Children As Chattel of The State Deconstructing The Concept of Sex Trafficking

Practice
Social Work in Action
ISSN: 0950-3153 (Print) 1742-4909 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpra20
Challenges in Identification of Child Victims of

Transnational Trafficking
Ajwang’ Warria, Hanna Nel & Jean Triegaardt
To cite this article: Ajwang’ Warria, Hanna Nel & Jean Triegaardt (2015) Challenges in
Identification of Child Victims of Transnational Trafficking, Practice, 27:5, 315-333, DOI:
10.1080/09503153.2015.1039974
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PRACTICE: SOCIAL WORK IN ACTION VOLUME 27 NUMBER 5 (DECEMBER 2015), 315–333
Challenges in Identification of Child

Victims of Transnational Trafficking
Ajwang’ Warria, Hanna Nel and Jean Triegaardt
Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 10:33 21 November 2017
Child trafficking is a multiple human rights violation and identification of child

victims of trafficking is a serious challenge facing social workers worldwide.
Stakeholders (including social workers) working in the field of trafficking were
studied qualitatively. The challenges the participants perceived or had encoun-
tered when identifying transnational children trafficked into South Africa were
explored through in-depth interviews and analysed using thematic analysis. The
findings from the study support the notion that identification of child trafficking
victims is not an easy task for social workers because of the inherent nature of
child trafficking and its link to socio-legal, economic and cultural factors.
Keywords: trafficking; children; identification; transnational
Introduction
As a survivor, I know how important it was to be identified as a trafficking vic-

tim. That is where my path to recovery started—but was far from ending…
Ima (United States Trafficking in Persons (US TIP) Report 2013, 7)
Violence and abuse against children and the exploitation of children worldwide
have become a growing concern in the past decade. Child trafficking is a multi-
ple human rights violation and a global public health, migration, criminal jus-
tice, economic and social issue. The United Nations (UN) Trafficking Protocol
(2000) defines child trafficking as the recruitment, transportation and receipt
of children for purposes of exploitation. This definition includes all children
under the age of 18 who have been trafficked with or without their consent for
forced labour, illegal adoption, sexually exploitative practices and for illegal
body organ trade (Gozdziak and Bump 2008; Kropiwnicki 2007; Martens, Piecz-
kowski, and Van Vuuren-Smyth 2003; Touzenis 2010). In Africa, child trafficking
is embedded in socio-economic dynamics and overlaps with smuggling, refu-
geeism, child labour and other socio-political and cultural issues, making it a
complex social development challenge.
Ó 2015 British Association of Social Workers

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503153.2015.1039974
316 WARRIA ET AL.
According to the US-TIP Report (2013), countries such as the USA, Canada,
Haiti, Gambia, Netherlands, Bulgaria, and South Africa have been identified as
trafficking source, destination and transit countries. High incidents of child
trafficking have been reported in Asian countries by Larsen (2011). In South
Africa, although the exact number and demographics of children trafficked in,
out of and into South Africa is unknown, non-governmental organisations
report that 60% of trafficking victims are children under the age of 18 (US-TIP
Report 2010, 2012). Trafficking patterns are reported to run from north to
south of Africa with the majority of children who are trafficked into South
Africa originating from the neighbouring Southern African Development

Community countries and Asian countries.
However, identification of victims of trafficking continues to be a challenge
in the fight against trafficking. The importance and nature of complexities
associated with victim identification influenced the 2013 US TIP Report theme
i.e. ‘Victim Identification: The First Step in Stopping Modern-Day Slavery’. This
paper provides an overview of human trafficking as a global issue. Contrasting
child trafficking in Africa and Asia is discussed. This article sets out to show
challenges identified in the rapid identification of child victims of transnational
trafficking in South Africa. Next, the research methodology applied in the
study is highlighted. An integrated discussion of findings is presented and
finally, the critical implications of the findings for effective social work prac-
tice are highlighted.
Human Trafficking as a Global Issue
According to United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (2013), ‘hu-
man trafficking is a global problem and one of the world’s most shameful
crimes, affecting the lives of millions of people around the world and robbing
them of their dignity’. Morrison and Crosland (2000) refer to human trafficking
and smuggling as the ‘dark side’ of globalisation. Globalisation, with its neolib-
eral policies and free trade in goods has also given rise to an exploitative glo-
bal service sector that relies heavily on trafficking of vulnerable children
including migrant and unaccompanied minors (Abu-Ali and Al-Bahar 2011;
Chung 2009; Sawadogo 2012; Yakushko 2009).
Many countries in the world are affected by human trafficking whether or
not they are party to the UN Trafficking Protocol. Almost every country is
impacted on by trafficking either as a country of origin, country of transit and/
or as the country of destination. In 2012, the UNODC reported that much of
the human trafficking flows in Africa are either intra-regional, or are directed
toward the Middle East or Western Europe. On the other hand, transnational
trafficking that flows from East Asia is reported to be the most prominent glob-
ally, with most victims from that region being identified in many countries
around the world, including in South Africa.
CHALLENGES IN IDENTIFICATION OF CHILD VICTIMS 317
In search of a better life, victims are mostly willing to move anywhere in

