Professional Documents
Culture Documents
INTERNATIONAL/INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION
EDMONTON, ALBERTA
FALL, 1995
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First from her island of Saint Helena, in the South Atlantic Ocean to England at
immigrated to Canada.
My mother, an ethnic and racial minority, with Elementary education faced al1
Her courage and determination inspired me to travel and explore, and after
passed away. It is to ber that 1 dedicate this thesis. Her courage and her faith in
CANADIAN SOCIETY
T o date there has been little scholarly research done on one segment of immigrant
women in the Canadian context, namely iive-in caregivers in Canada who have corne
to Canada in the thousands to perform domestic labour. Except for a survey conducted
This thesis explores the perceptions and experiences of Immigrant Filipino Caregivers
in Edmonton. The data were collected through in-depth qualitative interviews with
nine women who have corne to Canada as live-in caregivers and are now permanent
residents of Canada.
The study looks at the factors which impact on the ability of the Filipino caregiver to
participate and succeed in Canadian society. These factors are exarnined in four main
contexts: the caregivers' work, the process of ethno-cultural identity, education and the
state.
The findings show that several factors play a role in their ability to integrate and
succeed in Canadian society. These include: the labour, class and status characteristics
accessibility to educational institutions and state agencies; and the effects of policies
Of coune my thanks go to the participants for their support in this study and their
courage to voice their experiences.
I wish to express my thanks to rny supervisor, Dr. Toh Swee-Hin for his guidance and
suggestions, and my cornmittee members; Dr. Marilyn Assheton-Smith and Dr. Olenka
Bilash for their comments.
A special thank you to Rich, for his help, encouragement, and patience, especially
during the last few months of this thesis.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction
Immigrants have played a substantial role in shaping Canada as
a nation. Except for the Native Indians and the Inuit, Canada
is made up of immigrants o r descendants £rom different lands.
Immigrants in t h e 1600, 1 7 0 0 and 1800's were predominantly
French and British. In 1881, immigrants from Britain and
France made up 90% of the Canadian population, and people of
predominantly German o r i g i n made up 7 % . With the opening of
the Prairies and the events leading up to the F i r s t World War,
t h e percentage of immigrants originating £ r o m eastern and
southern Europe increased (Driedger, 1987:88). A f t e r the
1960's the number of Asian, African and South American
immigrants increased.
Conceptual Framework
The Canadian ethnic ~ m o s a i c ~ . better likened to a
kaleidoscope, is in a continuous process of evolution
influenced by immigration policies. The waves of incoming
immigrants to Canada resulted in many serious issues in
Canadian society. These issues included a general abuse of
basic human rights through discrimination, racism and sexism.
Here are sorne examples £rom Canada's history. The " G r e a t White
WallN ( P r i c e , 1974) was erected against Asian immigrants
between 1836 and 1888 in Canada. Starting in 1885, the
Chinese had to pay a head tax of $50.00 which increased to
$500.00 in 1903. Other Orientals had the tax imposed on them
as well, whilst t h e British were given assistance f o r passage
to Canada (Palmer, 1975) .
MulticuIturalism
Canada takes pride i n her c u l t u r a l l y pluralis tic o r
m u l t i c u l t u r a l society and i n her officialmulticultural policy
which supports t h e pluralist i c ideal and encourages and
maintains ethnic differences.
In 1971. the Canadian government amounced t h e f irst
multicultural policy. Its aim was t o h e l p minority groups
preserve and share their language and culture and remove
cultural barriers they f a c e d .
In 1 9 8 2 , t h e Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was
introduced and guaranteed equal rights. I n 1 9 8 8 , the Canadian
Multicultural Act stated;
The Goverment of Canada recognizes the diversity of
Canadians...as a fundamental character of Canadian
society and is comitted to a policy of
multiculturalism designed to preserve and enhance the
mu1ticultural heritage of Canadians in the economic,
cultural and political life of Canada. (Canada, l988:6).
Women as Migrants
In s p i t e of the federal goverment's acknowledgement that
"Canada is a nation of immigrantsn, immigrant wornenrs
participation in building and supporting this country has not
received due recognition. On the contrary, immigrant women
face extraordinary difficulties and discrimination in a l 1
areas of their lives and the immigration p o l i c i e s in Canada do
little to alleviate the problems women face. In fact,
immigration policies may actually exacerbate immigrant womenfs
burdens .
As obvious as gender is in affecting a person's experiences,
it has been frequently omitted in studies, research documents
and government discussions about immigrants i n Canada. The
Canadian government has tended to look at immigration as being
a male activity. Often the immigrant has been presented as
androgenous or perhaps female immigrants are addressed as
appendages of male immigrants (for example, Three Years In
Canada, a study of economic and social adaptation of
immigrants by the Employment and Immigration, 1974 which led
to the new Immigration Act of 1977 confined i t s e l f rnostly to
male heads of households. Labour market experiences of
immigrant women were not considered) . The framework must be
enlarged to include gender in the discussion of immigration.
Men's experiences are seen as universal and exhaustive.
Women's have been added on.
As stated above more migrant groups are coming from the South
to work in the North. Ng (1982250) describes these migrant
women as the "muted shadowsn; " t h e silent partners i n our
society and the women's movementn. Ng suggests that since
immigrant women are doubly exploited, "it would seem n a t u r a l
for immigrant women to embrace feminism and for wornen from the
women's movement to seek out their doubly exploited s i s t e r s "
(252). Y e t , few t i e s are made.
f dentity :
1. In what ways does their ethno-cultural self-identity
influence the adaptation process?
Educatioa:
2. What are the ways in which the educational experiences of
Filipino-Canadian women, whether former, present and future
experiences, are related to their participation in Canadian
çociety?
3. What are their aspirations and attitudes toward their
vocational and educational futures?
Work :
4. In what ways are government policies and regulations which
govern the live-in caregiver programme restricting and
limiting caregivers £rom fully participating in Canadian
society?
