Assessment 1 Diversity, Social Justice and Learning Autumn 2017

The educational aspirations of all individuals are inextricably linked to how we

understand life chances. Specifically, this relates to connotations of education as

essential to an individual’s positive contributions to their society, their personal

successes and life standards. In this way education is considered a fundamental

factor, in determining whether an individual will thrive financially and their

subsequent socio-economic status. However, this progression of ideas, specifically

that education is the sole determining factor of a person’s life trajectory, is completely

ignorant of how society itself can impact an individual’s life chances. For the

purposes of this analysis, the experiences of Australian Indigenous students will be

explored as it is established that classifications of race, ethnicity and class as

imposed by society, can negatively impact an individual’s life experiences, their

engagement with education and subsequently their aspirational and life chances.

The different worldview, languages and cultural expressions that are unique to and

between Indigenous populations, are essential to how Aboriginal students

experience and express their culture. It is these considerations that are repeatedly

overlooked in classroom settings and which create a disconnect between the

students, the educator and their learning (Shipp, 2012). To address these issues the

Australian Government has implemented targeted policies, specifically the Aboriginal

Education Policy (NSW Department of Education, 2008), to address the educational

needs of students who are subject to several forms of disadvantage, with Indigenous

Australian’s arguably, “the most marginalised group in Australian society” (Munns,

Martin & Craven, 2008, p. 98).

Interpreted through the lenses of post-colonialism, the disadvantage of Indigenous

students within Australian schools, represents the legacy of colonial settlement in

Australia and the subsequent subjugation of the Aboriginal population (Kell, 2004).

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The experience of Australian colonialism for Indigenous populations has been

characterised by “dispossession, segregation and assimilation” (Gray & Beresford,

2008, p. 205). The lasting impact of such methodical subjugation based on racial

differentiation, has both perpetually and generationally disadvantaged Indigenous

Australians (Gray & Beresford, 2008). This evidenced through their negative

experiences of the education system, which remain prevalent in our contemporary

society.

For Indigenous students to engage in a consistently meaningful way with their

education, it is essential that Indigenous identities are first and foremost

acknowledged in the classroom. Furthermore, the incorporation of Indigenous

perspectives into education, as outlined by government policy, positions Aboriginal

students as valued, and serves to make the content more accessible to them (NSW

Department of Education, 2008). However, it is asserted by Shipp (2012) that it is not

enough to merely foster an inclusive learning environment within the classroom.

Instead this inclusive learning needs to be translated into the standardised testing

that is exceedingly prevalent in the Australian education system (Shipp, 2012).

Currently, instead of assessing student’s engagement with their learning, these tests

are critically viewed as a reflection of minority groups level of Westernisation (Yeung,

Craven & Ali, 2013). These minority groups are perpetually disadvantaged by the

dominant cultural narratives that are entrenched within the education system and to

address this, methods of student testing must reflect the government’s policy

commitments to equitable and inclusive education for all students (Yeung et al.,

2013).

The various intersections of disadvantage faced by Indigenous Australians, including

socio-economic status, race and ethnicity, and how this translates into educational

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disadvantage, is explored by Gray and Beresford (2008). Indigenous students are

inescapably marginalised in an education system dominated at every level by the

prevailing narratives of white cultural privilege (Gray and Beresford, 2008). Despite

teachers who actively attempt to provide culturally inclusive work spaces, where

indigenous voices and identities are valued, these students remain positioned as

inferior in the Anglo-Indigenous binary (Lampert, Burnette & Morse, 2015). This is

further compounded by teacher’s resistance to self-reflexive practices which involve

addressing their own attitudes and prejudices towards diversity in educational

settings (Lampert et al.,). Such practices are designed to acknowledge differences of

race, culture and ethnicity so that teachers are empowered to approach educational

needs at individual levels and therefore challenge the Western-Anglo privilege

imbedded in curricula, pedagogy and policy (Ferfolja, Jones Diaz & Ullman, 2015).

Critical Race Theory can assist explanations of how racial differentiation creates

disadvantage in the classroom. Notions of colour blindness in the context of

Indigenous education means that student’s ancestries, cultural identities and

individual experiences are ignored and even positioned as irrelevant to their

education, in an attempt to treat all students equally (Lampert et al., 2015).

Ultimately this approach to education, which is grounded in notions of equality, is to

the detriment of individual students needs, and effectively undermines attempts to

deliver an equitable education, thus further disadvantages Indigenous students

(Lampert et al., 2015).

