America’s Newest Southern Neighbor?

An Analysis of Russian Influence in Latin America

Perspective
-
Kiersten Harris
i
August 2018
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
The Honorable Gary Hart, Chairman Emeritus
Senator Hart served the State of Colorado in the U.S. Senate
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The Honorable Chuck Hagel
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The Honorable John F. Kerry
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General Lester L. Lyles, USAF (Ret.)
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U.S.-Russia Relationship In this Report:
This report examines how and why Russia is involved in Latin America and the ways that
its involvement affects US regional interests. It argues that Russia’s primary intent is to
amplify its presence in the US’ “near abroad” and subsequently turn the region against
the United States. It asserts that Russia’s collaboration with and promotion of anti-US
sentiment among key Latin American actors, its isolation of pro-US governments in
the region, and its political empowerment and armament of anti-US governments are
threatening US national security. Therefore, the US should consider strategies that can
counter Russian actions in Latin America.

Interact:
Join our discussion on Twitter with the hashtag #ASPRussia
Discuss Russia’s influence in Latin America with the author at @KierstenH18
Learn more about ASP at @amsecproject

IN BRIEF
• Russia is expanding its political, military, and economic influence in Latin America
in order to amplify its presence in the US’ “near abroad” and subsequently turn the
region against the United States.
• Russian influence in Latin America is a threat to US strategic interests.
• Russia is collaborating with and promoting anti-US sentiment among key Latin
American actors in order to improve international opinion of Russia and avoid
persecution for its wrongdoings.
• Russia is isolating pro-US governments in Latin America, threatening the ability of
the US to maintain solid relationships in the region.
• Russia is politically empowering and arming anti-US governments in Latin America
in order to exert control over the attention and resources of the US.
• The US should consider strategies that can counter Russian actions in Latin America,
while being mindful of the potential future consequences of those actions.

About the Author

Kiersten Harris is an Adjunct Junior Fellow at the American Security Project. She is currently
an undergraduate at the University of Delaware majoring in International Relations and Three
Languages, with a minor in Latin American and Iberian Studies. She has concentrations in
Diplomacy and Europe and is learning Spanish, Russian, and Portuguese. In addition to her
studies at the University of Delaware, Kiersten studied at Middlebury College’s Russian Summer
Language Program for ten weeks last summer and has participated in study abroad programs in
Madrid, Spain and Buenos Aires, Argentina.

www.AmericanSecurityProject.org
 AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

Introduction
Since the height of the Cold War, Russia has expressed interest in Latin America. However, by the end of
the 1980s, Soviet efforts to influence the region experienced a sharp decline. Involvement in Latin America
required financial expenditures that Russia could not afford amidst the slew of economic problems that sprang
up following the collapse of the Soviet Union; so, for the next decade, Russia had very minimal influence in
the region. This began to change in the late 1990s, when Russia sought to rekindle old relationships and forge
new friendships in Latin America, especially with countries that had troubled relations with the United States.1

Since the increase in diplomatic visits that occurred at the tail end of the 1990s, Russia has significantly increased
its influence in Latin America. Russia has forged relations with almost every country in the region, and even
with some countries in the Caribbean. It has used several strategies to capture the interest of Latin American
societies and leaders, including settling government debts, providing military vehicles and equipment, and
supporting energy-generation projects in the region. Russia
also promotes the Orthodox Church’s traditional values
in order to capture the interest of the many conservative
sectors of Latin American societies.2

There are several reasons for the growth of Russian interest in

Latin America, but the primary intent is to amplify Russia’s
presence in the US’ “near abroad” and subsequently turn the
region against the United States. By expanding its political,
military, and economic footprint in Latin America, Russia is
unequivocally challenging the US.3 This paper explains how Vladimir Putin and Brazilian President Michel
Temer meet at the Kremlin in 2017. Kremlin photo.
and why Russia is interested in Latin America and argues
that Russian influence in the region is threatening US national security in three ways: firstly, by strategically
collaborating with and promoting anti-US rhetoric among key actors in the region that partner with the US
on security, trade, and other initiatives; secondly, by isolating ardently pro-US governments in the region such
as Honduras and Colombia; and finally, by politically empowering and arming anti-US governments such as
Argentina and the ALBA states.4

Assessing Russian Interest in Latin America

Since rekindling its relationship with Latin America in the late 1990s, Russia has become at least somewhat
involved in almost every South American country, in addition to Cuba, Mexico, and several other countries
in Central America. Russia mainly focuses its efforts on political, military, and economic expansion within the
region.