5. How do they feel about the direction their lives have taken
since the completion of their live-in caregiver c o n t r a c t ?
S t a t e Agencies :
6. What are their perceptions and relationships with çtate
.
agencies in Canada? (i e . how do they perceive their knowledge
of, access to, and support from government and non-goverment
agencies?)
Conclusion
A universal feature of the domestic scene is the racial
division of labour. Historically and cross-culturally the
pattern persists; it is the darker-skinned domestic serving
the lighter-skinned mistress (Cohen, 1988) . As mentioned in
the introduction the main source from which Canada draws i t s
live-in domestic workers has been and continues t o be the
Third world or countries of the South.
The caregiver-employer relationship is a portrayal of the
racially divided servant-mistress representation of t h e past.
It reflects the North/South, industrialized/unindustrialized,
First/Third worldsl relationship based on t h e unequal
distribution of wealth and power. This economic gap continues
for many immigrant women after they have moved out of the
domestic employment sphere.
Terminology
The term "landed immigrant" has been replaced by the o f f i c i a l
term "permanent resident" . However, the phrase landed
immigrant is still cornrnonly used and is more readily
understood and used by the participants. These two terms will
be used interchangeably in the t h e s i s .
Qualitative design
For t h i s study, a qualitative, or ethnographie research
approach was employed. Ethnographie research methods allow
for the discovery and exploration of meaning systems that are
used by people to organise their behaviours and interpret
their experiences (Spradley, 1979, Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Connelly and Clandinin (1990:2) s t a t e that narrative inquiry,
a f o m of qualitative research, is the study of how humans
experience the world. Narrative inquiry has become more
popular among feminist researchers ( A r r n i t a g e , 1983; Personal
Narratives Group, 1989: Richardson, 1990: Smith, 1 9 9 3 ) .
Women's personal narratives are helpful in understanding
androcentric hegemony and "illuminating several aspects of
gender relationsw (Personal Narratives Group, 1989:s-6) by
"exploring and generating new insights of women's experiences
of themselves in their worldw (Stivers, 1993 :4 1 1 ) . In this
study, the narrative design is most suitable as it allows the
respondents to add to and delve deeper into c e r t a i n areas
where they feel they have a lot to contribute or indeed into
areas which the researcher has failed to take into
consideration. The narratives allow for more personal
perspectives and reveal more information about their personal
experiences and relationships in their own unique and special
circumstances.
D a t a Collection Methods
The prirnary research method employed in this study was in-
depth interviewing. Complementary data was gathered through
analysis of r e l e v a n t documents. The i n t e r v i e w is the most
appropriate method to use for the purpose of obtaining data in
the realin of values, attitudes and social perceptions (Skager
& Weinberg, 1 9 7 1 ) . Guba & Lincoln (1981) suggest that the
unstructured interview is preferred when the researcher i s
pursuing some subject indepth, to uncover some intent or
explanation as held by the respondent, when t h e idea is to
ascribe rneaning to some event or circumstance. Persona1
perspectives, feelings and suggestions are best explained
through descriptive l a n g u a g e . Therefore, for t h i s r e s e a r c h 1
used individual interviews.
The ~nterviews
The interviews were conduc ted between September and December,
1994. Each interview took approximately one and a half hours
although as the interviews were flexible and the meeting
places (in the women's homes, at a restaurant, at a friend's
o f f i c e and at my home) were for the most part relaxed and
comfortable the interviews went on considerably longer than
anticipated (up to five h o u r s ) . In almost al1 of the
interviews we chatted over tea and refreshments either in the
evening or afternoon. The interviewees al1 agreed to have the
interviews taped on audio-cassette. The tape was turned off
for breaks for tea, and for any discussions they did not wish
to be recorded.
Ethical concerns
The purpose of my study w a s explained to p r o s p e c t i v e
participants both over the telephone (initially) and in
person. They received a letter outlining the research pro ject .
A£ ter their reading of the letter, 1 explained and highlighted
certain points and asked if there were questions. The
participants were assured that they rnay withdraw t h e i r
involvernent at any tirne, at which point 1 would not use any
information obtained from them.
Selection of Participants
The population of interest is Immigrant F i l i p i n o women having
lived in Canada at least 3 years and having initially arrived
i n Canada as a "Live-in caregivern and currently residing in
Edmonton.
Ann
For the past five years AM has lived in Canada working as a
nanny for three years and then as a cashier at a bakery where
she is currently employed. Ann has a B. Sc.Ed (Bachelor of
Science in Education) , and had been a Secondary school teacher
in a high school in the Philippines for n i n e years. She has
completed one course at the University level since corning to
Canada. Before coming to Edmonton Ann worked three years as a
nanny in Hong Kong and then three rnonths as a nanny in the
Northwest Territories,
Nancy
Nancy is 32 years old. She has been in Canada for j u s t over
three years. Nancy has a B.Sc.Ed and nine units in the
Masters programme £ r o m a university in the Philippines. She
has been a secondary school teacher i n the Philippines for
three years. She is currently working as a nanny. She had
been working in Hong Kong before coming to Canada.
Beth
B e t h ' s highest level of education is second year midwifery
course. Since coming t o Canada she had been enrolled in
educational programmes in Edmonton. She took typing 20,
~ n g l i s h30, and English as a Second Language (ESL) at Alberta
College. Beth has been in Canada for nearly eight years. She
is a Canadian c i t i z e n . Before coming t o Canada Beth had
worked in Hong Kong for two years. Since coming to Canada she
had worked as a nanny in three homes. as a sales clerk in a
convenience store and at a charitable organization and as a
VIP at a hotel. At 40 years old, Beth now works as a
dietician assistant at a senior's rest home.
Cez
is the youngest participant. She has been in
C e z at 29 years
Canada a little over three years. Before coming to Edmonton
she had worked as a naMy in Hong Kong for two years and then
in Sherwood Park for ten months. Cez's highest level of
education is a four year college course in management in
accountancy. In Edmonton she took ESL, level two heritage
language instruction, and English 33 at Alberta College.
