 15 9 11 13
b-flat - d - f f g - d - b s d - f - a j and this is what one calls
the succession of chordsT^ (F^tis'-italics*)
After this specimen of BalliSre's harmonic organization and the
basis of his system, I do not believe I have to give an analysis when it
is easy to perceive the results.^* Becherches sur la Theorle de la
musique of Jamard would not occupy me further, if I did not find there
a hint of the logic which is lacking in Levens* and Balliere*s books.
Jamard, who possesses a veritable philosophical method, retreats before
none of the results of the principle of the arithmetical progression,
and carrying them to the end, he arrives at the destruction of the
system of fundamental bass, which was the object of Levens* adoration.
On this subject he says,
Mr* Levens only pushed his division as far as e l/lO; no

doubt he was frightened of f l/llf this is what I do not under
stand at all. One continually repeats that the ear is the great
judge in music* Now, what could concern me more than to support
this proposition, since I do not know a single experiment done
on these sounds which does not seem to be amenable to my
•Îbld.* Ijpar, 73,] P. 36*
Krehbiel (pp* 179-197) believes that Balliere*s theory cf har

mony, demonstrably inconsistent in logic, is not only a diatribe against
the musical practice of his era, but also against a theory of modulation,
since the scale structure as Balliere states it is nonmodulatingt the
principal note (C) determines the scale structure of all the tonalities,
140
principles, and which does not serve to confirm them? This tone
f l/ll certainly is not at all offending on the hunting horn when
it is not accompanied hy other instruments which play f 3/32* Why
then, should it he called more falBe than the latter? If these two
f's sound together, the ear is torn, I agree, hut does it follow
from that that one of the two is false? No, unquestionably,
hecause if these two sounds heard apart elsewhere create a good
effect f it simply follows that they are not at all intended to he
heard togetherj it is this, I believe, on which everyone agrees*
Let us return to Hr, Levens, and admit therefore that so skillful
a musician, who was occupied with our ordinary practice, and who
regarded the rules of the chords and the system of fundamental
hass as the foundation of all harmony, or rather of all music;
admit, I say, that he went to a great deal of trouble to reject
f 3/32, subdominant of the mode, from his system in order to
admit f 3/33 in its place, since hy rejecting f 3/32 he had to
renounce absolutely the whole system of fundamental bass.3-
We think we are dreaming in reading such things, and we can not
refrain from deploring the blindness of this fad for a system which,
since that of Rameau, possessed the mind of a multitude of scholars
and men of letters, or musicians jealous of sharing the glory of the
author of fundamental hass. At first we only intended to explain
what was the art which existed, hut since the philosophical school of
this time was preoccupied with the sole thought of searching for the
origin of ideas in lieu of first sticking to doing a severe analysis
and rigorous classification of Intellectual faculties, we stuck to the
search for the origin of the scale in lieu of ascertaining as a fact
that it was next necessary to analyze the properties in order to deduce
finally the systematic results. What was happening in this research,
too delicate and too difficult for the scope of those who had given
themselves to it? It is that, encountering some insurmountable diffi
culties in the point of view where they stood, they ended up hy refusing
l£canonJ Jamard, Recherches sur la Theorie de la musique (Paris 1

Jombert, 1769), p p * 34-36, L n *J»
141
to explainr in order to establish something more or less different, which
they did not fail to represent as real music, if only by means of some
experiment or calculation they could give an appearance of regularity to
the system. The various viewpoints under which the construction of a
scale from the arithmetical progression is produced in the books of
Levens, Balliere and Jamard are some of the most striking examples of
the facility which certain writers have to take appearance for reality,
and of the degree of absurdity to which a false system can come, pushed
to its ultimate consequences, Undoubtedly the sounds 1/11 and 1/13
enter into the combinations of music today, but with neither the form
nor the name which Jamard gives them, I do not need to explain the
harmonic results of the letter's system} we see at first glance where
they would lead* Moreover, I am net finished with the principle of this
system; we shall see it again treated by a musician as wise a harmonist
as a mathematician, and yet who strayed into a false path*
In the midst of systems of music and harmony which followed each
other and clashed since the publication of Rameau's, a methodical harmony
book, freed from every consideration of number and physical phenomena,
appeared} this book is the Traite des accords, et de leur succession,
selon le systems de la basse fondamentale by Abbe Roussier* It is
divided into three parts, I have nothing at all to say about the first
1*
two parts, because they only contain a classification and analysis of
chords following Rameau's principles} I will at least remark that
1*
For a succinct and concise discussion of the first two parts of
this treatise, see Mitchell, pp, 87-90} for a detailed discussion see
Richard Dale Osborne, "The Theoretical Writings of Abbe Pierre-Joseph
Roussier" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1966),
142
although he had little skill in the art of writing and his early educa
tion as a musician had been neglected,. Roussier shows much more sense of
method than the Inventor of the systemr and he was the first in France
who supported his [^Rameau'sj views on the very important consideration of
harmonic succession* But we are astonished by the third part* if we
consider the time of its publication* because Abbe Roussier proposes
Introducing into music a certain number of chords then unknown. Here
is what he saysi
Those who absolutely wish to confine themselves to the

circle of their knowledge will probably not like my daring to
propose some chords which have never been heard oft others will
reject them as too harsh* dissonant. As for the first* . . .
by expressly declaring here that this third part is not intended
for them* they have nothing more to say to me. As for the others*
I ask them to be willing to examine attentively the thing before
making a decision,^ (Fetis* italics.)
Truly there was astonishment that* guided by analogy and musical
sentiment* which was weak then, Roussier foresaw the possibility of making
good use of certain harmonies which only Mozart's genius and a small
number of his contemporaries and their successors had known how to bring
into play. Thus it is that the "augmented sixth*" or as was said then*
superflue* is controlled by the law of the inversion of a chord of a
diminished third and just fifth* and that of the minor third and minor
C&nter Birkner claims that it was Rameau's Traite de l'harmonle

which provided Roussier with an introduction to the theoretical facts of
musici furthermore* the Traite de l'harmonle (discovered at age 25) was
the agent which stimulated his future endeavors into the new-found
science. ("Pierre-Joseph Roussier*" MGG* XI* 1018-19.)
^Pierre-Joseph Roussier]* Traite des accords* et de leur succession*

selon le systeme de la basse-fondamentale (Parisi Duchesne* 1764)* p. 158,
n. 59.
sixth with the major fourth (tritone)f thus it is, moreover, that hy
moving from the chord of the "diminished third and just fifth" to that
of the dominant seventhr he conceives the possibility of altering its
third as in the perfect chord. If he had been content with the altera
tions of the natural intervals of the chords, either original or modified
by prolongation or substitution, he would have rendered the greatest service
to the advancement of the art and of the science| we would be forming
the highest opinion of his instinct, his taste, and his experience.
But it is not at all so, because the barbarity of his ear made him
imagine some intolerable harmonies in which the feeling of any tonality
is destroyed, for example, a chord which he calls the "diminished
eleventh" (g-sharp-d-sharp-f-a-e), a chord of the "augmented fifth with
a fourth and minor seventh" (g-d-sharp-f-a-c), a chord of the "augmented
seventh with a minor sixth and minor ninth" (e-d-sharp-f-a-c), etc.^*
Moreover, scarcely able to discern the true dissonances, he makes some
very poor applications of a good rule which he had found by reasoning,
and which he expresses thus: "All major dissonance ought to rise one
degree} all minor dissonance ought to descend one degree" (p. 42).
The first part of this rule would be incontestable if Roussier had
applied it to dissonances formed by the leading tone or by ascending
alterations} but the double empioi of Rameau led him so far astray
that he finds no application of his rule except for the six-five chord
on the fourth degree (f-a-c-u), because he takes the sixth for the
dissonance, while analysis shows that in two notes which clash in
^■*Each of these "new" chords was created by "supposing" a root

below the German seventh chord.
144
1*
secondsr it Is the lower which is the dissonance.
In spite of the extensive faults which I have just pointed out, the
Traite des accords and the complement of this work which Boussier pub
lished under the title L*Karmonle pratique, ou Bxeaples pour le Traite
des accords (Barisi 1775) could have rendered eminent service in Prance
to the theory of harmony by calling attention to the consideration of the
succession of chords, which Rameau’s system had forgotten, if Roussier
himself had not lost sight of his practical vrorks by a return to a theory
of numbers applied to music, of which he gave the first indication in the
notes of his Observations sur dlfferens points d’harmonle,^ then in his
Lettre a 1*auteur de Journal des beau-arts et des sciences, touchant la
division du zodlaque et lfinstitution d*une semalne planetaire, relative-
ment a une progression geomdtrique, d'ou dependent les proportiones
muslcales,^ and which is found developed in his Memoire sur la musique
l*According to Roussier, the consonant intervals are those formed

by disjunct degrees of the scale. There are, therefore, four consonant
intervalsi the third, fourth, fifth and sixth. The dissonant intervals,
formed by conjunct degrees of the scale, are the second and the seventh,
the seventh being conjunct to the octave. (Traite des accords, p* 6.)
While the sixth as such is consonant, within the context of the super
tonic six-five the sixth is dissonant because it forms a conjunct degree
with the fifth. Moreover, if one accepts the concept of interval roots
and the value-order of interval roots set down by Hindemith in Series 2
as a valid basis for root determination, Roussier1s analysis is sub
stantiated because the best Interval in the chord is the perfect fifth)
hence, d is "dissonant." As for his rule about tfeo resolution of disso
nance, Roussier states explicitly (p. 42) that the major dissonance is
the sixth of the subdominant, and the minor dissonance is the seventh
of the dominant or the leading-tone seventh) all other dissonances are
"accidental."
^Parisx d ’Houry, 1765, pp. 217-25.
3paris, 1770-71.
145
des anclensy^ and in his notes on the memoir of the Jesuit Aaiot con
cerning Chinese music,^ A passage from Timaeus of Locris, reported by
Plato, and the dreams of Censorin had turned Roussier's head; thence he
drew the idea of a geometric progression of 12 terms, which he calls
the "triple progression," because the proportion of the just fifth 3 *1*
tripled from fifth to fifth, gives him the following descending pro
gression! 1 13:9 *27:811243«729^ , etc,, which, pushed as far as the
twelfth fifth or the thirteenth term, gives the figure 531*441, an
expression, according to him, of the comma between c-flat and b, his
point of departure being this last notej because in the order of the
planets corresponding to the hours of the day to the days of the week,
Saturn is first* He arrived at Roussier's system just as we have seen
in all the others: in wishing to explain music, he defines it. Finding
this numbers game in opposition with the results of the indicated harmonic
proportions, he denied the reality of the latter and threw in many sup
positions which do not hold up in the most cursory examination. For
example, an antique bronze cited by Montfaucon in Antlquite expllqueer
where one saw the series of seven main divinities beginning at Saturn and
ending at Venus, gives him the scale which he considers fundamental:
b, c, d, e, f, g, aj it is from here that he departs to make his
•^Memoire sur la musique des anciens, Ou l'on expose le Principe des

Proportions authentiques. dites de Pythagore, et de divers systemes de
Musique chez les Grecs, les Chinois et les Efeyptiens (Paris: Lacombe, 1770),
Notes et observations sur le memoire de Pj_ Amiot concemant la

musique des chinois! (Paris, 1780),
- , 8 - - 0 .... ~ ' V - l> A 1 ----- ------- 1-------- -

f a _ o ---------- “ — — a --------
» >fl to lHI U -
146
progression of 12 fifths: b-e-a-d-g-c-fy etc. Furthermore, by long chains
of reasoning he arrives at the opinion that the tones of the musical
scale of the Greeks were interpreted as descending! this opinion mas
expressed already by Pepusch** and is reproduced these days by von
Drieberg, as I have said in my Resume philosophique de 1*historic de
la musique,3* Finally he Insists in many places on the necessity of
making all music modem, as if the arts could be created by similar
processes, and as if the forms of the scales were not determined by laws
set much higher than in the arbitrary properties of numbers-r-as if in
this same system the numbers had not been reduced to a hypothetical value I
Finally, we conceive the reality of facts represented by numbers, when
these numbers are the expression of the dimensions of sonorous bodies or
of the frequency of vibrations from which the measure of the intervals of
sound result, But where can one find the law of this triple progression
on which one wishes to place the criteria of the art and of the science,
if it is not in the alleged analogies with a planetary system and an
ancient calendar? Have we founded a real science or a useless hermetic
theory? Are we musicians or ought we to form a sort of gnostic sect, a
l*John Christopher Fepusch, "Of the various Genera and Species of

Music among the Ancients, with some Observations concerning their Scale,”
Rillosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, XLIV (Oct.-
Dec, 1746), 266-274, Fepusch is arguing to consider a descending scale
as well as an ascending scale, and that "the first Sound in each was the
Rroslambanomenos" (p, 269)»
2*pri©drich von Drieberg, Die praktische Musik der Griechen

(Berlin: Trautwein, 1821),
^*Fetis chastises von Drieberg and Pepusch on two accounts:

(l) the hypate is the first and lowest note of the scalef (2) Greek scales
(to which he ascribes the name of the church modes) consist of an ascending
series of sounds, (Fetis, R6suml philosophique de l'histolre de la musique
in Biographic unlverselle, I j_Paris: Fournier, 1^35J, cv-cvi, n»y~
1k7
new breed of Illuminati? What would make one believe that the Abbe
Roussier leaned towards this last conversion of the seekers of harmonic
theories is that, in many a place in his Memoire sur la musique des
anciens and in his Lettres on the relationships of the zodiac and the
planetary week with the scale, he speaks very highly of the wisdom of
the Egyptian priests who revealed the secrets of their musical doctrine
only to those whom they initiated into the mysteries of their theo-
philosophy. But it is enough for us to be Interested in the aberations
of Intellectual research inserted in the creation of a harmonic system}
let us return to theories more positive and more consistent with the
object of the art.
But first, before turning our attention to the work undertaken
outside of France to accelerate the development of harmony under the
double relationship of the art and the science, let us say a word about
the last two systems which closed the sphere of speculation on this
subject at the end of the eighteenth century. One was published by

1♦
Mercadier de Belestat under the title Nouveau systems de musique
theorlque et pratique, the other by the Chevalier de Lirou,
Engrossed with the idea of a reconciliation between the requirements
of mathematical theory and musical feeling, Mercadier begins by establish
ing the necessity of the absolute justness of the octaves} that is why,
taking two strings in unison, he leaves the first in its entirety so as
to make it a constant point of comparison, and cuts the second into two
Jean-Baptiste Mercadier was commonly surnamed "de Belestat"

because he was born in the borough of Belestat, (Fetis, Blographle
universelle, VI, 90»)
148
equal parts, whence results the octave in the proportion 1/2• He also
stresses a great deal the almost absolute analogy of this octave with the
principal sound, and thus borrows.the idea of the identity of octaves
from Hameau. For the other intervals he consults the ear, and finds his
£own] sense of accord with experiment and theory in the accuracy of the
fifth resulting from the proportion 2/3« The inversion of this proportion
gives him the interval of the just fourth 3/4. For the other intervals,
he says, mathematical exactitude is no longer rigorously necessary for the
earj thus the major third employed in music will not always be represented
exactly by the proportion 4/5, nor that of the minor third by 5/6. But
this matters little, because the ratios of the accordance of sounds are
often determined in practice by considerations independent of that of
absolute accuracy. The farther away we get from the simplicity of the
primary ratios, the less rigorous accuracy is necessary, according to
Mercadier*s doctrine.
This result attained, the author of this theory forms the perfect
chord from the sounds produced by the proportions 1/2, 4/5, and 2/3, and
seeks the other consonant chords which can be formed in the same way,
with the sounds produced by the less simple proportions. Next taking the
1*
Having demonstrated that there are but two perfect consonant
chords (major and minor), Mercadier uses the proportions for the major,
claiming, "Experience teaches us actually that it likes the perfect chord
a great deal more in this disposition 1 5/4 3/2. than in the other 1 6/5
3/2." (Jean-Baptiste Mercadier, Nouveau systems de musique thfeorique et
pratique £Paris: Valade, 1776], pp. 20-21.) Hindemith opposed this
irrational procedure of measuring intervals, claiming, "Construction by
means of a series of fifths and thirds does not represent a primeval
method of erecting a scale. One is simply taking the scale already pre
sent in practical music and trying to explain the intervals of the series.
. . r" (Paul Hindemith, Graft of Musical Composition, trans. Arthur Mendel,
Bk. I £4th ed.j New York: Associated Music Publishers, 1945], P* 33»)
sounds 2/3 from the division of the first string as the generator, he
proceeds in the same way and, finding the fifth in 2/3 of the total
length of the string tuned to the unison of the sound produced hy this
proportion, and the third in 4/5 of this same string, he obtains two new
sounds necessary for the formation of the scale. Now, let us assume
that the sound 1 is ci the sound 1/2 will be its octave, the sound 2/3
will be g, and the sound 4/5 will be e, Taking next the sound g as
the new generator on a new string, 2/3 of this string will be d and the
sound 4/5 will be b, To tell the truth, these sounds will not have a
mathematical justness, but they will satisfy the ear, and following
Mercadier's doctrine, this is the exact result at which he wanted to
arrive. The sounds obtained thus far are, therefore, c, d, e, g, b, c.
Let us go on, and taking for the third generator the sound 2/3 of the
second generator, i,e,, d, tuning a string to the unison of this new
sound, next by taking the sound 2/3, i.e., a, fifth of this d, nothing
more will remain but to find the last tone in order to have the complete
scale. But here a difficulty arises, because the sound 4/5 of the
third generator is not f which we need, but an f-sharp which does not
appear in this scale. We remove this difficulty by taking, with the
compass on the first generating string, a fourth equal to that which is
found between the sound 2/3 and that of 1/2} then bringing all these
sounds forward in their natural successive order by means of the identity
of octaves, we will have all the scale i c, d, e, f, g, a, b, such as the
ear Indicates, with a natural temperament which will avoid the comma from
150
the succession of a dozen fifths,^-* To he "brief in this expose* I have
omitted all the calculations viti. which Mercadier backed up his system.
Thus, after having formed his scale, an object of complete satis
faction for him, Mercadier has no difficulty at all borrowing from
Rameau his generation of chords by the addition of thirds, his inversion
of these chords, and even his fundamental bass, after having made a
harsh enough critique of this learned musician’s system in his preliminary

