Crisis, Democracy, and the Left in Peru

Author(s): Guillermo Rochabrun Silva and Anibal Yanez

Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 15, No. 3, Democratization and Class Struggle
(Summer, 1988), pp. 77-96
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 Crisis,Democracy,
and the Leftin Peru
by
GuillermoRochabru'nSilva*
Translated by
Anzbal Yafiez

In Peru, as in most of Latin America,almost the entirelefthas

replacedthethemesofclassstruggle, revolution,and socialismwiththat
ofdemocracy,withall itsvirtues,problems,and possibilities.How can
this shiftbe explained in the Peruvian case, and how should it be
evaluated?
In ourview,thistransition mustbe understoodfundamentally as the
resultof the ideologicaldepletionthatthe reformscarriedout by the
military government producedin mostoftheMarxistleft,in particular
thatwhichtodaymakesup thelegal left,theIzquierda Unida (United
Left,or IU). To thismustbe added thedisenchantment with"existing
socialisms." The ideological weakening that followed both these
processesfacilitatedthe acceptanceof various themesand values of
liberaldemocracythatat thattimewerebeingputintocirculationbythe
exiles fromthe SouthernCone and by the Cartergovernment. Upon
returning in 1980to a politicalsystembased on electionsandparliament,
Peru experienced-and is still experiencing-thebroadest political
democracyin itshistory.Butthisis not a symptomofgreaterstability;
rather,it is part of a veryprofoundcrisis.The presentarticleis an
attemptto supportthatstatement.

THE PERUVIAN LEFT:

FROM REVOLUTION TO DEMOCRACY

THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT(1968-1980)

As in the countriesof the Southern Cone, this theoreticaland

political turn toward democracyhas taken place aftera military

*GuillermoRochabruinSilva, a Peruvian sociologist,is Associate Professorin the

Departmentof Social Sciences at the PontificiaUniversidadCat6lica del Peru'and a

198877-96
LATINAMERICANPERSPECTIVES,Issue58,Vol. 15 No. 3,Summer
? 1988LatinAmerican
Perspectives

77

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78 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

dictatorship. Butthecases arenotthesame.In thosecountriesthearmy

overthrew governments thatweretryingto carryout a secondcycleof
transformations, ofa populistorsocialistcharacter.In Lechiner's words,
thistimethemilitary soughtto founda neworderimposing"a newnorm
and orderbymeanscorresponding to thelogicofwar:theannihilation
oftheadversaryand theabolitionofdifferences" (1985: 59). Therethe
revolutionaryand socialist forces suffereda historiccrushingthat
markedtheendofan era. It was fromthatsituationthattheseleftforces
begantheircurrentreevaluationof democracy.
In Peru,however,themilitary government of GeneralJuanVelasco
Alvarado(1968-1975)markedthebeginningofa verydifferent process.
Aftertheyoverthrew Fernando Belau'ndeTerry,invokingnationalist
reasons,the militaryset in motiona seriesof structuralreformsthat
helpedin a decisivewayto eradicatea largepartofthesocial orderthat,
accordingto reformism andrevolutionary thought, had to be eradicated.
Let us look at some of themostoutstanding features.
The Peruvianagrarianreform,generallyconsideredto be themost
radicalin theAmericasexceptforthatin Cuba, eliminatedthearchaic
landownersofthesierraand,above all,thebigagrariancapitalistsofthe
northcoast; in theirplace associatedenterprises wereforciblycreated
and controlledbythestate.The statetookcontrolofpetroleum, paper,
cement,an importantpart of copper, and banking,as well as the
commercialization offoodand supplies,and becamethemaineconomic
agent.Withtheseresourcesit triedto plan theentireeconomyand to
renegotiate relationswiththecapitalistworld.Therewerestrongclashes
with the U.S. government,while at the same time commercial,
diplomatic,and military relationswereestablishedwithcountriesinthe
socialistorbit.Industrialproductionwas highlyprotected andfacilitated
withtariffsand credits;therewas an attemptto enlargethe domestic
market.In themainbranchesofproduction,"laborcommunities" were
institutedas a wayforworkersto participateinownership, management,
and profits,whichwas intensely combatedby business.
All ofthiswas carriedout in themiddleofan intensecampaignthat
called fortheeliminationofexploitation("theboss shallno longereat
yourpoverty")andthatlaid claimto completeideologicaloriginality ("a
revolutionthat is neithercapitalist nor communist").An intense

