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Abstract
This article draws connections between the political revo-
lutions of the Atlantic World and the equally powerful envi-
ronmental revolutions occurring in North America between
1763 and 1848. The political-economic transformations that
shook coastal cities also reverberated in the reorganization
of food production and indirectly grass consumption, re-
vealing deep interconnections between imperial objectives,
continental land use practices, and the emergence of a
global food system. Understanding the critical role of non-
human actors, including grass and herbivores, reveals
deeper relationships shared between early modern politi-
cal, cultural, and environmental history.
C The Author 2015. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the American
V
Society for Environmental History and the Forest History Society. All rights reserved.
For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com
*The title of this article is inspired by the recent work of Pekka Hämäläinen, who
has challenged historians to look more closely at the relationship of grass to
Indigenous political-economy. See “The Politics of Grass: European Expansion,
Ecological Change, and Indigenous Power in the Southwest Borderlands,” William
and Mary Quarterly 67 (April 2010): 173–208.
Natale Zappia, “Revolutions in the Grass: Energy and Food Systems in Continental
North America, 1763–1848,” Environmental History 21 (2016): 30–53
doi: 10.1093/envhis/emv117
Advance Access Publication Date: 22 October 2015
INTRODUCTION
In 1799 as the Atlantic World convulsed amid numerous political,
economic, and scientific revolutions, José Cortés observed in aston-
ishment a region completely dominated by herbivores. Antelope, elk,
buffalo, cattle, sheep, mules, and horses all grazed over millions of
square acres.1 As a lieutenant in New Spain’s Royal Corp of Engineers
charged with surveying a remote corner of Spain’s crumbling overseas
empire, Cortés reported the rise of Indigenous pastoralists who raised
livestock: “But what better proof could be offered than to observe in
some of the northern frontier lands numerous herds of wild horses,
vast and lovely plains covered with buffalo, and an extreme abun-
dance of every kind of game, large and small, which sustain so many
Indian nations?”2
As an “age of revolutions” shook both sides of the Atlantic between
the Seven-Years War (ending in 1763) and the Mexican-American
War (ending in 1848), hundreds of Native and Euro-American com-
munities across the continent developed complex and lucrative pas-
toral economies that produced domestic and wild animals.3 Indeed,
as Cortés readily admitted, any expansion of infrastructure, industry,
or people rested primarily on large-hooved grazers. As Mexico shed its
colonial skin, officials continued to direct their attention at develop-
ing herbivore economies. Toward the end of this revolutionary period
in 1830, for example, Tucson presidio captain Antonio Comaduran
similarly observed the proliferation of Native pastoralism across a
new Mexican nation-state: “This day I studied completely that ter-
rain, and learned that two days before they [Apaches] had collected
all the horses that they possessed. Without any exaggeration at all
they graze more than 2000 animals on those lands, not in pastures as
might be assumed. In such an open country, it all serves as their pas-
tures.”4 Thus across the borderlands of continental North America,
Ute, Apacheria, and Comancheria territories expanded alongside buf-
falo and horse habitats. Navajos and Puebloan communities similarly
converted a parched landscape into immense sheep pastures. Within
Euro-American boundaries too, cattle steadily consumed landscapes
across vast stretches of the continent. What Cortés and Comaduran
Figure 1. Cattle frontiers before and during the age of revolutions. Source: Andrew Sluyter, Black
Ranching Frontiers: African Cattle Herders of the Atlantic World, 1500–1900 (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2012), 6. Credit: Used by permission from Andrew Sluyter.
Increased demand for meat and other products from livestock pre-
cipitated changes in other sectors. Grain and corn cultivation intensi-
fied along the Pacific coast and rivers like the Gila and Colorado both
to support missions and feed animals.18 Between 1780 and 1840, over
a million head of cattle in Sonora and Alta California alone grazed on
wild grass and ate grains provided by farmers. In New Mexico, at least
three million sheep provided mutton and wool for export.19 Two mil-
lion wild and domesticated horses roamed the New Mexican and
Comancherı́a borderlands. Millions more buffalo did the same on the
Plains.20 This intensified grazing dramatically altered grassland envi-
ronments. Herbivores like mules, cattle, and especially horses also
served as vital modes of transportation connecting vast stretches of
the continent. Horses facilitated the movement of people, goods, and
ideas in similar ways as ships transported such things across the
ocean. Cattle and oxen plowed soil, blazed trails, hauled lumber, and
cleared paths.21 While opening paths to the Atlantic World, herbi-
vores themselves became global commodities. Alongside tea, coffee,
sugar, and silver, so too did hides, tallow, lard, fur, and pemmican
crisscross the globe.22
The expansion of herbivore frontiers revealed the tension between
competing habitats that in turn led to competing economic models.