2*
discourse. There is something more, because on examining it closely,
his melodic generation is drawn, like that of Rameau, from the fundamental
movement of fifths. Mercadier had not noticed that he put into contra
diction the two principles which he wished to make the foundation of his
system. Obliged to turn to the impression of the ear in order to oppose
the laws of calculation, which indeed can not generate any scale, he
ought to have perceived that sound structured from numbers became useless,
I would say almost ridiculous. The good tuners of keyboard instruments
do not do it so many ways? they also satisfy the ear, but they do not
pretend to make any system. What is more, on the relation of harmony
considered in its theory as in its practice, Mercadier lagged behind
1*
Barbour declares that Mercadier is propounding a Pythagorean-type
of temperament in which some of the fifths are tempered by either l/6 or
l/l2 comma? the latter is the temperament of the fifth of equal tempera
ment. In summing up the labyrinth of calculations into which Mercadier
leads the reader, Barbour saysi "He directed that the fifths from C to E
should be flat by l/6 syntonic comma j^80i8lj, and those from E to G-shaxp
by l/l2 comma. Then G-sharp is taken as A-flat, the next three fifths
axe to be just, and the fifth F-C then turns out to be about l/l2 comma
flat" (p. 168). (James Murray Barbour, Tuning and Temperament! A His
torical Survey ^2d ea. ? East Lansingi Michigan State College Press,
1953], PP. 167-169.)
2*Mercadier also adopts Rameau's theory of chords by supposition

(Pt. VI, ch. H i , pp. 20^-210) and his double emploi (Pt* VI, ch. ix,
P. 235).
151
Roussier, although he may he a few years later. His system did not have
any success*
As well as Mercadier de Belestat, the Chevalier de Lirou, author
of Explication du systems de 1*harmonic, pour abreger 1 ’etude de la
composition, et accorder la pratique avec la theorie,^* attempts to
extract the scale from the harmonic construction of several perfect
chords, hut he proceeded differently, as we will see presently* Jamard
had proved that the logical results of Levens’ and Balliere *s systems had
to lead to the abandonment of fundamental hass; hut this consideration is
all theoretical in his hook. The Chevalier de Lirou was the first French
author who, in a hook on harmony, completely hroke away from this system
of fundamental hass and became the guide for all harmonists amongst us,
and who resisted the attacks of his adversaries for a long time. An
exact enough observation of the phenomena of chordal succession had led
de Lirou to search for the laws of these successions in the affinities of
tonality which are, actually, the unquestionable basis of all music.
Unfortunately, the author’s ideas lacked clarity with respect to this
criterion of the science and the art* In lieu of the quest for the
principle of the tonal affinity of sounds by the order of succession, he
takes the harmonic resonance of sonorous bodies, supposedly uniform, as
his point of departure. He says c produces ef g generates b, dj moreover,
c can be considered the fifth of f, whence f , a, c. Thus c being placed
■*-*[\Tean Franjois Espic] de Lirou, Explication du systeme de

l'harmonle, . * . (Paris* Londres, 1785)*
Since de Lirou contends that ", * * the fifth is the basic inter
val of harmony, the interval par excellence," (p. 18) and that music
emanates from a "common center," tonic, in effect, represents duality* it
152
as Intermediaryr we find the following tones in the harmonic resonance of
f, c, and g* e, f, g, a, b, c, d, e, which include all the Intervals of
our major scale and correspond to the two tetrachords of Greek music*
e, f, g, a| and b, c, d, e. And because he had succeeded in finding the
notes which compose the scale with a mechanical and arbitrary processr he
believed he had tonality and persuaded himself that he only needs to
change the disposition of these notes by beginning on c instead of e.
He does not know that all the difficulty is precisely in the determina
tion of the first note of the scale, Having reached this result, de Lirou
arranges the notes in a circle which represents the two progressions,
ascending and descending* £-e-£-b-d-f-ai c-a-f-d-b-g-e. He takes these
as the basis of all chordal constructions, all harmonic successions, modes,

n*
and modulation. Like most of the French harmonists of his time, de
Lirou had only a very imperfect command of the art of composition, so that
several successions of chords which he presents as admissible are not,
but he is, I believe, the first who specified sufficiently good rules,
although incomplete, for the circle of keys and modes in modulation*
After de Lirou*s book, which appeared in 1785 and which was scarcely
noticed, the eighteenth century was closed in France with respect to the
science with the Traite d'harmonie et de modulation, which was published
is the generator of a triad as well as the fifth of a triad. This concept

is not unique to de Lirou, but is reminiscent of Rameau's triple progres
sion (1*3*9) where tonic is represented by the number 3r the subdominant
by the number 1, and the dominant by the number 9* (Rameau, Nouvelles
Reflexions sur le princlpe sonore [[Paris, l76o[Jf p. 196, n.) This concept
recurs again in Hauptmann when he talks about ’'having" a dominant and
"being" a dominant, (Shirlaw, pp. 352-62,)
1*
The arrangement of the pitch material in this disposition permits,
according to de Lirou, each note of the scale to be either a tonic, a
third or a fifth of a perfect chord, (de Lirou, p, 26,)
153
in 1797 by Langler librarian of the Conservatoire, An unquestionable
reputation as an expert harmonist had been made by this artist through
the school of Naples* In this book one no longer sees either the
numerical theories of intervals nor the acoustical phenomena as the basis
of a system of harmonic generation} Langle5s declared pretension is to
search for the true foundations of the science in the practice of the
art. From the first words of the preface which he put in the front of
his treatise, we are tempted to believe that he had grasped the true
principles of this science, because he protests against the previously
published books in which the chords are considered in an isolated way,
without regard for the laws of succession which rule them, But immedi
ately following, we see him advance this singular proposition! there is
only one chord, that of the third, the combinations of which produce all
'T*
the others. And for the proof of this principle, he offers this series
of thirds as the example1 f-a-c-£-g-b-d-f} then he extracts from it the
perfect chord on the fourth degree (f-a-c), the perfect minor chord
(a-c-e)t the tonic chord (c-e-g), the relative minor chord of the dominant
(e-g-b), the dominant chord (g-b-d), the major seventh chords (f-a-c-e. and
c-e-g-b), the minor seventh chord with the minor third (a-c-e-g), and the
dominant seventh chord (g-b-d-f), Now, in this classification Langle
confuses everything in making, through his generation of thirds, the
classes of seventh chords, e,g,, of every kind, as if these relations
1-*Langle has been misquoted by Fetis } here is what he saidi "I

recognize in harmony only one unique interval, generator of all chords}
this interval is the third. By its multiplication it produces a sole
chord which contains all of them," (Honore Francois Marie langle, Traite
d'harmonie et de modulation ^Barisi Cochet, 1797^* p. 1*)
15k
existed by themselves in music and apart from every consideration of the
formation of chords by alteration, prolongation, and substitution. For
this very reason he finds himself in obvious contradiction with the
beginning of his book. This fault, which, although not analyzed by its
readers, just the same cast much obscurity onto his system, is detrimental
to the success of the book. Moreover, some of the shocking imperfections
in the chord successions which he gives as examples caused his book to
be rejected in the examination which was made of various harmonic systems
in 1800 by the assembly of Conservatoire professors, and from that time
his system fell into oblivion.
After the examination I have devoted to the efforts made in France
in the eighteenth century for the formation of a rational system of the
science of harmony, I need to cons?.der the influence which the idea of a
similar creation exercised on Germany and Italy.
Although I have said the idsia of a theory of the generation of
chords had not occurred to any German harmonist prior to the publication
of the Traite de 1'harmonle and the Nouveau systems of Rameau, Mattheson,
who published the second edition of his Grosse Generalbass-Schule in 1731*
had not only not adopted the idea which brought so much honor to Rameau,
in spite of the errors into which he let himself be led, but in lieu of
a reasoned discussion, Mattheson condescended to write these coarse
insults in his Crltica musical
In the works of the organist of Clermont, one generally

finds 1000 hundred-weight of toilsome research and feeble
observations! 500 vain pretensions at originality! about 3
155
pounds of original, or borrowed knowledge! 2 ounces of common

sense and scarcely a grain of good taste***
The Treullcher Unterricht im General-Bass of David Kellner* pub-
lished in 1742 and frequently reprinted* had not pulled the science to
the empirical point of view where Helnichen and Mattheson had left it}
the middle of the eighteenth century had therefore arrived before the
German harmonists became interested in a theory of the art which they
taught by practice* But one is going to see that from this time on* all
Germany was under the stress of agitation for the creation of a similar
theory,
Sorge* organist at lobenstein* was the first who* without adopting
anything from Rameau's theory* seemed to be won over to his idea of the
necessity of a scientific base for the proceedings of the art} he states
his principles in a book which is entitled Vorgemach de muslcalischen
Composition, oderi Ausfuhrliche, ordenliche und vorheutlge Praxin
llhlangllche Anwelsung zum General-Bass (Lobenstein, 1745-47)»3
Although Sorge dees not account for this subject* there is reason
to believe that the reading of Euler's Tentamen novae theoriae musicae
l*Since Fetis gives neither the volume number nor the page on which
he found this quotation in the alleged work* he probably was relying on
his memory and meant instead to refer to the ELeine General-Bass-Schule
where Mattheson castigates Rameau with these very words in a footnote on
pages 220-21} the latter appeared later (1735) than either Gritlca muslca
(1722-25) or Grosse Generalbass-Schule (1731),
Since no edition of Kellner's treatise appeared in 1742* this

date of publication is a misprint for either the first edition (Hamburg1
Kissner, 1732)* or the third edition (Hamburg 1 Christian Herold* 17^3;I
the eighth and last edition appeared in 1796 ("David Kellner*" MGG* VII*
817)*
3Georg Andreas Sorge* Antichamhre de la composition muslcale* ou
Instruction detallee, regullere et suffisante pour la pratique actuelle
de la basse continue (Lobenstein* 1745-4-7) ,
156
had made an Impression on his mind, and that it is from this book that he
drew the idea of a system founded on the numerical ratios of sounds,
But instead of adhering to the consideration of the degrees of the agree
ableness of chords because of the simplicity of the numerical ratios, he
adopted the opinions of musicians concerning the consonant and dissonant
qualities of the chordsr Like them, he divided the chords into consonant
and dissonant harmony, and he considered as consonant every chord which
is composed of any three sounds from the intervals of the third, fourth,
fifth, or sixth of diverse nature* But because several of these chords
are not the product of pure harmonic progression, he resorted to the
arithmetical progression in which he found the approximate expressions
of these same chords. In the ratio 4*5*6 he finds the perfect major
chord, and he remarks (ch. vi, p. 14) that experiences of various kinds
prove that this chord exists in the resonance of several sonorous bodies.
The natural sounds of the trumpet give him the perfect minor chord, which
he calls trlas minus perfects (ch. vii, p. 17) and which he represents
by the numbers 10il2xl5 of the arithmetical progression. The same instru
ment gives him the chord e-g-b-flat which he calls trlas defIdeas, and
which is commonly called a "perfect diminished chord" in the modem
school. In reference to this b-flat, he introduces the number seven into
the calculation without any difficulty, and represents the chord following
the proportions 5*6*7 (ch. vili, p. 18). For the perfect chord with the
augmented fifth, he is obliged to raise the terms of the arithmetical
proportion to 48*60*75 (ch. ix, p. 20)j finally the perfect chord with
the diminished third, as a-sharp-c-e. leads Sorge up to the numbers
180*225*256.
157
In the second part of his book* he deals with the chords of the
sixth* and of the fourth and sixth* derived from the preceding perfect
chords which he calls fundamental (Haunt-Accords)i hut in this distinction
of fundamental and derived chords* he does not mention Bameau* to whom it
belongs* and does not call to the attention of his readers what is
important in the consideration of inversion*
The third part of Sorge's hook is devoted to dissonant chords*
Just as the sounds of the trumpet have given the perfect diminished chord
(c-g-h-flat)* they provide that of the minor seventh* c-e-g-h-flat* or its
transposition* g-h-d-f, represented hy the numbers 4151617* Sorge also
forms dissonant chords of the same kind hy adding the minor seventh to
the perfect minor chord, following the arithmetical proportion 10ii2 *15iI8 |
to the perfect diminished chord* following the numbers 45 i54i64i80j to the
perfect augmented chord* in the proportion 48i60i75*85i finally to the
perfect chord with the diminished third* in the proportion 180t2251256*320*
All these chords and their derivatives are ranked hy Sorge among
those in which the dissonance is natural* l*e«* is attacked without prepa
ration} as to the other dissonances* they appear to enter into the category
of transitional notes or of prolongation* following the ancient theory
formulated hy Johann Cruger in these words1 "Dlssonantlae* concentuum
musicum magnopere exomantes* ingrediuntur karmoniam duobus modisi vel
enim celeritate obliterantur* vel syncopationihus Observe this care
fully* because here we have arrived at one of the most important facts of
Johann Cruger], Synopsis musica (Berlin* 1630)* ch, 12* p. 127*

£"Dissonances* greatly elaborating a musical resolution* attain harmony
in two ways 1 they a m obliterated either quickly or by syncopation."]
158
the history of harmony i it Is the second period of genuine discoveries
in this science, and the glory of this discovery belongs to the humble
organist of Lobenstein, neglected by all the music historians until
today. For the first time he has established that a dissonant chord
exists by itself, apart from any modification of another harmony, and he
states that this chord is absolutely different from other dissonant
harmonies,** It is true that he is mistaken in granting the same
character to the chord of the minor seventh added, according to him, to
the perfect minor chord, although this chord is only formed and used as
a product of prolongation and of another kind of modification of which I
will speak later. But if the aspect of regularity in the formation of
chords led Sorge astray, he has nevertheless grasped the fundamental
character of the dominant seventh chord and of modem tonality. In this
he deserves to take a place in the history of harmonic science immediately
after Rameau, who first had perceived the foundations of this science, and
had established them in the theory of the inversion of chords, I do not
own the books of this expert musician, and I had not read them when I
wrote- in the article "Kimberger" in my Blographie unlverselle des
musicians, that his theory of prolongation in the succession of chords
was the only real thing done for the advancement of the science of harmony
from Rameau's classification of fundamental and derived chords until
Catel's work, A fortunate accident having put these very rare books into
my hands, I saw there, with as much astonishment as pleasure, the fact
1* ^
Shirlaw points out Fetis' factual error, Rameau, not Sorge, was
the first to recognize that the dominant seventh chord could be taken
without preparation, (Shirlaw, p, 307*)
159
that I have just pointed out~a fact which ought to become one of great
importance subsequently*
The works of Rameau, having reached Germany, made a profound
impression on Karpurg, A trip which he had made to Paris in 1746, more
over, had made him see the enthusiasm that the theory contained in these
books excited among musicians* Back in Berlin, he devoted himself to
the study of this theory, and it was from this, with modifications, that
he drafted his Bandbuch bey dem Generalbasse und der Composition* pub
lished in 1755* There he reproduced the principle of the generation of
chords by the addition of t h i r d s t h e inevitable consequence of this
principle is to isolate all the chords and remove their actual formation
from the lavs of tonality and succession* As regards his particular
ideas, they consist of a multitude of particular cases in which he let
many errors slip amongst some factsf in a classification of the dominant
seventh, leading-tone seventh, and dominant ninth chords, he considers
them as "quasi-consonants," although in reality they are of a character
exactly opposite to consonance, since they are more gravitional than any
other harmony and demand resolution imperatively,2*
l*While Rameau suggests building chords by the superposition of

thirds, Karpurg establishes it as the fundamental principle of chord
construction* (Erehbiel, p* 166*)
2*In the Traite complet de la theorle et de la pratique de l'harmonie*

Fetis includes the following paragraph about Marpurgi "Without entering
into greater expositions* it is easy to understand the spirit of this system.
Its advantage over that |_system] of Rameau consists of keeping for the har
monies the place which they ought to occupy on the degrees of the scale,
in lieu of searching for the formation on arbitrary notes* Harpurg removes
from his theory the considerations of numerical proportions and acoustical
phenomena f he replaces them with that of tonality, conserving from the
system of his predecessor only the mechanical formation of dissonant chords
by the addition of thirdsf this is why he himself qualifies his theory
160
Fifteen years after the publication of his first work, Sorge
issued an abstract freed of all numerical considerations, with the title
Compendium harmonicum. He attacked Rameau's theory in its double eaplolr
in the chord of the eleventh, which he proved to be only a suspension of
the third of the perfect chord) lastly in the construction of the dominant
seventh chord, which he maintained is an immediate product of nature and
a necessary result of the arithmetical progression 4:5«6i7« Marpurg also
received a large share of the criticism in Compendium harmonicua, as
having, said Sorge (in his preface), added some new errors to those of
his model.
The response was not expected, because less than six months after
the publication of Compendium haraonicum, Marpurg published an analysis
of this book^ in which he attacked his adversary on the substitution of
the arithmetical progression for the geometric progression, and on some
inaccuracies of the examples given by Sorge concerning harmonic successions.
But he did not touch at all on the fundamental things and really did not
make any solid objection to the facts established by the latter, although
it seemed he must* have devastated him by his epigraphs "Vous l'avez
voulu, Georges Dandin." Nevertheless, the influence of well-known names
and the confidence which they inspire is such, that Marpurg evidently
"eclectic” in his preface. But,like Rameau, he confuses by this procedure

the natural dissonant chords with those which can arise only from the cir
cumstances of succession, and he makes of it so many facts, that it is
impossible to perceive their application ahead of time. Diis mechanical
formation of dissonances is absolutely arbitrary, and has no connection
with the procedures of the art," (Bk. IV, par. 301, p. 211.)
•^Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg,J Herra Georg Andreas Sorgens Anleltung

