Professional Documents
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INTRODUCTION
Most municipal stormwater control plans in the U.S. stem from policies which
favor the use of gray infrastructure, or technologies that either enhance or supplement
existing sewer infrastructure. These engineering solutions tend to be large in scale,
can take years or decades to complete, and are often costly. Alternatively, GI, also
known as low impact design technologies, are designed to protect or restore the
natural hydrology of a site, capturing stormwater volume through the use of soils,
vegetation, and engineered systems that mimic nature. Integrating GI into urban
stormwater management planning represents an introduction of a new and more
sustainable paradigm in urban stormwater management.
Social-ecological systems (SES) are dynamic systems that co-evolve through
interactions between actors, institutions, and resources within a given social-
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ecological setting (Berkes and Folke, 1998; Gunderson, 2001). The Onondaga Lake
Watershed in Onondaga County, NY, is an example of an urban water SES that has
experienced several regime shifts over the past century, due in part to changes in
Onondaga County’s stormwater management practices. Onondaga Lake was
previously referred to as the most polluted lake in America due to a century of
industrial contamination, proportionally high inflows of treated municipal wastewater
discharges, and combined sewer overflows (CSOs). Historically, Onondaga County’s
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BACKGROUND
Like most urban regions in the Northeast U.S., the city of Syracuse in Onondaga
County operates a combined sewer system. During dry weather, sanitary sewage is
carried to the Syracuse Metropolitan Wastewater Treatment Plant (METRO), and
treated effluents are discharged into Onondaga Lake. The contribution of METRO
effluent to total inflow for Onondaga Lake is the largest for a lake in the United
States, representing approximately 25% of the total inflow on an average basis (Effler
et al., 2013). CSO discharges occur during rain events as small as 0.10-0.15 in/hour in
some areas, resulting in the overflow of untreated sanitary sewage and stormwater to
the tributaries of the lake (Coon and Reddy, 2008).
In 1988, the Atlantic States Legal Foundation (ASLF), a small non-profit in
Syracuse, filed a lawsuit against Onondaga County, alleging that the discharges from
METRO and CSOs were violating state and federal water quality laws. Then in 1989,
Onondaga County entered into a Judgment of Consent, requiring the County to
execute a series of studies to evaluate compliance plans. Negotiations ensued until an
Amended Consent Judgment (ACJ) was executed in January 1998. By this time, the
County had implemented several traditional gray infrastructure projects that captured
or eliminated about 74% of the total annual CSO volume of 3.92 billion gallons per
year. The ACJ required Onondaga County to increase the annual CSO volume
captured to 85%, remove additional floatable waste, reach higher water quality
standards for bacteria in the lake and achieve tighter ammonia and phosphorus
discharge standards for METRO by 2012.
Decades of increasing environmental damage to Onondaga Lake and its
tributaries deepened the vested interest in stormwater management plans held by local
stakeholders. While all major regulating and regulated parties were directly involved
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in the ACJ project planning, several important community groups were not. Over
time, this lack of involvement led many stakeholders to become increasingly opposed
to the expensive and invasive gray infrastructure projects. The environmental
injustice stemming from this exclusion was particularly evident to two key
stakeholders: the Onondaga Nation and the residents of the Southside neighborhood
of Syracuse (Perreault et al., 2012).
Onondaga Lake is considered a sacred site by the Onondaga people. On the
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shores of Onondaga Lake, the Peacemaker brought together five nations to form the
Haudenosaunee under the Great Law of Peace (or Gayanashagowa) over 1000 years
ago. The Onondaga Nation remains committed to fulfilling the mandates of the Great
Law of Peace, including its vision of environmental stewardship and cooperative
resource management. In March 2005, a Land Rights Action was filed by the
Onondaga Nation, seeking the freedom to exercise their responsibility to the land and
to “bring about a healing between themselves and all others who live in this region.”
The land rights claim was dismissed in 2013 and no formal recognition of these
traditional rights has been made; however, this action reaffirmed Onondaga Nation’s
role a primary stakeholder in promoting the health of the Onondaga Lake ecosystem.
Of the gray infrastructure technologies included in the 1998 ACJ projects, the
regional treatment facilities (RTFs) were met with the highest level of public protest.
One of the planned RTFs, known as the Midland RTF, was to be built in the
Southside neighborhood of Syracuse due to its proximity to Onondaga Creek, a main
tributary of Onondaga Lake. Many Southside residents already experienced intrusive
infrastructure developments, such as an expansion project for a nearby hospital which
displaced many residents, and a garbage incinerating plant which further added to
poor air quality issues in the area (Tauxe, 2011). The Partnership for Onondaga Creek
(POC), a local nonprofit, formed in response to the perceived injustices that the
Midland RTF would bring to the residents of the Southside neighborhood.