memberoftheeditorialboardofEl ZorrodeAbajo, Revistade PoliticayCultura.In 1986

he publishedthebook Las ideas socialistasen el Peru'.Anibal Yafiezis in thedoctoral
programat theCenterforLatin AmericanStudies,University of California,Berkeley.

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 Rochabriun/ DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 79

ideologizationof societythen took place by means of educational

reformand increasedgovernmentalcontrolof the mass media-the
statedpurposeof whichwas to transfer themediato thenew workers
organizationsthatthestatewas settingup in thecourseofitsreforms.
With the exceptionof the Partido ComunistaPeruano (Peruvian
CommunistParty,or PCP), the Marxistleftcriticizedand combated
thisgovernment and thesereforms, mostlyin ideologicalterms,trying
to preventthepopularclasses' frombeingattractedbytherhetoricof
thegenerals.The countlesspartiesoftheleftthatappearedthensought
to demonstratethatsuch policieswerereactionary,or a hoax, or not
sufficiently
revolutionary. In anycase,thegreatesteffortson thepartof
theleftwereexertedtrying to differentiate
themselves fromthemilitary
government. In otherwords,confusionwas possible.
Our firstthesisis thatthemilitary government depletedtheideas of
the Peruvian left,since both acted in the frameworkof the same
paradigm: the developmentof the countryfollowingthe model of
industrialsocietiesand theirproductiveforces.The Marxists used
another language: they added the role of the proletariatand the
peasantry,althoughtheyequated socialismwithstatecontrolof the
economy.But theiraffinity withthemilitarygovernment is shownnot
onlyby theirefforts to distinguishthemselvesfromit,but by thefact
thatwhenthe reformsbegan to slow down or be dismantled,the left
could notbutdefendthem,followingand channelingpopularprotests.
It was not able to presentan alternativeforwhichto struggle.More
recently,importantMarxistleadershave heldup thefigureofVelasco
and have more or less explicitlycarriedout self-criticism for having
opposed him.All of thisindicatesthattheleftand military reformism
traveledalongpathsthatto a largeextentweresuperimposedand that
theirclashesare to be explainedmorebypoliticalcompetitionthanby
ideologicaldifferences.
The factis thatthestructural transformationswerecarriedout,and
theywerenotfollowedbyan economicboom,butrathera crisisthathas
lastedforno lessthan13 years;as to thenatureofthiscrisis,thereis no
agreement.This crisis put an end to a quarter centuryof almost
uninterrupted economic growthand made key themessuch as in-
dustrializationand growthlose muchoftheirpowerofseduction.The
economic difficulties could not be attributedto the survivalof an
archaicorderthathad alreadybeenremoved,norcould measuresthat
had demonstratedthattheywereineffective or counterproductive be
invokedas a solution.In otherwords,to the economicand political

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80 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

crisiswas added a culturalcrisis:theexhaustionofthe"development"

paradigmthathad givenmeaningto theworld.In thefollowingyears
thetunewould be called,by economicorthodoxy,"stability."