For example, buffalo, sheep, and horse herds dramatically prolifer-
ated under the management of Comanches, Utes, Apaches, Kiowas,
Lakotas, and Navajos during the eighteenth century, leading to the
parallel expansion of borderlands raiding and slavery that challenged
American and Mexican state formation in the West.23 Indigenous
and Euro-American (particularly Spanish-Mexican) borderlands econ-
omies clashed with cattle frontiers overseen by Anglo, Californio,
New Mexican, and Texas ranchers during this time period.24 All over-
whelmingly relied on hooved sources of food—and thus vast reser-
voirs of grass developed and maintained over even larger distances
and scales of time. In short, time, distance, and culture became com-
pressed through herbivore expansion.25
The exploits of John Hudson aptly illustrate the illicit trade. One of
many illegal entrants into Las Californias, Hudson meticulously docu-
mented the exchange of hundreds of furs, hides, and head of live-
stock. Traveling up and down the chain of missions, a typical day
between 1805 and 1807 included the purchase of anywhere from 50
to 250 otter pelts, valued at $8 apiece. Hudson also purchased cows,
flour, water, and lard from priests and Native traders behind the backs
of Spanish soldiers.35 Along the Pacific Raincoast further north, the
brisk otter trade also facilitated the demand for wool, meat, and tal-
low, further expanding herbivore frontiers into the Willamette
Valley.36 The lucrative smuggling of animals and food commodities
can thus be seen as political-economic acts by local communities de-
fying colonial and imperial edicts—not unlike the seditious actions
undertaken in other ports during the age of revolutions.37
Mexican independence in 1821 removed most of the remaining re-
strictions to trade and land ownership, directly affecting corporate
entities like the Catholic Church and Indigenous milpas. Private
owners seized any and all grazing land.38 In the northern Mexican
states, new landowners expanded cattle production for frontier towns
and mines.39 Thus the Colorado River Basin, New Mexican border-
lands, and Southern Plains began to converge through overlapping
herbivore frontiers.40
At the same time these political and ecological transformations
spread across the western borderlands, the American Revolution
shook the Atlantic World and ushered in new ecological relationships
with grass and meat consumption, allowing cultivators like Thomas
Jefferson to realize an “Empire of Liberty” rooted in foreign weeds.41
The proponents of the Anglo-American Enlightenment, as Mark Fiege
has argued, “looked west from Monticello, and the mountains, the
forests, the prairies, the rivers, and the distant horizon. . . . Out there
lay the happy democratic dream that he [Jefferson] and the other fa-
thers had enshrined in the Declaration.”42 Exploitation of new grass-
lands served as a central focus of Jeffersonian America.
Similar to the settlement schemes proffered by Mexican nationals,
the earliest Anglo boosters of agrarian settlement in grassland envi-
ronments coveted the productive capacity of wild herbivores that en-
tered the food systems and global fur trading networks of the Plains
and Mississippi River Valley. Citing the “statistical view” of Lewis and
Clark, Thomas Jefferson reported as much in his 1806 Message to
Congress quantifying the economic value of the Louisiana Territory,
meticulously estimating Native consumption of animal products.
The Lakotas and other Siouan-speaking communities, for example, al-
ready engaged in the mass production of “deer skins principally, skins
of the black bear, otter, fisher, marten rackoon [sic], grey foxes, musk-
rats, and minks . . . [large] proportion of beaver . . . bufalloe [sic] robes
and wolf skins . . . grease & tallow, and some dried meat.” Others
Figure 3. Indian ricegrass in a parched landscape (Diamond Range, Sierra County, California). Source:
http://plants.usda.gov/java/largeImage?imageID¼achy_004_ahp.tif. Credit: VC Gary A. Monroe, 2007,
used by permission.