the world for any kind of work. Thus, when any job offer comes along they
tend to be easily deceived, which gives rise to transnational trafficking.
According to UNODC (2012, 7), ‘trafficking for sexual exploitation is more com-
mon in Europe, Central Asia, and the Americas. Trafficking for forced labour is
more frequently detected in Africa and Middle East, as well as in South and
East Asia and the Pacific’. The report further noted that 70% of victims from
other regions in the world were trafficked to the Middle East region. According
to UNODC (2013) and Davy (2012), one in five victims of global human traffick-
ing are children, although in poorer regions such as Africa and in sub-regions
such as the Greater Mekong, children make up the majority of trafficked per-
sons. This is further corroborated by the UNODC (2012) report that 27% of all
trafficked victims are children, and that out of every three trafficked children,
two are girls and one is a boy. When examining the link between migration and
trafficking, one can argue that the causes and manifestation of trafficking, the
means used and the types of exploitation within a certain region or country
might vary depending on the trafficking demands exerted.
Contrasting Child Trafficking in Africa and Asia
There is evidence of contrasts and similarities when considering the African

and Asian continents. Good governance, development and accountability are
high on the list of donor priorities when assisting African and Asian govern-
ments, resulting in benefits to children’s development and well-being. This is
because the protection of children is viewed and supported within the overall
context of development (Myers and Bourdillon 2012). Despite these positive
developments, the state of the African and the Asian child remains of great
concern (African Child Policy Forum (ACPF) 2010; Blackburn, Taylor, and Davis
2010; Kasirye 2007; Larsen 2011; Sossou and Yogtiba 2009). The situation of
children in both Africa and Asia is undermined by risk factors such as poverty,
cultural norms, demand for cheap labour and breakdown of extended families
which lead to children increasingly becoming migrants and subsequently finding
themselves at high risk of exploitation.
A child’s low household income, poverty and dysfunctional family are typical
triggers that push children to seek better lives, and may predispose a family or
community to accept and even encourage child trafficking. The desire of fami-
lies to break out of their cycle of poverty, coupled with uneven development
and a culture of consumerism has made families increasingly receptive to dubi-
ous opportunities. In Ngidi’s (2009) analysis of a child’s best interests in South
African customary law, a child’s position is determined by the status of his/her
parents thus the child’s protection is primarily determined by their family. The
Asian cultural context of children belonging to their parents determines their
relative powerless position as supported in a study by Larsen (2011). Studies by
Kumar, Gurung, and Adhikari (2001) in Nepal, and Molo Songololo (2000) in
318 WARRIA ET AL.
South Africa dismiss the customary law rationale and strongly emphasise that
when parents engage in ‘soft’ trafficking through either silently or actively con-
senting to the process of giving their children away for exploitation or selling
their children for any reason, it still contributes to trafficking. Comparative
select texts by Child Exploitation and Online Centre (CEOP) (2011) in the UK,
Ngidi (2009) in South Africa, Kasirye (2007) in Uganda and Wolfensohn (2004) in
Southeast Europe all demonstrate that the welfare of children is inseparable
from that of their families and those families may not understand trafficking,
but see it as a survival strategy for the family or as a child protection measure.
Education may offer alternatives and an informed job offer assessment, but
lack of educational opportunities may be a trigger for children to seek a better
life, seek employment or force families to migrate for work (Heady 2003;
Larsen 2011; Okyere 2012; Sossou and Yogtiba 2009). The already deeply
entrenched poverty cycle due to socio-economic deprivations further forces
the child to abandon school and subsequently become the family’s breadwin-
ner, by migrating and working in a low-skilled or unskilled job market (Palmary
2007, 2009). Due to children’s age, lack of skills and inability to negotiate, the
children often end up being exploited. However, when writing on Benin and
Ethiopia, Boyden and Howard (2013) argue the importance of children’s inde-
pendent migration in relation to domestic, economic, and social integration
and transition into adulthood. Liborio and Ungar (2010) further argue that chil-
dren’s economic activities could potentially be a pathway to the children’s
resilience. Clearly, relationships will continue to exist between poverty and
trafficking (Blackburn, Taylor, and Davis 2010) because ‘socio-economic and
politico-institutional causes remain to a certain extent embedded in each
other just like the two sides of a coin’ (Sawadogo 2012, 103). Recent develop-
ments in social protection have highlighted that poverty reduction is crucial as
a mechanism to reduce children’s and families’ vulnerability (ACPF 2010;
Okongwu and Mencher 2000; Truong 2006).
Routes for child trafficking for sexual exploitation are largely regional in
Southern Africa, because truck drivers deceive children with promises of mar-
riage, employment or academic opportunities if they agree to accompany them
to South Africa. Children from Mozambique, Swaziland and Lesotho have also
been known to be exploited as sex slaves (Ferro 2013) and as child labourers
on farms in South Africa. In addition, children from Southeast Asia are also
trafficked to South Africa (Molo Songololo 2003) and the US (Jani and Anstadt
2013), and exploited in escort agencies and massage parlours; and to Persian
Gulf states and Saudi Arabia to become camel jockeys and beggars, respec-
tively (Ghosh 2009). Trafficking also has regional dimensions in Southeast Asia
which is reported to be a major ‘source of trafficked persons due to regional
characteristics such as intra-regional irregular migration, extensive land bor-
ders and disparities in economic, employment and education opportunities’
(Larsen 2011; 3 as cited in Larsen 2010). For example, children from Cambodia
are taken to Thailand for begging, girls taken from Vietnam, Myanmar and
North Korea for forced marriage in China, boys taken from Vietnam to China
for illegal adoption, and girls taken from Laos to Thailand for factory work.
The majority of trafficking of children in Africa is for sexual and labour
exploitation and as child soldiers whereas in Asia, exploitation takes on more
diverse forms thus requiring a more coordinated, meaningful and systematic
approaches to change. Although child victims of trafficking are usually of both
genders, trafficking of boys is increasing (Desai 2008), yet it continues to
receive less attention in both Asia and Africa (Allais 2013; Larsen 2011).
Identification of Child Victims of Trafficking
Under-identification of child victims of trafficking has been reported to be a