NEW POLITICAL CLIMATE AND ENTRY TO LEGALITY

The period between1976 and 1978 witnessedsocial and political

agitationofsuchmagnitudethatitled severalleftpartiesto diagnosethe
proximity ofa prerevolutionarysituation.Powerfulmovements ofwage
workers,independents, urbanslumdwellers,and regionalfrontsgrew
and achievedrelativeunityinthoseyears,and theirdemandsconverged
on and againstthe state. Of particularimportancewerethe national
strikesof 1977and 1978.
The politicalresultof the strikeswas the retreatof thegeneralsto
theirbarracksandthereturnofciviliansto thegovernment bymeansof
democraticelections,which had been a demand of the right.The
workershad not sought these goals, but rathera change in the
government's economicpolicyand in itswage and trade-unionpolicy.
In thatregardits accomplishments were minimal,but the citizenry's
hopeswereraisedbytheimminent newpoliticalcourse.The call to elect
a newConstituent Assemblyand thento have generalelectionsopened
thepoliticalsystem;liderazgo[powerand influenceofpoliticalleaders]
and clientelism reappeared.In otherwords,real and symbolicmechan-
ismswerecreatedto channeldemandsand expectations,mechanisms
weredifferent thanthedirectconfrontation thathad characterized the
periodof"class-struggle."2
In the midstof thesecircumstances, a distancingbegan to develop
betweenthepopularorganizationsandtheleftparties.Littlebylittlethe
unionsadopted negotiationtactics,whilemostof theleftpreparedto
participate in the recentlyannounced elections and "to use the
Constituent Assemblyas a platform forpropagandaand denunciation."
In practicethe clandestineleftwould become,withfewexceptions,a
legal left.

THE DISTANCING FROM INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISM

The Peruvian lefthas always viewedthe revolutionfromone or

another pole of the internationalsocialist movement.The most
importantcasesarethePeruvianCommunistParty,linkedto theSoviet

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 Rochabruin/ DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 81

orbit,and diversePekingesepartiesthat split fromthe PCP in the

sixties.The so-called"new left"of the decade of the seventieshad a
fundamentally Leninistorientation, althoughgraduallyMaoismgained
verygreatacceptance.ButafterMao's deathcametheChinesecrisis,the
war withVietnam,Cambodia, and Solidarity.In Latin Americawe
witnessedthecrushingofdiverseleftgroupsin theSouthernCone that
weregeographically and politicallycloserthantheSandinistaguerrillas.
Those years left a taste of the failure of socialism and of the
revolutionary ideal,whilethepopularmovementsbecameless radical.
Almost at the same time(1979-1980),a debate took place on the
questionofa "nationalleft,"thatis, on thedialecticsbetweenPeruvian
left autonomyand the Peruvian revolution'slinks with the world
revolutionary socialistexperience.ThefigureofJoseCarlos Mariategui
was invokedto uphold the different positionsin thepolemic,but the
term Mariateguismohas been coined as a sort of shield against
international"isms." A good portionof the Maoist leftassumed a
position in favor of autonomization.Undoubtedly,Maoism was a
fertilegroundforthispositionbecauseofitsemphasison thepeasantry,
thenation,and culture-themesthatinthoseyearsbeganto be intensely
studiedand discussed.
Mariategui's phrase, so often repeated, of building a Peruvian
socialismthatwouldbe "neithera tracingnora copy,butrathera heroic
creation"is stilla long-term historicaltaskwaitingto be accomplished.
Buttheconstruction nor
ofa socialistprojectcannotbe done overnight,
can itbe a voluntarist creation.Meanwhile,thereis thequestionofhow
to filltheideologicalvoid leftby havingtakenone's distancefromthe
international socialistframework? SenderoLuminoso(ShiningPath,or
SL) filledit by creatinga worldmovementbased on itself:"Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism-Gonzalism."3 The legalleft,on theotherhand,was
influencedbythediscourseon democracyand humanrightsthatat that
timewas current inLatinAmerica,promotedbythepoliticalexilesfrom
theSouthernCone and theCartergovernment in theUnitedStates.It
woundup recognizing thelegitimacy ofvariousconcernsand valuesof
liberaldemocracy,and tryingto place themwithinsocialistthought.4
So it was in the absence of a programfor the transformation of
Peruvian society-once the military'sreformprogramhad been ac-
complished-that the reductionof the radicalness of the popular
movements,the arousal of expectationsdue to the opening of the
channelsofpoliticaldemocracy,and thedisenchantment withdifferent
socialist experienceswere able to come together.For the left,the

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82 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

acceptanceof democracywas not the only road allowed by savage

repression,as intheSouthernCone,norwas ittheresultofa theoretical
developmentthatfreedit of sterilizingdogmas and led to theachieve-
mentof new politicalfrontiers, as would have been desirableand as
some would like to pretend.The leftdid not conquer the field of
democracy;rather,it was capturedbyit.
After1982,once Sendero Luminoso had to be takenseriously,the
Izquierda Unida's need to differentiate
itselffromSendero pushedit
withadditionalforceintotheframework oftheestablishedorder.Butis
thisa shamefuldefeat,or a healthyopening?In otherwords,whatis the
validityof democracyas a politicaloptionin Peru?