Figure 4. Shaded areas indicate the native range for Indian ricegrass (Achnatherum hymenoides).
Adapted from USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service Plant Database. Source: http://
plants.usda.gov/core/profile?symbol¼ACHY&mapType¼nativity (accessed September 9, 2015). Credit:
USDA National Plant Data Team.
Notes
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of Environmental History for their
critical feedback and editor Lisa Brady for her valuable comments. I would also like
to thank Elizabeth Fenn, Peter Mancall, Keith Pluymers, Seth Archer, and fellow
2014 WMQ-EMSI “Age of Revolutions” workshop participants for their encourage-
ment and suggestions during earlier stages of the piece.
1 See Elizabeth John and John Wheat, trans., José Cortés, Views from the Apache
Frontier: Report on the Northern Provinces of New Spain by Jose Cortes, Lieutenant
in the Royal Corps of Engineers, 1799 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1989), 22.
2 Ibid.
3 Scholars have coined the term age of revolutions to account for the series of global
political-economic uprisings that transformed empires and colonies into nation-
states. The dates for this period continue to shift. Sarah Knott synthesizes much
of this recent debate in the William and Mary Quarterly (forthcoming). Also see
Roger R. Palmer, The Age of Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and
America, 1760–1800, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton University press, 2014); and
Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolutions, 1789–1848, rev. ed. (New York: Vintage
Books, 1996).
4 Henry Dobyns, From Fire to Flood: Historic Human Destruction of Sonoran Desert
Riverine Oases (New Mexico: Ballena Press, 1981), 23–25.
5 See Alfred Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900–
1900, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Timothy Silver, A
New Face on the Countryside: Indians, Colonists, and Slaves in South Atlantic Forests,
1500–1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Elinor G. K. Melville,
Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1994); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The
Fate of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 2005); and J. R. McNeill’s Mosquito
Empires: Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean, 1620–1914 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2010).
6 See, for example, Elizabeth Fenn, Encounters at the Heart of the World: A History of
the Mandan People (New York: Hill and Wang, 2014); Anne Hyde, Empires,
Nations, and Families: A New History of the North American West, 1800–1860
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2011); Peter Pope, Fish into Wine: The
Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 2004); and David Igler, “Diseased Goods: Global
Exchanges in the Eastern Pacific Basin, 1770–1850,” American Historical Review
109 (June 2004): 693–719.
7 On the impacts of the Atlantic World and its revolutions on the continental in-
terior, see Claudio Saunt, West of the Revolution: An Uncommon History of the
Revolution (New York: Norton, 2014), and Michael Witgen, An Infinity of Nations:
How the Native New World Shaped Early North America (Philadelphia: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 2013). Recent syntheses include Jack P. Greene and
Phillip P. Morgan, eds., Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2009), and James Sidbury and Jorge Canizares-Esguerra,
“Mapping Ethnogenesis in the Early Modern Atlantic,” William and Mary
Quarterly 68 (April 2011): 181–246. Food studies exploring the push-pull rela-
tionship between continental and Atlantic zones include Marcy Norton, Sacred
Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008). See also Molly A. Warsh, “A Political
Ecology in the Early Spanish Caribbean,” William and Mary Quarterly 71, no. 4
(October 2014): 517–748.
8 See, for example, Jennifer L. Anderson, Mahogany: The Costs of Luxury in Early
America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012), and Ellen Hartigan-
O’Connor, The Ties That Buy: Women and Commerce in Revolutionary America
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). Also see Elizabeth Fenn,
Pox Americana: The Great Smallpox Epidemic of 1775–82 (New York: Hill and
Wang, 2002).
9 For an excellent overview of the food systems literature, see Jeffrey Pilcher,
Oxford History of Food (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). Other notable re-
cent works include Michael Dietler and Brian Hayden, eds., Feasts: Archaeological
and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics, and Power (Mobile: University of
Alabama Press, 2010), and Brian McWilliams, A Revolution in Eating: How the
Quest for Food Shaped America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007).
10 For an excellent example, see Brian Donahue, The Great Meadow: Farmers and the
Land in Colonial Concord (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).