challenge globally as depicted in studies by Bump and Duncan (2003), Farrell,
McDevitt, and Fahy (2010), Fong and Berger Cardoso (2010), Goździak (2010),
Gozdziak and MacDonnell (2007), Hepburn and Simon (2010), Hopper (2004),
Okech, Morreau, and Benson (2012), and Sigmon (2008). Unaccompanied asy-
lum seeking children, migrant, refugee and separated children have been
reported as being at risk of being trafficked (Morrison and Crosland 2000;
Palmary 2007), although they have been ‘identified merely as [undocumented]
illegal immigrants, child prostitutes … homeless and poor vagabonds’ (Bernat
and Zhilina 2010, 2). Their identification and that of trafficked children and
their subsequent needs are more complex than those faced by abused and
looked after children generally (Department of Education 2014).
Diverse explanations involve complex and bureaucratic identification systems
which according to Goździak (2010, 251) ‘defeats the goal of finding and serv-
ing trafficked children; and the more pieces to a system, the more possible
cracks for children to fall through’. Secondly, under-identification is affected
by factors such as lack of clear definitions in national legislations and large dis-
cretionary powers when identifying victims (International Organisation for
Migration (IOM) 2007). Furthermore, the fear of traffickers and law enforce-
ment, victims’ perceived loyalty to the traffickers, lack of trust and memory
losses due to trauma suffered by victims may also challenge identification pro-
cesses (Hopper 2004). In addition, when the trafficked child is rescued, simi-
larly to child abuse, the child may not want to disclose what happened to
him/her (Briere 1992; Hill 2012), due to cultural taboos, stigma attached and
psychological reluctance to re-live abuse.
The characteristics of an ideal victim have been a controversial, highly con-
tested issue and a much disputed subject in legal, psychological and social
fields. Characteristics identified to be common to child victims of trafficking
are similar to those of abused children and include physical characteristics
such as injuries, diseases and exhaustion; and psychological characteristics
such as distrust in people, low self-esteem, self-inflicted injuries and social
isolation. However, the social characteristics linked to trafficked children
which differ from that of abused children include living with multiple persons
not related to child, not playing with peers, inability to engage with culture
320 WARRIA ET AL.
within work environment, inability to move freely, absence from school and
lack of travel/identity documents. Victims who harbour characteristics which
do not fit neatly into the identified indicators are not recognised as legitimate,
and they become invisible and blameworthy if they do not have enough fea-
tures to warrant public sympathy and professional empathy (Lee 2011; Pearce,
Hynes, and Bovarnick 2009). Trafficking indicators are generally not exhaustive
and exceptions exist because child trafficking is ever-changing, it manifests
itself differently in different regions and it is influenced by the ultimate pur-
pose of exploitation. A culture of disbelief which leads to under and/or mis-
classification and referral of victims, especially in unsafe migration contexts,