DEMOCRACY IN PERU:
THE UNFINISHED EVOLUTION

Historically,theroots of Peruviansocietyare quite alien to liberal

democracy.The pre-Hispanickingdomsand empireswereconstituted
alongthelinesofrelationships and loyaltiesofa "clanish"type,defined
by a hierarchythe bases of which were superhuman.The Spanish
conquerors built upon these political, cultural,and psychological
structuresto constitutea patrimonialsocietyalong rigidestate and
corporatelinesby means of the"two republics"-the"republicof the
Spaniards" and the "republicof the natives."Followingthe wars of
independence, Peruviansocietymaintainedcolonialsegregation, while
politicallyit assumed the formof a republicdesignedaccordingto
liberalprincipleshavingno relationto and evenopposedto an economy
based on tribute,precapitalistrents,and the commercialprofitof
mercantile capital.Thatis,therewas no linkwhatsoeverto therelations
ofproductionand thesocial formsofthesurplus.In otherwords,itwas
not a "superstructure" that correspondedto its "base" (Rochabruin,
1979). Nevertheless thepersistenceof republicanformsand principles
and theirhavinggraduallytakenrootmeritsan explanation.Mightnot
thelast 160yearsofPeruvianhistorybe understoodas a still-unfinished
advancetowarda democracythatnow is enteringa new stage?

CAPITALISM AND SOCIETY

The evolutionofdemocracyin Perucannotbe understoodoutsideof

thecoursethatcapitalismand itsmost"simple"determinants,
suchas

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 Rochabruin/ DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 83

commoditiesand money,havetakeninthiscountry.Far fromadhering

to an "economist" view, we underscorethat insofar as they are
specificallycapitalistphenomena,thesecategoriesincludesocial rela-
tionsand culturaland ideologicalcontentssuchas libertyand equality,
which at the same time are basic to liberalismand democracy
(Rochabruin,1982). In Europe all thesedimensionsdevelopedsimul-
taneously,sincecapitalism,liberalism,and democracy(we would add
socialism)havebeenpartofa single,endogenouslygeneratedhistorical
process.In Peru,as in mostofLatin America,thingsoccurredin quite
anotherway.
This is not the momentto discusshow some basic propositionsof
historicalmaterialismshould be understoodon the subject of "de-
pendent"societies,or to clarifywhatwe mean hereby "dependency."
We willnoteonlythatin thelast80 or 90 yearstherehas beena relative
developmentand articulationand taking root of capitalist socio-
economic phenomena and of fragmentsof liberal democracyin a
contradictory relationshipwith"serflike"tiesof reciprocityand unde-
velopedvaluerelationsalongwithseigniories and estateloyalties.Letus
examinethescope ofthiscomplexprocessin a veryschematicway.5
As Mariategui(1971) pointed out, capitalismwas developingon
feudal grounds.The debates of the past decade on the "characterof
Peruviansociety"centeredon therelativemagnitudeofcapitalismand
precapitalism,tryingto evaluate themby comparingthe respective
value of theirproduct or comparingthe magnitudeof wage and
nonwagerelations.The studyof therespectiveconnectionsdid notgo
beyondassertingtheirreciprocalfunctionality or dysfunctionality for
thesurvivalofeach. Butno one wentso faras to raisethequestionthat
we wishto formulatehere:how well rootedwas capitalism?To what
extentwas the undeniablecapitalistexpansion accompaniedby its
deepening? Whathappenedinthoseplaceswhereprecapitalist activities,
practices,and relationswerereduced?Was it possibleto establishan
internalcircuitof accumulationthat would tend to homogenizethe
economicstructure? Lastly,whatwas happeningwithcapitalismas a
social phenomenon?
Today itis clearthatthedevelopmentofcapitalismin Peruhas been
fragmentary and uneven.It took place firstthroughtheexportof raw
materials,whichpermittedan initialurbangrowth.Then it expanded
through"import-substitution" constrainedby(a) the
industrialization,
foreignexchangethat exportscould provide,and (b) the so-called
"narrowness"of theinternalmarket.However,thesize of themarket
dependsupon thedivisionoflaborand thedynamicofproduction,and