Lucy
Lucy is a Business Administration Graduate from university i n
the Philippines. She had not been and is not presently
enrolled in tertiary educational programmes in Canada or in
Edmonton. Before coming t o Canada Lucy worked in Italy as a
domestic worker - "an old lady cornpanion". Lucy is 52 years
old. She has been in Canada for twelve years. She is a
Canadian citizen. Since coming to Canada, Lucy has worked in
fast foods restaurants and a department store. She is
presently a cook and cashier at a pub.
Ruth
Ruth finished commercial science in the Philippines and has a
Food management certif icate . In Edmonton she had been enrolled
in various educational programmes (she took Food Management
again, and Medical Terminology £rom the Edmonton Board Of
Health) .
Ruth has been in Canada for thirteen years and is a Canadian
citizen. She had been working in I t a l y as a nanny before
coming to Canada. She is 45 years old. She is presently a
foods manager at a restaurant/pub.
Mary
Mary graduated from a four year University programme in
Bachelor of Science in the Philippines. She had been enrolled
in educational programmes in Edmonton. She took ESL, typing 1
at AVC (Alberta Vocational College) and Red Cross F i r s t Aid
f o r children. Before coming to Canada Mary had been working
as a nanny in Hong Kong.
For the six years that she has been in Canada, Mary has worked
as a nanny, a housekeeper and a cashier. She is currently
unemployed. After coming to Canada Mary married a Canadian
man.
Nicole
Nicole is a 46 year old who came to Canada four years ago.
Before coming to Canada she worked as a nanny in Hong Kong for
four years and after arriving in Alberta she worked in a town
South of Edmonton in two di£ferent homes over two years and
then two years in Edmonton as a nanny. However, a£ter being
in Canada for only four months Nicole was diagnosed with
inoperable cancer. She received radiation treatment and her
cancer has since gone into remission. She was declared
rnedically inadmissible when she applied for landed immigrant
status. Nicole was given first an invitation to leave the
country voluntarily and then a deportation order. She was
eventually awarded permanent status. Nicole is currently
employed as a nanny.
Data aaslysis
The analysis of the data refers to the "systematic examination
of something to detemine its parts among parts, and their
relationship to the wholem (Spradley, 1979 :92). Af ter each
interview was complete, and as soon as was possible 1
transcribed the audio tapes ont0 my computer using a
transcribing machine. Then 1 irnmersed myself in the data,
reviewing the transcripts and occasionally going back to the
audio tapes, searching for common patterns, recurring themes
and categories of meaning. As themes emerged I put parts of
the narratives into different files in the cornputer. Often
the themes overlapped and 1 was required to rnake further
investigations into the overlapping themes and look for
connections. As the narratives were interpreted, 1 looked for
similarities and differences. If there were any differences
that existed, 1 explored the r e a s o n s why they existed.
Validity checks
A narrative research design compels the researcher to
recognize that what the respondents offer is the t r u t h from
their own perspective. Therefore, it is not possible to
employ a form of triangulation. What is required for a
validity check is what Guba & Lincoln (1981:llO) believe are
"the backbone of satisfying the truth-value criterion"; the
rnember check. M e m b e r checks are when the researcher requests
the participants to recycle t h e analysis of t h e data and make
changes, refinements, additions or removals. Lather (1991:67)
suggests "recycled descriptions, emerging analysis and
conclusions through a subsample of respondents " is required.
For this r e a s o n and where possible, 1 went back to the
participants on certain issues or themes which were omitted or
where elaborations were necessary.
Conclusion
This chapter has described the methodology employed in
addressing the research question as suggested by Skager &
Weinberg, (1971), Spradley (1979), Lincoln & Guba (1985) and
Connelly and Clandinin (1990). The background of each
participants were given. This included; the length of tirne
they have been in Canada, their experience working o v e r s e a s
befo r e coming to Canada, their education bef ore and after
they came to Canada, their present employment, their age and
marital status. The interview diagram and its four contexts
and two sub-contexts were also explained.
The following chapter will present t h e narratives of the
participants related with their survival as caregivers in
Canada.
CHAPTER 3
SURVLVING AS CAREGIVERS
Intzoduction
This chapter will present the narratives of the p a r t i c i p a n t s
and their work as caregivers related to the rules and
regulations which govern their lives in Canada, their
relationships with their employer-family as well as the wider
social circle within which they are a p a r t . Among the latter
are other caregivers in Edmonton, related and worker
associations and organisations, friends and peers. However,
t o begin w i t h it is necessary t o examine t h e participants'
motivations for corning to Canada as caregivers.
1. Motivations :
Al1 of t h e participants in t h i s study have worked in another
country as domestic workers before coming to Canada. Of the
nine participants in this study, seven of them had lived and
worked in Hong Kong. The other two had Iived and worked in
Italy. Al1 of thern came directly f r o m these countries to
Canada.
2. Gaining Entry
As mentioned in Chapter 1 the selection criteria encompasses;
level of education, English language proficiency, work
experience and marital status . "~omesticworkers are brought
into Canada on single status* (Samy, 1990: 9 ) , and even if
they are married their visas recognise them only as single.
Devins (1992) found t h a t some of the nannies in Edmonton had
reported withholding information at the time of applying for
the job.
4. Caregivers Work
The caregivers have been/are employed to work either as an
elderly companion or as a child minder with housekeeping
duties. The caregiverst work varied/ies for each woman. The
number of children in their care ranged £ r o m one to five and
their ages ranged from infants to f ourteen years . Some of the
caregiverst duties include[d] tending to children; washing,
dressing, feeding and e n t e r t a i n i n g the children i n their care,
getting them ready f o r school, supervising homework, making
lunches and packing school bags: doing housekeeping duties;
for example vacuuming, dusting, washing dishes: tending pets;
including such tasks as feeding, walking dogs or cleaning out
bird cages: preparing meals, gardening, grocery shopping,
accompanying their elderly employers to appointments.