zum Generalbass und zur Composition mii Aamerknngen (Berlini Gottlieb
August Lange, 1760).
161
conquered In this conflict; passed as the victor, and the editions of his
Handbuch hey dem Generalbasse multiplied, while the misunderstood hook of
the poor organist from Lobenstein fell into utter discredit and did not
sell at all,
A contemporary of Sorge and Marpurg, Daube, a musician in the
service of the Duke of Wurtemburg, was worried, as they were, about the
need of a systematic theory of harmony* but cutting himself off from
every consideration of numbers and acoustical phenomena, he conceived
the usefulness of this theory only by making it conform to practice.
Actually, what he published under the title Qeneralbass in drey Accorden,
gegriindet in den Begeln der alt-und neuen Autoren (Harmonle en trois
accords, d rapres les regies des auteurs anciens et modernes) is less a
theory than a classification of chords because of their functions in
tonality. Although this work only appeared in 1756, he had finished it,
nevertheless, two years beforehand, as the preface, dated 28 December 175^
in Stuttgart, provest consequently, Daube wrote it before knowing Marpurg*s
Handbuch bey dem Generalbasse, Sorge*s book, published nine years
previously, does not seem to have been employed! either he was too un
acquainted with the science of calculations to read it with profit, or
he simply wished, as he indicates in several places, to replace the
empirical and obsolete works of Heinichen and Mattheson with a systematic
treatise.
By the title Generalbass in drey Accorden gegrflndet, Daube proposes
three fundamental chords, existing by themselves, as the consequence of
tonality and under a law of close connection with their constituent
intervals. These three chords are the perfect chord, the dominant seventh
162
chord* and the six-five chord on the fourth degree* It is a long way
from that of the unique perfect chord of Hameau to the construction of
other chords hy addition of thirds and the suppression of intervals.
However* it is evident that Daube borrowed his chord on the fourth degree
from the double emplol of the French harmonist, as he perhaps owes to
Sorge, of whom he does not speak, the idea of the original existence of
the dominant seventh chord. Lastly, Hameau also gives him the theory of
the inversion of fundamental chords. Daube does not explain the motive
which makes him accept the six-five chord as fundamental, rather than
that of the seventh on the second degree. But after what he says in
the second chapter concerning the dissonance of the second which generates
the seventh, and not the seventh giving rise to the second, there is
reason to believe that it is this motive which makes him consider the
chord of the six-five as fundamental, because the interval of a second
exists between the fifth and the sixth.
The three chords of which he has just spoken appear to the author
of the system to constitute all harmony, because he says (ch. iii, p. 20)
they and their derivatives suffice to accompany all the degrees of the
ascending and descending scale. And to demonstrate it, he gives this
tonal formula with the harmonies drawn from these very chords* but some
of these harmonies are as poor with respect to the feeling of tonality
as with that of the succession of intervals. For example, Daube places
the six-four-three on the ascending sixth degree, followed by the chord
1*
Daube, in giving the figured bass for the inversions, lists the
six-four-three as the first inversion and the fundamental seventh chord
as the third inversion^ (johann Friedrich Daube, Generalbass in drey
Accorden gegrflndet {^Leipzig * J. B. Andra, 1?56]r p. 17.)
163
of the minor fifth and sixth on the leading tone? whence it follows that
the dissonance of the chord on the sixth degree has no possible resolu
tion. This fault, and the six-four chord on the dominant which deprives
this degree of its chord of repose, makes the harmonic formula of the
author of this system inadmissible. Marpurg sharply criticized this
scale and many other things, under the mask of anonymity, in the second
volume of his Historisch-kritische Beytrfige zur Aufnahme der Muslk (p* 465).
Daube considers all the other chords either as complete prolonga
tions of the primary chords, or derived from cadential activity, or as
alterations of the natural intervals of these chords— a system in which
Sorge had preceded him.
Let us not be astonished by Daube*s error as regards the six-five
chord on the fourth degree, because this harmony, derived from certain
modifications of which he spoke later, had been the stumbling-block of
all harmonists until today. By considering it as primary, the whole
concept of a complete rational system is made impossible. Actually Daube
added nothing to the fundamental base of these systems laid down by
Rameau and Sorge; nevertheless, in his book one finds some good modulatory
formulas which have enjoyed a certain vogue in Germany,
After Daube, a remarkable book appeared which, nevertheless,
escaped Germany's attention, or which at least was not appraised at its
just worth. I wish to speak of what Schroter, organist in Nordhausen,
published in 1772 under the title Deutllche Anwelsung zum Generalbass
(instruction claire sur la basse continue).^* An educated man, not only
"L* «
Christoph Gottlieb Schroter, Deutliche Anwelsung zum Generalbass.
in bestandiger Veranderung des uns angebohmen harmonlschen Dreyklanges
mlt zulMngllchen Exempeln (Ealberstadti J. H. Gross, 1772).
16k
In music but in letters and in sciences, Schrflter strengthened his ideas
on a theory of harmony, object of so many fruitless efforts, in meditation
and in the calm of a small village. He had read everything which had been
published on this science, had analysed the work of his predecessors with
care, and had resumed his observations and analysis in a history of har
mony of which the manuscript, unfortunately, perished in a pillage of
Nordhausen by the French army in 1761. Too elderly to begin a similar
work, Schrflter limited himself to giving a resume in the excellent preface

1*
of his Deutliche Anwelsung, Nevertheless, I ought to acknowledge that
this interesting man had a moment of error in taking part in the discussion
of Sorge and Marpurg, and in declaring himself in favor of this latter by
the observations inserted by Marpurg into his Kritische Briefe, but later
he severed himself from the latter in the most important points of his
theory.
Schrflter establishes in the eighth chapter of his book (p. 38) that
there is only that perfect chord which exists by itself, and that all the
others are the products either of the inversion of this chord, or of the
substitution of the seventh for the octave for the formation of the
dominant seventh chord, or of prolongation, for the construction of the
seventh on the second degree and the harmony which derives from it, or
finally, of the anticipation.
Well then, here is a great step in the true theory, in that the
harmony of the minor seventh and those which derive from it are considered
in their real aspect, i.e., [as] a prolongation which retards the natural
■^Sections of the resume have been translated by Arnold, I, 295-

301.
165
intervals of a consonant chord. In this phenonomen, Schroter considers
only the effect of a suspension! this is why he gives it the name
Yerzoger»ng (retardatio). If one had demanded of him what this retardement
isr he would have met with a great deal of embarrassment to find a satis
factory response, because it is evident that if the prolongation ceases,
e.g., in the chord d-f-a-cr one will have d-f-a-b for a resolution, which
is not a consonant harmony. Now, there is another circumstance which, in
the chord d-f-a-c, unites with the prolongation of c, but Schroter* s
analysis did not dig so deeply— it stopped at the discovery of the fact
of retardement. One can not deny that this discovery is of great impor
tance, because it furnished the first element for a classification of
dissonant chords which do not exist originally as the consequences of
tonality. This was the first blow raised at the false theory which had
ranked the seventh chord with a minor third in the same class of harmony
as that of the seventh with a major third.
Concerning the latter, Schroter took a step backwards in consider
ing it as the product of the substitution of the seventh for the octave
of the perfect chord, because this chord of the dominant seventh,
characteristic of modern tonality, exists by itself in this tonality of
which it is the generator, This is what Euler and Sorge saw so well.
In chapters nine through 17, Schroter develops the results of the
theory set forth in the eighthf the eighteenth is devoted to alterations,
and the nineteenth to the retardements of all natural and altered har
monies, In the latter the author gives proof of a great sagacity- Some
of his views are more advanced than the state of the art of his time, and
he foreshadows by instinct some of the harmonic aggregations which Mozart,
166
Beethoven, Weber, and Rossini subsequently introduced into practice.
I have said in my article on Klrnberger (Blographle universelle
des muslciens, V, 341) that we have conceded too much to this theoreti
cian in improving the theory of harmony, I myself conceded too much in
this work, because I was acquainted with neither Sorge's books nor that
of Schroter, and because the music historians who spoke about him had
not understood his merit. All the writers who have cited Kiraberger's
book Die wahren Grunds&tze zum Gebrauch der Harmonle (Les vrai nrlncipes
conceraant 1 *usage de 1 'harmonle )•*•* say that he reduces the fundamental
harmony to the perfect and the seventh chordsf even he, in the prefaces
of his various works, and especially in that of his Grunds&tze des
Generalbass [jBerlin, I781J, which are the practical development of the
preceding work, even he, I say, congratulates himself on having arrived
at this simplicity. But just as he considers the three-tone chord under
its three tonal forms, namely, the perfect chord with the major third,
the same chord with the minor third, and lastly the chord of a minor
third and minor fifth (on the leading tone), so he considers the seventh
chord as original, whether it has either the major third, as g-b-d-f, or
whether this third is minor, as in a-c-e-g, or,finally, whether the third
and the fifth are minor, as in b-d-f-a, or even whether the third and
seventh are major, as in e-e-g-b. These forms, Kiraberger says, differ
only in the quality of the intervals, but the quality of the intervals
is precisely what establishes the difference in the natural or artificial
existence of the chords with respect to tonality. If the difficulty were
not that, there would be nothing at all in it*
l*Berlin und KBnigsberg: G. J. Decker und G. L, Hartung, 1773«
167
As for the seventh chord on the second degreer Klrnberger derives
it from the retardation of the sixth in the chord of the sixth on the
same degree, derived from the chord of the minor third and minor fifthr
His chord thus formed is composed, therefore, of d-f-c, retarding d-f-bj
sometimes the fifth is Introduced, he says, to fill up the harmony. But
by virtue of what law and by what technique is this strange note introduced
into the chord? This is what he has not seen at allr and what he does not
even attempt to explain, restricting himself to point out a fact of experi
ence. Indeed, this difficulty is the most extensive of all the rational
theory of harmony, and it has been the stumbling-block of ail the
harmonists
After Klrnberger, several musicians who enjoyed honorable reputa
tions in Germany wrote some harmony and basso continuo treatises during
the last part of the eighteenth century, but among them only one appears
to me to have wanted to create a system which does not appear to have
been realized on a single attempt, if we judge by the first writings
intended for propagation, compared to his last works in which he set
forth his system. The author of this system was Abbe Vogler who, having
instituted a school of music in Mannheim in 1776, published in the same
year a sort of manifesto of the principles which he taught there in a
book entitled Tonwissenschaft und Tonsetzkunst (La science de la musique
et de la composition), followed by a sort of commentary on these principles
which appeared under the title Ghurpfalzlsche Tonschule. and a paper of
l*For a comparative and detailed analysis of the theories of

Marpurg and Klrnberger, see Joyce Mekeel, "The Harmonic Theories of
Klrnberger and Marpurg," JMT, IV (Nov., I960), 169-93•
168
the progress of the school hy the new method entitled Betrachtungen der
Hannhwimer Tonschule (Examens de 1* ecole de musique de Mannheim). The
necessity of all these explanations does not give a favorable Idea of
the system’s lucidityf the obscurity of the doctrine and the incoherence
of Its elements were actually the faults for which the critics of the
time reproached him, Welsbecke , professor of law at Erland, attacked
this theory in writings published in 1783 and 17841 Knecht, pupil of
Vogler's first school, was obliged to go to the defense of his master,
and the Gazette musicale of Spire became the organ of a polemic on this
subject. Later Vogler reproduced his system in Copenhagen, writing In
Banish, and undertook a new demonstration of his principles in a school
founded for this purpose. Finally in 1800 he published in Prague, where
he made a course of his theory, a Handbuch zur Harmonielehre und fur den
Generalbass (Manuel de la science de 1'harmonie at de la basse continue.
d'apres les prlnclpes de 18ecole de Mannheim). There he complains with
bitterness, in a long preface, of the attacks of which his works and
his person have been the object, and of the accusations of charlatanism
which were hurled in his face. Whatever opinion one has of the doctrine
and writings of Vogler, one is deeply touched to see a man who has had
the glory of training in his school at Darmstadt the two most eminent
German musicians of the present time, Carl Maria von Weber and Meyerbeer,
obliged to debate the legitimacy of his claims for the respect of artists,
After this digression, which seemed necessary for those who do not know
Vogler's works, I return to the analysis of his system.
This system is taken, as far as its theoretical part, from Levons'
book, and, as for the practical applications, from Vallotti's principles,
169
of which I will speak presently. Taking a string which he divided har
monically on the one hand, and in an arithmetical progression on the
other, he obtains the harmonic and diatonic intervals in the lower and
middle notes, in accordance with the acoustical construction of the
trumpet and horn, and the chromatic intervals in the higher notes.
Like Levens, he establishes three [whole-3 tones whose proportions are
different, namely, a major tone, b-flat to c, in the proportion 7:8|
a middle tone, c to d, as 8:9I a ninor tone, 9*10 (Tonwelsscnschaft,
pp. 122-23) , The arithmetical progression, extended to the 32 term,
gives Vogler a chromatic scale, a major scale with the notes c, d, £,
f , g, a, b, an enharmonic scale of c-sharp and d-flat. d-sharp and
e-flat, e-sharp and f-natural, etc., and, finally, a minor scale.
Vogler also obtains the perfect major chord (c-e-g) from the
division of his string by the arithmetical progression, the perfect
minor chord (g-b-flat-d), the chord of a minor third and minor fifth
(e-g-b-flat), the chord of a minor seventh with a major third (c-c-g-
b-flat), the major ninth chord (c-e-g-b-flat-d), the chord of a minor
seventh with a minor fifth (e-g-b-flat-d)i finally, all the harmonies,
without excepting those whose intervals are generally designated by the
name "chromatic." Therefore, following the author of the system, it is
no longer a question of putting each of these chords on the degree where
T*Vogler observes that the difference between each type of whole-

tone is equal to a comma, the very discrepancy in just intonation which
led to the emergence of mean-tone temperament. Vogler also observes the
existence of two kinds of half-stepsj the "major" half-step (15:16) occurs
distonically between e-f and b-£, while the "minor" half-step (2^:25) occurs
chromatically, as c-c-sharp. (Abbe [Georg Joseph] Vogler, Tonwissenschaft
und Tonsetzkunst [Mannheim, 1776], pp. 12-13.) Fetis* page references are
most curious— the treatise has only 86 pages!
170
It is most correctly placed* Undoubtedly this would be a radical
difficulty with respect to tonality, if Vogler accepted the formulas of
tonality which might expressly define the place of each, because of
certain functions of successions* But he does not forget that the
arithmetical progression has given him not a scale, but a chromatic
scale, and, faithful to his principle, he establishes that all possible
chords, fundamental or derived, can be formed on each of the notes of
this scale. Although he may be obliged to comply with usage and establish
the keys of c, d, e-flat, f, etc,, he maintains that in these keys every
note which does net seem to belong, every harmony which is foreign, may
be put in place without resulting in real modulations, unless cadential
action sets up the new key. It is true that, in the formation of this
monstrous system, so completely contrary to every feeling of the most
delicate part, the most sensitive of the art, he forgets a greater
difficulty, namely, that the tendencies determined by the inequalities
of the justness of the intervals under the terms of the arithmetical
progression do not permit the harmonies to transfer to notes other than
those fixed by these tendencies, without affecting the ear by the dis
comfort which false intervals produce, because the ratios are no longer
the same. For example, the number seven, which gives the gravitational
dissonance of the fourth degree with the dominant, sets up a ratio which
can only exist between these two notes, following their functions which
consist of foreshadowing the return to tonic or the preparation of a
necessary modulation. Let us say that a similar theory is the negation
of all exact theory, because it reduces the art and the science to a
collection of disconnected facts. The laws of harmonic succession are
171
reduced to a similar maze of heterogeneous chordsf all the efforts of
Khecht to establish these Ians? without refuting his master's system,
In the hook conforming to this theory, which he published with the
title GemelnnStzliches elementarwerk der Harmonle and des Generalbasses
(Traite elementalre de 1 *harmonle et de la basse continue^- have been
fruitless.
Such was the last system of harmony which closed the eighteenth
century in Germany, and which was not at all a success, in spite of the
public teaching which its author did in several large cities. As for
the treatises of harmony and basso continue of Albrechtsberger,^ Turk,3
Portmann,^-Kessel,-5 and several others, I do not believe I have to give
an analysis of them because they contain more or less new views only in
detail, and only in what concerns more or less easy methods of teaching.
It is in this way that I have employed some of them for certain books of
the same kind published in France in the second half of the eighteenth
^Justin Heinrich Khecht], Augsburgi Lotter, 1792, 94, 98j 2d

edrj Munichj Falter, 1814, with 1 vol. of plates.
^Johann Georg Albrechtsberger], Kurzgefasste Methods, den

Generalbass zu erlemen (Methods abregee pour appendre la basse continue)
(Vienna und Mainz, 1792).
Daniel Gottlob Turk], Anweisung zum Generalbassplelen (instruction

sur 1 *accompagnement de la basse contlnueTT 2d ed.f Halle und Leipzig, 1800),
^Johann (Jottlisb Portmann], Lelchtes Lehrbuch der Harmonle,

Kbmposltlon und des Generalbasses, zum Gebrauch fttr Liebhaber der Musik.
angehende und fortschreitende Musiker und Komposltion mlt VorschlSgen
elner neuen Bezifferung (Methode facile d'hannonle, de composition et
de basse continue) (Darmstadt. 1789),
^Johann Christian Bertram Kessel], Unterricht lm Generalbasse zum

Gebrauche fur Lehrer und Lemende (instruction sur l 1usage de l'harmunle
pour les professeurs et les el&ves) (Leipzig1 Hertel, 1791JT
172
century, e«g«, those of Bethizy^ and of Bemetzrieder,^ who belong to the
same category
Before dealing with ths reform of the harmonic system by Catel,
who opened the nlnteenth century In France, It remains for me to cast
a glance on what was done In Italy and England In the last part of the
eighteenth century.
Tartini's theory was unsuccessful in Italy because it contained
only vague speculations which did not have any direct application in
practice. It was not the same with respect to a theory, both systematic
and practical, conceived by P. Vallotti, great Franciscan monk of the
monastery at Padua, who formed a school whose doctrine, developed by
the pupils of this savant musician, was very different from those of
the other schools in some essential points. Contemplated in the calm
of a cloister and during a long life, Vallotti's theory came to its
point of maturity when the author decided to publish it, but he had then
reached the age of 82 years, and death surprised him before he was able
to bring it to light. Only the first part was published under this
title i Della Scienza teorica e pratica della modema muslca (Padua t
Stamperia del Seminario []G* Manfre]], 1779)I it is purely speculative*
Ehe three other parts, unpublished to this day, were expected to deal
■*■[]Jean-Laurent de Bethlsy], Exposition de la theorle et de la