greatly impacts rapid identification and assistance provision (ADB 2009).
Research Methodology
A qualitative research approach was applied in the study to give deeper mean-
ing and to provide rich details of the lived experiences of study participants
(Fouche and Schurink 2011). Purposive sampling was applied based on the study
participants’ knowledge of trafficking and child protection nexus. The selection
criteria of participants was based on their willingness and availability to take
part in the study as well as shared commonalities, work experiences and view-
points relating to the identification of child victims of trafficking. For purposes
of this paper, the total sample of study participants was 22 key informants (in-
cluding seven social workers, seven child protection advocacy officers, three
victim empowerment practitioners, three antitrafficking researchers, one law-
yer and one detective in specialised police services). The social workers were
all registered to practice with the South African Council for Social Services Pro-
fessions and were working in the child protection field for at least six months
prior to data collection. The other 15 stakeholders interviewed were experts
and had worked in the human trafficking and/or child protection field for more
than one year, and six of them had social work training.
Participation in the study was voluntary and participants were allowed to
withdraw from the study at any time. Informed consent was obtained from the
participants and ethical approval was granted by the University of Johannes-
burg’s Ethics Committee prior to data collection (Strydom 2011). Individual,
face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted using a semi-structured inter-
view schedule. The interview schedule was applied as a framework for explor-
ing the areas of research interest and the predetermined questions guided and
did not dictate the interview. In some questions, the study participants were
asked to think back and reflect on professional work experience and then
respond to the question. Field notes were written down immediately after the
interview and they included what the researcher knew, thought and observed
before, during and after interviews, and basic interpretations relating to those
aspects (Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw 2001). The interviews were audio-recorded
and subsequently transcribed verbatim.
The data were analysed using thematic analysis (Schurink, Fouche, and De
Vos 2011). The first analysis was in the field during data collection i.e. as data
were being gathered, it was analysed preliminary. The second analysis was
after completing data collection. The simultaneous data gathering and analysis
process lent itself to the construction of more consistent interpretation of the
data. The thematic analysis phases followed included familiarisation with data,
generation of initial codes, searching for and reviewing of themes, definition
and naming of themes and relating the analysis back to the objectives of the
study and previous literature reviewed (Braun and Clarke 2006). A selection of
methods applied to enhance credibility of the study included: lengthy time

spent gathering data in order to solidify evidence and triangulation of data
sources (Lincoln and Guba 1985).
Integrated Discussion of Findings
Identification of human trafficking victims is not an easy task. The challenges

identified by study participants hamper the fight against trafficking and victim
assistance services. The discussion on identification challenges identified in the
study includes characteristics of trafficking, trafficked children’s relationship
with the trafficker, limited knowledge of trafficking amongst professionals,
fear in trafficked children and family involvement in the trafficking process.
Characteristic and Nature of Child Trafficking
Child trafficking is a spatial phenomenon embedded in socio-political and cul-

tural relations and economic issues making it a complex issue with varied
indicators. These wide-ranging manifestations within child trafficking make it
difficult to define and detect trafficking, and this has led to confusion, frustra-
tion and uncertainty amongst practitioners, including social workers. It is vital
to understand that because child trafficking is a hidden activity, its conse-
quences are also hidden, as reported by majority of the key informants includ-
ing the following study participant:
… it depends where they are, because if you have a child that never goes out-
side and [he or she] is locked up somewhere in an apartment in the middle of
downtown Johannesburg you’re not going to easily identify them and you might
find that you’re suspicious about what might go down there but [you] wouldn’t
necessarily know that it’s trafficking … (Stakeholder 1)
As illustrated, due to the hidden nature of trafficking, cases could go on for a

long time without being detected and reported, and thus provision of interven-
tions becomes almost non-existent or impossible. This finding is consistent with
abused children being groomed and subsequently violated and injuries caused
on parts of the body which are not easily visible (Hobbs and Bilo 2009; Spies
322 WARRIA ET AL.
2006). The reported secretive nature of trafficking and the forbidden or

restricted contact ensures that victims are not easily recognised. This finding
is in agreement with Aronowitz’s (2009) and Zhang’s (2012) findings that link
the secretive nature of trafficking to challenges of identification. Issues emerg-
ing from this finding relate specifically to isolation as a way to control the vic-
tim, to increase their vulnerability to exploitation and to prevent viability of
any possible rescue attempt by anyone.
Perceived Benefits Derived from the Trafficking Relationship
This research was able to establish that the child–trafficker relationship is