In 2001, the Syracuse Common Council voted unanimously against selling city
land to Onondaga County for the Midland RTF. A federal district judge ordered the
City of Syracuse and Onondaga County to work out their differences through
negotiations, but this time to include community stakeholders. Within these
negotiations, the POC presented alternative solutions to RTFs, such as underground
storage, and began to collaborate with the ASLF and Onondaga Nation. This cross-
cultural alliance proved to be an effective social network for the promotion of GI in
Onondaga County (Tauxe, 2011). However, the longstanding relationships between
Onondaga County and select engineering firms favored the original gray
infrastructure projects such as the RTFs. Ultimately, the Syracuse City land was sold
to Onondaga County and construction began on the Midland RTF, including an
additional large-scale pipeline.
The Midland RTF construction resulted in several negative impacts on the
Southside community, including the eviction of 45 families. The POC filed a Title VI
claim of civil rights discrimination to the US EPA, documenting the social damages
and injustices due to the construction (Lane and Heath 2007). Public protest
eventually halted construction of a large conveyance pipe, leaving the facility to
operate at a reduced capacity. An “anti-RTF” sentiment grew throughout Onondaga
County along with a lack of trust in the stormwater management decision makers, as
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demand for alternative plans surrounding the Midland facility created a strong
community awareness of the County’s unpopular stormwater management plans.
The case against the RTFs also began to build on scientific evidence, as it was
determined that they would not provide a comprehensive solution to Onondaga
County’s environmental problems despite achieving the desired CSO volume control.
In 2007, the Onondaga Environmental Institute (OEI) conducted a study on the
potential loading sources of bacteria throughout the Onondaga Lake Watershed. The
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results showed high levels of bacteria in the tributaries of Onondaga Lake during dry
weather, suggesting that there were sources of contamination other than CSOs leading
to non-compliance of state standards for bacteria (Hughes, 2008). Since RTFs would
only eliminate the bacteria associated with CSOs, they were deemed an inadequate
solution to reach compliance with the bacteria standards.
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by 2018. Collectively, the new comprehensive stormwater plan for Onondaga County
became known as the Save the Rain program. While much of the Save the Rain
program efforts focus on the stormwater mitigation benefits, the program also strives
to maximize social benefits through job programs, strategic project placement and
funding opportunities. In addition to public projects, several efforts have focused on
commercial and residential programs which promote the use of GI.
The rapid development of GI projects throughout the County would not have
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been possible without economic opportunities that made GI cost effective against
gray infrastructure alternatives. Before GI was considered as a viable strategy, the
alternative gray technologies proposed by the POC and other stakeholders were
repeatedly turned down due to the ACJ stipulation of cost effectiveness. Cost estimate
bids for the gray infrastructure options fluctuated for many years, with the low bid
cost of the RTFs appearing favorable to more costly bids for underground water
storage (Lane, 2011). The 2009 ACJ plans were attractive not only because they were
less intrusive to surrounding communities, but also because they were expected to
save Onondaga County more than $20 million.
In New York State, the Clean Water Act’s State Revolving Loan Fund (SRF)
program, administered by the Environmental Facilities Corporation (EFC), provides
funding for stormwater management projects. Of the overall Save the Rain budget,
the majority of funds are financed through county bond debt, which will be serviced
through increased sewer use charges. Additional funding will come from federal and
state assistance, including SRF loans and grants. Gray infrastructure project funding
will likely be secured through the SRF, but funding GI requires a more complicated
loan and bond process. Because GI projects have difficulty fitting into EFC’s
standard review and approval processes, it is administratively and financially
inefficient for the EFC to verify GI investments on a project-by-project basis. Thus,
Onondaga County does not rely on the EFC to fund the upfront costs of GI initiatives.
Instead, the County has used capital funds and independently-secured debt to finance
the implementation and installation of GI projects. Once GI projects are installed,
County officials plan to bundle sets of completed projects and seek EFC approval to
refinance original debt though the SRF and other EFC long term loans. Although this
two-step financing is cumbersome, County officials expect that the EFC will more
readily approve bundled GI projects when exact costs have been established and
effectiveness proven (Millea, 2011).
ANALYSIS
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used to convey the difficulty of control within complex SESs, the need to proceed in
the face of uncertainty, and the importance of dealing with diverse values, interests
and perspectives among constituents (Dietz et al., 2003). Folke et al. (2005) describe
four interacting aspects of importance in adaptive governance of complex SESs.
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stewardship was integrated into stormwater management plans during the 2008
planning committees.
between the County government and local stakeholders, thus reducing the response
diversity and adaptive capacity of the Onondaga Lake SES. However, the recent
changes in management strategies suggest an increase in resilience. The social
networks that built upon visions and knowledge of the lake’s ecosystem dynamics is
one source of increased SES resilience (Hahn et al., 2008). The GI projects adopted
under the Save the Rain program have also increased the resilience of the Onondaga
Lake SES, as GI can influence ecosystem health by contributing to ecosystem
resilience (Tzoulas et al., 2007). Finally, while an undesired regime shift in an
ecosystem may indicate that it has lost resilience, actors with the capacity to respond
to change can restore it to a desired state; thus, the SES is still resilient (Bodin and
Norberg, 2005).