47
(il . S i c k leave
1. Abuse
C e z : Therets l o t s of verbal and p h y s i c a l [abuse]. O h ,
yeah.. O h , l o t s . And we have t o j u s t bow. I t happen i n m y
case. After m y a c c i d e n t , I am very upset, depressed, l i k e
that and I can't c o n c e n t r a t e on m y work, m y employer get
mad at me. She s a i d , separate y o u r personal [ l i f e ] . M y
neck h u r t s , and I am d e p r e s s e d but 1 am forced t o w o r k .
And she ç a i d s o m e t h i n g , oh . . . .
SB: reaIly mean?
C e z : Yeah.
(i).
Friends, relatives and citizens
During Nicole's chemotherapy treatment which was everyday for
a week, once a month, she stayed at the hostel near the
hospital and a bus run by volunteers took her to the Cross
Cancer institute.
Nicole w a s impressed by the people in her community who
ensured that she received a lift there and back regularly.
Ruth is content with the way the immigration office works and
defends their ways.
Ruth: A c t u a l l y , i t s maybe m y c h i l d h o o d personali t y . I
never had problems w i t h them. I t s maybe because of the way
I approach p e o p l e . Most of the [immigration] o f f i c e r s that
a s s e s s e d m e , they were really impressed. The o f f i c e r s a i d
"how about if we sign this f o r you t o be a n immigrant,
what a r e you going to d o ? " And I s a i d , "Weil, no problem.
I f l l like it l o t s ! " I s a i d 1'11 go o u t there and look f o r
a job. He s a i d , "mat job are you going t o do?" I s a i d ,
"I d o n f t mind w a i t e r i n g " I says, and b u s g i r l o r
whatever" . "Oh, w e l l , c o n g r a t u l a t i o n s ! " he s a y s . N o
problem, yeah. Its the type o f p e r s o n a l i t y .
SB: Yeah, I'm s u r e t h a t has a lot to do w i t h it, but
sometirnes it doesn't matter how n i c e one can be sometimes.
The person in power c m be difficult no rnatter how nice
the other person is.
. y e a h . You just have t o f o l l o w the
R u t h : I think, b u t . .
r u l e s . Have you been t o the i m m i g r a t i o n o f f i c e ?
SB: No.
Ruth: The t h i n g i s they have their r u l e s . You j u s t h a v e t o
follow the r u l e s . You have t o understand what is i n the
paper t h e r e . You have t o f i l 1 it up and g i v e i t t o them.
Don't make a m i s t a k e s . If you make mistakes then you have
t o go back a g a i n . And there is always a l i n e up.
[ B e c a u s e ] , if you work i n the o f f i c e , this p e r s o n didn ' t
follow the rules and didn't f i l 1 o u t the form p r o p e r l y .
Of course even m y s e l f , I woulci! be mad t o be way out there
a g a i n . But b e c a u s e you h a v e t o read c a r e f u l l y . And
everything, then t h e r e 's no problem, r i g h t ? See, tha t ' s
the t h i n g . Understanding is very i m p o r t a n t .
62
In A n n f s experience the rudeness of t h e immigration o f f i c i a l
when answering A n n ' s question, caused Ann to delay her
application for permanent resident s t a t u s for s i x rnonths.
Nicole ' s experience was a unique one not only compared to the
participants in this research but in the legal history of
Canada. Even though Nicole's case was unique, many questions
are raised as to h o w her case was handled and the events that
surrounded the progress of the case from beginning (when she
made the application) to end (when she received permanent
resident status).
Coaclusion
These Filipino women corne to Canada to take jobs under
conditions which no Canadian would accept. The price the
caregivers pay economically, psychologically, emotionally,
politically and socially are high. This chapter has addressed
the main problems faced in their lives as caregivers as well
as the dif f iculties faced in the wider society. Many of their
quandaries were related to restrictive goverment rules and
regulations such as : the live-in requirement, the
accommodation provided, relationships with employers, lack of
protection under federal and provincial labour laws, unfair
taxation ( i . e . they pay i n t o unemployment insurance yet are
not able t o claim it) , t h e ambiguities of the conditions of
the contract signed between the employer and caregiver, and
the lack of official reinforcement of the standards outlined
in the contract.
Introduction
The process of becoming a Canadian does not begin the day a
newcomer receives landed immigrant status nor when one
officially becomes a Canadian citizen. The process is a long,
on-going one which begins when the participants arrive at
their designated Canadian homes for work. From then on the
live-in caregiver becomes acquainted with "Canadian w a y s " . In
some ways the experience of a live-in caregiver is unique to
the experiences of other newcomers in that she is instantly
immersed into a Canadian household and her immediate basic
needs for food, shelter, ernployrnent and income are met. After
settling in, the caregiver becomes actively involved in
social, political, economic, and cultural dimensions of
Canadian l i f e through her work and through interacting with
other cultural groups and institutions of Canadian society.
This process of becoming Canadian continues after she is given
an open working visa, while waiting for her immigration
application to be processed and after gaining permanent
resident status. This chapter will seek to understand the
issues of identity, in ethnocultral terms as well as class and
gender dimensions.
1. Ethnocultural identity
(i). Explainino identity
When asked about their identity most women identified
themselves with their country of origin (the Philippines),
their language (often Tagalog), their 'Asian" features ( L e .
skin colour and eye shape) and how others have responded to
these identifiers.
Elaine: People ask a l 1 the time whese I a m from. I say
Philippines. I i d e n t i fy myself as Fili p i n o .
Anna: I always identify mysel f as Filipino.
C e z : I am a Filipino. I am proud to be a Filipino.
Lucy: I speak I t a l i a n f l u e n t l y , a l i t t l e S p a n i s h . And
E n g l i s h . And Tagalog. O h , no. Oh, I will never forget m y
ohm language from home. W i t h my f r i e n d s we t a l k Tagalog.