Recently, Russia has tried to increase its political influence in Latin America. Its primary motivations seem to
be to solidify its image as a world power and to establish institutions that contribute to its goal of creating a
multipolar world.5 One way that Russia has been forging political and diplomatic relationships in the region is
by signing multiple bilateral agreements with key Latin American countries. For example, in 2017, Putin and
Brazilian President Michel Temer signed a joint statement to promote bilateral strategic dialogue on different
foreign policy and international agenda issues. This established Russia’s and Brazil’s commitment to fighting
corruption and terrorism on a global scale, combatting climate change, and promoting cooperation between
the two countries on issues such as oil and natural gas exploration.6
1
Moscow’s interest in expanding its military influence within Latin America seems to stem from its belief that
this will translate into physical access for Russian military and security activities in the US’ backyard. Russia
is looking for every opportunity for power projection in order to intimidate and pressure the US. Access to
Latin American ports and airfields would allow Russia to deploy its military assets to the region, giving it ample
opportunity to extend its reach while simultaneously sending a powerful message to the US.7 Incidents such as
Moscow sending war planes and navy ships to the Western Hemisphere following the Russian-Georgian war
in 2008, and increasing military cooperation with Nicaragua
amidst the deterioration of the situation in Ukraine and the
annexation of Crimea show that Russia has already begun
employing this strategy.8

In terms of economic expansion, Russia is primarily aiming

Gazprom has been involved in Venezuela since
2005. Image credit: Thawt Hawthje / Flickr /
Creative Commons.
to boost its economy by expanding its trade and investment
relationships in Latin America. At this time, economic gains
are crucial for Russia, which is suffering from an overall
economic decline, partly due to US and European sanctions.
Since 2006, total trade between Russia and the Latin
American and Caribbean region has increased by 44 percent,
about 50 percent of which is represented by Brazil and
Mexico. During this period, the most significant investments
have been made in the energy sector. Russia has negotiated
oil and gas deals and funded a number of energy facilities in
several Latin American countries, including Bolivia, Mexico,
and Venezuela.9

Strategic Collaboration & Promotion of Anti-US Rhetoric

Russia’s strategic collaboration with key actors in Latin America that work with the US on security, trade,
and other initiatives is a significant threat to US strategic interests. By collaborating with them on security
and commercial endeavors, Russia gives actors such as Brazil and Peru options other than the US or EU in
terms of partners for security, trade, and development.10 Additionally, Latin American engagement by Russia
often undermines US-led multilateral organizations in the region, such as the Inter-American system for
the protection of human rights and the Organization of American States (OAS). Russia, while not explicitly
promoting any one sub-regional organization, has been more receptive to engaging with organizations that
exclude the US, such as UNASUR, CELAC, and ALBA.11

Russia’s collaboration with Latin American actors makes it difficult for the US to successfully take action
against the Kremlin. For example, in 2014, Russia was able to defy US and European sanctions over its actions
in Ukraine by using Latin America as a food supplier.12 Furthermore, by forming alliances within the ALBA
countries, Russia is able to protect itself from human rights condemnations due to the voting patterns within
the UN Human Rights Council.13 Within the ALBA countries, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela regularly
oppose the condemnation of human rights violations in states with a difficult human rights record. The rest of
the ALBA members usually tend to abstain.14

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To continue, Russia has been suspected of meddling

in Latin American elections, including the recent
presidential election in Mexico, in order to further
destabilize and promote anti-US sentiment throughout
the region. Russia strongly supported presidential
candidate Andres Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), a
leftist candidate who appeals to Mexican nationalism
and anti-Trump sentiment. In September 2016, RT en
Español started broadcasting “La Batalla por Mexico,” a
weekly video blog whose purpose seemed to be to frame
the US as an existential threat to Mexico and to convince
Mexican voters to support AMLO.15 RT—one of Russia’s
most prominent media sources—is specifically targeting
Latin America by catering topics focused on its Latin
American audience with its edition of RT en Español.16 Andres Manuel López Obrador. Image credit: Eneas de
Troya / Flickr / Creative Commons.
Additionally, the Mexican National Electoral Institute
(INE) created an online portal that enabled Mexican citizens to vote from abroad. However, 65 percent
of visits to the portal came from St. Petersburg, the location of the Internet Research Agency.17 During the
presidential election, almost 100,000 votes were cast from this portal.18 With AMLO winning the Mexican
election on July 1st, concerns are being raised about potential fraud in the voting process.19