11 Notable commodity biographies include Mark Kurlansky, Salt: A World History
(New York: Penguin Books, 2003); and Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed
the World (New York: Penguin Books, 1998); Judith Carney, Black Rice: The
African Origins of Rice Cultivation in the Americas (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 2002); and Sydney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern
History (New York: Penguin Press, 1986).
12 More recent work on the modern industrial food system includes Michael
Pollan, Omnivore’s Dilemma: A Natural History of Four Meals (New York: Penguin
Books, 2007). For “core-periphery” approaches, see Immanuel Wallerstein, The
Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-
Economy in the Sixteenth Century, rev. ed. (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 2011), and Eric Wolf, Europe and the People Without History, 2nd ed.
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).
13 See Pekka Hämäläinen, “Politics of Grass”; Alan Mikhail, “Unleashing the Beast:
Animals, Energy, and the Economy of Labor in Ottoman Egypt,” American
Historical Review 118 (2013): 317–48. Other innovative works that look at the
North Carolina Press, 2010); and Boyd Cothran, “Loks and Lalaki: Slaves,
Chiefs, Medicine Men and the Indigenous Political Landscape of the Klamath
Basin, 1820s–1860s,” in Linking the Histories of Slavery in North America, ed. James
Brooks and Bonnie Smith (forthcoming, School of American Research Press). By
1848 sheep exports from the Puget Sound Agricultural Company (a subsidiary
of the Hudson Bay Company) exceeded thousands of fleeces annually. See
Daniel Hayard and Sons, “Accounts [of] sales of wool . . . for . . . the Puget
Sound Agricultural Co.,” 1844–1869, Fort Nisqually Collection, HM 372, HL.
37 Boycotts and illegal trading were seen as explicit political acts in cities like
Boston, Philadelphia, and New York during the tensions leading up to the US
Revolutionary War. See Edmund S. Morgan and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp
Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1995).
38 It is important to point out that the transition to secular authority was not with-
out conflict or simple missionary acquiescence. Upon his election in 1825,
Tucson’s first mayor, José León, immediately had to deal with disputes between
soldiers, settlers, and a priest at San Xavier del Bac over livestock ownership. See
Kieran McCarty, A Frontier Documentary: Sonora and Tucson, 1821–1848 (Tucson:
University of Arizona Press, 1997).
39 This effort also corresponded with a renewed interest in shutting out foreign
competitors including American hunters. Ignacio Pacheco, the mayor of
Tucson in 1826, arrested and fined American beaver hunters for trespassing on
the Gila River. See “Introduccı́on de unos Pescadores americanos al Rı́o Gila, 11/
4/1826,” selected papers relating to affairs in Sonora, MS M-A 19:1, BL.
40 For concerted efforts to link the Pacific coast with Sonora, see Lowell Bean and
William Mason, Diaries and Accounts of the Romero Expeditions in Arizona and
California, 1823–1826 (Palm Springs: Palm Springs Desert Museum, 1962), 60–77.
Also see Andrew Isenberg, “Between Mexico and the United States.” Californios
also sought to protect livestock exported to New Mexico and Sonora by planning
to station a small fort (which never materialized) on the Colorado River. See Jose
de la Guerra, Guerra Family Collection, June 1, 1819, and April 24, 1821, HM box
20, folder 904, HL. For increased trade between New Mexico and California, see S.
Houck to Manuel Alvarez, February 25, 1853, folder 25, box 2, Manuel Alvarez
Papers, New Mexico State Records and Archives, Santa Fe. For efforts to monopo-
lize the cattle and hide trade away from Native pastoralists, see letter from
Antonio Buelna to Antonio Suñol, November 9, 1841, Landon Fellom San Jose
Document Transcriptions, 3146, California State Library.
41 See Gordon Wood’s Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) for an overview of Jefferson’s ideology
and the impacts on agricultural development. Also see Mark Fiege, Republic of
Nature, esp. chap. 2.
42 Mark Fiege, The Republic of Nature, 99. For the role of the environment in the
founding documents and principles of the United States, see Benjamin R.
Cohen, Notes from the Ground: Science, Soil, and Society in the American Countryside
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009); Edwin C. Hagenstein, Sara M. Gregg,
and Brian Donahue, eds., American Georgics: Writings on Farming, Culture, and the
Land (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), and David B. Danbom, Born in
the Countryside: A History of Rural America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2006).