harmful, risky and complex in nature. Findings reveal that the trafficked
child’s socio-economic background and personal characteristics determine the
level and intensity of the relationship that the child and trafficker have. In
support of the social-exchange model, Rigby (2011), Zafirovski (2005), Jani and
Anstadt (2013) as well as Wolfensohn (2004), suggest that the more a child
thinks they are benefiting from the relationship they have with the trafficker,
the less likely they will want to leave the trafficking situation. A majority of
the participants reported that these children who are exploited enter unknow-
ingly into a social exchange based on extreme fear of perceived financial and
socio-emotional benefits. It is evident that the worth of the relationships is
weighed against the outcomes as illustrated by a key informant in the follow-
ing interview extract:
… and the third factor I would say is non-cooperation from them. Some of our
victims I think if I put it, enjoy it, it’s going to be too harsh. They sort of like
tend to lean on to the new lifestyle in terms of sexual exploitation. You find
that some of the females say I’m getting my own money, back in my own coun-
try I wouldn’t earn anything like this, so that is fine. [The] same with labour
exploitation. It’s sad but it’s the reality of this practice, and you wouldn’t
want to compromise [my position and earning potential]. If I’m going to open
my mouth to the police or law enforcement then obviously there are conse-
quences attached to my cooperation. So if it’s non-cooperation, then I’m safe
and sound … (Stakeholder 13)
The extract indicates that the removal of aspects of poverty, whether physi-
cal, financial, intellectual or emotional in nature, seem fulfilling to some chil-
dren in trafficked situations, rather than them continuing to live lives plagued
with socio-economic struggles. The findings enable social workers to under-
stand that the demand factors within the child’s close environment influences
the enabling environment in which child trafficking flourishes. These structural
causes and the subsequent trafficking tend to give the child a skewed sense of
life and belonging. Furthermore, as a survival mechanism, the relationship that
the child has with the trafficker is based on perverse and skewed loyalties, as
well as positive feelings towards their trafficker, and the children try to pro-
tect them from the authorities.
Lack of Knowledge Amongst Professionals
Another important finding was that rapid responses to trafficked children,

including their identification, are hampered firstly, by lack of awareness of the
phenomenon amongst frontline practitioners, such as social workers and the
police. This makes initial identification challenging, as these professionals
might know the trafficking definition, but they might have difficulty applying it
in their practice with children presumed to be trafficked. In addition, they
may also be unaware of the indicators they should be looking for. A majority
of the key informants reported that it is crucial to have trafficking information

when interacting with a presumed child victim:
… how to identify if a child is in need of care and protection-for me that is

very much crucial because if you can’t identify, if you don’t know what are
the issues to look for in order to determine if the child is in need of care and
protection, then automatically you can sit with a child who is in need of care
and protection and be unable to connect if there’s a need. So the identifica-
tion should be [a] key [factor]. For me, people should be able to identify [vic-
tims]. That is the starting point for me. (Social worker 3)
Key informants interviewed acknowledged that frontline professionals are good

at their jobs. However, as indicated above, if they work in situations where
they are most likely to come across a child victim of trafficking, then it is vital
for them to have some working knowledge of what trafficking entails, how it
might be manifested and how to identify it. This research supports findings by
Sambo (2009), Pearce (2011) and Rigby and Whyte (2013) who indicated that in
as much as social workers are generally good at their jobs and want to inter-
vene with trafficked children, their efforts are hampered by lack of sufficient
specialised knowledge and skills within child trafficking. An implication of this
is the possibility that trafficking might not always be about looking beneath
the surface. The victims happen to be in plain sight, that is, only if the social
worker knows what (s)he is looking for. These sentiments build on Rigby’s
(2011, 330) findings that ‘professionals often struggled in recognising abuse
and exploitation, as a result of the differing presentations of children and indi-
vidual protective or resilient factors’. Thus, in support of Spies’s (2006) and
Hobbs and Bilo’s (2009) studies on child abuse, knowledge, manifestation of
the social issue and the consequences thereof are important if a social worker
is to support the trafficked child through their healing and recovery effec-
tively.
Fear in Children
The narratives that the traffickers tell the children are similar to those told to
abused children and they are often conjured up; they are used to instil fear in
children, and often they are not a true portrayal of what would happen in real
324 WARRIA ET AL.
life. Thus, the children end up fearing authority (the police), being arrested,
and deported or prosecuted, and they fear being stigmatised by others. While
these fears can be discussed separately, it is important to note that in traffick-
ing situations, the threats are not so readily compartmentalised or uttered by
the trafficker in isolation. Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) ecological perspective can
be used to explain the significant and complex interrelationships, influences
and overlapping factors when trafficked children are threatened. The child is
personally threatened, their family is threatened and other greater societal
factors are used to instil further fear in the child. Based on the nature and the
magnitude of these threats, the trafficker becomes glorified and this makes
the child live in fear of the trafficker, as reported in the two of the many
interview extracts below:
… One of the [police] investigation obstacles that we have … is intimidation