Lastly, the Kremlin is currently promoting RT

Spanish language broadcasting and internet
expansion into Latin America in an effort to
improve international opinion of Russia and gain
the admiration and trust of key actors within
the region. This allows the Russian media to
portray the country as a rising world power that
is capable of establishing its presence anywhere
in the world, including in the US’ backyard.20
Additionally, Russia’s connections within the
region meant that none of the Latin American
RT’s Spanish language broadcasting. countries supported the US and Europe’s call to
isolate Moscow in response to Putin’s actions in
Ukraine. It also means that Russia has observer status at the Organization of American States and working
21

contacts with several other regional blocks and organizations.22

Russia’s attempts to collaborate with and promote anti-US rhetoric among key Latin American actors not only
damages international opinion of the US, but encourages Latin American countries to align themselves with
Russia instead of the US in foreign policy.23 Rio Group’s denouncement of NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia
in 1999, Chile and Mexico’s vote against the US resolution for military action in Iraq in 2003, and Bolivia,
Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela’s vote against a resolution condemning Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014
all demonstrate Latin America’s growing tendency to act against the strategic interests of the US in foreign
policy.24

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Isolation

The isolation of ardently pro-US governments in Latin America is another area of great concern to US national
security. While most pro-US governments in the region, such as Colombia and Honduras, are not directly
engaged with Russia, they are feeling increasingly threatened by Russian engagement in the surrounding
states.25 Russia’s close ties to Venezuela, Ecuador, and Cuba as well as its historic ties to anti-government groups
such as the FARC and the ELN give the Colombian government a sense of being encircled by hostile forces.26
Russia heavily supported presidential candidate Rodrigo Londoño, the former leader of the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in the recent
Colombian presidential election. In May 2017, RT
en Español even hosted Londoño in an exclusive
interview titled “Now FARC’s Only Plan is Peace
in Colombia.”27 This endorsement is suspicious
because the FARC and Russia once had deep
criminal ties. In 2014, it was discovered that the
FARC and the National Liberation Army (ELN)
were sending corrupt Russian military officers
and criminal networks huge shipments of cocaine
in exchange for sophisticated weaponry. Londoño
himself studied at Patrice Lumumba University
in Moscow and has the war alias “Timochenko,”
which alludes to the former Marshal of the Soviet
Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos worked on gathering
Union and Red Army commander Semyonov support from Europe for Colombia’s peace negotiations with
Timoshenko. Luckily, Londoño did not win the the FARC. European Parliament photo.
election, despite suspected Russian meddling.28
Russia’s support of Londoño is particularly concerning for Colombia, which was finally able to negotiate a
peace agreement with the FARC in 2016.29 The Kremlin’s interest in seeing a FARC leader in power confirms
its desire to drive out Colombia’s generally pro-US government.

Honduras experiences very similar fears of encirclement due to Russia’s strong political, military, and economic
ties with Nicaragua and Cuba and the prospect of renewed engagement in El Salvador.30 During his time
as a guerilla leader in the Salvadoran Civil War, El Salvadorian President Salvador Sanchez Ceren worked
closely with Russia to expand political, economic, and security cooperation between the two countries. 31 It is
very likely that Ceren would further expand relations with Russia if the US either ends certain immigration
programs that affect El Salvador,32 or fails to fully fund regional aid programs.33 For Honduras, this could lead to
even further regional isolation and weaken its relationship with the US. A strained US-Honduras relationship
could decrease the amount of support Honduras receives from US-sponsored regional aid programs, thereby
weakening its economy and leaving it even more susceptible to Russian encirclement.

Russia’s isolation of pro-US governments in Latin America threatens the ability of the US to maintain solid
relationships with these countries. The greater the feeling of hostile encirclement among these governments,
the more security guarantees they seek from the US.34 Additionally, isolation sets these governments apart from
their pro-Russia and/or anti-US neighbors, putting their national securities at risk.