W e don ' t have t o forget [our] o m language [when we become
Canadian citizens] .
Anna : Everybody knows I am Fi 1 i p i n o . Even w a i t i n g for the
bas a guy s a i d , "1 know you are Filipino. " I s a i d , "I
agree, I can't deny i t . " Of course my eyes a r e not
C h i n e s e l i k e some F i l i p i n a s . B u t m y complexion is [like a
Filipino] .
Nancy: Maybe when people look at me they assume I am
Chinese, even if they are Fiiipinos. . . They Say, "Oh, 1
thought you w e r e Chinese t h a t 's why we, ah are not talking
to you or we didn't smi1en, or "we thought you were
Chinese. You look like C h i n e s e " like that. "Oh no. I am
PURE Filipino!", then there were also f e w i n c i d e n c e s when
they [ s a y ] , "You a r e Japanese, or K o r e a n o r Malaysian.
Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Malaysian.
SB: These are Canadian people who Say this? Mostly
Caucasians?
Nancy: Some Filipinos, some C h i n e s e and some w h i tes. But
f o r me it is very obvious I am Filipino, but maybe its
because my eyes they a r e a l i t t l e bit like C h i n e s e .
SB: Do people assume you came from the Philippines as soon
as they see you?
Ruth: Most ask f i r s t , but people know I am Filipino,
e s p e c i a l l y i n Edmonton. Because of the w a y I look. B u t , I
think the people like " c u l t u r e d " people, the well
travelled people they know. They çhould know.
The t w o participants who are Canadian citizens do not f e e l
that citizenship alters their identity. They are still
"FilipinoMbut identifythemselves as "Filipinos with Canadian
citizenship" (Ruth).
Lucy: Actually, my identity is Filipino. Of course, I am
a Filipino. But I a m also Canadian because I live in here.
Right away people know I a m F i l i p i n o , that I am an A s i a n .
Then they ask, "Are you a C a n a d i a n ci t i z e n ? That ' s the
question always. Always a s k i n g that. Not, r l f r o m where a r e
you?", "Are you Canadian c i t i z e n ? " , "Oh, yes."
SB: So, you've been here 12 years and you still cal1
yourself Fiiipino?
Lucy: 12 years yes. Because I am a F i l i p i n o . 1 a m brown
colour. See?
A f ewof the participants who do not have Canadian citizenship
feel that t h e y can identify themselves as Filipino until they
get their Canadian citizenship.
SB: What do you Say when people ask you about your
identity?
Nicole: I Say I am Filipino because I am not a Canadian
c i t i z e n yet.
Some participants feel that it is important to maintain their
cultural beliefs and values even when living away £rom the
Philippines to avoid losing their entire Filipino identity.
Ruth acknowledges that one's identity can merge with another
when one moves to another country. For her, the adoption of
a "Filipino-Canadian" identity is natural and proper.
Ruth: When I took the o a t h , I knew I am not losing my
Filipino [identity]. Actually 1 am a d a p t i n g another
[identity] which, in my understanding is like a
Philippine-Canadian [identity]. . . [makes a "phhtt" sound
as puts two fists together] .
Mary, Cez, Anri and Nancy state with disappointment that they
feel there are many Filipino-Canadians who have deliberately
tried to assirnilate in Canada by "pretending to be unable to
speak Tagalogw or speak it with an over-emphasized "Canadian
accent", not attending church as regularly as they would in
the Philippines. adopting Canadian casualness in dressing and
in social interactions. and parents not enforcing traditional
customs of interacting with strangers and adults in their
children. These participants feel that especially those
Filipino-Canadians who are parents are pressured by their
children to change their attitudes and behaviours and have
tried too hard to becorne Canadian and not hard enough t o be
Filipino-Canadian.
.
(ii) Clasa identity
Many of the participants feel that their status as a live-in
caregiver is "low d o m M (Elaine) in Canada but in the
Philippines they are considered "somebodyn ( C e z ) to "bring
home the treasuresw (AIUI) .
Nancy: In Canada you are really d o m there b u t when you go
back to your country you are honoured, . . .
N a m i e s have a l o t of money. M y colleagues there, when I
go home I have more money t h a n them. And, it d o e s n 't
really bother me because what is wrong with b e i n g a nanny?
You stay a t home t a k i n g care o f the k i d s . f don ' t look a t
m y s e l f as degraded or something. I love working w i t h k i d s
and if you get a good family.. . .
C e z compares ber present economic status t o t h e middle class
i n the Philippines.
C e z : In Canada, I can go wherever I w a n t . I c m t r a v e l .
I could never [do t h a t ] in Hong Kong or in the Philippines
because I need l o t s of money. Here, 1 can o m a car. I
can ' t in the P h i 1 ippines un1ess I w a s a high up manager or
from middle c l a s s family o r from rich p e o p l e . In Canada
I c a n 1i v e by mysel f and manage.
Cez feels that her status as a caregiver is lowly which is
reinforced by her present employer's attitude toward Cez;
2. Relationshigs in Canada
(i) Relationshipe with Canadians
Social integration requires a process of mutual adjustments
and resolutions of problems and issues. Al1 of the
participants felt they have gained an understanding of
Canadian culture through their interactions with Canadians at
the persona1 and business levels. Yet, they a l s o demonstrate
some of the difficulties of accurately perceiving,
understanding, and effectively comrnunicating with others in
Canadian society. Al1 participants mentioned that Canadians
are much more " c a s u a l U than Filipinos, both in their
behaviours and in their dress. These differences influence
the establishment of friendships between Canadians and the
participants. Close friendships exist mostly with those who
have been i n Canada a long tirne and who work directly and
daily with adult Canadians.
Nancy: I have a f e w Canadian friends. . . I i n v o l v e myself
w i t h so many p e o p l e . Their race is n o t important. It
doesn't matter.. . I relate myself w i t h them.