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84 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

not the otherway around (RochabrAn,1977: 10-12). In this case,

capitalistexpansion in its different formsincreased the inequality
betweencapitalistproductiveforces and those of the rural world,
especiallytheAndeancountryside.
The resultwas a town-country relationship thaterodedtheeconomic
activitiesof an archaicand stagnantcountryside, turningthesespaces
into a marginalincrementof the capitalistmarketbut makingthe
latter'sthorough-goingdevelopmentimpossible. In this sense the
reforms ofthemilitary government after1968"stretched" themarkets,
but the attemptsto deepen themfailed,as theyleftthe productive
relationsbetweentown and countryunaltered.The labor forceas a
whole went on to reproduceitselfincreasinglyin contact withthis
capitalism,but it did not fundamentally grow as a productivelabor
force.The magnitudeofthephenomenon-whichhas laterbeencalled
"underemployment," "marginality,"and "the informalsector"-is
pertinent evidenceofthis.The mostvisibleconsequencehas beenurban
growthwithouturbanization.
If, accordingto Schumpeter,capitalistaccumulationis "creative
destruction,"then in a case such as Peru, the destructiveeffectis
qualitativelysuperior,forit does not capitalistically
recreatethespace
that it destroys.In this way, one arrived at a block to domestic
accumulation.Butthecorresponding formsofpoliticalcontrolare also
undermined.It is thereforeof interestto evaluatewhathas happened
meanwhilewithcapitalism'ssocial,political,and ideologicaldimension,
and to what extent it has affectedthe generationof democratic
possibilitiesand spaces. Capitalist developmentin Peru cannot be
understoodwithoutexaminingits"extraeconomic"dimensions.

CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICS, AND THE STATE

For lack ofa betterterm,we shallcall Peruviansocietyas itemerged

in republicanlifeafter1821"estate-based."Viewedfroma democratic
society,estatesseem to be definedby relationshipsof hierarchyand
loyalty,bytiesofpersonaldependence,or,putnegatively, bythelack of
autonomyofthesocial actors.In thecase ofPeruitwouldbe necessary
to add social and politicaldominationovertheindigenousworld.To
democratizesucha societyrequiredat leastcreatingautonomoussocial
subjects-citizens-and extendingthiscitizenship to thepeasantworld.
Well, thereis no doubt that all of thishas been happeningin the

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 Rochabriun/ DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 85