factors, the victims are scared of the trafficker … (Stakeholder 13)
… If they see service providers are being empathic, they would feel more able
to approach services, but definitely children fear to approach formal services
because they anticipate being returned to where they come from [interrup-
tion]. These children have been trafficked out of very difficult circumstances
[and] it’s your very poor children who lack family support, care, and love who
are vulnerable to being trafficked in the first place. So some of these children
do not want to go back to where they have come from. Secondly, the fear of
punishment, and also children don’t phone up our crisis lines and say I’ve been
trafficked … (Stakeholder 7)
Trafficked children’s fear to seek assistance towards service provision practi-

tioners can also be linked with knowledge acquisition and production. Children
who are illiterate and lack general knowledge are easily trafficked, or tend to
remain in the trafficking situation longer. That is, the less the child knows, the
more they may become inclined to believe and trust the trafficker. This finding
is supported by a recent study by Brunovskis and Surtees (2012a) which indi-
cates that victims of trafficking may forgo services being offered due to per-
sonal circumstances, difficulties within the assistance system and based on
their social context and personal experiences.
Trafficking by Family Members
Findings from this study reveal that a majority of the children were either traf-
ficked by relatives, or their families gave consent for them to be trafficked. The
key informants indicated that most of the children they engage with had reported
their families’ involvement in their trafficking. Almost all key informants inter-
viewed corroborated this finding from children and one participant said:
… the role of the family in the trafficking of children who are their own rela-
tives is a big question mark. One would not expect [it]. I’m just saying family,
[but] children’s parents are involved in the trafficking of their own children.
Point is that they are in some cases, and that’s a difficulty. No wonder the act
of trafficking is only discovered afterwards, because [if] I go somewhere with
my aunt, my mom’s sister, no one will suspect this person or it’s unlikely that
the person will be suspected because my mother’s sister is as good as my
mother, and meanwhile they are linked to other people … It’s one of the most
biggest difficulties … (Social worker 7)
The statement shows how the desire of families to break out of their cycle of
poverty leads to trafficking, and they may either silently consent or be actively
involved in the process of giving away their children for financial benefits. In
addition, from a child’s perspective, trafficking complicates issues around a

child’s sense of agency. Although children under the age of 18 cannot legally
consent to being trafficked, their notions of agency may be shaped by the
varying cultural notions associated with childhood, family, adult-related
responsibilities and home (Oude Breuil 2008). The interview extract above sug-
gests that children trafficked by their own family lack clarity with regard to
their inherent rights, apart from those attributed to them through their
immediate families or through kinship affinity to extended family. This contra-
dicts the notion that the family within the society invariably provides support
and has built-in safety structures for children.
Implications for Child Protection Social Work Practice
It is hoped that the study reported on here helps to facilitate a better under-
standing on challenges influencing rapid and timely identification of child vic-
tims of trafficking, as well as to fill a gap in the current child protection
practice base within social work.
The transnational aspects of trafficking make it a complex area for child
protection work as identified by Bump (2009) and Fong and Berger Cardoso
(2010) in the US and by Bokhari (2008) and Rigby (2011) in the UK. However,
internationalisation and globalisation affects social workers and they become
involved in initiatives related to providing care to all types of migrants includ-
ing victims of trafficking through transnationalisation of care and or globalisa-
tion of practice.
Poverty and the child’s family’s tendency to want to make money out of the
child, as little as it may seem, encourages the child’s entry into trafficking and
exploitative work. Exploitation that happens in private spaces, such as a home,
or those that are sanctioned by the child’s family/relatives are often not
recognised as child labour because the child lives with family or the family
knowingly allows the exploitation to happen. In addition, because we live in
trusting environments, the child is also generally assumed to be safe within
these settings and with these people they are related to. Children who are
exploited, abused and/or neglected by people responsible for them in family
homes or private spaces are thus invisible, hidden behind closed doors and
difficult to reach, especially for social workers (CEOP 2011; Wirtz 2009).
326 WARRIA ET AL.
Furthermore, in South Africa and in parts of Africa and Asia, when designing
interventions, social workers should be aware of cultural, institutional and leg-
islative reluctances to address issues that seem to impinge on the rights of the
family. The problems that subsequently arise from children being trafficked by
family members is that they are difficult to identify, quantify, rescue, provide
victim/social assistance to, and they are excluded from policies and laws.
Similar to findings in Tanzania by Kamazima et al. (2011), paradoxically, the
more unsophisticated the crime network is, the more difficult it is to recognise
trafficking and fight it. A possible explanation for this is that child trafficking
constantly keeps on replicating itself in diverse ways involving family members