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Political Empowerment & Armament

Russia’s political empowerment and armament of anti-US governments such as Argentina and the ALBA
states is also a risk to US national security. Several anti-US regimes such as Argentina and the ALBA states are
enabled by loans from Russia as well as Russian projects in the arms and energy sectors.35

On the military side, Russia has sold an array of military equipment to Nicaragua, including BMP-3 and
BTR-80 armored vehicles, Mirazh patrol craft, Molina missile boats, and T-72 tanks.36 Russia has also sold
military vehicles, such as Su-24 interceptor aircraft, to Argentina.37 Additionally, Peru has continued to buy
arms from Russia, even after the end of the regimes of Juan Velasco Alvarado and Alberto Fujimori, in order
to support operations against terrorists and criminal
groups in remote mountainous parts of the country’s
interior.38 Furthermore, during Hugo Chavez’s
regime, Venezuela became a major purchaser of
Russian military hardware, such as fighter jets.39
Lastly, the Russian manufacturer Kamov has sold
Mexico ANSAT helicopters, while the Bolivian
military has expressed interest in Russian transport
helicopters and Yak-130 interceptors.40

On the energy side, the Kremlin has been heavily

involved in Cuba, with the Russian and Cuban
governments signing an agreement continuing
Russian oil donations and expanding other petroleum An ANSAT helicopter. Image Credit: Pavel Vanka / Flickr /
sector cooperation in Cuba. Russia has also discussed Creative Commons.
modernizing the Cienfuegos oil refinery, and four
power generation facilities have been built by Russian company Interrao.41 In addition, former President of
Argentina Cristina Kirchner and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a strategic partnership that included
oil and gas deals, plans for Russian funding of a hydropower facility, and an agreement for Russia to help build
an Argentinian nuclear power plant in 2015.42 Following the end of Kirchner’s presidency, new President
Mauricio Macri stated, “There are Russian companies like Rosatom and Gazprom that want to participate
in the energy sector of Argentina, and we are opening doors for them.”43 Furthermore, it is estimated that
Rosneft, the Russian state oil company, resells 225,000 barrels of Venezuelan oil a day, with Venezuela often
repaying Russia for its loans in oil.44 Lastly, Gazprom continues to be an important player in the Bolivian
petroleum sector, and Bolivia has contracted with Rosatom to build a nuclear research reactor in El Alto.45

This political and economic support provides these countries with the means to fund anti-Western projects,
making these governments more dangerous to their neighbors. The viability of these governments paired with
their willingness to host Russian military activities gives Russia the opportunity to threaten the US in its own
backyard. For instance, if Russia wanted to divert US attention and resources away from its activities in other
parts of the world, it could resupply its nuclear-capable military assets in Cuba or cause a Nicaraguan incursion
against Costa Rica.46 Therefore, Russia is not only arming Latin America, but strategically using its military
assets in Latin America to exert influence over the attention and resources of the US.

5
Conclusion

Russian engagement in Latin America is a serious threat to the strategic interests of the United States.
Engagement gives Russia the opportunity to exert significant influence in the US’s near abroad, improve its
international reputation, grow in power, and turn our neighbors against us. Russia’s main goal is to agitate and
weaken the US and it is definitely succeeding. Russia continues to increase its political, military, and economic
influence in the region via collaboration with and promotion of anti-US rhetoric among key Latin American
actors and US partners, the isolation of pro-US governments, and the empowerment of anti-US governments.

It is important that the US considers the potential for the situation in Latin America to morph into a major
national security threat, but the relationships we have with these countries should run deeper. While individual
challenges such as drugs, crime, and illegal immigration continue to strain resources, they should not define
the entirety of the US approach to the region. 47 In the interest of countering Soviet and communist threats
during the Cold War, the US undertook action which has contributed to the problems we see in the region
today. In order to further its strategic interest and protect its national security, the US needs to consider
strategies that can counter Russian actions in Latin America, while lending strong considerations to the long-
term security ramifications of these actions.

Endnotes
1. Rouvinski, Vladimir. “Understanding Russian Priorities in Latin America.” Wilson Center. June 2018.https://www.wilsoncenter.
org/sites/default/files/ki_170117_cable_russia_latin_american_v1_0.pdf pp. 2-4. Accessed June 7, 2018.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Ellis, R. Evan. “The New Russian Engagement with Latin America: Strategic Position, Commerce, and Dreams of the Past.”
Strategic Studies Institute at USAWC. June 2015. http://publications.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/2345.pdf p. 79. Accessed June
7, 2018.

5. Gurganus, Julia. “Russia: Playing a Geopolitical Game in Latin America.” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. May 3,
2018. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Gurganus_Russia_Latin_America_Geopolitcal_Game_May_2018_FINAL.PDF
p. 2. Accessed July 23, 2018.

6. Barata, Beto. “Brazil and Russia Sign Joint Statement and Bilateral Cooperation Acts.” Brazil Gov News. June 21, 2017. http://
www.brazilgovnews.gov.br/news/2017/06/brazil-and-russia-sign-joint-statement-and-bilateral-cooperation-acts Accessed June
7, 2018.