While all students have different skills, and needs that they bring to their learning,

Indigenous students inability to relate and conform to the dominant “discourses of

whiteness” (Lampert et al., 2015, p. 78) which pervade Australian schooling, has a

direct impact on their sense of self, their self-value and what Yeung, Craven and Ali

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(2013) refer to as self-concepts. Self-concepts refer to a student’s belief in their own

academic abilities, which are inextricably linked to their lifelong educational

aspirations (Yeung et al., 2013). This means that if a student is constantly made to

believe that they are inferior culturally, this translates into a lack of confidence in their

abilities. This includes their perceptions of their own academic potential, which

becomes reflected in their academic performance, disengagement from learning and

can ultimately reduce aspirations for further education, which could otherwise have

facilitated an escape from generational disadvantage (Yeung et al., 2013).

Another facet of Critical Race Theory when applied to a classroom setting is the

concept of deficit thinking. Teachers perceptions are often informed by the prevailing

dominant discourse, which perceives Indigenous students as deficit, problem

students (Shay, 2015; Lampert et al., 2015). Ultimately these students become the

focus of negative observation as they subvert the privileged norms of the “Anglo,

English-speaking, Christian… middle-class” (Ferfolja et al., 2015, p. 2). Unfortunately

these discourses continue to overshadow the educational needs of Indigenous

students and suggest that any attempts at inclusive learning are futile (Shay, 2015).

In turn the conflict between Aboriginal cultural identities and the often unrecognised

privilege, which is afforded to those who adhere to the dominant cultural norms, can

lead to a negative cascade regarding the educational futures of Indigenous students.

Disillusion can lead to declining attendance which compounds difficulties relating to

academic achievement and forces students further away from the potential of an

educated future (Gray & Beresford, 2008). This is emphasised statistically with 75.6

percent of non-Indigenous students successfully completing their secondary

schooling, while only 42.9 percent of Indigenous students achieve the same (Yeung

et al., 2013). Not only is this figure cause for alarm, it also highlights the inequality of

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educational outcomes and alludes to the inequality that remains within schools.

These statistics which the rate of completion of schooling for Indigenous students,

set an ominous tone for the prospects of their continuation into further, post-

compulsory education.

“Young people who disengage from education experience significant short-term and

long-term social and economic disadvantage, including social dislocation and overall

poorer health outcomes” (Shay, 2015, p. 98). This suggests that life chances and

quality of life are inextricably linked to an individual’s educational success as

increased education leads to greater employability and thus future prosperity.

Therefore, while indigenous students are already far less likely to be eligible for

further education based on school completion, of those who elect to complete further

study, they are exponentially more likely to pursue qualifications which are

vocational, rather than academic in nature (Gray & Beresford, 2008). Furthermore,

students from rural areas are again less likely to complete further education (Gray &

Beresford, 2008; Yeung et al., 2013). The reason for this as suggested by Yeung et

al., (2013) is largely due to the economic burden of pursuing further studies.

This economic disadvantage, while arguably experienced more acutely in rural

areas, is nonetheless relevant to Indigenous populations in urban settings. According

to Gray and Beresford (2008), “Australia’s Indigenous population has the worst

overall rates of socio-economic disadvantage” (p. 199). This is evidenced by a

measurably lower average weekly income, measuring a $200 deficit at least per

week in comparison to non-Indigenous groups (Gray & Beresford, 2008, p. 198).

Therefore, when we stop to explore the interplay of the multi-dimensional

disadvantage experienced by Indigenous Australian students, it can be seen how

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they exacerbate each other and create a seemingly inescapable vortex of

disadvantage. This reduces students’ perceptions of their own potential and leads to

absenteeism and for many student’s, complete withdrawal from education. This

serves to perpetuate the disadvantage already inherent in Indigenous populations as

an increase in socio-economic status is almost unattainable without an education

that generates increased employment opportunities. Furthermore, without post-

compulsory academic education, Indigenous Australians are effectively powerless to

affect change in an education system that is perpetuating their disadvantage.

Without changes to how Indigenous students experience education, for many their

educational aspirations will remain largely non-existent or unattainable.

Ultimately this inescapable socio-economic status translates into a quality of life

which reduces the “life expectancy in the Indigenous population [to] 17.2 years [less]

than the total Australian population” (Gray & Beresford, 2008, p. 198). This

emphasises the dire consequences of educational institutions’ inability to

successfully engage Indigenous students. Evidently Indigenous Australians continue

to be failed by the education system and not only does this impact their life chances

but ultimately their life expectancy.

The significance of my personal adherence to the privileged culture that Ferfolja et

al., (2015) refer to as “Anglo, English-speaking, heterosexual [and] middle-class” (p.