43 Thomas Jefferson, Message from the President of the United States, Communicating
Discoveries Made in Exploring the Missouri, Red River and Washita, February 19,
1806 (New York: Hopkins and Seymour, 1806), 30.
44 Recent work on the role of Indigenous raiders in shaping Mexican national bor-
ders and identities includes Brian DeLay, War of a Thousand Deserts (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 2010); Lance Blythe, Chiricahua and Janos:
Communities of Violence in the Southwestern Borderlands, 1680–1880
(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2012); and S. Valerio-Jiménez,
River of Hope: Forging Identity and Nation in the Rio Grande Borderlands (Durham:
Duke University Press, 2013)
45 In many parts of northern New Spain, this pattern emerged even earlier. See
Yetman, Conflict in Colonial Sonora, esp. chap. 6 and 7.
46 For settlement impacts in the Mojave Desert, see L. Mark Raab and Terry L.
Jones, eds., Prehistoric California: Archaeology and the Myth of Paradise (Salt Lake
City: University of Utah Press, 2004), esp. 12–32.
47 Recent studies have investigated the effects of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly
and Little Ice Age in the Americas and across the globe. See Thomas Wickman,
“‘Winters Embittered with Hardships’: Severe Cold, Wabanaki Power, and
English Adjustments, 1690–1710,” William and Mary Quarterly 72 (January
2015): 57–98; Elizabeth Fenn, At Center of the World, chap. 1; Daniel Richter’s
Before the Revolution: America’s Ancient Pasts (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2011);
and Brian Fagan’s The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History, 1300–1850 (New
York: Basic Books, 2000), which looks primarily at the impacts in Europe.
48 Don Laylander, “The Last Days of Lake Cahuilla: The Elmore Site,” Pacific Coast
Archaeological Society Quarterly 33, no. 1–2 (1997): 1–138.
49 Elizabeth Fenn, Encounter at the Heart of the World, 9–12; James E. Sherow, The
Grasslands of the United States: An Environmental History (Santa Barbara: ABC-
CLIO, 2007), 20–28.
50 For mobility within the Mojave Desert, see Bruce B. Huckell, A Ground Stone
Implement Quarry on the Lower Colorado River, Northwestern Arizona (Arizona:
Bureau of Land Management, 1986), 42–55.
51 See Julie Courtwright, Prairie Fire: A Great Plains History (Lawrence: University of
Kansas Press, 2011). For Latin America, see Shawn William Miller, Fruitless Trees:
Portuguese Conservation and Brazil’s Colonial Timber (Palo Alto: Stanford
University Press, 2000), chap. 1 (esp. 30–34).
52 Almost all species of herbivores prefer Indian ricegrass to other types of forage.
See Robert R. Humphrey, Arizona Range Grasses: Their Description, Forage Value,
and Management (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1970), 115; and Beecher
Crampton, Grasses in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974),
37. For grass structure, dispersal, life cycle, and management, see Lyn G. Clark
and Richard W. Pohl, Agnes Chase’s First Book of Grasses: The Structure of Grasses
Explained for Beginners (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996);
S. Clark Martin, The Santa Rita Experimental Range: A Center for Research on
Improvement and Management of Semidesert Rangelands (Washington, DC: US.
Forest Service, 1966); Dwight R. Cable, Ecology of Arizona Cottontop
(Washington, DC: US. Forest Service, 1979).
53 See Henry Epp and Ian Dyck, “Early Human-Bison Population Interdependence
in the Plains Ecosystem,” Great Plains Research 12 (Fall 2002): 323–37. James
Sherow argues that before 1820, larger herbivore populations were roughly
equal (except in mixed grass areas, where bison outnumbered elk and ante-
lopes). See The Grasslands of the United States, 34–36. It is important to note that
baseline population estimates are ever changing and not without controversy.
See Yolanda F. Wiersma and John Sandlos, “Once There Were So Many:
Animals as Ecological Baselines,” Environmental History 16 (July 2011): 400–7.
For elk populations, see L. L. Eberhardt, P. J. White, R. A. Garrott, and D. B.