7. Gurganus, Julia. “Russia: Playing a Geopolitical Game in Latin America.” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. May 3,
2018. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Gurganus_Russia_Latin_America_Geopolitcal_Game_May_2018_FINAL.PDF
p. 3. Accessed July 23, 2018.

8. Rouvinski, Vladimir. “Understanding Russian Priorities in Latin America.” Wilson Center. June 2018. https://www.wilsoncenter.
org/sites/default/files/ki_170117_cable_russia_latin_american_v1_0.pdf p. 4. Accessed June 7, 2018.

9. Gurganus, Julia. “Russia: Playing a Geopolitical Game in Latin America.” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. May 3,
2018. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Gurganus_Russia_Latin_America_Geopolitcal_Game_May_2018_FINAL.PDF
p. 3. Accessed July 23, 2018.

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10. Ellis, R. Evan. “The New Russian Engagement with Latin America: Strategic Position, Commerce, and Dreams of the Past.”
Strategic Studies Institute at USAWC. June 2015. http://publications.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/2345.pdf pp. 79-80. Accessed
June 7, 2018.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid.

13. Fleischman, Luis. “Implications of Russian Presence in Latin America.” Center for Security Policy. January 23, 2017. https://
www.centerforsecuritypolicy.org/2017/01/23/implications-of-russian-presence-in-latin-america/ Accessed June 7, 2018.

14. Gratius, Susanna. “Atlantic Countries’ Voting Patterns on Human Rights and Human Security at the United Nations: The
Cases of Côte d’Ivoire, Haiti, Iran and Syria.” Atlantic Future. http://www.atlanticfuture.eu/contents/view/voting-patterns-at-
the-united-nations pp. 6-7. Accessed July 3, 2018.

15. Salvo, David; De Leon, Stephanie. “Russian Influence in Mexican and Colombian Elections.” Alliance for Securing Democracy.
January 4, 2018. https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/russian-influence-in-mexican-and-colombian-elections/ Accessed June
7, 2018.

16. Rouvinski, Vladimir. “Understanding Russian Priorities in Latin America.” Wilson Center. June 2018. https://www.wilsoncenter.
org/sites/default/files/ki_170117_cable_russia_latin_american_v1_0.pdf p. 5. Accessed June 7, 2018.

17. Salvo, David; De Leon, Stephanie. “Russian Influence in Mexican and Colombian Elections.” Alliance for Securing Democracy.
January 4, 2018. https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/russian-influence-in-mexican-and-colombian-elections/ Accessed June
7, 2018.

18. “Resultados del Voto de los Mexicanos Residentes en el Extranjero.” Voto de los Mexicanos Residentes en el Extranjero. http://www.
votoextranjero.mx/web/vmre/inicio Accessed July 25, 2018.

19. Salvo, David; De Leon, Stephanie. “Russian Influence in Mexican and Colombian Elections.” Alliance for Securing Democracy.
January 4, 2018. https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/russian-influence-in-mexican-and-colombian-elections/ Accessed June
7, 2018.

20. Rouvinski, Vladimir. “Understanding Russian Priorities in Latin America.” Wilson Center. June 2018. https://www.wilsoncenter.
org/sites/default/files/ki_170117_cable_russia_latin_american_v1_0.pdf p. 5. Accessed June 7, 2018.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

23. Gurganus, Julia. “Russia: Playing a Geopolitical Game in Latin America.” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. May 3,
2018. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Gurganus_Russia_Latin_America_Geopolitcal_Game_May_2018_FINAL.PDF
p. 2. Accessed July 23, 2018.

24. Ibid.

25. Ellis, R. Evan. “The New Russian Engagement with Latin America: Strategic Position, Commerce, and Dreams of the Past.”
Strategic Studies Institute at USAWC. June 2015. http://publications.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/2345.pdf p. 80. Accessed June
7, 2018.

26. Ibid.

27. Salvo, David; De Leon, Stephanie. “Russian Influence in Mexican and Colombian Elections.” Alliance for Securing Democracy.
January 4, 2018. https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/russian-influence-in-mexican-and-colombian-elections/ Accessed June
7, 2018

28. Ibid.

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29. Casey, Nicholas; Joe Parkin Daniels. “’Goodbye, Weapons!’ FARC Disarmament in Colombia Signals New Era.” The New
York Times. June 27, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/27/world/americas/colombia-farc-rebels-disarmament.html
Accessed July 24, 2018.

30. Ellis, R. Evan. “The New Russian Engagement with Latin America: Strategic Position, Commerce, and Dreams of the Past.”
Strategic Studies Institute at USAWC. June 2015. http://publications.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/2345.pdf p. 80. Accessed June
7, 2018.