2) is reflected in my experiences of immersion and engagement throughout my

education. The accessible and relatable nature of the content encouraged my

positive academic self-concept, successful completion of my secondary schooling

and subsequent admission into post-compulsory studies (Yeung et al., 2013). Upon

reflection school was a positive experience which fostered a passion for education

which will ultimately translate into financial success. However, it is only through an

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exploration of the educational experiences of Indigenous Australians that I have

been forced to be self-reflexive and acknowledge that my own educational success

is not simply the result of my own hard work and dedication. Instead as Ferfolja et

al., (2015) suggest, I have never been subjected to the forms of ‘Othering’ and

discrimination that characterise the experiences of Indigenous students. This

positions me in the exact predicament that is explored by Lampert et al., (2015) in

which pre-service teachers begin the process of understanding their own position of

privilege, and how this can consequently position students in subordinate roles which

have lasting negative implications for their educational aspirations.

Therefore, the process of embedding self-reflection into an approach to intercultural

learning and education, is a life-long practice that is essential to fostering a culturally

inclusive classroom environment. Inherent in these intentions is an understanding

that a teacher is responsible for acknowledging the value of all students at an

individual level, in a way that is both culturally aware and respectful (Gay, 2010).

Furthermore, the process of self-reflection will facilitate analyses of “deficit

discourses” (Lampert et al., 2015, p. 83) within education and aid in the translation of

government policy commitments aimed at Indigenous education, into practical

teaching pedagogies.

The critical analysis of Indigenous students’ experiences of education is essential to

explore how the needs of Indigenous students remain unmet, due to manifold

disadvantage that is perpetuated through the education system. The insights

provided suggest how government policy and greater intercultural understanding

have the potential to transcend the legacy of disadvantage faced by Indigenous

Australians and ultimately increase their educational aspirations and life chances.

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References

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educational practices. In T. Ferfolja, C. Jones Diaz & J. Ullman (Eds.),
Understanding sociological theory for educational practices (pp. 1-20). Port
Melbourne, Australia: Cambridge University Press.

Gay, G. (2010). Acting on beliefs in teacher education for cultural diversity. Journal of
Teacher Education, 61(1-2), 143-152. doi:10.1177/0022487109347320

Gray, J. & Beresford, Q. (2008). A ‘formidable challenge’: Australia’s quest for equity
in Indigenous education. Australian Journal of Education, 52(2), 197- 223.
Retrieved from https://search-proquest-
com.ezproxy.uws.edu.au/docview/61989156?accountid=36155

Kell, P. (2004). A teacher’s tool kit: Sociology and social theory explaining the world.
In J. Allen (Ed.), Sociology of education: Possibilities and practices (3rd ed.,
pp. 29-51). Southbank, Australia: Social Science Press.

Lampert, J., Burnette, B. & Morse, K. (2015). Destablishing privilege: Disrupting

deficit thinking in white pre-service teachers on field experience in culturally
diverse high-poverty schools. In T. Ferfolja, C. Jones Diaz & J. Ullman (Eds.),
Understanding sociological theory for educational practices (pp. 76-92). Port
Melbourne, Australia: Cambridge University Press.

Munns, G., Martin, A., & Craven, R. (2008). To free the spirit? Motivation and
engagement of Indigenous students. The Australian Journal of Indigenous
Education, 37, 98-107. doi:10.1017/S1326011100016148

NSW Department of Education. (2008). Aboriginal Education Policy (Reference No.

PD/2008/0385/V03). Retrieved from https://education.nsw.gov.au/policy-
library/policies/aboriginal-education-and-training-policy?refid=285843

Shay, M. (2015). The perceptions that shape us: Strengthening Indigenous young
people’s cultural identity in flexi school settings. In T. Ferfolja, C. Jones Diaz &
J. Ullman (Eds.), Understanding sociological theory for educational practices
(pp. 93-109). Port Melbourne, Australia: Cambridge University Press.

Shipp, C. (2012). Why Indigenous perspectives in school?: A consideration of the

current Australian education landscape and the ambiguities to be addressed
in literacy teaching. English in Australia, 47(3), 20-24. Retrieved from
https://search-proquest-com.ezproxy.uws.edu.au/docview/
1361833285?accountid=36155

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Yeung, A. S., Craven, R. G, & Ali, J. (2013). Self-concepts and educational outcomes
of Indigenous Australian students in urban and rural school settings. School
Psychology International, 34(4), 405-427. doi:10.1177/0143034312446890

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