course of this century.The last 90 years evidence not only the

appearanceof an importantlabor contingent, butthedevelopmentof
labor's autonomy,firstfromthedominantclasses-as organizedlabor
leftbehindthemutualaid societiesand adoptedtradeunionism.Later
labor became independentof themiddlelayerswhen,in a historically
rarechangeofpoliticalidentity, thetrade-union movementabandoned
theAPRA and itsdoctrineof"freetradeunionism"to acceptMarxist
leaders and "class-struggletrade unionism."The middlelayershave
likewisedevelopeda social, cultural,and politicalprofileautonomous
oftheold oligarchy, firstthroughtheAPRA, theninthefifties through
AccionPopular and ChristianDemocracy,and currently movingto the
United Left. Correspondingly,the "oligarchic" parties have dis-
appeared-the Partido Civil, the MovimientoDemocraticoPeruano
(Peruvian DemocraticMovement),and the Union Nacional Odriista
(Odriista National Union). Although with difficulty, the peasant
movementshaveendedup fighting fortheeradicationofall bosses and
notjustthe"bad boss." In thesameway,themovementsofpoor,urban
slum dwellers,whichinitiallywere clientelizedby oligarchicgroups,
have, since the seventies,consolidatedtheirindependencefromthe
dominantclassesand thestate.6
The statein turnhas changeddecisively.At thestartofthecenturyit
was no morethan"theextensionin thepoliticalfieldofthecorporative
economicinterests" ofthedominantclasses."Towardtheendofthelast
decade, on the contrary,the specificitiesof politics-understoodas
hegemony,leadership,consensus-take shapewithina statethatis not
merelya prolongationof economic interestsbut which puts itself
forwardas a regulatorof conflicts"(El Zorro de Abajo, 1985:6).
Citizenship,theexerciseofrightsand themechanismsofthepolitical
and judicial system,has been extended,and the proportionof the
population that voted, even beforethe 1979 Constitutiongranted
therightto vote,has grown.The provisionofcertainservices
illiterates
such as educationnot onlyhas been broadened,but has alreadybeen
recognizedas a right.Culturally,"Spanishification" (castellanizacion)
has advanced, and monolingualismin native languages has been
reduced.The meansofmasscommunication havea muchgreaterreach,
and "publicopinion,"as ambiguousas thistermis,is moreineffect than
before.
The reformsand the processesthattook place duringthe military
government-formally speaking,a dictatorship-resultedin unprec-
edentedconditionsfordemocratic functioning,intermsoftheincorpora-

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86 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

tion into political life of new, broad, organized,and autonomous

contingents.In summary:

(A) In Peru, as part of a social expansionof capitalism, a broad

substratum of"protodemocratic" hastakenshape,if
socialrelations
wemayusethatexpression, whichhasbeengradually orin
replacing
anycasesuperposing itself
uponestate-typeandcorporativerelations
in retreat.Whiledemocracy mayhave enteredPeruviansociety
ithastakenroot.Itisnolonger
accidentally, Thatis
anexoticimport.
oursecondthesis.

reality.As
Ofcourse,democracyis,has been,andwillbe a conflictive
anywhere, thefreedoms,rights,and guaranteeshavebeenwon and are
exercisedonlyby meansof bloodystruggles.Frequently,thedevelop-
mentofdemocracyis morein theobjectiveeffects ofthestruggles than
in the formationof a democraticculture.And whatthe philosopher
Abugattas observes about interpersonalrelations, anchored in a
corporatebackdrop,is verytrue:

A Peruvianthinksof himselfand thinksof his relationswithhisfellow

man in termsof bi- and tripolaroppositions, such as "the right
people/ordinarypeople/Indians, ormoun-
"orprovincials/Lima-dwellers,
tain people/coast people, or military/civilian,etc.... The individual,
then, upon closer inspection,is, above all, a memberof a sort of
minicorporation.
Fromthisself-perception is derivedapeculiarmorality,
whichallows anythingin relationto the"others". . . in sucha waythat
relations[with
them]cannotbe ruledotherthanbymutualdistrust[1986:
54-55]

But whatthisrevealsis the underminingof a set of particularisms

withouta universality
havingbeen constituted
in itsplace.

(B) Theaforementioneddemocraticexpansionis theresultofstruggles

bythepopularclassesand themiddlelayersthatwerecarriedout
withouttheagreement and evenin faceof theopposition of the
Thelatter,
bourgeoisie. culturally
heirto manyaspectsofoligarchic
avoidedconfrontation
domination, withtheoligarchy-other classes
diditswork.

In summary,thisdemocracycontainsat bottomgenuineachieve-
mentswitha popularcontent.Buthowdoes itfunctionpoliticallyinthe
contextof a crisissuch as we have presented?

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 Rochabruin/ DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 87

(C) While the developmentof capitalismis blocked by the uneven

developmentoftheproductiveforcesintownand country,thisis not
the case with its sociopoliticaland ideological aspects (freedom,
equality). We could say that a contradictionarises betweenthe
economicdynamicofcapitalismand its"superstructural" dimension;
potentiallytherecould be "excess" democracywithregardto what
capitalismcould tolerate.This is our thirdthesis.

POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY

IN A CONTEXT OF CRISIS

Since 1980 Peru has lived not only under a formallydemocratic

regime, but with the broadest political democracy in its history.There
arefreeelections;a constitution
draftedbya freely electedassemblyis in
effect,and theseparationofpowersworks.The onlyones outsideofthe
officialpoliticalsceneare thepartiesthathave excludedthemselves.It
can be said thatforthefirsttimeall thesocialclasseshaveorganizations
and partiesthatrepresent themsociallyand politically,and theyhaveat
theirdisposal various means of communicationthat functionwith
almostunrestricted freedom.Apparently everything wouldworkin the
bestpossiblewaywereitnotforthearmedsubversionand theeconomic
crisis.And yet,

therepresentativescannotfaithfullyexpresstheinterests,
theaspirations,
thesentiments, and thepassions of thosewhomtheyrepresent.... The
parties have shown themselvesincapable of fully understandingthe
changesin theeconomyand insocietyand because of thathavenotbeen
able toorganically
insertthemselvesintheeconomicandsocialprocess....
Thisexplainstheabsence,notjust ofnationalandpopularprojectsthat
wouldbe too ambitious,butsimplyofpoliticalprojects[Ld'pez,19807

PARTIES AND SOCIETY

The mechanismofpoliticalrepresentation has beenin crisisin Peru

fromthemomentthepoliticalpartiesshowedtheywerelackingnational
proposals.Variousfactsmake thisevident:theirrelevanceof political
programsduringelectoralprocesses,theabsenceofideologicaldebate,
in distinguishing
the difficulty betweenthe proposals of the different
candidates,thepreference of therightto call itself"center"and ofthe

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88 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

leftto place itselfthere,thegrowthof an "independent"electoratethat

decideswhoto voteforat thelastmoment,thefragilerelationswiththe
social classes.7
The reason is clear. We have maintainedthat the reformsof the
military government exhaustedthepossibilities
ofthedifferent develop-
mentalisms. Froma capitalistperspectiveone ofthefew"recipes"stillto
be triedis the "Taiwanization"of the economy,whichcould not be
carriedout in a formallydemocraticregime.The exhaustionis equally
clearwithregardto theleft,despitetheIzquierdaUnida'sveryelaborate
governmental plan. Althoughthe latterhas attractedsome attention,
the fact is that it does not contain any ideas that can conquer the
imaginationof itssupporters.
Citizens'enthusiasmfortheelectoralprocesseshas not diminished,
but thisis a passingsentimentthatlatergivesway to pessimismand
insecurity.The mostpopularpoliticians-Belaiunde, AlfonsoBarrantes,
Alan Garcia-are morecollectivesymbolsthanrepresentative figuresof
theirrespectivepolitical organizations.By inspiringpersonal rather
thanprogrammatic support,theircharactersas caudillosis reinforced.

THE SOCIAL ATMOSPHERE

This lack of projectsis not simplya factthatis facedby theparties

and theirintellectuals.To tryto finda wayoutoftheeconomiccrisisis a
"publicissue"thatis translatedinto"personaltrouble"in each person's
life-to putit in thetermsofC. WrightMills (1959: 8). But ifthecrisis
does not seemto have a collectivesolution,the onlyoptionleftis the
anomic search for individual escapes. After 25 years of almost
uninterrupted economicgrowth, theeconomicrestrictionshavereduced
the aspirations of the largemajorities down to simple In this
survival.
general context of the
pauperization, oppositephenomenonappears:
the sudden enrichment that the drug trade provides.Thereinlies a
reasonable explanation of the currentlevels of demoralizationand
corruption,beyond what contemporaryPeruvians can remember
(Durkheim,1957:252-254).
Peru is experiencingan increasinglyagitatedsocial and political
climate,evenwithouttakingintoaccounttheactionsof armedgroups
suchas SenderoLuminosoand theMovimientoRevolucionarioTupac
Amaru(MRTA), theactionsof which,combinedwiththeresponseof
thepolice and thearmedforces,haveshakenlargeareas ofthecountry
in the sierraand jungle. It is not simplya matterof the unresolved