Pratique de la muslque. suivant les nouvelles decouvertes {Paris:
Lambert, 175^5*
Ânton Bemetnrieder]], Kouvel essai sur l'haraonie* suite de

traite de musique (Psirisi Chez 1'auteur et Onfroy, 1779)•
3*The harmonic principles of Bethizy are discussed in Krehbiol,

pp. 198-200.
173
with some of the practical elements of music,, counterpoint, the rules of
harmony and accompaniment.
Today we would not know, except by tradition, the applications
made by Vallotti of his speculative theory to the practice of the art
and to the system of harmony, if his pupil and successor, Sabbatinl, had
not made them known in his treatises of harmony3- and fugue*2 The first
of these works alone must occupy us here.
Sabbatini's method was purely empirical| one must not search for
a general view of systematic construction* The facts are ascertained
by their existence, but without searching for their origin. Thus
Sabbatini finds the perfect major chord on the tonic, the perfect minor
chord on the sixth degree, and a progression of these chords by a series
of bass movements descending a fifth and rising a fourth leads him to
the minor third and minor fifth chord, which is made on the leading tone.
As far as this last chord is concerned, he has shown more sagacity than
all his predecessors} the latter considered it as a natural chord in the
place which it occupies, while Sabbatini, or rather Vallotti, saw very
well that this chord which responds to no tonal condition of the major
or minor modes is affected only by analogy in a progression of perfect
non-modulatory chords,-^* It is remarkable that the more modem harmonic
^Luigi Antonio Sabbatini], la vera idea delle musicali numeriche

segnature dlretta al giovane studioso dell' armonla (Venicei Valle, 1799)•
^Trattato sopra le fughs musicali , * , corredato da copiosl saggi

del e le opere del Padre P. A, Vallotl (Venice, ca. 1802).
3*Sabbatini classifies the third, sixth, perfect fourth, and

fifth as consonant intervals. The leading tone triad, containing the
dissonant interval of a diminished fifth, is classified as consonant
harmony by analogy (armonle consonant! per rappresentanza)g (Sabbatini,
La vera idea, p, 12,]
174
theorists have shown themselves less advanced on this points As for the
harmony derived from the fundamental , Vallotti and Sabbatini followed
Rameau's doctrine *
Considering the chromatic scale as a true scale, these authors do
not present the augmented fifth, diminished third, nor the other modified
intervals of consonant chords as the alterations of the natural intervals
of the perfect major, minor, and diminished chords, but as an arbitrary
employment of the intervals which are all assumed in this chromatic scale.
Going ahead to dissonant chords, Sabbatini constructs them by the
addition of intervals to the perfect major, minor, and diminished chords,^*
Thus the addition of a major third above the perfect major chord on tonic
gives him a major seventh chord (c-a-g-b) which he considers as the first
in order. Likewise, the addition of a minor third above the perfect minor
chord on the sixth degree creates a minor seventh chord (a-c-£-g). Prom
these two fundamental chords he draws, by inversion, the six-five, six-
four-three, and second chords,3* Lastly, a major third added above the
1#
At no point does Sabbatini discuss "the chromatic scale as a true
scale," nor is the use of the augmented triad and diminished third triad
arbitrary. The augmented fifth and the diminished third triads or their
inversions are, like the diminished fifth triad, consonant harmony by
analogy, and are derived by chromatic alteration from a specific chord in
minor. The augmented fifth triad occurs on the mediant and precedes tonic
in a quasi dominant-like manner! the diminished third triad occurs on the
raised subdominant and precedes the dominant, (ibid., pp. 15-19 *)
2*
Sabbatini was obviously well-versed with Tartini1s Trattato, be
cause his precept for the formation of dissonant chords from consonant
chords (”. , . che non si dk, nk puo darsi posizione dissonants, se non
fondata sopra la posizione consonante" £p. 20]) is almost verbatim what
Tartini stated on page 77 of his treatise, (See p. 132, n. 2*.)
3*The complete figuring six-four-two is more commonly abbreviated

four-two or two. Marpurg, in his discussion of the "chord of the second,"
describes it thus: " . . . the lower end of it, and accordingly the bass,
175
minor third and minor fifth chord creates the leading-tone seventh chord
(b-d-f-a). Sabbatini says next (to vera idea delle musical! numerlche
segnature, art. v, p. 32) that there is another minor seventh chord which
is made on the fifth of the principal note of the key, and which is com
posed of a major thirdr just fifthr and minor seventh, as g-h-d-f. That,
he says, differs from the others in that it does not need to be prepared,
whereas the dissonance of the former always ought to be heard beforehand
in the consonant state.
We see that the absence of a good classification of the original
chords at this point throws the author of this system into a great con
fusion of ideas, and the logical order which we have seen with the
authors of the most erroneous systems no longer appears here. Because
what is this seventh chord which exists outside of the system of practical
generation adopted by the author, which has different conditions for its
use, and which only resembles them by the necessity to resolve the
dissonance by descending?-*-* And how is it, that having found from practice
that this dissonant chord does not need preparation, Vallotti and Sabbatini
did not conclude from it that it was the constituent chord of tonality,
as well as the perfect major and minor chords? How, finally, is it that
the necessity of preparing the dissonances of the other chords of the
contains the dissonance, since the parent chord is here standing on its
head." (Harpurg, Handbuch bey dem Generalbasse j^2d ed„j Berlin, 1762],
par. 44, p. 66.)
For the special priviledge accorded the major-minor seventh

chord, Sabbatini takes refuge in the seventh partial of the overtone
series which, while not consonant, is also not a "true dissonance."
To support his theory he cites both Tartini (Trattato, pp. 126ff») and
Vallotti (Della Sclenza teorlca, p. 115). (Sabbatini, to vera idea,
pp. 32-34.7
176
seventh did not make them see that these chords had an origin other than
the additions of thirds to the perfect chords? Many other imperfections
arise from this systemr hut I hasten to arrive at the singularities which
made this system he rejected hy the purist schools of Xtalyr in deference
to the practice.
The addition of a minor third ahove the perfect diminished chord
of the minor mode leads Vallotti and Sabbatini to the diminished seventh
chord f the same addition to the same chord with a chromatic or diminished
third produces the diminished seventh chord with a diminished third
(d-sharp-f-a-c) finally the addition of a minor third ahove the perfect
augmented chord gives rise to the major seventh chord with an augmented
fifth (c-e-g-sharp-b).^* All the harmonies derived from these chords are
formed by their inversion.
As far as thatr if the theory is unsatisfactory, the practical
examples of harmony of Sabbatinifs book conform to what is done in the
modem school. But here is a new, unusual part, where the ear is offended
by strange associations of sounds whose movements are not known to give
the sensation of resolved dissonances, inasmuch as the notes on which the
resolutions are made are always heard in the chord. Thus, in the perfect
chord c-e-g-c, where he even doubles the intervals, Sabbatini says when
one adds the ninth, so that the chord he presents is composed of c-e-g-
•*-*This seventh chord with a diminished third occurs on the

raised fourth scale degree in minor, and resolves immediately to the
dominant.
Unlike the augmented triad, this mediant seventh chord in minor

resolves to a dominant seventh chord.
177
c-d-e-g-c,1* the first derived harmony is a seven-six-four chord (e-g-c-d),
the second, a six-five-four chord (g-c-d-e^), and the complete inversion,
a seven-four-two chord (d-e-g-c)»
It is, moreover, in this way that Sabbatini, following Vallotti,
adds a dissonance of the eleventh to the perfect major or minor chord
whose intervals are redoubled* the chord thus composed occurs in this
form* £-£—g-£-£-f—g. Its first derivative is the nine-eight-six-three
chord (e-g-c-e-f), the second, the seven-six-four chord (g-c-e-f), and
the £third] inversion, the seven-five-two chord (f-g-c-e).^*
Yet, who would believe that these harmonies, so harsh,-' so devoid
of the means of good resolutions, were imagined by a savant musician—
educated in the most perfect principles'— only by the spirit of the system,
and because he had not understood the technique of suspension which delays
the natural intervals of the chords; If he had. understood the theory of
this technique, he would have seen by this alone, that if a note in a
chord is delayed, it can not be heard at the same time as the suspension*
consequently, instead of composing the ninth chord of c-e-g-c-d, he ought
to form it of c-e-g-d, delaying c-e-g-c, Prom that point he would have
^-*First, in each musical example the ninth is a suspended dissonance,

a decorative pitch, and not a true harmonic member. Secondly, Fetis' criti
cism here is wholly unwarranted, because in none of the musical examples is
the note of resolution present with the suspension. While Sabbatini does
have this "doubled" ninth chord, it does not occur in a musical context,
but in a figure illustrating the dissonant interval (9) as it occurs between
8 and 10* neither this chord nor any other chord in a "figure" is resolved.
O*
In the musical examples, the ninths and elevenths are all dominant
In function,
3*a germane observation by Fetis, because eleventh chords tend to

lose their identity when the root is in an upper voice and occurs above
the eleventh* the resultant clash between the major third and the "eleventh"
is undoubtedly what Fetis means by "harsh."
173
avoided all the harmonic abhorrences which he presents as derivatives of
his primary harmony. Likewise, the principle of suspension would have
proven to him that his so-called eleventh is only a fourthj this fourth
delays the third, and consequently the third and the fourth can not he
heard simultaneously. Thus, instead of having a chord composed of
£-£-f-g-c which does not occur in any well-written piece of music, he
should have had £-f-g-c, delaying c-e-g-c j its derived harmonies would
have had the same regularity,
I do not need to extend farther the examination of this bizarre
theory in order to make clear that, when Vallotti'a students began to
propagate it, those provoked against it were all distinguished composers
in Italy, It [[the theory^ was special in that it alone had the pretension
of reforming the art of writing, because all the other systems had
limited themselves to giving more or less false explanations of the facts,
more or less close to the truth, or creating some simple speculative
hypotheses.
We can not consider the Begole musicali per i princlpianti di
cembalo, nel sonar coi numerl e per i princlpianti dl contrappunto (Naplesi
Mazsala, 1795)^* of {jFcdele] Fenaroli as the expose of a harmonic theory}
it is only a practical outline of the tradition of Duranters school, pure
but outmoded tradition} it did not represent the actual state of the art.
In the eighteenth century England did not have any harmonic theorists
whose works are worthy of any notice. Five well-known musicians, as a
matter of fact, published some harmonic treatises, but four of these
musicians were Germans, and the fifth was Italian, The first, Gottfried
^*lfce first edition appeared in 1775» not 1795»
179
Keller, settled in london about 1702. like all the predecessors of
Rameau, it was not his intent to make a system of harmony of his Methods
complete pour apprendre a accompagner la basse continue, but to formulate
some rules for accompaniment, as the title of his book indicates.-*- There
is more analysis in Pepusch's work, which has for a title A Treatise on
Harmony,^ but this musician, also German by birth, does not seem to have
known the Tralte de 1'harmonle of the French theorist, and stuck to con
sidering harmony in the art of composition, in lieu of presenting a
system of generation and classification of chords. The first systematic
book published in England dealing with harmony is that of Johann Fried
rich Lampe, German by birth, who published a method of basso continuo
based on Bameau*s principles of fundamental bass in 1737*^ A few years
later the celebrated violinist Geminianl published his Guide harmonique**'
(production worse than mediocre), which can not be taken as a systematic
treatise of harmony, because it is only a sort of dictionary of chordal
successions and of modulations.^*
A Compleat Method for Attaining to Play a Thorough Bass upon

either Organ, Harpsichord or Theorbo-Lute. . . . (Londoni Walsh and
and Hare, n.d.).
^Johann Christoph (John Christopher) PepuschJ, A Treatise on

Harmonyi Containing the Chief Rules for Composing in Two, Three, and
Four Parts (Londoni W, Pearson, 173lT*
Â Plain and Compendious Method of Teaching Thorough-Bass (Londoni

Wilcox, 17371:-------- ---------------------- ------- -----
\Francesco Saverio Geminianii Gulda Armonlca o Dlzlonario Armonlco

being a Sure Guide to Harmony and Modulation (London: Johnson, 1742),
5*
The third part of Serre’s Observations sur les principles de
1'haraonis is a critique of Geminianl's treatise.
180
Kollmann, the last of the writers mentioned above , had come from
Germany about I782 to settle in London* Fourteen years later he
published a book entitled Basal sur 1*harmonle muslcale, sulvant la
nature de cette science et les prlnclpes des auteurs les plus celebres*!
These principles are those of Kirnberger, whom Kollmann frequently
limited himself to translating) but in endeavoring to supplement some
gaps in it, he borrowed some ideas from Marpurg, not knowing the contra
dictions which axe found between the doctrines of these two theorists*
Later he noticed the anomaly of the two systems which he had tried to
reconcile in this work, believed he found a more rational and homogeneous
theory in Balliere's book, and published it in his Nouvelle Theorie de
1*harmonle muslcale* The analysis which I have done of the principles
of Balliere exempts me from the examination of Kollmann's b o o k . 3*
[Âugust Friedrich Christoph Kollmann (Augustus Frederic

Christopher Kollman)^ r An Essay on Musical Harmony, according to the
Nature of that Science and the Principles of the Greatest Musical
AuthorsTLondon 1 W» Bulmer and Co., I796).
^Kollmann], A New Theory of Musical Harmony. According to a Com

plete and Natural System of that Science (London1 V. Bulmer and Co*.
1805J.
' jsrwin H. Jacobi discusses Kollmann's writings in his article

"Harmonic Theory in England after the Time of Rameau." JMT, I (Nov.,
1957), 138-143.
181
CHAPTER III
THE NINETEENTH CENTURYi THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ART. A COMPLETE
AND DEFINITIVE FORMATION OF THE THEORY OF HARMONY
After the discovery of the natural harmony of the dominant,
which created modem tonality and the first means of actual modulation*
the composers* placed under the influence of this tonality* devoted
themselves to developing the immediate consequences* and more than 50
years elapsed before one felt the need for new means of effects. It was
only towards the end of the seventeenth century that musicians began to
introduce ascending or descending alterations of natural intervals into
the consonant chords. The first of these alterations consisted of
raising the sixth of a chord of the sixth on the sixth degree of the minor
mode a semitone* whence resulted an attraction analogous to that of the
leading tone. For example* the chord of the sixth on the sixth degree of
the key of a minor (f-a-d) becomes an augmented sixth chord (f-a-d-sharp).
This d-sharp, placed in the relationship of a tritone with a* determines
a necessity for an ascending resolution. But this interval of a tritone
or major fourth can be thought of as a minor fifth* if one changes d-sharp
to e-flat> the intonation in voices and Instruments of variable pitch does
not differ except in a tiny amount* which determines a descending attrac
tion. Now let us suppose that the augmented sixth chord f-a-d-sharp is
spontaneously changed into a seventh chord f-a-e-f1st > an unexpected modu
lation will follow it since* following the law of tonality* the seventh
chord f-a-e-flat immediately defines the key of B-flat* being the dominant
of this key. Likewise* the harmony of the dominant seventh chord can be
182
changed Into that of the augmented sixth and consequently define a modu
lation from the key of B-flat to that of a minor«
From this possibility of unexpected key changer the feeling of
surprise results, a feeling which did not exist in music prior to the
use of alteration in the natural intervals of chords. In ay Philosophic
de la muslque, I called the category of harmonic occurrences resulting
from this alteration the ordre transltonlque of music, and I have
discovered the principle of the variable proportions of intervals}
because of their resolution tendencies, the principle introduces some
new numbers into the calculation of these intervals} finally,the principle,
unknown until today to all theorists, whose unrecognized existence had been
the cause of so much bad reasoning and so many vain disputes f~sic!.
The alteration of the intervals of consonant chords was the
expression of the composer's audacity for a long time} in the first part
of the eighteenth cerûry, some isolated occurrences of the alteration of
dissonant chords, as a matter of fact, made them be noticed individually
very infrequently, but as the results of accident and, as it were, unknown
to the musicians who used them. Mozart was the first who, observing the
expressive accent which resides in the alterations, increased the usage
with a rare sagacity, and inserted them systematically into the dissonant
chords. From that time, he could not only insert a greater number of
dramatic accents into his songs, but also increase and vary the means of
unexpected modulations, because we understand that a great many new
attractions were bound to be b o m of these combinations which group
together dissonances of different kinds} some of them are ascending In
their capacity as leading tones, and others descending as ordinary
183
dissonances. For example, let us suppose that we Introduce an ascending
alteration in the third of the minor fifth and sixth chord (commonly
called diminished fifth) of the key of Cj we will have a chord composed
of b-d-sharp-f-g, which we will arrange in a more attractive manner for
the ear. making it b-f-g-d-sharpj because d-sharp is the expressive accent,
it should be found in the melody, namely, in the upper voice. Now what
will be the result of this chord? A gravitational minor fifth between
b and f and a dissonance of the second between f and g will oblige f to
descend} a diminished third or augmented sixth between d-sharp and f.
giving d-sharp the instantaneous character of the leading tone, will
oblige it fd-sharp! to risej lastly an augmented fifth or diminished
fourth between g and d-sharp f sicl.
Suppose that to all of these attractions, some combinations of
substituted notes (which I will speak about in the examination of a
definitive theory) and the delay of some one of the natural notes of
the chords are joined! the attractions will multiply, and the means of
modulation will be increased in the same proportion. Beethoven,
Cherubini, Weber, and Rossini, having followed in the footsteps of
Mozart, have extended the domain of the ordre transitonlque in intro
ducing there, through the means that I have just indicated, lots of new
1*
occurrences. The last expression of this course is that where the
simple and multiple alterations are joined to all the combinations of
varied tendencies which can be added there, we arrive at the solution of
"I
Fetis, in his Traite d 1harmonle, explores the concept of common
tone modulation, which he calls an "intuitive attraction," because
", . , musical sense compensates for this implied harmony at the moment
of the tonal change." (Bk, III, ch. iii, par. 270, pp. 180-81.)
184
this problem* A note being given, find some combinations and some har
monic formulas so that it can be resolved in all of the keys and in their
different modes,, Therefore, having come to the ordre omnitoniquer the
art will have no more harmonic discoveries to make, at least following
the construction of our scale.
When the Baris Conservatoire of Music was organized in 1796* the
most renowned professors of each branch of the art who taught, each
according to his ideas and his method, were brought together, because
there had not been time to prepare a main doctrine for a uniform education.
This is why Rudolph gave lessons according to his empirical method, stripped
completely of the capacity of analysis^ why Rey made his courses according
to the system of fundamental bassi why Langle developed the results of the
theory which we saw set forth previously, and why Berton, freed from every
consideration of system, used the practical method with his students. It
was only some years later that this celebrated composer conceived his
p
family tree of chords sued the dictionary which is its outgrowth,
Still we soon became aware of the inconveniences of this diversity
of method and system in a school where doctrinal unity ought to be the
foundation of instruction. A commission composed of Cherubini, Gossec,
Martini, LeSeur, Mehul, Catel, Lacepede, Frony, and the professors who
have just been named^* was appointed to begin in 1801 with a view to
■^Johann (jean) Joseph Rudolph (Rudolphs)], Theorie d’aecompagnement

et de composition, a l'usage des elSves de 1*ecole natlonale de musique
"(Baris i Naderman, 1779)*
^Henrl-Montan Berton], Traite d*harmonic base sur l*arbre

genealoglque des accords (Barisi Mme, Duhan, 1804)i Dlctlonnalre des
accords (3 vols.i Baris* Mme, Duhan, 1804),
3*Andre Frederic ELer (1764-1821) and Nicholas Etienne Framery