Regime Shifts
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fluctuating levels of phosphorus in Onondaga Lake through the first five stormwater
and wastewater management regimes identified in Table 1. The top portion of the
figure is reconstructed from long term phosphorus monitoring by the Upstate
Freshwater Institute, while the bottom portion is derived from sediment coring efforts
to develop a proxy for historical phosphorus levels in Onondaga Lake. The general
trends in Regimes 3, 4 and 5 are clear between the two data sets, as phosphorus levels
decrease with increasingly advanced stormwater and wastewater management
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regimes. Another important turning point is the banning of phosphates from laundry
detergents, which also occurred toward the end of Regime 3 in 1971 and thus
enhances the decreasing trends seen in Regimes 3 and 4. The 1998 ACJ set a
requirement for the average epilimnetic phosphorus concentrations in Onondaga Lake
of less than 20 µg P/L. Further systematic reductions in loading to the lake’s upper
layers will be necessary to ensure meeting the goal (Effler et al. 2013).
Drastic changes in lake ecological regimes due to municipal and industrial waste
inputs also led to socioeconomic shifts. In the early half of the 20th century, the
thriving fisheries and resort industries that had operated since the 1800s slowly died
out as the lake’s water quality deteriorated (Thompson, 2002). The commercial cold-
water fishery was eliminated by the late 1800s, the lake was closed to ice harvesting
in 1901, swimming was banned in 1940 due to elevated bacteria counts and poor
water clarity, and all fishing was banned in1972 due to mercury contamination (Effler
et al., 2010; Landers, 2006).
The 2009 ACJ represents a turning point with potential to bring about a sixth
regime for the Onondaga Lake SES, in which GI assists in the recovery of the Lake
through enhanced nonpoint source pollution control. Figure 2 summarizes the
progress made since the 1998 ACJ in reducing the number of CSO points without
abatement strategies, and consequently increasing the annual percent capture of CSO
volume. A CSO point with an abatement strategy does not imply that all CSO volume
will be captured at each outfall point, and performance, especially for GI abatement
strategies, may vary depending on the strategies or technologies used and different
conditions present from year to year. However, increasing annual CSO volume
capture with increased abatement strategies will likely accelerate Lake’s recovery.
In the past two decades of cleanup efforts, Onondaga Lake has begun to shift
back to its preindustrial regime, as water quality and clarity continue to improve.
Since 2008, no algal blooms have been evident; total phosphorus concentrations were
below the state’s guidance value for recreational use; macrophyte communities have
become more diverse; populations of gamefish have continued to increase steadily;
and bacteria counts remained within limits for water recreation (EcoLogic, LLC et al.,
2010; Upstate Freshwater Institute et al., 2014).
CONCLUSIONS
Onondaga County’s Save the Rain program has received national recognition. In
2010, the EPA awarded the County Executive, Onondaga Nation, POC and ASLF the
Environmental Quality Award. One year later, the EPA named Onondaga County one
of 10 U.S. partner communities in their new strategic GI agenda, which outlines the
activities that the EPA will undertake to help communities implement GI. In 2013,
the program received six major awards, including the U.S. Water Prize and the New
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Figure 2: Number of operational CSO points without abatement strategies and total
percent capture of annual CSO volume. Note that the original system had over 90
operational CSO points. Data from annual ACJ reports such as OCDWEP (2014).
York State Environmental Excellence Award, the highest environmental award at the
state level.
The positive ecological changes in the Onondaga Lake watershed are a reflection
of key changes within the governance system of Onondaga County’s stormwater
management plans. The shift in the management strategies from solely gray
infrastructure to the incorporation of GI would have been highly unlikely if it were
not for the changes in the political and economic settings, as well as supportive
leadership at the local level. Furthermore, the adoption of GI in Onondaga County
encompasses social changes in addition to environmental restoration. The Onondaga
Nation has continued to define its role as one of the caretakers of Onondaga Lake, as
the Nation released its “Vision for a Clean Onondaga Lake” in 2010, describing
holistic, watershed focused goals for restoration. The County Executive
acknowledges the need for broader sets of goals “beyond ACJ requirements,” and the
potential social benefits that GI can bring about such as community development and
job creation (Mahoney, 2011).
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank the SURDNA Foundation for providing funding for this work, as well as all
Onondaga Lake resource users with whom we interacted in this work, including Steve
Effler, Joseph Heath, Aggie Lane, Dave Matthews, Ed Michalenko, Matthew Millea,
Chandler Rowell, Lindsay Speer, and Mallory Squier.
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REFERENCES
Berkes, F., 2012. Sacred Ecology, 3rd ed. Routledge, New York.
Berkes, F., Folke, C., 1998. Linking social and ecological systems for resilience and
sustainability, in: Linking Social and Ecological Systems: Management
Practices and Social Mechanisms for Building Resilience. pp. 13–20.
Bodin, Ö., Norberg, J., 2005. Information network topologies for enhanced local
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