and extended relatives during the different processes of trafficking. This pro-
vides further support for the hypothesis that the faster the processes of traf-
ficking change, the more difficult it becomes for social workers to identify it,
or aspects of it. Grassroots interventions, regional initiatives and social change
are necessary to prevent and combat child trafficking. Thus, social workers
should come up with innovative and protective social determinants for the
children’s families such as social assistance, employment placement, voca-
tional training opportunities which can mitigate trafficking. This is because as
long as their families linger in poverty, they remain at risk of being exploited
by traffickers who lure them with a better future for their children (Brunovskis
and Surtees 2012b; Desai 2008).
Trafficked children are migrants who have experienced severe trauma and
certain provisions of psychosocial services may be similar to those made avail-
able to refugee children, separated and unaccompanied minors (Palmary
2009). The major difference would be identification based on threats to the
lives of trafficked children. On the other hand, the threats to trafficked chil-
dren’s lives bring to mind those experienced by victims of domestic violence
(Chhikara et al. 2013). During identification, different service providers (in-
cluding social workers) sometimes ask trafficked children to narrate and repeat
their stories in the presence of other victims and/or professionals in order to
ascertain threat to life and to determine requirement for legal protection and
safety. It should be noted that this has potential to be risky, psychosocially
damaging and could compound fears of further abuse. Thus, social workers
should adopt a child-centric and a time-sensitive approach. These approaches
respect the voice of the child in the way that confidentiality is maintained,
and the impact of trauma is recognised and subsequently minimised in line
with the best interests of the child. Indeed, previous studies by Abu-Ali and
Al-Bahar (2011), Ahn et al. (2013), Clawson et al. (2008), Chung (2009) and
Zimmerman and Borland (2009) have made similar recommendations on
trauma-informed care and practice and client-centred care principles which
take into consideration cultural perspectives of victims of trafficking during
interventions.
Ignorance is not bliss and social workers working in the field of child protec-
tion and child migration especially must be encouraged to increase their
understanding on transnational trafficking, and on causes and consequences of
unsafe migration especially for children. It is essential that the training pro-
gramme for social workers must include the following topics:
(i) causes of child trafficking and factors leading to children being vulnera-
ble to trafficking;
(ii) the connection amongst migration vulnerability, neglect, abuse and
exploitation in children;
(iii) identification of trafficking indicators within child trafficking;
(iv) protocols on how to communicate with child victims;
(v) assessment of immediate needs of child victims;

(vi) cross-cultural competence and cultural empathy; and
(vii) ‘development of an appreciation and application of child-rights princi-
ples’ (Desai 2008).
Social workers are well placed to recognise, identify and understand the
dance of power, control and oppression, and its impact, especially on traf-
ficked children’s, separated, migrant and unaccompanied minor’s need for jus-
tice and protection of rights. In line with Yakushko (2009) recommendations,
social workers competence in working with these vulnerable populations should
encompass the possession of political awareness and familiarity with immigra-
tion policies. The nature of social work would allow for therapeutic justice,
whereby rapid identification processes are humanised and fairness and justice
are maintained (Palmer 2010). Since fear and mistrust are core elements
within a child’s trafficking process and when children present as abused, asy-
lum seekers, refugees, separated or unaccompanied minors, the provision of
stability, safety and informed social work practice is of great significance dur-
ing identification.
Conclusion
There is no quick fix and/or easy solutions to rapid identification of child vic-
tims of trafficking. However, appropriate and timely identification of child vic-
tims of trafficking can be equated to lifting veils of silence. Veils of silence
are lifted and in this way the trafficked children become more visible and they
can be heard. Challenges in identification jeopardise the potential for a vic-
tim’s recovery and healing. These challenges infringes on child victims’ rights
as they continue to live lives of perpetual crisis, fear, misery and instability;
whilst also facilitating the growth of trafficking operations. The ability to
understand the nature of child trafficking, to create better social work identi-
fication strategies and to assist in the enforcement of trafficking and child pro-
tection policies relies heavily on social workers being aware of trafficking and
unsafe migration as child protection concerns and improving their knowledge
and skills base accordingly. This expectation of professional competency is in
line with the International Federation of Social Workers manual, which states
328 WARRIA ET AL.
that one of social work professions core obligation is to stay abreast of theo-
retical development and empirical evidence in relation to what works best for
children and being knowledgeable about children’s rights.
Trafficking of children is a socio-legal issue and a symptom of deeper socio-
economic and cultural issues that transcend many societies. The authors are of
the opinion that this paper is also relevant to the Asian region as child traffick-
ing has also been reported to be as prevalent as it is in Africa (US-TIP Report
2014). Although there might be regional differences between Asia and Africa,
trafficking of children in both continents is becoming an internationalised
social issue, requiring coordinated transnational care and intervention

