Professional Documents
Culture Documents
BY JAKE WERNER-
AUGUST 8, 2018, 9:29 AM
A new attitude toward China is rapidly taking shape across the U.S. political
spectrum. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) echoes President Donald Trump’s
talking points, decrying the transfer of “our” technology to China
and condemning investment there. Fellow progressive Sen. Elizabeth Warren
(D-Mass.) is lining up with former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon
calling for an “aggressive” policy. Establishment Democrats like Senate
Minority Leader Chuck Schumer are endorsingTrump’s trade war with
China. Free-trade stalwarts like the Wall Street Journal editorial board and
establishment bodies like the Council on Foreign Relations are finding
common ground with protectionist unions like the United Steelworkers and
trade critics like Global Trade Watch. While there are still significant
differences of policy and strategy, seemingly everyone agrees that the Chinese
are conducting trade in a predatory manner that hurts American business
and workers, and that the time for confrontation has arrived.
This is an image that resonates in disturbing ways with the long history
of anti-Chinese racism in the United States. And just as Chinese immigrants
in the 19th century were made a scapegoat for free-market capitalism’s
inability to create broadly shared prosperity, so too China is being blamed
today for the failure of free-market globalization to achieve inclusive growth.
The emerging confrontation with China is only the latest sign that something
has gone seriously wrong in the global economy. China critics are not wrong
that the United States and China are now trapped in a zero-sum competition
for economic growth. The problem, however, is not Beijing but the structure
of the global economy itself. As it becomes increasingly clear that the existing
form of globalization has exhausted its potential to advance development,
vilifying China has become a substitute for facing honestly the urgent need to
transform the nature of global growth.
It’s true that the Chinese economy has grown at the highest rate in its history
over the last three decades, dramatically improving the standard of living for
hundreds of millions of people. Yet most Chinese remain quite poor because
they started from such a low income level and because the wealth has been
distributed in a highly unequal manner. One recent report put the median
household income, adjusted for purchasing power, at $6,180. That figure in
the United States stands at $43,585—more than seven times higher.
The struggle to make a decent life under conditions of intense competition and
general scarcity has made social unrest a chronic condition in China. The
government no longer releases statistics on the number of strikes and protests,
and the official media outlets rarely cover them, but there is little doubt that
discontent is both broad and deep. China Labour Bulletin’s unofficial tally of
labor disturbances stood at 1,257 for 2017 and rose to 1,063 in the first seven
months of 2018. Since these numbers reflect only the cases accessible online,
largely via social media, the monitoring group believes the real number might
be 10 to 20 times higher.
Chinese leaders have concluded that the only way to manage this dangerous
instability is to continue the current trajectory of development and maintain
China’s movement to higher-value production. What they fear above all else
is that China might fall into the “middle-income trap,” in which a country’s
developmental trajectory levels off and stagnates well short of advanced
status. Countries such as Egypt, Thailand, and Brazil are mired in such a
condition, frustrating the aspirations of their people and giving rise to
widespread political turmoil.
China escaped this trap precisely because it had the wherewithal to cheat
while playing this rigged game.
China escaped this trap precisely because it had the wherewithal to cheat
while playing this rigged game.
When China entered the developmental competition in the 1980s, it boasted
an exceptionally disciplined and literate workforce, unusually advanced
infrastructure, and a highly diversified industrial landscape compared to
others at the same level of development. These legacies of the Communist
revolution and the planned economy provided an ideal setting for sweatshop
production when they were made available to foreign capital. From 1989 to
2016, China drew one-fifth of all foreign direct investment into developing
countries.
But investment alone does not produce development. Latin America, over the
same period, drew an even larger share of FDI to developing countries—one-
fourth—without achieving the explosive growth seen in China.
Like the leadership of most poor countries, the Chinese Communist Party
endorsed development as a central goal of its rule. But in other countries,
power is most often organized through fragmented patron-client networks,
which are connected only parasitically to productive enterprise. In contrast,
the Chinese state is unusually centralized and possesses an unusual degree of
control over the economy.
China is certainly not innocent of patronage and corruption, but in the top-
down party-state system, officials rise in the ranks by achieving good
macroeconomic statistics and contributing to centrally determined industrial
policy. Because of the close connection between officials and business,
patronage can be pursued through productive investment rather than merely
through extraction of resources.