Ruth: My c l o s e s t friends are Canadian and Filipino. I
made friends w i th al1 national i t i e s . Whoever. Especially
because I run this [restaurant/pub] business.
~ d j u s t i n gto differences in the way people (older and younger
friends and s t r a n g e r s ) interact in Canada compared to the
Philippines has been trying for the participants and sometimes
overwhelming to them. The participants f e l t that Canadians
tend to be more informal in their social intercourse with both
friends and strangers alike. The participants felt t h a t
formalities in addressing people, instilled in them at e a r l y
age is part of their tradition and an expression of t h e i r
homeland. To give i t up is like losing a piece of t h e i r
identity .
Beth: In Canada people s a y , "Hi, how a r e you?" t o people
they don ' t even know. If you Say that in Manila, people
w ~ u l dthink "she i s crazy! " o r something. T h e y are n i c e i n
the Philippines but they d o n 8 t do like t h a t , "Hi CO
s t r a n g e r s . Dealing wi th p e o p l e is d i f ferent . I d i d n ' t want
t o face the world [in Canada]. I have changed v e r y much.
I have Canadian ways now.
Nancy: Our language even have respect. In o u r language we
always c a l 1 an o l d e r person a d i f f e r e n t way. There is a n
address, a s i g n o f r e s p e c t y o u u s e w i t h someone o l d e r ,
even i f he is o u t s i d e t h e family unless t h e y are way
younger than you. You know [when to u s e t h i s a d d r e s s ] by
the age o r p r o f e s s i o n . I f you don't know than there is a
general address "Howand T o e m . It is hard f o r u s t o cal1
people by the first name. Like, "Hi, S u e " . Like, when you
come from t h e c o u n t r y and t h e n come here right away t h a n
it is ... oh boy, like a d i f f e r e n t world. We w o u l d feel
r e a l l y , really bad n o t a d d r e s s i n g , giving r e s p e c t like
t h a t when y o u a r e used t o it.
Ann: Now, the younger g e n e r a t i o n s here i n Canada.. they
even call the teachers by the first name. Tha t 's probably
the problem. K i d s d o n ' t have r e s p e c t . Even my [Filipino-
Canadian] f r i e n d 8 s k i d s c a l l t h e i r father by his firçt
name .
Nancy: I t is r e a l l y s o different. T h e first t i m e I went t o
a t t e n d the s t u d e n t s 8 programme [in Edmonton] where the
s t u d e n t s w e r e t o p e r f o m , t h e students were su w i l d , so
d i s o r g a n i z e d , s o , high you know l i k e that. Even t o the
teacher, j u s t like there is no gap. And t h e y a r e j u s t
l i t t l e kids! O h , i n the P h i l i p p i n e s , when y o u see them,
they [ g e t l slapped, l i k e t h a t .
(ii). F a m i l y and Commuaity Ties
Mary adds that many Filipino women believe that white skinned
people are better than brown people and therefore prefer to
marry Canadian men. She states that many Filipino women feel
that it is more attractive and "better" to be lighter in
colour. For this reason, she states, they try not to get "too
brown" and they like themselves "better" in the springtime.
3. Integration
.
(i) Adapting
Ruth explains that adapting to another culture depends on h o w
rnuch experience one has had living away from home, how much
experience one has had with Western lifestyle, how much
interaction one has had with people in general, which part of
the Philippines one cornes from, what one's English language
ability is like, what one's personality is like and one's
level of self-esteem. She illuminates why she found her
adaptation process less difficult than she imagines it is for
other immigrants;
(ii) . Discrimination
Most of the participants mentioned their e x p e r i e n c e s with
discrimination i n one form or another. One participant, Mary
said that she never noticed d i s c r i n i n a t i o n directed toward
her. However, her husband overheard her statement and shouted
from the o t h e r room, "She is too humble to notice it.
Whenever she is away from me they treat her differently in the
stores, but when they see me they snap t o it".
Discrimination has been experienced mainly in the form of
verbal racial comments. However, i t is sometimes difficult to
discern what is rudeness or poor service and what is
discrimination.
g. Racism in institutions
For Ruth's experience was especially p a i n f u l for her as it
involved a priest in Edmonton where she attended church and
where she worked in the church's centre.
Ruth: Actually I had a very b a d experience. I won 't say
a name, but see I am a very C a t h o l i c person, OK? Ana it
happened to me. It was my f i r s t job aside f r o m being a
nanny. F i r s t job. I used to w o r k a t [the church] centre,
food services, r i g h t ? It w a s Sunday. We hao a
smorgasbord. I had 3 0 , 5 0 people lined u p . It was ço
d e p r e s s i n g . B e c a u s e I think I am a very f a i r woman. 1
t r e a t everyone a s e q u a l , no matter what you a r e ; b o s s , or
whoever, for m e , we are al1 sons and d a u g h t e r s of God.
T h i s person, a priest, I ask him what kind o f bread he
wants f o r h i s sandwich and h e . . . [pauses].. . . he s a i d in
front o f al1 t h o s e p e o p l e , . . . . . C a f t e r long pause, i n a
l o u d , r a s p y v o i c e J "LIMITE! 1 h a t e , I HATE brown. I t s the
c o l o u r of the poor f a r m e r s ! " A t t h a t t i m e I w a s very new
i n Canada s t i l l . f had j u s t got m y Canadian immigrant
[ s t a t u s l , I was so u p s e t . 1 q u i t the job. A t t h a t t i m e
r a c i s m was going on at t h a t p l a c e . T h e same time I d i d ,
the whole group, n o t o n l y the F i l i p i n o s that w o r k there,
t h e y quit the same t i m e I did. 1 guess i t was going on
and on. And you know what 1 did? f d i d n ' t go t o that
church. You know it i s so upsetting. ïtç sa upsetting.