(1745-1810) were also members of the commission.
185
discussing and laying down the foundations of a system of harmony. That
of Rameau, especially, was the object of serious examination, because it
still had many followers in France, Mehul, named chairman of the
commission, expressed it in this way in the last meetingi
In a conflict of contrary opinions, supported by the

partisians or antagonists of the system of fundamental bass, the
commission, not being able to distinguish the whole truth, sus
pended its judgement when the work submitted for our confirma
tion came to terminate all the discussions, by offering a
corplete system, simple in its principles and clear in its
developments,1* (Fetis* italics,)
This system which unified so many advantages, according to Mehul,
was the one that Catel published shortly afterwards under the title
Tralte d*harmonic adopts par le Conservatoire, pour servir a 1*etude
dans cet etabllssement (Paris» 1802), The influence which the Con
servatoire already exercised in this period^* soon confirmed beyond all
question what the most celebrated musicians of France declared to be
what was better; this was the coup de grace given to Bameau's system,
and the destruction of the latter was proportionally more complete and
rapid because the remaining sectaries were excluded from public teaching
at this time.
1*Arretes relatifs a 1*adoption de Traite d*harmonle as quoted in

Charles Simon Catel, Traits d*harmonle adopte par le Conservatoire, pour
servir a 1'etude d£ns cet etabllssement (Leipzig: Peters, 1&0?), p, ii.
2*
The influence of the Conservatoire extended beyond the borders
of France and Europe* 30 years after the initial publication of Catel*s
treatise* an edition appeared in America, This edition was A Treatise
on Harmony, Written and Composed for the use of the Pupils at the Royal
Conservatoire of Music in Paris; s , » From the English Copy with
Additional Kotss and Explanations by Lowell Mason (Boston; James Loring,
1832).
186
What then was this theory, so satisfying that it was adopted
unquestionably by the most skillful French musicians, and which acquired
immediately a vogue which had been the reward of Bameau only after 30
years of works, struggles, and multiple publications? Catel discloses
it in a single phrase i "In harmony there exists only a single chord in
which all of the others are contained" (p. 5)*^* What is thischord, and
how is it formed? Here is a resume of what Catel says in thatrespect.
If we take a string which is tuned to the lowest g of the piano,
and if we divide it in half, we find its octave Ql] j its thirdpart gives
the octave of its fifth fd]f its fifth the double octave of its third fbji
its seventh, the twenty-first interval, or the double octave of its
seventh ff *1; finally, its ninth, its twenty-third £interval]], or the
double octave of its ninth fa'"], A chord composed of g-b-d-f-a results,
thus, from this division. This chord is that to which in practice the
name "dominant ninth" is given. It contains the perfect major chord
(g-b-d), the perfect minor chord (d-f-a), the perfect diminished chord
(b-d-f), the dominant seventh chord (g-b-d-f), etc., and the leading-tone
seventh (b-d~f-a). By continuing the operation of the division of the
chord to the third octave, ire., starting from the sound 1/8 [~grl« we
find the sounds l/lO, l/l2, l/l4, and l/l7, which produce the dominant
minor ninth chord (g-b-d-f-a-flat) and the diminished seventh chord
(b-d-f-a-flat). All of these chords are natural and fundamentalj
by inversion of the intervals we can obtain the natural chords like them,
Peters edition, pff ^ _
Fundamental means root position.
187
and which, the same as the fundamental ones, are attacked without
* 1*
preparation, as arising from the formation of tonality.
Notice that the geometrician de Prony, who joined the commission,
had no difficulty admitting the sound l/7 as the true f of a scale, and
the sound 1/9 as a, although these proportions are not those of geometri
cians for those notes, with the exception of Euler, whose memoir on the
first of these numbers appears to have heen unknown or unnoticed by

2*
mathematicians. Then with the consent of de Prony, it is verified by
these words of the minutes of adoption imprinted at the front of the
Traite d1harmonle1 "The citizen Catel develops his system of harmony.
After a mature deliberation, the general assembly adopts it unanimously.
. . (Fetis’ italics.)
The natural chords being found, as we have just seen, Catel
establishes that all the harmonic combinations other than the former are
formed by notes foreign to the chords, which we call "passing notes," by
1*
All harmony having its origin in the first nine partials of the
monochord or sonorous body— perfect triads, dominant seventh or ninth,
and the half-diminished seventh— constitutes "natural or simple harmony"*
the dissonance does not have to be prepared.
^*Euler was one of the first mathematicians to employ logarithms

for the calculation of intervals, Baron Gaspard Biche de Prony (1744-1839)
lamented the lack of influence engendered by Euler’s Tentamen novae theorlae
musicae, which was either unknown or scarcely known in France. ("Du rapport
fait a l ’academie des sciences sur cet ovrage," in Baron Blein's Princlpes
de melodie et d*harmonle dedults de la theorle des vibrations £paris,
l§38j, p. xTT Following Euler, de Prony UBed logarithms to determine
intervals, and in Instruction elementaire sur les moyens de calculer les
intervalles muslcaux (Parisi~ Bidot, 1822) pointed out the advantage
obtained by utilizing logarithms based on two for determining intervals.
Moreover, de Prony also calculated a table of logarithms based on the
twelfth root of two, a table used for equal-tempered timing, (larousse
ds la muslque Cl957j* Ir 555*)
3*Arretes relatlfs a 1’adoption de Traite d*harmonle. p. ii.
188
prolongations which suspend or delay the natural Intervals of the chords*
or finally by the alterations of these same intervals,"*'* As for the
substitution which I will discuss later, Catel did not see it at all,
but he has a sort of intuition about it when he said, in reference to
the analogy of the use of the diminished fifth chord (fifth and sixth
minor) and of those of the leading-tone seventh and diminished seventhi
The similarity^* which exists between these chords proves

their identityf and clearly demonstrates that they have the same
origin (p. lif),
Everything which has been said about the leading-tone

seventh, as far as its relation to the dominant seventh, applies
to the diminished seventh (p» 16)»
It is an idea, the results of which are fertile, since that of
the search for the origin of the harmonies and of their analogy in the
destination which they have conform to the order of tonal succession.
If Catel had delved further into this consideration, he would have left
nothing for his successors to do, because he would have found the
complete system of which he has only denoted some parts.
As far as prolongation, although he had not formulated the theory
in a general manner, and although he had paid too little attention to
some special cases, he knew the technique well in what concerns the
consonant chords and some of the dissonant chords. But the obstacle
against which some of the preceding theories had run aground still recurs
in Catel’s and leads to a similar ruin. This obstacle is, as we quite
1♦
These harmonic combinations which are founded on the natural
chords Catel calls "artificial or composed harmony,”
The two chords, the dominant seventh and the half-diminished

seventh, have three common tones, and both of the chords resolve to tonic.
189
expect, the minor seventh chord on the second degree and the harmonies
which derive from it* We have to recall that In the dominant major ninth
chord, produced by the division of the string, he found the perfect minor
chord, d-f-aj therefore this chord exists, for him, on the second degree
of the scale, although this Is not the one that Is located there In the
determination of tonality* According to him, in the succession of this
perfect chord to that of the tonic, if this tonic Is extended, it produces
the seventh chord which it concerns. But more difficulties arise here:
(l) the perfect minor chord on the second degree does not belong to the
tonality, while the prolongation which produces the seventh chord is
tonal* (2) Catel can only show this alleged origin of the seventh chord
by writing in five-parts,^* in order to have it complete, which is an
exception contrary to the principle of unity on which the whole veritable
theory ought to rest. (3) Lastly, the principle of the artificial con
struction of chords by prolongation maintains that the prolongation coming
to an end- the delayed chord occurs immediately. Now, every prolongation
which produces a dissonance before inevitably resolves by descending a
degree| the application of this fundamental rule can not find its place
here, for if c (the seventh of d-f-a-cj descended to b, we would have a
new dissonant six-five chord, d-f-a-b, which does not belong to the key,
and which would be that of the fourth degree of the relative minor key.
Catel understood this difficulty well, but not knowing how to get out of
it, and not having boon able to find the true origin of the chord, he had
recourse to this arbitrary rule whose falseness arises from itself, and
which he expresses thus:
l*Catel uses five-parts only for the root position seventh chord,
and not for any of the inversions.
190
The prolongation can he made, as well, on an already

complete chord in which the prolonged note will not have any
resolution! hut it should resolve, of course, in the following
chord hy descending a degree.*1'*
If Catel’s views had heen more general, and if he had known the
technique of substitution and the combinations of the collective
modification of natural chords, he might have avoided the stumbling-
block against which a part of his system has shattered.
If we search for what is original in Catel's theory and what was
borrowed from his precursors, or at least what was said only after them,
we will see that Sorge was the first to consider (in 17^5) consonant
harmony and the dominant seventh harmony as forming the class of natural
chords, but that the latter had been mistaken in classifying the minor
seventh chord on the second degree in the same class, while Catel had
seen quite well that he created an artificial harmony, although he did
not discover the nature of the device. Sorge also saw, however, that
some chords, notably those of the eleventh, of Rameau and Marpurg were
only the products of the prolongation which formed artificial chords,
but Schroter (in 1772) is the first who saw the seventh chord on the
second degree is one of the chords of this class, although he could not
say how the prolongation was effected. Finally, Schroter was the first
who analyzed clearly the facts of the alteration of the intervals of the
natural chords and the new aspects which they give to these chords. If
Catel had had no knowledge of these author's books, he at least had only
to renew what they had already published. But what appertains to him in
■^*Catel, ^Peters edition], p. 16.
191
particular is the view of the analogy of the major and minor dominant
ninth chords, leading-tone seventh, and diminished seventh with the domi
nant seventh chord. Also, it is the order which he had put in various
parts of the system and, lastly, the analysis of the facts of practice where
he demonstrated the skillfulness of a great musician. Consequently, we are
not astonished at the general success which his theory achieved in France
during the first 15 years of the nineteenth century* notice, on the con
trary, how many motives seemed to he compelled to stand in opposition to a
backward step that Reicha and some other harmonists have tried to have
done to the science for 25 years.
The great reputation which Reicha enjoyed in France and even in
Germany in these 25 years obliges me to enter into more details than I
would like on his system, which is, in a way, only the reproduction of old
theories outmoded by the discoveries of Sorge, Schroter, Kimberger, and,
above all, by Catel's method,
Reicha, setting aside the consideration of the succession of chords
which had caused such great strides to be made in the science since Sorge,
and consequently of the phenomena of harmonic construction resulting from
prolongation, returns to the system of isolated chords, of which he forms
an arbitrary classification, following certain considerations which are

peculiar to him. His theoretic foundation is composed of 13 consonant and
dissonant chords, among which a certain number are primary, and the others
the products of alteration.^-* From the first few facts by Reicha in the
-*-*The 13 chords are grouped into three classifications* (l) triads—

major, minor, and diminished* (2) seventh chords* (3) ninth chords. Those
which are the products of alteration constitute a fourth group, and include
+6, +6, 7r +5. Only the major and the minor triads are classified by
5 4+53
3 3
Reicha as consonant chords.
192
exposition of his principles,1 we perceive an unquestionable confusion in
the fundamental ideas, which throws it into a maze of a multitude of pecul
iar facts, a fault quite singular with a man who had followed courses in
philosophy, jurisprudence, and mathematics in Germany.
The two primary chords of Reicha*s classification sure the perfect
major and minor chords? the third is the perfect diminished chord (third
and fifth minor), which he makes a dissonant chord. In this, by the
classification of isolated chords, he differs from the other authors of
systems of harmony which recognized as dissonances only the sounds which
clash by seconds or, in their inversions and doublings, of the seventh
and ninth. What causes Reicha to rank this chord among the dissonant
ones is that, by the effect of the very construction of the diminished
(minor) f-fth interval, there is a sort of attraction between the two

2*
sounds which compose this interval. But he ought to have seen that
this attraction is not so overbearing that it does not disappear in a
succeeding modulation to this chord, which has no place with respect to
the true dissonance, unless it takes the character of the leading tone
through enharmonics. The fourth chord of the classification is that of
the augmented fifth? but here the confusion of the author's ideas of the
system come out already, because in the chapter where he deals with this
chord, he admits this is only a perfect major chord altered in its
[[Aston 3oseph Reicha]), Cours de composition muslcale, ou Traite

complet et raisonne d*harmonie pratique (jarisi Gambaro, n.dT * -----
2*Since Reicha defines consonances as ", , . the intervals which

produce for us an agreeable and sweet sensation, the effect of which
leaves nothing to be desired," the diminished fifth has to be classified
as a dissonance, (Reicha, Cours de composition [[Viennat Diabelli,
n.d.J, p. 10.)
193
fifth.1*
The fifth chord is that of the dominant seventh, which he calls
the "first kind"; then comes the sixth chord, which is this chord of the
minor seventh with the minor third, object of so many errors for all the
harmonists. Reicha gives it the name of the seventh of the "second
kind," and limits himself to saying that this chord ", . .is employed
mainly on the second degree of a major scale" (p. 36), without further
worry about its original formation, than of that of other chords.2*
The seventh with a minor fifth, called "third kind" by Reicha,
and the major seventh or the fourth kind,3* the major ninth, and the
minor ninth are equally considered by him as primary chords of the same
rank, and although chords 11, 12, and 13 are only alterations of the
chords derived from the augmented sixth, with a fifth and with a fourth,
and the dominant seventh with an augmented fifth, he places them,
nevertheless, in his fundamental classification.
Such is the system which was very popular amongst some artists in
Paris, because the professor who invented it lived down its shortcomings
in the explanations and practical applications which he gave to his
students. But that is, all the same, the least rational theory which it
Fetis has distorted Reicha's statement. Reicha said that the

alteration of the fifth made the chord dissonant; the alteration and
resultant dissonance automatically preclude its inclusion in the first
classifi cation,
2*
Reicha adds a footnote to this sentencei "It is also found on
the third and sixth degree of the same scale."
3*0nly the seventh chords of the second, third, and fourth kind
need preparation; the first kind (dominant seventh) may be taken without
preparation because it determines tonic and is ", . . the most pleasant
of the dissonant chords after the diminished chord." (Reicha, [^Diabelli
edition], p. 41.)
19^
might he possible to conceive, and the most deplorable return to the
flagrant empiricism of the early methods at the beginning of the eighteenth
century* This system annuls the good that Catel's method had done in
France, and opens the door again to a multitude of false theories which
had been produced in this country and elsewhere for some years. Propor
tionally more dangerous because it was supported by a name justly esteemed
in other parts of the art, it calls into question again what was decided
by the authority of intellect and experience, and formed partisans who
declared it a genius' conception, while in reality it could have led to
the destruction of the science, if it had not found in its path a theory
both scientific and experimental, of which I will speak shortly, and
which averted the harm which Reicha's false system could have produced.
The systems of Catel and Reicha first attracted my attention amid
those which France had seen bora in the firs'. 20 years of the nineteenth
century, because these are the ones which were most successfulj it remains
for me to speak of some tentative facts, about the same time, in order to
challenge the adoption of other systems which, although announced with
more ambitious pretentions, have not had the same repercussion.
The first of these systems, in order of dates, is what its author,
de Momigny, set forth in a book entitled Gours complet d'harmonie et de
composition, d'apres une theorie neuve et generale de la muslque, Basee
stir des princlpes incontestables, pulses dans la nature, d*accord avec
tous les bons ouvrages-pratiques, anciens et moderaes, et mis, par leur
clarte, a la portee de tout le monde (3 vols.j Paris* By the author,
1806), Since then, and until 383^, de Momigny reproduced or expounded
upon his system in polemic writings where he treats his adversaries
195
with haughtiness, and in various works'** which have not heen popularly
received.
Starting from the point of view of Levans, Balliere, Jamard and
Sorge for the pursuit of the bases of construction of the scale,
de Momigny, following the arithmetical progression, finds them in
the divisions of a sonorous string which gives the resultant scalei
£, d, e, f, g, a, b-flat;^* but inasmuch as this scale does not
conform to that of the music of modem Europeans, and that the
b-natural is found only in the fifteenth division of the string, de
Momigny, in lieu of adopting, as Levens and his imitators, an eight"
note scale with b-flat and b-natural, does not think to consider the
string as tonic, but as dominant; hence his scale is g, a, b, c, d, e,
f. He enumerates at length the advantages which result from the
position of the tonic in the middle of the scale, ", . , as the
sun at the center of our planetary system."*** For example, find
Jerome Joseph de Momigny, La seule vrale theorle de la muslque,

utile ei ceux qul excellent dans cet art, comme ^ ceux qui en sont aux
premiers elements, » , . (Paris* The author, 1821);EncyclopSdle
mgthodlque, Muslque publlee par MM, Framery, Ginguere et de Momigny
(2 vols.j Paris, 1791-1818)} Cours gfenfaal de muslque de piano, drharmonie
et de composition, depuls A .jusqu*a Z, pour les feleves, quelle que solt
leur InfSriorlte et pour tous les musiciens du monde, quelle que solt
leur superior!t6 reelle (Parisi The author, 1834).
^*Momigny, following the arithmetical progression, begins on GG

and extends the progression to the fourteenth term, f ''*t the resultant
scale, "the true scale," extends from g ’ to f ’*. This is "the true
scale," because not only is it given by nature, but the two tetrachords
which compose it are regular and symmetrical* g* to c’’ and c** to f ’',
and tonic is in the center. (Momigny, Cours complet d'harmonie. p» 26,)
Momigny explicitly rejects an eight-note scale with a b-flat and

a b-natural, because . this would demand that we admit a part of
the chromatic genre in the diatonic genre" (p. 27),
***Ibid., p, 26.
196
the two semitones in the Beven notes without resorting to the repetition
of the first at the octave, divide the scale into t~'o just fourthsr and
have the semitones in the same place in these fourths» because one of
the most severe objections of de Momigny against the scale form com
mencing on tonic bears on the major fourth or tritone, which the fourth
and the seventh note create between them, not noticing that it is
precisely this relationship which is basic to tonality, and which leads
to the final conclusion of all melody and all harmony.
The division of a string, considered as a dominant, led.
de Momigny, in what concerns harmony, to the same results that Catel
had obtained by i V same means, but,whatever his pretensions are in this
respect, he exposes them with a great deal less clarity. In this way,
like Catel, he arrives at the formation of perfect chords and of those
of the dominant seventh and leading-tone seventh, which he views as
the sole natural chords. But as for the others, in lieu of explaining
what devices create them, he declares them "chords which are not," and
names them "discords in major" and "discords in minor," in such a way
that the exact analysis of a harmony devised from many prolongations
joûed with alterations of different kinds would become impossible for
anyone who had read only the fastidious explanations of de Momigny,
Moreover, nearly all of the examples which he gives of the use of chords
are poorly written, and prove that this author had only confused notions
of harmonic usage.
If one duly examines de Momigny*s pretensions at originality, he
will admit that he borrowed the arithmetical progression from Levans,
Balliere, and Jamard, the transfer of his fundamental tone of the scale
197
to the dominant from Sorge, the division of the string from Catel, in
order to arrive at the primary harmony* the combinations of thirds in
order to form the natural chords from bangle, and the progressions of
fourths and fifths for the formation of scales from Abbe Roussier*
Really, everything belongs to the one who raised his voice so high for
30 years in favor of a system rejected by the musicians! there are some
who did not fall to notice the justness concerning measure and rhythm,
and a pretentious phraseology arising from neologism,
I do not think X have to examine, at this point, the efforts made
by Rey,l an opera musician, and his n a m e s a k e t o reestablish the system
of fundamental bass some years after the publication of Catel*s bookf
barren efforts could not revive a theory whose mission had ceased* I will
observe the same silence towards a pretended Theorie muslcale Imagined by
Emy-de-Lylette,3 an ill-digested extract of Lirou's ideas, and which is
no less defective in its applications than in its systematic conception*
There is more merit in the book which G* L* Chretien published under the
title la muslque etudiee comme science naturelle. certalne. et comme
art, ou Grammalre et dlctlonnalre musical (Paris* 1811),^ This book is
^Jean-Baptiste Hey], Exposition elementaire de l*harmonle*