The Communist Party has cultivated market forces to discipline the labor
force and individual firms yet has maintained its own ability to supervise
broad investment patterns. By coercing capital to build up strategic industries
and expertise, the leadership has steadily moved the economy, sector by
sector, toward increasingly advanced production. From toys and textiles, on to
steel and chemicals, then to autos and aviation, and now to information
technology and advanced robotics, the state has steadily driven production
upward.
If this exceptional vision and state capacity provided the impetus for Chinese
development, it was China’s uniquely strong bargaining position that allowed
the state to make good on its plans. The huge and rapidly growing China
market convinced major foreign corporations to invest on terms negotiated
with the state rather than unilaterally imposing their own conditions, as they
did with manufacturing in Latin America or extractive industries in Africa.
Most prominently, China required foreign corporations entering the domestic
market to participate in joint ventures with Chinese companies, which
allowed domestic firms to learn the managerial and technological practices of
the developed world. China also established regulations that secure favorable
terms for Chinese enterprises licensing the technologies of foreign firms.
The Chinese government and some individual Chinese companies have also
gained access to advanced technology through industrial espionage. In this,
they were following a path trod by every other economically successful
country—not least the United States. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries,
the young and technologically backward United States engaged
enthusiastically in smuggling and theft of cutting-edge production techniques
from Great Britain.
Yet outright theft plays a minor role in China’s strategy. Not even U.S. Trade
Representative Robert Lighthizer, a hard-line China hawk, pretends that
industrial espionage is the primary component in China’s successful
acquisition of advanced technology. The USTR’s report on its Section 301
investigation of China’s “unfair technology transfer regime” concentrates
overwhelmingly on transfers achieved through joint ventures, licensing
regulations, and Chinese firms’ purchase of foreign companies—none of
which would have occurred if the foreign companies involved were unwilling
to make the deals. Each is simply another case of the general market principle
that actors with greater bargaining power will always strike better deals for
themselves. In the final analysis, China gained access to advanced technologies
not by “cheating” but because it was not as fatally weak as others similarly
hoping to break the monopoly of the rich countries on high-productivity
techniques.
***
Yet China’s development strategy has come at a terrible cost. Beijing’s need
for foreign investment coincided with a long-term campaign by corporations
in the United States, Europe, and Japan to drive down wages and break the
power of unions. The availability of cheap Chinese labor allowed those
corporations to force workers to accept stagnant pay and deteriorating
working conditions under threat of moving production abroad, materially
contributing to the collapse of the social contract in the developed countries.
China’s strategy has also foreclosed the possibility of development for other
poor countries.
China’s strategy has also foreclosed the possibility of development for other
poor countries.
Here again, the power of the Chinese state secured an important advantage
over competitors, not just in providing to foreign capital a cheap and
disciplined labor force and unusually high-quality infrastructure, but also by
maintaining a low exchange rate for the yuan. This preserved a price
advantage for Chinese exports that sidelined other countries.
Not least, the Chinese people have also suffered greatly. Because export-led
growth required intense exploitation of the workforce, China has
systematically dismantled the power of labor. As a result, Chinese workers
have endured decades of dangerous conditions, poor pay, routine wage theft,
and constant indignities at work. In 2017, a horrifying 38,000Chinese workers
died in workplace accidents.
These problems are not unique to China. Free-market globalization has pitted
the workers of all countries against each other in a race-to-the-bottom
dynamic. Blame for the consequences should fall neither on the winners nor
the losers of this struggle. The problem is the structure of the global economy
itself.
But such a solution requires a far deeper rethinking of global growth than
politicians on either left or right have contemplated. It requires an end to the
race to the bottom: a global regime of labor rights that would distribute the
gains from growth more broadly and, at the same time, force corporations to
compete by investing in their workers rather than by degrading the conditions
of employment. It also requires significant investments in the billions of
people currently starved of capital—investments that the free market has
refused to make—that would transform those trapped in the slums, the
ghettos, and impoverished rural areas into the workers and consumers of
tomorrow.
Posted by Thavam