I t s l i k e a trauma, r i g h t ? A f t e r a year o r t w o I didn't go
t o t h a t church. Weil, being a r e l i g i o u s p e r s o n and 1 am
also a l i b e r a l minded person and a human-spirited p e r s o n ,
I changed. I s a i d , h&y would I ah, b o t h e r myself w i t h
that? H e ' s o n l y human b e i n g . I can always forgive and
forget. A f t e r t w o years I w e n t back. I t w a s the same
priest. 1 did communion and e v e r y t h i n g . I t s fine. So, m y
pain went away. Its gone. It took t i m e .
Ruth8s advise for dealing with discrimination is, " Just ignore
it. You have anything . Just ignore Her
own way of dealing with the incident at the church was
eventually t o "forgive and f o r g e t " as is prescribed by
Christian teachings. She expresses her belief t h a t the w a y
institutions and individuals react toward you is a result of
your personality8s foibles o r strengths. She advises t h a t y o u
have to deal with people in a friendly polite rnanner to
receive what you need. If this fails ( L e . at immigration
office) she suggests that perhaps it is your failure to
complete t h e immigration application forms correctly. This
belief that others' reactions to you is your responsibility
alone is reflective of the principle of self-blame.
.
(iii) Future Education Goal8
In discussions of their f u t u r e aspirations, five participants
see education as a essential goal in their i r n m e d i a t e f u t u r e .
Since t h e i r Philippine qualifications are not recognized in
Canada, they hope to either gain qualification in Canada for
their previous job or become qualified in another career. In
the following narratives, they explain some of the barriers
they face in reaching their goals.
Beth: I t h o u g h t I would study when I was nanny b u t I had
those bad e q e r i e n c e s and when I t o o k other jobs 1 was
really so t i r e d . F o r a w h i l e I had t w o part t i m e jobs.
One s t a r t e d a t 4 am and ended at 10 am and the other
started at 11 am until 6 pm. Doing s h i f t work is
complicated and then if you stop working to study - no
money! Another problem is the hours of c l a s s e s . They are
u s u a l l y in the d a y t i m e and I c m ' t do that i n the daytime
when I am working. I w a s hoping t o study, maybe f i n i s h my
degree, b u t not now. I am not interested -ore.
SB: Why did your dreams change?
Beth: Because of the bad experiences I had.
Ann states that she has yet to make her dreams of up-grading
her education come true:
Ann: [My goals and aspirations] are not the same. But the
problem is, it seems hard to keep them [goals and
aspirations] the same.. because of the s i t u a t i o n . At
first I s a i d I can forever be a nanny and f i n i s h that
thing [ e d u c a t i o n ] . But something w e n t wrong and I am
forced to get out of it [the nanny job] .
SB: So, your dreams changed as a result of changes in
your l i f e , like your room-mate moving o u t ?
Ann: [the dreams] a r e s t i l l there, . . . if only 1 had the
means I ç t i l l would [try to make them come true]. I t s
good t o have dreams even if t h e y would never happen. 1
would go back t o school t o teach. 1 thought a b o u t being a
teacherfs aid, b u t it would t a k e t w o years t o be
considered, b u t I s t a r t e d j u s t w i t h [one course i n
F a c u l t y of] Education. it i s a start. I know that even I
s a i d I w o n ' t go through and c o m p l e t e my two years of
education in Canada I e n r d l e d and use that somehow.
SB: So you won't complete the two years?
Ann: No, because I donft have the time. Probably 1 can
always find the time for one course b u t it takes a long
time. And then a f t e r you complete you d o n f t know if you
would get a job.
Cez 's f u t u r e plans are to :
.. . get a good e d u c a t i o n , a t l e a s t in cornputer ... my
greatest desire i s to finish at least j u s t one course.. .
o r e l s e p l a n t o m o v e t o the s t a t e s . 1 thinkit is
e a s i e r t o get the job there.
She explains why university is not an option f o r her:
1 would be afraid to study at the University. Everyone
speaks good English and are very intelligent.
Conclusion
The participants identitify themselves by their " ethnic
traits", what McKay (1982) c a l l s "cultural symbolic elementsu
such as their common language (Tagalog), their religious
affiliation (Catholicisrn), their pheno-typical features
(colour and facial features) , their nationality (Filipino),
and their regional origins. Many noted the importance of
rnaintaining these traits when in Canada so as not to lose
their Filipino identity entirely.
Their identity is related to their position in the Canadian
"class" system. Many state that they have lower status in
Canada than they did in the Philippines. This "low" status is
reinforced by the attitudes and behaviours of Canadians and
Filipino-Canadians.
Introduction
Class identity
The work place has a very important influence on the women's
sense of self, her i d e n t i t y and behaviours. T h e caregivers'
work situation and location distinguishes her from other
occupations and aligns her with the traditional women's "non-
workn - housework and tending to children. The Canadian
Advisory Cornci1 on the Status of Women (1988:50) found that
the difficulties faced by domestic workers and by immigrant
women who work in the home is related to the generally low
status of work which is often associated with child care and
domestic activities. In many s o c i e t i e s domestic work has
always been considered women's work. The ability to cook,
clean and tend to chilàren has become part of every woman's
skills. It has been assumed t h a t men do not have these ski11s
and are therefore disqualified from doing domestic type work.
Thus, this work when done by women has been taken for granted,
deskilled and devalued (Gaskell, in Livingstone et al, 1987
speaks of clerical work in a similar way).
Obstacles to mobility
In summary, the participantsf barriers to free movement from
t h e occupation of caregiver to another occupation include the
following:
their education qualifications from the Philippines are not
recognised in Canada;
they l a c k Canadian qualifications;
they l a c k Canadian experience;
their motivation is limited, L e . going to another job that
pays a similar low wage, requires similar hours of labour,
similar lack of advancement and perhaps is more
physically exhausting (usually requires more standing), and
does not offer the securities of a nice home in a quiet
middle-class neighbourhood;
5. there is a lack of opportunities and a scarcity of jobs
available;
6. low self-esteem;
7. financial responsibilities to family, which prevent full-
tirne or part-time up-grading opportunities for required
Canadian q u a l i f i c a t i o n s ;
8. systemic discrimination;
9. lack of connections, which can open doors to a better job;
10. lack of money to pursue education for up-grading.