Theorie generals des accords d*apres la basse fondamentale (Paris* Chez
1*auteur et Nadermann- I8O7)-
^ V * F, S* Reyj, L rart da la muslque theorl-physio-practique general

et elementaire* ou exposition das bases et des developpements de systems
de la muslque (Paris* Godefroy, 1806)*
3[Antoine-Ferdinand Esy-de-Lylette], Bieorie muslcale* contenant la

demonstration methodique de la muslque, a partir des premiers elements- de
cet art jusques et comprls la science de l'harmonia (Paris, 1810).
volume of text, and a cahier of plates with a mobile clavier*
198
a sort of regeneration of Rameau’s systemr but considered from a new point
of view* Following the ideas of Chretien, all music resides in the
phenomenon which expresses the perfect major chord in the resonance of
certain sonorous bodies* All the theories based on the divisions of
the monochord and on the calculations of geometricians for the ratios of
intervals are false, he says, because the mono chord and the calculations
can only have a force of inertia* and not a generant force. The monochord
and the calculations can serve to measure and verify the justness of the
intervals, but they would not know how to generate either a scale or a
harmony (p. 42), Observe this thought whose correctness is incontestable,
and one can ccnsider [it] as new, although it is only a positive expression
of the vague theory of the Aristoxenians. Unfortunately, it does not lead
Chretien towards the consideration of the metaphysical origin of this
scale and this harmony, object of his quests} his enthusiasm for the
phenomenon of harmonic resonance does not allow him to see that this
phenomenon can not be more than the division of a string, the principle
generator of tonality. Moreover, the way this theoretician pursues an
argument is not very demonstrative, because he almost always is content
with some affirmations. Re says,
I affirm that from this point of view [that of his theory],

quantity of precepts and doctrines which seemed 'unintelligible will
acquire a lustre which was largely found overshadowed (p, 9)*
They [the geometric theoreticians] have meant the truth} I

love to believe it, but many have deceived themselves, I affirm
it (p. 13)*
I affirm that this natural way and inspirator which he

[BameauJ called the resonance of the sonorous body, and which I
call the phenomenon of harmony, was at all times the unseen cause
of the music properly said, and that it is the only foundation to
which musicians ought to turn their attention (p. 40). (Fetis*italics.)
199
Let us examine what results from all of these affirmations of
Chretien,
There is only one chord, the perfect major chord, produced by the
harmonic phenomenon. The -perfect minor la created by analogy with this
unique chord by lowering, with the consent of the ear, the third a
semitone,
The perfect major chord, dissonant from the seventh, produces the
dominant seventh.
The perfect minor chord, dissonant from the seventh, generates
the seventh on the second degree.
The perfect major chord, dissonant from the sixth, produces the
six-five chord on the fourth degree (fundamental following Rameau's system).
The perfect minor chord, dissonant from the sixth, produces the
six-five chord of the minor mode.
Every interval of a semitone holds the place of a tone and represents
it. It is thus that the dominant seventh, arising from the dissonance
added to the perfect major chord, being altered in its lower note, gives
birth to the diminished seventh chord which represents it. It is thus
that all the harmonies of the six preceding chords are formed, regardless
of the aspect in which they appear.
It is regrettable that in his love for the harmony given by nature,
Chretien did not learn that there are some sonorous bodies which utter, in
the midst of all their resonances, the perfect minor chord} that there are
others which give the constitutive interval of the dominant harmony, and
even the altered harmonies, Vith this help, he might have greatly
simplified this theory.
200
However that may he* in the state where he left it, there is only
the perfect major chord in nature. But the perfect major chord, c-e-g,
gives only three notes of the scale, and Chretien taught us that we have
to find the diatonic scale in the means which nature offers us* This
difficulty did not stop him for long, because^ having need of the perfect
major chord of the tonic, fourth degree, and dominant in order to form
his consonant and dissonant harmonies, he simply takes three sonorous
bodies of which one gives £-£-£, Mother f-a-c, and the third g-b-df
volla, £, d, e, f, g, a, b, c.^* After so simple a thing, he only has
to "affirm" that a minor third is included in the resonance of the
perfect major chord, since in f-a-c the third, a-c, is foundj it is only
necessary to add the fifth, e, originating from the perfect chord c-e-g,
to have the perfect minor chord, and consequently in order to find in
these combinations the types of modes, major and minor. Such are the
consequences where one can arrive with a strong faith in any one fact,
proven or only perceived,
Ghoron is one of the French musicians who, with the most
perseverance, turned his attention to the theory of harmonyi yet I can
not attribute any particular theory to him, because his opinions have
been in incessant fluctuation from the publication of bis Jftrlnclpes
Chretien does not "simply take three sonorous bodies" t like

de Lirou and Hameau, he generates them from a fifth, ", « • the basic
Interval of perfect chords" (p, 76). Thus the fundamental note of the
perfect major chord c-e-g is the generator of the perfect chord g-b-d,
and the fifth of the perfect chord f-a-c, (Chretien, pp» 76-79*7 With
this manipulation of sounds, Hameau, de Lirou, and Chretien destroy c
as tonict when a perfect fifth (f) is added below tonic (c), it
becomes the generator of the series of fifths.
201
/ | p
d*accompagaement des ecoles d1Italle to his Manuel de Muslque, namely,
in the space of 30 years. Cancelling in his Princlpes de composition des
ecoles d*Italle^ what he had done in the preceding work, establishing an
eclectic doctrine which seems to he his last word, then adopting
Alhrechtsherger' s method in which he criticized harshly enough, however,
the details in the notes of his translationj next getting enthusiastic
for a new theory which he thought he had discovered, giving it up for a
had job before the printing of his work was complete and stopping publica
tion! lastly, returning to Marpurg* c false theory towards the end of his
life and making it the basis for his Manuel de muslque. although he also
made a stinging criticism of the details of this doctrine in multiple
and extended notes. This is what was Choron’s career in the theory of
harmony. Doubt had thus tormented his mind with regard to the existence
of a complete and rational system of harmony, and his works are, in a way,
cancelled in this history of this science.
With respect to Germany, since the commencement of the nineteenth
century, we find a multitude of methods and writings relative to the
theory of harmony, but in -Lie midst of so many volumes published on this
matter, there are few which merit a place in the history of progress and
divergence of this science, so difficult to coordinate in all its parts,
according to a clear principle* Among those which have found some
-'-Parisi Imbauit, 1804.
Êtienne Alexandre Choron], Nouveau manuel conplet de muslque

vocale et instrumentale, ou Encyclopedia muslcale (6 vols.f Parisi
Roret, 1836-39).
■^Parisi le Due, 1808.
202
followers, I will cite only (l) Princlpes d’harmonle^ of Schieht,
director of the Thomasschule in Leipzig, in which the dominant of the key
is considered the foundation of the perfect major chord* g-h-dj the
seventh chord, g-b-d-f, from which he extracts the perfect diminished
chord, (b-d-f)| the ninth chord, g-b-d-f-a, from which he obtains the
lead*ng-tone seventh (b-d-f-a) and the perfect minor chord (d-f-a)j the
eleventh chord, g-b-d-f-a-c, from which he extracts the minor seventh
chord (d-f-a-c)j and finally, the thirteenth chord, g-b-d-f-a-c-e,
from which he obtains the major seventh chord (f-a-c-£). The chromatic
alteration of the intervals of these chords completes the empirical
system of harmony conceived by Schicht»
(2) Still more strange to the conception of a veritable theory of
harmony are the books of Preindl,^ cantor of St. Stephens in Vienna, and
of GSroldt,3 director of music at Quenlinburg. These books, where the
chords are all considered individually, can only be ranked in the class
of practical manuals.
(3 ) It is not the same for Traite elementaire d'harmonie^ of
Friedrich Schneider, today Kappellmelster in Dessau and distinguished
•^Johann Gottfried Schicht}, Grundregeln der Harmonle und dem

Verwechslungssystens (Leipzig* Breitkopf und Hartel, 1812).
^Joseph Preindl}, Wiener Tonschule. Oder Blementarbuch zum

Studlum des Generalbasse. des Contrapunkts, der Harmonle-und Fugenlehre
(2d ed.j Viennae Haslinger, I832).
3[johann Heinrich Goroldt}, Grundllcher Untsrricht im Generalbasse

und in der Composition oder. deutliche ErklSrung von den T^ggn? Tonarten.
Intervallen. Accorden, Harnonien und Melodien (2 vols.i Quendlinburg und
Leipzig* Ernest, I832).
\ Johann Christian Friedrich Schneider}, Blementarbuch der Harmenie

und Tonsetzkunst (Leipzig! Peters, 1820; 2d ed,j Leipzig! Peters, 1827).
203
composer* Now* there is a theoryr a false theory to tell the truths whose
origin is found in the hooks of Vogler and which Gottfried Weber had
previously developed in the work which will he spoken of in a little
while. According to the fundamental principle of this doctriner the
perfect chord and the seventh chord are made on each of the notes of the
scale where they are present! as far as the nature of their intervals*
they conform to the construction of the key and mode* having* because of
the note where they are placed, either a major or minor third* either a
just or diminished (minor) fifth, either a major or minor seventh. It is
the same for the ninth chord* and it is only a question* in order to
complete the nomenclature of the chords* of altering its various intervals*
I have just mentioned the name Gottfried Veher* whose system caused
considerable stir in Germany for about 15 years, and has been nearly
abandoned today. The work* which he published in 1817, has Essal d*une
theorie systematlque de la composition^ for a title* and the success was
such that it was necessary to make other editions in a few years* We have
just seen from what angle the chords were considered* but what distin
guishes Weber’s book from all those of the same kind is the care which the
author himself takes to damage confidence in this theory, *.n every
other one* declaring that he does not believe in the existence of a system
with which all the facts of the harmonic experience would agree*^# so
^Versuch einer geordneten Theorie der Tonsetzkunst (3 vols*!

Mainz: Schott, 1817-21)*
Weber believes that the musical art is not suited for a systematic
establishment! he labels his theory geordneten to avoid ", * . the pompous
title of system” (p, xiii), Furthermore Weber contends that any "system"
which resorts to categories called "exceptions* licences* ellipses* etc."
to explain incongruent phenomena is very pretentious and rendered vulner
able. (Weber, Versuch einer geordneten Theorie der Tonsetzkunst [[4 vols.,
2d ed*f Mainz? Schott. 1824_J. I. xiii*)
204
thatr according to him, the hest work concerning harmony is that one
which contains the greatest number of these facts in the analysis! thus
it was to extend this analysis of which he had made a point as far as it
was possible in his book. This erudite was not aware that his thesis
took the science back to whet it was in the time of Heinichen and
Mattheson, and that by thus undermining the faith of his readers in the
possibility of a principle of the science, he was destroying the science
itselfi for what would a science be, if it were composed only of isolated
facts from which it would be impossible to establish methodical concate
nation? Unquestionably it is to Weber*s ambition to deny the possibility
of a rational theory which brought about the premature renunciation of
his own, and the swift reaction which took the Germans from admiration to
indifference for his system,1*
Now this long analysis of what has been done since the commencement
of the sixteenth century for the creation of a science of harmony, and
especially since Hameau laid the foundation, should end. In summarizing
it, we find that all the systems have had one of the six methods from
the following facts for a principle* (l) the harmonic resonance of
sonorous bodies or, more generally, acoustical phenomena of different
types! (2) the arithmetical progression determined by the harmonic series
of the horn or the trumpet! (3) the triple progression! (4) the division
of the dominant monochord according to arithmetical progression! (5) the
arbitrary construction of chords by the addition and subtraction of
thirds! (6) lastly, the arbitrary placement of certain model chords on
•^Weber’s main contribution was a syste.-a of analytical symbols,

(Mitchell, p, 128.)
205
all the degreeb of the scale* Therefore, it is evident that all these
systems more or less derive from sources which are not tied Intimately
to the music itself, i«e*r to the art as It appears In Its Immediate
consequences, and that In all [[the systems] It has been necessary to a
certain point to adjust this art to the strange principle which was
given to it*
The only thing which we have not thought of directly is the quest
for the principle of harmony in the music itself, i.e., in tonality.
But what is "tonality"? However foolish this question may seemingly be,
it is, nevertheless, certain that few musicians would be able to answer
it satisfactorily. For me, I will say that uCuolity resides in the
order in which the sounds of the scale are placed, in their respective
distances, and in their harmonic relations. The composition of chords,
the circumstances which modify theJi, and the laws of their succession
are the necessary results of this tonality. Change the order of the
sounds, or change their distances, and most of these harmonic relation
ships will be destroyed. For example, try to apply our harmony to the
major scale of the Chinese, f, g, a, b, c, d, ej to the minor scale of
ancient Irish music, a, b, c, d, e, f-sharp > or to the incomplete scale
of the Scottish Montagnards— the successions of this harmony will become
unworkable in these tonalities. Indeed,what makes a combined harmony as
that of our music in a major scale whose fourth degree is a semitone
higher than in our scale of the same genre, and is only separated from
the fifth note by a semitone, so that the attraction which exists between
the fourth note and the seventh of our harmonic scale and constitutes the
dominant harmony here is between the tonic and the fourth degree, and
206
consequently makes every final cadence impossible? What makes a harmony
slntilar to that of our minor mode in a minor scale whose sixth degree is
higher than ours by a semitone, and which does not have the seventh note?
It is evident that these things are not at allmade to go together, The
Irish airs which have been published in the anthologies of national airs
are in the major mode, or belong to modern times, which has allowedthem
to be harmonized as best they could | it is thesame for the Scottish airs
and those of the Gaelic countries, whi^h- moreover, are often accompanied
at the octave or with a pedal, because their tonal character does not
allow the cadential action of our harmony to be used. The strange
character that we notice in these airs does not result from the whim of
their composers, but from the scale which they have used.
What I call tonality, therefore, is the succession of melodic and
harmonic facts which results from the disposition of the distances of the
sounds in our major and minor scales| if only one of these distances was
inverted, the tonality would assume another character, and all the differ
ent occurrences would be manifest in the harmony. The immediate conse
quences of this tonality are (l) to give to certain notes a character
of repose which does not exist at all in the others, and to designate
these notes as the terminal points of cadences, i.e», the perfect chordj
such are the tonic, fourth, fifth, and sixth degrees. This deprives the
third and seventh degree of this character of repose, and consequently
excludes the perfect chord from them. (2) It assigns to the relation of
the fourth and seventh degree a resolutory attraction which gives the
dissonant harmony of the dominant its own character, and obliges it to
be resolved by a perfect or imperfect cadence, or to be followed by a
207
modulation! for there 1 b no middle course for the harmony of the dominant-—
it must resolve either in the cadence or in modulation. (3) The rules
which forbid the immediate successions of fifths and major thirds are
also the results of tonality* because two successions of fifths* ascend
ing or descending, and two major thirds have the disadvantage of putting
two tones which have no analogy between them in immediate touch. All of
this, I repeat, derives necessarily from the form of the major and minor
scales, and constitutes what we call the laws of tonality.
But, we ask, what is the principle of these scales and what has
dictated the succession of their sounds, if not the acoustical phenomena
and the laws of calculations? I reply that this principle is purely
metaphysical! we conceive this order and the melodic and harmonic
phenomena which flew from it through a consequence of our conformation
and our education. It is a fact which exists for us by itself and
independently of every cause extraneous to us. Well then, we would not
want to concede that it satisfies our instinct to join with experience
in order to place in a scale the bases of the pleasure intended for our
intelligence* and we will search in some ignored accoustical phenomenon
for the secret cause of this organization of tonality made for our use!
Notice that these acoustical facts, poorly analyzed at first* do not
have the import that one thoughtlessly accords them. For example* the
production of the harmony of the perfect chord, which we observe in the
resonance of certain sonorous bodies, is accompanied by many other
resonances. It is the same with respect to certain other bodies which
produce other harmonies. Moreover* experience has proven that different
modes of vibration accorded to the same bodies give rise to diverse
208
phenomena* Mr. Troupenas has shown (Revue muslcale„ XII, 125) that the
interval of a trltone discovered by Baron Blein in the resonance of a
square metal plats struck on one of its comers is no different from the
result of the vibration of this plate in the direction of its diagonal,
whereas the vibration in the direction of one of the sides of this plate
gives rise to other phenomena. Let us supposer in order to give the
greatest possible extension to the alleged natural bases of harmony, that
in the course of time we discover some acoustical phenomena which give
all, the possible harmonies to our systemj are we to conclude that these
ignored phenomena are the origin of these harmonies found a priori by
great musicians? Truly this would be an odd encroachment of the action
of hidden causes supported by certain sophists upon our determinations,
and this would be a rude blow dealt to our philosophic liberty* To be
5*0X6 , when Monteverdi found the dominant harmony which changed the
character of music and constituted our tonality in major and minor modes,
always uniform, whatever the key may be, the existence of the diagonal
vibration of the plate was nought for him and was determined only by his
instinct and by certain analogous observations. His audacious thought
did not create the fact, but discovered it, and the principle which guided
him is absolutely metaphysical.
Shall I speak of the acoustical phenomenon of the harmonic series
of the horn and the trumpet, which coincides with the arithmetical pro
gression? It furnishes, it is true, the elements of a false scale which
is not ours, and we have seen what Levens, Balliere, and Jamard were able
to do with it.
209
Shall I speak of the division of the monochord, by introducing
there, at the seventh term, the number acknowledged necessary by Euler,
as Catel and de Momigny have done? It contains the harmony of the natural
chords, but by stopping at the latter, one has neither all the tones of
the scale, nor the elements of a tonality. In order to attain these, it
would be necessary to extend this division to all the sounds, g-b-d-f-a-
c-e, as Schicht has done| but then the natural and artificial chords will
be confused, and the rational classification of these chords will no
longer exist. Shall I speak of the purely harmonic progression? It
provides the exact measure of the unchanging intervals of the tonality
of plainchant, where no talented interval of attraction exists, but it
can not lead to the formation of a scale. Moreover, had the acoustical
phenomena and the calculation given the elements of our tonality, they
would not at all provide the order in which they must be ranked in order
to compose this tonality, and we have seen that this is where the radical
difficulty resides.
If it is recognized that these foundations of the system are
deceptive, that they have misled all those who have taken them as a point
of departure, and that they are powerless to support the edifice of
tonality, it is evident that there remains no other principle for th~,
construction of the scale and the tonality than themetaphysical principle f
a principle both objective and subjective, a necessary result of the fsel“
ing which perceives the relationships of sounds, and of the intelligence
which measures them and deduces their results. After so many centuries
of study done in absolutely opposite directions, we manage to recognize
that the Pythagoreans were mistaken in attributing to numbers a basis for
210
tonal construction which does not belong to them, and that the Aris-
toxenians were no less mistaken in attributing to the ear a faculty of
comparison which it does not have* The ear perceives the sounds) the
mind compares their relationships, measures them, and determines the
melodic and harmonic conditions of tonality.
This laid down, the science of harmony is all done, because this
science is nothing different from the systematic expose of the art.
Tonic appears through the absolute feeling of repose which is felt there,
and the dissonant harmony of the dominant finishes by giving it this
character by its attractive resolution on the consonant harmony of this
tonic.
The fourth degree of the scale, the fifth, and the sixth are also
recognized as notes of repose by the faculty of the determination of the
subordinate cadences with which these notes are provided) the consonant
harmony, i.e., the perfect chord, then also forms a part of them. These
harmonies conforming to the key and the mode are major or minor because
of the natural state of the notes. The third and the seventh degree,
which are separated only by a semitone from their upper notes and because
of that have attractive tendencies, can neither be considered as notes o2
repose, nor consequently support the harmony of a perfect chord which has
a conclusive character. Following tonal order, they can only, therefore,
be accompanied by derived harmonies. The second degree of the scale,