31. Ellis, Evan. “Russian Engagement in Latin America: An Update.” Council on Hemispheric Affairs. January 19, 2018. http://www.
coha.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Evan-Mills-Russia-Engagement-in-Latin-America-An-Update.pdf pp. 2-3. Accessed
July 26, 2018.

32. “Temporary Protected Status Designated Country: El Salvador.” US Citizenship and Immigration Services. https://www.uscis.
gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-el-salvador Accessed July 30,
2018.

33. “Plan of the Alliance for Prosperity in the Norther Triangle: A Road Map.” Cuellar House. September 2014. https://cuellar.
house.gov/uploadedfiles/plan_of_the_alliance_for_prosperity_in_the_northern_triangle-__a_road_ma....pdf Accessed July 30,
2018.

34. Ellis, R. Evan. “The New Russian Engagement with Latin America: Strategic Position, Commerce, and Dreams of the Past.”
Strategic Studies Institute at USAWC. June 2015. http://publications.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/2345.pdf pp. 80-81. Accessed
June 7, 2018.

35. Ibid.

36. Ellis, Evan. “Russian Engagement in Latin America: An Update.” Center for Strategic & International Studies. December 19,
2017. https://www.csis.org/analysis/russian-engagement-latin-america-update Accessed June 7, 2018.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid.

39. Mora, Antonio. “Venezuela Quickly Becoming Russia’s Newest Satellite State.” The Hill. November 20, 2017. http://thehill.
com/opinion/finance/361176-venezuela-becoming-russias-newest-satellite-state Accessed June 7, 2018.

40. Ellis, Evan. “Russian Engagement in Latin America: An Update.” Center for Strategic & International Studies. December 19,
2017. https://www.csis.org/analysis/russian-engagement-latin-america-update Accessed June 7, 2018.

41. Ibid.

42. Parfitt, Tom; Alexander, Harriet. “Cristina Kirchner and Vladimir Putin Cuddle Up Over Oil – And Bitter Feelings for Britain.”
The Telegraph. April 23, 2015. https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/vladimir-putin/11556696/Cristina-Kirchner-
and-Vladimir-Putin-cuddle-up-over-oil-and-bitter-feelings-for-Britain.html Accessed June 7, 2018.

43. Lulko, Lyuba. “Argentina’s Relationship with Russia Suddenly Becomes ‘Strategic.’” Pravda Report. January 28, 2018. http://
www.pravdareport.com/world/americas/25-01-2018/139828-argentina-0/ Accessed June 7, 2018.

44. Mora, Antonio. “Venezuela Quickly Becoming Russia’s Newest Satellite State.” The Hill. November 20, 2017. http://thehill.
com/opinion/finance/361176-venezuela-becoming-russias-newest-satellite-state Accessed June 7, 2018.

45. Ellis, Evan. “Russian Engagement in Latin America: An Update.” Center for Strategic & International Studies. December 19,
2017. https://www.csis.org/analysis/russian-engagement-latin-america-update Accessed June 7, 2018.

46. Ellis, R. Evan. “The New Russian Engagement with Latin America: Strategic Position, Commerce, and Dreams of the Past.”
Strategic Studies Institute at USAWC. June 2015. http://publications.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/2345.pdf pp. 81-82. Accessed
June 7, 2018.

47. Ibid.

8
The American Security Project (ASP) is a nonpartisan
organization created to educate the American public and the
world about the changing nature of national security in the 21st
Century.
Gone are the days when a nation’s security could be measured
by bombers and battleships. Security in this new era requires
harnessing all of America’s strengths: the force of our diplomacy;
the might of our military; the vigor and competitiveness of our
economy; and the power of our ideals.
We believe that America must lead in the pursuit of our common
goals and shared security. We must confront international
challenges with our partners and with all the tools at our disposal
and address emerging problems before they become security
crises. And to do this we must forge a bipartisan consensus here
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ASP brings together prominent American business leaders,
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and prominent former government officials. ASP conducts
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We live in a time when the threats to our security are as complex
and diverse as terrorism, nuclear proliferation, climate change,
energy challenges, and our economic wellbeing. Partisan
bickering and age old solutions simply won’t solve our problems.
America – and the world - needs an honest dialogue about
security that is as robust as it is realistic.
ASP exists to promote that dialogue, to forge that consensus, and
to spur constructive action so that America meets the challenges
to its security while seizing the opportunities that abound.

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