Police
The participants, Cez and Nicole were the only participants
who had any involvement with the police. Both Cez and N i c o l e
had been in car accidents. Police arrived on the scene both
times and were helpful and competent. Cez S t a t e s that the
officer came to her defense when the people in the other car
called her names.
Education in Canada
A quick look at the participantsf education and experience
dispels the stereotype of the " t h i r d world" minority immigrant
woman who is uneducated, untrained, inexperienced and unable
to speak or understand English. Seydegart & Spears, (1985)
state that an immigrant wornan does not come to Canada as a
tabula rasa, yet too often Canadian employers, institutions,
unions, professional associations, and governments assume she
is. Although the participants in this study represent a small
sample, they are, nevertheless, a legitimate sample of f oreign
domestic workers. The level of education and training is one
of the criteria which al1 candidates must meet before being
selected to come to Canada. All of the participants have
education from secondary and tertiary educational
institutions, they have English language skills (the main
language of instruction in the Philippines is English), they
are experienced and/or have formal training in their
professions.
However, the participants are often relegated to the less
skilled and unskilled occupations after they cornplete their
live-in caregiver contract. This section will examine this
discrepancy.
In some ways the Catholic church has acted and presently acts
as an oppressor of womenrs rights ( L e . the right to divorce,
the right to practice birth control, and the right to
abortion). Al1 of the participants suggested that the
inability to divorce results in wornen putting up with more
problems in the marriage than women would in Canada and that
wornen make more of an effort to keep the marriages together.
They cite this as a "positiven thing. However, they feel that
the influence of the church in maintaining separate
traditional gender roles is negative.
Canadian ways
The participants explain that the division is wide between
Filipinos who have been living in Canada for a longer period
of tirne and those who are recent immigrants. The gap also
exists between those who have adopted Canadian ways and those
who still act "like Filipinosn. Cez, ironically states that
she dislikes those Filipinos who are trying too hard to be
Canadian i n t h e i r behaviours and speech, yet she is proud of
her "Canadian w a y s " which make her stand out in the
Philippines. Ruth also feels that a Filipino-Canadian must
learn to adapt her behaviours to di£f erent situations and when
interacting with different groups of people, L e . Filipinos or
Canadians.
Cez suggests t h a t when Filipinos meet they usually begin to
speak English, but if one starts to speak in Tagalog or
another Filipino language than it would be rude to continue in
English. She says that i f one was t o continue speaking
English others will assume one is being pretentious and
disrespectful. She gets irritated at Filipinos who speak
Tagalog with a Canadian accent, use a l o t of "slangf1
vocabulary or those who pretend that they are unable to speak
in the Filipino language.
Caregivers Work
The attitudes behind the Live-In Caregiver Programme must be
reassessed. The work t h a t the caregivers do is not considered
a "real occupation by Canadian immigration authorities , as it
l'
Concluding Remarks
B y examining t h e data i n t h e four contexts, many overlappings
are evident. The contexts have allowed for the concerns of the
participants to be emphasised. The qualitative study was the
most appropriate approach for this study as it is aimed at
understanding people's perceptions and experiences in their
environment.
Interview Guide
f . Background Information
1. Name/pseudonym
2. Marital status
3 . Place of b i r t h
4 . Date of b i x t h
5. Address
6. Length of time in Canada
7. Length of time in Edmonton
8. How came to Canada (agency, friend, relative, other)
II. Education
9. What is your highest level of education?
10. Have you been/ are you presently enrolled in tertiary
educational programmes in Canada or in Edmonton?
11. Why did you decide to continue your education?
12. What program/ course/ class are/were you enrolled in?
13. What do/did you like about the course/ programme?
14. What do/did you dislike about the programme/ course/
class?
15. In what w a y s do you think this programme/ course/ class
helped/will help you?
16. In what way do you think this will help/helped you
secure a job you feel is appropriate for you?
III. Emgloyment
17. What kind of work experience have you had?
18. h o w has your work experience/ job(s) changed since
arriving in Canada?
19. what are some of the thingç you've done to gain
employment since arriving in Canada?
20. do you feel that your work experience corresponds with
your qualifications?
21. are you presently working at more than one job?
22. considering your qualifications and experience, what
position do you feel you could be employed at?
23. what do you feel are the barriers to your success of
finding a position which you feel you could be employed?
. Personal
2 4 . What is your ethnic identity?
25. What, if any, changes have you noticed in yourself since
living in Canada?
26. When you return to the Philippines, do people comment on
the w a y s t h a t you seem changed?
27. What has been the most difficult t h i n g about coming to
Canada?
28. What has been t h e most di£fi c u l t thing a b o u t f inding
employment in Canada?
29. In what way is f inding employment in Canada d i f ferent
than finding employment in t h e Philippines?
30. In what w a y is working in Canada different than working
in the Philippines?
31. What are your future plans f o r employment or education?
32. How have your aspirations (career goals) changed since
arriving in Canada? Why have they changed?
Appendix 2
Contact letter to partici~ants
Dear,
evenings .
1 will be calling you soon to set up a tirne to rneet.
M a n y thanks for your tirne and interest. 1 am looking forward
to meeting with you soon.
Sincerely,
Susan Brigham
Appendix 3
Signature:
Date:
Appendix 4
BIODATA C m T
Participants
-
Married Teacher
-
B.Sc, Food Single Cornputer factory
management worker
certificate
-
.
B s c Ed Single Teacher
-
B s c .Ed Single Teacher
- - -
Midwife Single
certificate
-
Secretarial Teacher
st u d i e s degree
- - . - -
1 term Bsc.Ed, Single Various jobs
I term
çecretarial
studies