1*
able to be the conclusion of cadential activity only in a progression,
has only a character of equivocal repose; thus it happens that the harmony
of the perfect chord does not belong to it in the ascending and descending
1*
A "progression" is a sequential pattern.
211
harmonic series of the scale, and that this note is accompanied in the
same formulas only hy a derived harmony.
Of the natural fundamental chords, there are only the perfect
chord and that of the dominant seventh. Following Rameau’s beautiful
discovery, admitted into all the systems of harmony, the other natural
harmonies derive from the former through the inversion of the intervals
of the fundamental chords.
With the natural fundamental and derived harmony, all the harmonic
tonality is established, and the faculty of modulation exists. All the
other harmonic groups which can affect the ear are only the modifications
of these natural chords. On the one hand, these modifications have
variety of sensations for their aimj on the other hand, they establish a
greater number of relationships between the various keys and modes. The
modifications of the chords consist in the substitution of one note for
another| in the prolongation of one note, which delays an interval of the
chordj in the ascending and descending alteration of the natural notes of
the chords| in substitution coupled with prolongation, in alteration
coupled with prolongation, in collective ascending and descending altera
tions, in the anticipation, and in passing notes.
Substitution occurs only in the dominant seventh chord and in its
derivatives,-1-* The substituted note is always the sixth degree, which
takes the place of the dominant, Thus, when the seventh chord is written
in five parts, namely, £-b-d-f-g, if one substitutes a for g in the upper
part, i.e., the sixth degree for the dominant, one has the dominant ninth
-1-*For details, see Fetis, Traits d*harmonle, Bk. II, chs v,

pp. 46-58.
212
1#
chord, which,conforming to the mod*, is major or minor. If a similar
substitution is made in the first inversion, b-d-f-g, one has, in the
major mode, the leadlng-tone seventh (b-d-f-a) and the diminished seventh
chord (b-d-f-a-flat) in the minor mode. It is the same with all the other
derivatives. What shows the analogy of the chords and the origin of their
formation is the identity of their use and of their tonal resolutions,
Catel indeed saw this identity and ascertained the facts of the substitu
tion of a chord in his analogy, but he did not know the technique of the
substituted note. This technique is very important, since it leads to
the demonstration of the origin of certain other chords which have been
the stumbling block of all th6 theories.
In the succession of two chords, every note ascending or descending
a step can be prolonged into the following chord, where it delays the
normal construction.^* If the prolongation produces a dissonance, it
ought to be resolved by descending, like every dissonance which is not a
leading tone; if it is a consonance, it effects its movement by ascending.
It is thus that a prolongation which delays the octave in a perfect chord
produces a nine-five-three chord; that that one which delays the third
produces a five-four chord; that the retardation of the sixth in the
first inversion of a perfect chord produces the seven-three chord; that
that of the sixth in six-four chord produces a seven-four. It Is, more
over, in this way that the retardation of the third of a seventh chord
-*-*Fetis is vulnerable to the same objection he raised against

Catel*s origin of the supertonic seventh: he can show its alleged origin
only by writing a five-voice chord.
^*For details, see Fetis, Tralte d'harmonle, Bk, II, ch. vi,
pp. 59-76,
213
produces a seven-five-four chord! that the retardation of the bass note
in the first derivative of this chord produces a five-four-two chordf
that the retardation of the sixth in the second derivative creates a
seven-four-three chord! lastly, that the retardation of the major fourth
in the last derivative of the seventh chord produces a six-five-two chord.
Notice that in the seventh chord and its derivatives, it is always the
tonic which delays the seventh note. Except for substitution, retardation
does not change the destination of the natural chords, and the use of the
latter remains Identically the same after the prolongation is resolved.
If the circumstances of the substitution are coupled to those of
prolongation,-*-* one has a nine-seven-four chord for a combined modifica
tion from the dominant seventh chord, [[See Example 1, p. 214,3 Fbr that
of the first derivative, a six-four-two chord! for that of the second
derivative, a chord of a minor third, fifth, and minor seventh! finally,
for that of the last derivative, a six-five-three chord. These combined
modifications do not alter the destination of the natural chords! this
destination remains the same as the resolution of the modifications.
Thus, such is the origin of these seventh chords of the second degree,
of the fifth and sixth, etc., an origin which has been the stumbling
block of all the theories of harmony, because their authors did not
know the technique of substitution and of the collective modifications
of chords.
1*
Ibid,, ch, vii, pp- 78-89.
214
Example 1* Substitution and Prolongation,
1, Natural harmony 2, Substitution 3* Prolongation
'Tf
HE
4, Union of substitution and prolongation
£ iS
T
Each ascending or descending note of the interval of a whole-tone
in the succession of two chords can be altered a semitone. The ascending
alterations can be effected by the addition of a sharp or by the cancella
tion of a flat, each descending alteration by the addition of a flat or
by the cancellation of a sharp. Each note affected by an ascending alter
ation takes on the character of an accidental leading-tone v and is
resolved inevitably by rising.
The alterations give birth to an immense quantity of alterations
of natural chords, and are combined with simple substitution, prolongation,

2*
and substitution coupled with prolongation,
i#Pctis, Bk, II, ch, vii, p, 77*

2*
For details, see Fetis, Bk, II, ch, viii, pp. 89-104,
215
The ascending and descending alterations can be prolonged in the5
succession of two chords.^-* When the prolongation is that of an ascending
alteration, it ought to be resolved by ascending, although dissonant,
because the character of the attraction resulting from that of the
accidental leading tone absorbs that of the dissonance. £See Example 2 J
Example 2. Prolongation of altered notes.*'
Prom these complex modifications of the natural chords, some
multiple affinities result, which put all the keys and their modes in
touch, fulfill the last period of the development of harmony which I
have just indicated by the name ordre omnitonlque. and furnish the
solution to this problem: A note being given, find the combinations
and the harmonic-formulas such that it can be resolved into every kejr
and into their various modes. They also generate a great number of
new chords not yet employed by composers, and whose form, destination,
and use I have determined a priori by analysis.
1*Ibld., ch, ix, pp. 104-12,
2* m d ». Bk II, ch. ix, p. 105.
216
The anticipation Is a device by which one hears In a chord one of
the notes of the chord which ought to follow it} this device is always
melodic, because it Is the melodious part which uses it,
Passing notes are those which, too rapid or of very little meaning
in the shape of the melody or of the accompaniment for each to have a
particular harmony, are nevertheless necessary for the completion of
these shapes. The ear accepts the usage of these particular expletives
of harmony, provided their movement takes place by conjunct pitches whan
they are foreign to the chords.
There are harmonic formulas called "progressions*' or "sequences,""
because the bass makes a series of similar movements, such as to rise a
second and descend a third, to rise a fourth and descend a fifth, etc.
In these progressions, one places on each completed movement of bass notes
the same chords which accompanied the first. There are some of these
progressions which modulate with each completed movement £real or exact
sequence]]} there are others which do not modulate []tonal sequence]]* In
these last, the mind suspends any idea of tonality and of conclusion until
the final cadence, so that the scale degrees lose their tonal character,
the ear being preoccupied only with the analogy of movement. It follows
that, in these non-modulatory progressions, any one of the chords can be
placed on any one of the notes. Thus in a progression which rises a
second and descends a third, one will alternately put the perfect chord
and the chord of the sixth on each of the notes} whence it will happen
that the perfect choixL, being placed on the seventh degree, will have a
For "sequence" the French use the term marches de basse} each
recurrence of the sequential pattern (modele) is a progression.
217
minor fifth, In this way, moreover* in a progression rising a fourth and
descending a fifth (beginning with the seventh chord on the dominant),
one will place the seventh chord on each of the degrees, and it will
happen from this similarity of movements and of harmony, that the chord
which it concerns will be composed of a major third, just fifth, and
major seventh on the fourth degree and on the tonic| of a minor third,
just fifth, and minor seventh on the third degree and on the sixth. Such
is the origin of Vogler's, Weber's, and Schneider's theory which places
the perfect chord and the seventh chord on each note of the scale,
although actually such a use of these chords would destroy any sense of
tonality if it were done somewhere else than in the non-modulating pro
gression, where tonality is actually destroyed until the final cadence.
Having reached this point, the theory of harmony is the last
expression of the art and the science) it is complete and nothing can be
added to it. It is this theory of which I have given a resume in my
Methode elementaire d*harmonle et d 'accompagnement,^ and of which my
large Tralte d'harmonle^ contains the developments, Hameau, Sorge,
SchrSter, Kirnberger, and Catel found the first elements, and I have
completed it by putting it on a solid base, What shows its excellence
invincibly is at the same time the history of the progress of the art
and the best analysis of the art of composition.
1Faris, 1823) (2d ed,) Paris* V. Lemoine, 1840).
^Now in press.
APPENDIX
219
Appendix A
A Note in Reply to That of F6tis
In the intention of its author, this note [Fetis*] was destined to
refute the ideas which I have expressed on the origin of our tonality in
a conference held some months ago by the Society of the Composers of
Music, and of which the resumes have appeared in the Menestrel (issues of
8, 15, and 22 November 1868), As a matter offact, my learned contradictor
restricts himself to repeating once more his favorite thesis* "The
Invention of the Dominant Seventh Chord by Monteverdi." Although this
is only one of the small aspects of the problem which I have dealt with,
I accept the debate on the narrow ground that it has pleased Fetis to
choose, and I am going to furnish some new proofs in support of the
arguments which I am producing.
These arguments, according to what Fetis says, are not new) I know
nothing of them. Certainly his are no longer new, :nd I do not know that
he has added an iota to them since 1835*
May I be so bold as to state precisely once more the point under
discussion?
Monteverdi, yes or no, is the oldest composer with whom one finds
the dominant seventh in a form other than that of syncopation? Fetis says
yes. Other more or less competent musicians say no . . ., and to the
affirmation of Fetis, I offer the following facts *
First objection. The constant use, from the twelfth to the seven
teenth century, of the second inversion of the chord in question
1*
Illegible printing.
220
(d-f-£g[]-b)f with suppression of the fourth (fundamental of the chord)«,
This assimilation is not admitted "by my opponent, who sees in the aggre
gation d-f-b only a simple sixth chord, insignificant from the tonal
viewpoint. r . . WhatI Insignificant from the tonal viewpoint, the
chord which contains the tritone, the famous dlaholus in muslca of the
middle ages5 Is it not Fetis who writes in the Traite d ,harmonie
(par, 25, p, 9)t
It is noteworthy that these intervals (~f-b, b-f[] charac

terize modern tonality through the energetic tendencies of their
two constitutive notest the leading tone calling after it the
tonic, and the fourth degree followed generally by the third.
Although it may be there, Fetis finds my argument absolutely
absurd, and, in an appeal a little tneatrical for the occasion, he
calls the musicians of all countries to witness my ignorance! I
suppose that he excludes from his appeal the greater part of harmonic
theorists who, on this point, completely agree with me. Among those
which I have at hand, I shall limit myself to citing two Germansx
Reicha (Cours de composition musicale, p, 33) and Marx (Die Lehre von
der musikallschen Composition, I, l4l)j two Frenchmeni Barbereau
(Tralte de composition. I, 41, 152) and Durutte (Technle, or Lois
generales du systlme harmonlque, p. 128)j finally, a Spaniardi Eslava
(Escuela de composicion, Tratado prlaero [[Madrid, I86l], p, 43). I do
not own any Italian, English, or Russian harmonic treatises, unfortunately,
but it is not unreasonable to suppose that I would find in them still more
evidence in favor of my opinion.
Second objection. The existence of a complete dominant seventh
chord among contrapuntists, and notably Palestrina in his famous
221
motet "Adoramus te Christe". . « . This is how Fetis twists this argu
ment x "Like all his predecessors, he ^Gevaert] offers me some passages
(?) from Palestrina which I have accounted for 20 times, notably in my
Traite d'harmonic." I have always eagerly read the writings of Fetis*
I know particularly well his Traite d'harmonle, but I have been unable to
find in any part a commentary on the passage in question. I would be
curious, I admit, to see this succession explained with only the technique
of the syncope or ligature in the meaning of early contrapuntists.
Palestrina's example is the only one, moreover, that I have cited
for the period of classic counterpoint. I could have added some othersf
I even could have cited a number of examples where this famous chord is
complicated (following Ffitis* theory) by "substitution" and "prolongation."
But it was not part of my plan to examine all the compositions of the
middle ages in order to verify a fact of very secondary importance in my
estimation.
I am arriving at my third and last objection, which I am repro
ducing verbatim to avoid all ambiguity.
If one raised the objection that it is the use of the

dominant seventh for the condition directly and immediately
preceding the tonal repose, we would respond that, even in this
respect, Monteverdi can not lay claim to the priority. Actually,
this example occurs in the majority of pieces of the Nuove
Musiche (I have it in more than 25 places), and notably in one
of the oldest monodies of Caccini, the madrigal "Dovro dunque
morlre," indubitably composed before 1598.
Fetis absolutely does not contest my date (I have established it
in my "Introduction historique," which opens the first volume of Glories
de 1*Italic), but he finds the argument worthless for the example in
question, because, he says,
222
The work from which the madrigal is taken only appeared in

1601, two years after the fifth book of Monteverdi's Madrigals.
It is true that Caccini says, in his preface to the reader, that
he heard these pieces several years earlier in Florence and Borne
at the home of friendsj but none of these were rigging out prior
to the publication of Nuove Muslche.
We have reason to be astonished by a statement expressed in such
absolute terms, What J of the works performed before an audience composed
of people such as Galilei, Mei, Rinuccini, Peri, Cavalier!1 repeated next
before all the village of Florence, the intellectual and artistic center
of It-^xy, would these works have remained unknown to Monteverdi? Did not
Caccini say explicitly that a long time prior to the publication of his
work, his airs and madrigals were performed continually by the famous
Italian singers and cantatrices, and that all the composers had adopted
his style? And the publication of Nuove Muslche, was it not precisely
for the purpose of giving an exact version of these songs which had
become altered in passing from hand to hand?
If Fetis were to doubt the influence exercised on Monteverdi by
the Florentine monodists, then he should take the trouble to re-read the
famous letter of Pietro della Valle and some passages from Doni (among
others chapter ix of Trattato della muslca scenica)j he will see what was
the opinion of some contemporaries in this respect. And not only in Italy
did the compositions of Caccini cause a sensation 1 they penetrated into
the north of Europe. The pretty melody "Amarilli mia bella" had become
popular in Holland in the time of the venerable poet Catsj so that one
could be convinced of this, examine one of his songs composed about I63O
(Alle de Wercken van Jacob Cats [^Zwolle, 1862], I, 629)* The same melody
is shown in another Dutch songbook from the same period1 Eruls,
223
Miane-Spieghel de deughen (Amsterdam, 1640), pp. 5 ajid
If Caccini's novelties did not provoke the censures of some
theoreticians at their appearance, they hold in the midst in which they
occurred. The academicians of Florence cared very little for counter
point, the destroyer of poetry (laceramento della poesia), according to
them | on the other hand, monody was a genre unduly disdained hy Artusi
because they took the trouble to remove the infractions of the established
rules. . . .
Let there be no misunderstanding about the sense of my words. I
do not wish to raise altar against altar, to set Caccini against Monte
verdi, to disparage the latter In order to exalt the former, I shall
not imitate Fetis when he says of this hero "that he [[Monteverdi] was
the only genius from the end of the sixteenth century to the first half
of the seventeenth century." At worst, It is a simple affair of
individual tastef but yet, Fetis ought to explain to us why he suddenly
has become so severe towards Cavalieri, Frescobaldi, Giovanni Gabrieli,
Grumpelzhaimer, Hans Leo Hassler, Peri) and why he takes away from these
illustrious contemporaries of Monteverdi the distinction of "genius,"
which he ascribed so generously in the second edition of his Blographle
universelle.
How is Pure Gold Changed into Base Lead?
Farther on, we read that "it is to Monteverdi that we owe the first
opera performed in the theatres of Venice," Fetis, however, can not be
unaware that this glory comes more legitimately to Manelli, Sacrati,
22k
Cavalli, and Ferrari, whose operas had preceded those of Monteverdi on
the Venetian stages (see the catalogues of Ivanovitch and Groppo).
Now that I have replied nearly line by line to Fetis' note, let
him permit me to address a question for him. Why has he limited himself
to an incidental point of my study and said nothing about my general
conclusions, sfhich contradict much more severly his historic plan than
my opinions about the dominant seventh? This silence surprised me all
the more because I have carefully repeated these conclusions in the last
part of my work.
Well then! would Fetis find nothing to object to in these
propositions? But then, what happens to the question of Monteverdi? . . .
A simple curiosity of learning, a small chronological problem.
If, on the contrary, since it is easy to suppose, Fetis does not
abandon any of his convictions, when he rigorously defines what he calls
the "tonality cf plainchant" as the harmonic and melodic principles on
which it is basedf when he demonstrates that this tonality has not
altered in its essential elements from St. Gregory until the eve of the
publication of these famous madrigals, and that the changes which I
observe, century by century, are a pure illusionj when he explains
(always by the tenets of his system) the gradual fusion of the two major
modes of antiquity, the appearance of the leading tone in the dorian,
the gradual extinction of the Phrygian, and the existence of a unique
major ^mode] at the beginning of the sixteenth century fsicl.
Finally, at the end of the sixteenth century, when he makes us see
clearly the destructive action of the dominant seventh on this tonality
10 times secular, particularly when he does not forget to explain to us
225
how this chord, according to him, the cause, the direct agent of the
revolution, how, I say, this chord hardly foreseen, disappears almost
completely for a half a century, just at the moment when its presence is
most necessary f slcl, When nothing more remains of everything which I have
set forth| when my examples will he recognized apocryphals, my assertions
poorly founded, my conclusions incorrectf when it will he indeed proven
that our tonality, this musical atmosphere which we hreathe, this mold
which was sufficient to contain the thought of a Bach or a Beethovenf
when this essentially impersonal thing is the work of a single man, then
Fetis can he justifiably proud at having revealed to the world a unique
fact, and one without analogies in the annals of the human mind. Then,
hut then alone, it will he interesting to know if humanity ought to
salute this new Prometheus in the name Monteverdi or Caccini.
Until then, let Fetis he reconciled to see his historic doctrines
dehated, his assertions controlled, and his hypotheses reduced to their
just value.
Far he it from me to pretend to give Fltis a history lesson, or
to aspire for myself the title of historian. I aspire only to the more
humble role of popularizer. If I sometimes have exerted myself to deal
with, in modest connections, some subject having a hearing on the past
of our art, my goal has been only to Inform my colleagues of the positive
results of the science of today, ind to focus their attention on some
works too little knownf never have I drawn publicity to these attempts,
still less have I endeavored to provoke debates.
What I have always had my heart set on is to extricate myself from
all dispute, set forth only the facts which I have examined myself| to
226
admit my ignorance on the parts which I have not studied sufficiently,
to hold in esteem the opinions of others; and above all, always never to
assume with my contradictors a motive other than the simple love of the
truth.
F*-A. Gevaert
Parisi 10 December 1868
Appendix B
Example 1. da la Halle, Rondeau Ho. 15. "Taut ecu je vivrai," mm. 9 ~ H
1 lii
w
T~
l m
Example 2. l’Escurel, "A vousr douce defronnalre," mm. 1-2, 15-16, 6