responses which contribute to systematic meaningful change. Child protection
systems in Africa, Asia and other parts of the world must be further reformed
to provide tailored support and procedures to ensure rapid identification of
child victims of transnational trafficking as well as to refugee children, sepa-
rated and unaccompanied minors because of their vulnerable status, devastat-
ing losses experienced and precarious life situations. The authors support
Morrison and Crosland’s (2000) argument that any comprehensive and success-
ful approach to trafficking requires legal and safe migration opportunities for
all refugee children and unaccompanied minors. Failure to navigate context-
specific social change and identification challenges accurately, and in a timely
fashion makes any of the rights accorded to children abstract, theoretical and
illusionary, and increases the children’s vulnerability.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
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Ajwang’ Warria is a registered clinical social worker, working as a lecturer in

the Department of Social Work at the University of Witwatersrand. Prior to
this, she was an Anti-Trafficking National Coordinator at WorldHope South
Africa and has practiced as a refugee social worker at a children’s home for
refugee children. For her doctoral studies, she designed and developed inter-
vention guidelines for social workers who work with trafficked children. Her
research interests include child protection, research with children and migra-
tion. Correspondence to: Ajwang’ Warria, Department of Social Work,
University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. Email: ajwang.

warria@wits.ac.za
Hanna Nel is currently an Associate Professor in the Department of Social

Work, University of Johannesburg, South Africa. She obtained her doctorate in
social work with specialisation in community work from the Rand Afrikaans
University (currently University of Johannesburg). She has published in the
fields of community development and teaching in social work. She is particu-
larly interested in the asset-based approach to community development as well
as management in social work, and has been involved in several grassroots
research projects with focus on the asset-based approach in community
development and has widely published in this area.
Jean Triegaardt is currently a visiting Professor for the Centre for Social
Development in Africa, University of Johannesburg, South Africa. Her research
interests are social security, social policy, restorative justice, poverty and
unemployment. She was a Fulbright scholar at University of California,
Berkeley in 2003. Currently, she is the editor of the Social Work Practitioner-
Researcher and serves as a member of the Ministerial Committee to Review
the Implementation of the White Paper for Social Welfare. Together with Pro-
fessor Viviene Taylor at University of Cape Town, she is presently co-editing a
book on social welfare policy in South Africa (Oxford University Press).

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Challenges in Identification of Child

Child trafficking is a multiple human rights violation and identification of child

Keywords: trafficking; children; identification; transnational

As a survivor, I know how important it was to be identified as a trafficking vic-

Ima (United States Trafficking in Persons (US TIP) Report 2013, 7)

Ó 2015 British Association of Social Workers

Africa originating from the neighbouring Southern African Development

Human Trafficking as a Global Issue

In search of a better life, victims are mostly willing to move anywhere in

Contrasting Child Trafficking in Africa and Asia

There is evidence of contrasts and similarities when considering the African

Identification of Child Victims of Trafficking

Under-identification of child victims of trafficking has been reported to be a

classification and referral of victims, especially in unsafe migration contexts,

methods applied to enhance credibility of the study included: lengthy time

Integrated Discussion of Findings

Identification of human trafficking victims is not an easy task. The challenges

Characteristic and Nature of Child Trafficking

Child trafficking is a spatial phenomenon embedded in socio-political and cul-

As illustrated, due to the hidden nature of trafficking, cases could go on for a

2006). The reported secretive nature of trafficking and the forbidden or

Perceived Benefits Derived from the Trafficking Relationship

This research was able to establish that the child–trafficker relationship is

Lack of Knowledge Amongst Professionals

Another important finding was that rapid responses to trafficked children,

of the key informants reported that it is crucial to have trafficking information

… how to identify if a child is in need of care and protection-for me that is

Key informants interviewed acknowledged that frontline professionals are good

… One of the [police] investigation obstacles that we have … is intimidation

Trafficked children’s fear to seek assistance towards service provision practi-

Trafficking by Family Members

addition, from a child’s perspective, trafficking complicates issues around a

Implications for Child Protection Social Work Practice

constantly keeps on replicating itself in diverse ways involving family members

(v) assessment of immediate needs of child victims;

social issue, requiring coordinated transnational care and intervention

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Desai, M. 2008. “Challenges of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in India Need

South Africa. Cape Town: Molo Songololo.

vice Professions. 4th ed., edited by A. S. De Vos, H. Strydom, C. B. Fouche, and C.

Ajwang’ Warria is a registered clinical social worker, working as a lecturer in

University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. Email: ajwang.

Hanna Nel is currently an Associate Professor in the Department of Social

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