-♦i
— i----------
rf -f j
ij n1
i—
=l== ,i ,j
p nr~.. = H = F #
... CJ 11
228
Example 3* Landini* "Non arra ma* pieta," mm, 2-4
/ fj jymm
j ' r ...■
... f 1
....
— —
~
_F
1
----------- r------
.... - =J=*=
r
Example 4, Dufayt Mlssa 1*Homme Armet "Kyrle" (trans, Klesewetter)
lr-"t'"w------
m f f P a
T—
-a-°~
“H ---- s r C -----
- - r f
a---
. . . - f -
rJ j
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-
a ----------a
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rfr J j } |
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i g p U
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------
l a ------------------
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b
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t r iF = " b ------------------
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i
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229
i= -■
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
232
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INDEX
240
INDEX
Added sixth, 97 Counterpoint, 43, 50, 55, 56, 65,

Aliquot parts, 100 66-69, 77, 82, 106
Alteration, 154, 163, 165r 180-83, Coussemaker, Edr de Scrlptorum,
188, 190, 196, 211, 214-15 25, 26n, 47n, 48
Anticipation, 36, 37-38, 164, 216 L*Art harmonlque aux xile et
Arnold, F« T,, The Art of Accompa xlll6 sleclesT 25n, 32n
niment from a Thorough-Bass, 74, Crflger, Johann, Synopsis auslca.
77n, l65n 75-76, 77, 80-61, 157n
Augmented sixth, 142, 181, 193
Daube, Johann Fr«, Generalbass in
Baini, Abbot, 76-79 drey Accorden, 161-63
Balliire, Charles, Traitfe de la Deering, Richard, Cantiones
muslque, 136-39» 141, 151, -33o, sacra, 75
195# 196, 208 Descartes, Rene, Compendium
Basso continuo, 72-79r 80-81, 82, muslcae, 91, H 7
83, 86, 167, 171r 178 Diaphony, 25, 33, H 6
Belestat, Mercadlere, See Discant, 27-29
Mercadier, Jean-Baptiste Discord, 26, 30
Berton, Henri-Montan, 184 Dissonance, 8, 16, 31, 33, 38, 106
Boyvin, Jacques, Traite abregS de Artificial, 45, 48, 212
1* Accompagnement, 86-87 Natural* 8, 157
Burney, Charles, A General History Dissonant chords, 33, 50, 64, 65,
of Music, 53, 65r 75n 69, 74, 182
Catel, 188, 189
Canon, 42, 43n, 50-54, 57 Chretien, 199
Catel, Charles-Simon. Traite Cruger, 81
d'harmonie, 3 , 18, 172, 186-91, Euler, 106-07
194, 196, 209, 212, 217 Heinichen, 83
Cavalieri, Emilo, Preface to La Mattheson, 85
Rappresentazlone, 73^, 77 Marpurg, 159
Chords by added thirds, 92-94, Neidt. 81-82
132, 150, 159, 176, 204 Rameau, 95-98
Choron, Etienne-Alexandre, 200-01 Reicha, 192-93
Chretien, Gllles-Louis, La musique Sabbatini, 174-75
ett'dlae comme science naturelle, Sorge, 157-58
197-200 Tartini, 132
Concord, 26, 29-30, 42 Divisions, harmonic, 122, 186
Consonance, 8, 30, 31, 33, 39 , 40, Dominant seventh, 13-14, 15-16,
41, 106-07, 212 61-62, 117, 119, 158, 159, 160,
Consonant chordsj 41, 44, 48-49, 165, 187, 193, 210
50, 60, 74, l44n, 165, 180, 182 Double emploi, 97, 100, 143, 150n,
Chretien, 200 160, 162
Cruger, 81
Fetis, 210 Euler, Leonhard, Tentamen novae
Heinichen, 63 theorlae musicae, 103-121, 137,
Mercadier, 148 136, 155, 165, 187, 209
Reicha, 191n Exponent, 110, 111, 112n, 115,
Sorge, 156-57 119
24l
Fetis, F,-J,r Kollmann, August Friedrich. 180

Blographle universelle, 2, Jnt Krehbiel, James V,, lOOn, 124n,
4n, 5n, 25r 34n, 80n, 124n, 139n, 159n
I4?n, 158, 166
Traite de contre-polnt, 4, Lampe, Johann, 179
66-6? Landini, Francesco, 37, 39, 40
Traite d'harmonie, In, 5, 6-17, Langle, Honore Frangols-Marie,
50n, 6ln, 87n, 88n, 133, 159n, TraltS d’harmonie et de modula
l83n, 211n, 212n, 2l4n, 215n, tion, 152-54, 197
217 L’Escurel, Jehannoi, 34, 39
Figured bass. See Basso continuo Levens, Abrege des regies de
Franco, Ars cantus menBurabillB, l'harmonie. 133-37, 139-51, 151,
25-27, 30, 31, 33 166, 168, 169, 195, 196, 208
Fugue, 50, 53, 57, 65-69 Lirou, Chevalier de, Explication
Fundamental bass, 96-100, 101, du systeme de l'harmonie,
102, 133, 139, 140, 150, 151, 151-52, 197, 200n
163 Lowinsky, Eduard, 15
Gaevert, F.-A., 13, 219-26 Harchettus of Padua,

Gasparini, Grancesco, L'Armonico lucldarlum in arte muslcae
Practlco, 79-8O planae, 30-32
Geminani, Francesco, 179 Marpurg, Freidrlch Wilhelm, 159,
Gerbsrt, Abbot, Scrlptores, 27, 161, 163, l67n, 174-75n, 180,
30n, 39, 40n, 42n 191, 201
Hattheson, Johann, 149, 207
Halle, Adam de la, 25n, 29, 32 Die exemplarlsche Organlsten-
Haupt-Accord, 157 Probe. 84-85•~204
Heinichen, Johann KLelne General-Bass-
Neu erfundene und Grundllche Schule. 85-86. 155n. l 6l
Anwelsung. 82-84, 204 Hercadier, Jean-Baptiste,
Der General-Bass in der Nouveau systeme de musicLue
Composition, 84, 155, 161 thSorique et pratique, 147-51
Helmholtz, Hermann, 121n Mitchell, John W., 72n, l4ln,
Hindemith, Paul, 7n, l44n, l48n 204n
Modification of harmony, 48-49
Inversion, 92, 93, 102, 121, 150, Modulation, 15, 16, 63, 65, 82, 84
157, 162 152, 163, 170, 180, 183n
Momigny, Jerome-Joseph de,
Jamard, Canon, Recherches sur la Cours complet d*harmonie, 194-97,
Theorique de la musique, 209
139-4l, 195, 196, 208 Monteverdi, Claudio, 13, 15, 59,
Johannes de Muris. See Hurls, 6l, 63, 64, 71, 208, 219, 221-25
Johannes de Muris, Johannes de, De Discantu,
39-42
Keller, Gottfried, 178-79
Kellner, David, Treulichner Neidt, Friedrich, Muslkalische
Unterrlcht im General- Handleltung. 81-82, 83
Bass, 155
Kirnberger, Johann Philippe, Palestrina, Pierluigi da, 50, 55,
Die wahren GrundsStze zum 58, 60, 70, 220-21
Gebrauch der Harmonie. Partimenti, 79, 84
166-67, 180. 191, 217 Pepusch, John C«, l46n, 179
242
Progression Senario, 92n„ 132m

Arithmetical, 134-35» 139? 141, Sequence, 13, 23-6-17
156, 157, 160, 169, 170, 195, Seventh ,;hord on second degree,
196, 204, 208 12, 96, 163, 164, 167, 189? 190,
Geometric, 130n, 138, 139, 14-5, 199-, 215
160 Shixlaw, Matthew, The Theory of
Harmonic, 134-38, 156, 169, 209 Harmony,- 1, 13n, 125n, 152n,
Triple, 145, 146, 152n. 204 158n
Prolongation (suspension), 45, 83, Sonorous body, 95# 100-01, 112,
94, 99, 130, 133, 143, 154, 157, 122, 123, 128, 132n, 146, 151#
158, 162, 164, 165, 177-78, 188, 156, 198, 199? 204
189-91, 196, 211, 212-13 Sorge, Georg Andreas, Vorgemach de
musicalischen Composition, 7..S,
Bameau, Je&n-Fhilippe, 35, 82, 112, 155-59# l6l, 163# 165, 190, 191,
113, 120, 125, 128, 132, 134, 195, 197, 217
137, 140, 141, 144, 148, 150, Strunk, Oliver, Source Readings in
152, I55n, 157, 158, 159, 162, Music History, 25n, 55a, Tin,
163,. .17*, 179, 185, 191, 198, 74n, 125n, 152n, 158n
200n« 204, 211, 217 Substitution, 88, 143, 154, 164,
Traite de l'harmonie, 85, 89-94, 165# 183, 188, 190, 211-12, 213
97, 101, l42n, 15* Supposition, 92, 93# 96
Nouveau systems de muslque Suspensions. See Retardation and
theorique, 95, 15* Prolongation
Reese, Gustave.
Music in the Middle Ages, 25, Tartlnl, Giuseppe, Trattato di
34n,~^7n musica, 121-33, 172, 174n, 175n
Music in the Renaissance, 42n, Third sound, 124-25
------------------ Tinctorls, Johannes, 38, 46-48,
Reicha, Anton, Gouts de composi 51n, 55n
tion musicale, 191-9*, 220 Tonality, 95, 99, 101, 132. 151#
Res facta, 50-51 152, 159# 161, 162, 165, 170,
Retardations (suspensions), 35, 37, 175# 180, 187, 205-17
41, 47-49, 60, 94, 165-66, 176 Omnitonique, 14, 16-1,4 119#
RouBsier, Abbe, Traite des accords, 184, 215
141-45, 151, 197 Pluritonique, 16, 119
Rubeli, Alfred, 122n, 123n, 126n Transitonique, 15, 64, 119, 182,
Rudolph, Johann Joseph, 184 183
Rule of the octave, 78, 79, 80, Onitonique (Plainchant), 14-15,
83n, 89 31, 44, 45, 50, 54, 58, 60,
61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 69
Sabbatini, Luigi Antonio, la vera Triade harmonique, 81
idea, 173-78 Trias deficiens, 156
Schicht, Johann Gottfried, Trias minus perfects, 156
Principes d'harmonie, 202, 209 Triple progression. See Progres
Schneider, Friedrich, KLementarbuch sion
der Harmonie und Tonsetzkunst,
202, 203, 217 Vallotti, Francesco Antonio, Della
Schrade, Leo, Polyphonic Music of Sclenza teorlca a pratlea della
the Fourteenth Century, 38n, 45* modema musica, T68, 172-75,
Schrffter, Christopher, GSttlieb, 17*, 176
Deutllche Anweisung zum General- VerzSgerung, I65
basse, l8r 163-66, 190, 191, 217 Viadana, Lodovico, 72-78
Vogler, Abbe, Tonwlssenschaft und
Tonsetzkunst, 167-71» 203» 217
Wangemnee, Robert, In, 2n, 3n, 5a,

43n
Weber, Gottfried, Versuch einer
geordaelen Theorle der
Tonsetzkunst, 203-04,217
Wilkins, Nigel. 32n, 35*
Zarlino, Gloseffo, Le Istltutloni

harmonlche, 56-57f 65a, 89, 90»
92n
VITA
Namei Mazy Irene Arlin
Bom: 26 June 133?* Lycn2* York
Education: Diploma, Dtica Free Academy, 1957

Bachelor of Science, Ithaca College, 1961
Master of Music, Indiana University, 1965
Current Position1 .Chairman, Music Theory,

School of Music, Ithaca College
Professional Affiliations: Pi Kappa Lambda

Sigma Alpha Iota
American String Teachers Association
Music Educators National Conference

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MART IRENE ARLIN

COMME SCIENCE SYSTEMATIQOB OF FRAN£OIS-JOSEFH FETISi

MARY IRENE ARLIN

Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Graduate School in

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of

Doctoral Committeei Chairman

The author wishes to express her sincere appreciation to all who

those who have assisted in a tangible way. I am particularly grateful

to my committee and especially to Dr. Vernon L. Kllewer, director of the

dissertation, for his perceptive guidance, critical suggestions, and

personal interest through the years. To Mary E. Cardillo, Proctor

assistance in a detailed checking of the translation, and to Dr.

Marianne Kalinke, University of Rhode Island, for reading the German

translations and offering helpful corrections. I am also indebted to

Mrs. Florence Pfanner and the Interlibrary Loan Department of Ithaca

Linden, Bibliothecaire, for making the resources of Biblioth&que du

Conservatoire Royal de Musique, Brussels, available to me. Last, but

draft of the translation, and without whose patient assistance,

Biographical Sketch r > » . »■ . 2

ESQUISSE DE L ’HISTORIE DE L‘'HARMONIE CONSIDER® COMME ART ET COMME

APPENDIX . . . . . . r ..... ... r 218

Appendix A: A Note in Reply to That of Fetls • 219

In the preface to The Theory of Harmony (2nd ed«s Dekalb,

Illinois: B 0 Coar, 1955), P» vii, Matthew Shirlaw states that "the

Esqulsse de 1*historic de 1*harmonie of Fetis Is a real history of

harmonic theory, and of harmonic systems*" But the Esqulsse de

l'hlstorle de 1 *harmonie is more than a "real" history of harmonic

theoryi it is the flrBt history of harmonic theory* Yet, little is

known about this work because it was published in Paris in 1840 in a

limited edition* there were only 50 copies printed for private

circulation, and few copies are extant *^

Fetis was eminently qualified to undertake such a work* As "one

consider the past with an artistic interest," he knew and understood

the historical aspects of the art* As a composer and teacher of compo­

sition, he understood the technical problems of organizing the material

of music for the purposes of instruction. As a theorist, he had

examined and studied the writings of theorists throughout the ages. As

a result of his research, he expressed the fundamental idea* "art does

not progress, it transforms itself,"^

^Excerpts from the book were printed in the Gazette musicals de

^Robert Wangermee, "Fran§ois-Joseph Fetis," Encyclopedic de la

-^Franjois-Joseph Fetis quoted by Robert Hangermee in Encyclopedia

In view of Fetis' influence as a theorist, this annotated trans­

history of harmony hy making the Esqulsse de l'historle de 1'harmonie

available for the English reading public, so that F£tis* contribution

to the history of harmony can be interpreted and evaluated in the light

Frangois-Joseph Fetis, b o m on 25 March 1784 in Mons, Belgium,

concertmaster of the theatre orchestra, and conductor of the village

concerts, Franjois-Joseph, destined to follow his father's profession

(F£tis was a musician more by tradition than vocation), began his

musical studies at an early age, receiving instruction in piano, violin,

prodigy| he did not demonstrate talent for any particular instrument.

•^■"Franjols-Joseph Fetis," Blographie universelle des musiciens,

^Franjois-Josepb Fetis quoted in Robert Wangermee, Franyois-Joseph

memorized about 30 symphonies of Haydn, about 20 symphonies of ELeyol,

as well as overtures and piano concertos of K.P.E. Bach, Kozaluch, and

men, and his own compositions were popularly received.

Esqulsse de 1historic de 1harmonie of Fetis Is a real history of

the historical aspects of the art* As a composer and teacher of compo

In view of Fetis' influence as a theorist, this annotated trans

In 1806, Fetis married Adelaide Robert, a young woman of consider

Saint-Pierre in Douai and professor of singing and harmony at the munici

feared and detested) he was frequently the target of considerable criti

contained more than 5000 works.""

searched for the fundamental principle of harmony in acoustics, mathe