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 Rochabrun / DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 89

demandsof wage-workers, smallproducers,or regionalfronts,which

are translatedintoprolongedstrikesand violentmethodsof struggle.
Institutions inthefaceofdailyaccusationsofcorruption
lose credibility
and crookeddealings,or ofpoliticalpromisesthatarenotkept.Thereis
a generalizedmalaise,a "collectivefatigue,"to use theexpressionofthe
journalistCesarLevano,whichcan be clearlyperceivedintheaggressive-
nessofdailylife,intheincreaseofcommondelinquencyon a smalland
largescale.8
The youth-especiallyamongthepopularclasses-is goingthrough
a criticalperiod:withoutmanypossibilitiesorevena desireto studydue
to thescantpracticalvalue of formalknowledge,withoutresourcesto
get married,withno idea of the future;as in manyothercountriesit
takesa pragmaticattitudeand reachestheage ofitspoliticalinitiation in
a depoliticized,deideologized, and amoral world. Its choices are
betweennihilism,delinquency,drugaddition,or Sendero Luminoso.
The latterbecomesone of thefewpossibilitiesto givemeaningto life,
aside from the foreignand domestic millenariansects that have
expandedat thesame rateas thecrisis.9
The cumulativeeffectof the crisisand the mass lay-offsof 1977
weakenedand demoralizedtheworkingclass. The latterhad beenpart
ofseveralcrucialexperiencesthattookplace inthatdecade. On theone
hand,ithad confronted apristatradeunionism,whichwas dominantup
untiltheearlyseventies.The leftplayeda veryimportant rolethere;the
workingclass, subjectedto talks and pamphletson capitalismand
surplusvalue, lostitsfearof theword"socialism."On theotherhand,
throughthe experienceof the comunidadobrera,10workersbegan to
thinkforthe firsttimeabout the ownershipand the managementof
enterprises,eventhoughtheworkerssometimessaid that"production
was thebosses' affair,not theworkers'."Third,productionbecame a
politicalgoal ofthegovernment: itwouldbe thewayitsreforms would
bejudged.Thisledthegovernment to seekcontroloverthetradeunions
and thelabor communities. The workers'reactionmadetheseattempts
fail,transforming class autonomyintopartof theirbasic demand.
Whatis leftofthisexperience? The laborcommunities weregradually
dismantledand apparentlyleftfewtracesamongthe workers.When
productionwas no longera politicalgoal, theworkingclass ceased to
havethepoliticalimportancethatcircumstances had givenit.Underthe
blows ofthecrisisthetradeunionsconsiderablyreducedtheiractivity;
theirrelationswiththepoliticalpartiesbecameweakenedor took the
form of technicalconsultancyby left professionals.But the class

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90 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

autonomyremained.In 1987 agricultural producers,thetradeunions,

white-collarworkers,and evenprofessionals suchas doctorsemployed
bythestatehaveresumedveryintensestrikeactivities, includinga work
stoppagein thecountryside and a nationalstrike.
If to this picturewe add the action of the armedgroups,what is
preventinga social,ifnota revolutionary,
explosion?As sociologistand
historianNelson Manriquehas written,

Contemporary Peruoffers oneofthemostcomplex politicalpanoramas

ofthecontinent. In ourcountry todaytherecoexistina singlespacethe
strongest
guerrilla movement in SouthAmerica,thelegalleftwiththe
greatest
politicalpresence(IzquierdaUnida),and thehistoricallymost
important reformist ofthecontinent
politicalparty inpower:theAPRA.
Thesituationis madeevenmoresingular bythefactthatthisdoesnot
seemtobeaprecarious equilibrium,likely
tobreakapartintheshortrun
[1986:51.

It maybe thatthelastpointis no longerso true,buttheequilibrium

does not have to be eternalto requirean explanation.One possible
answer,sketchily presented,is thefollowing:(a) Unlikeitwasduringthe
previousdecade, thistimethe partiesthatmake up Izquierda Unida
have not placed themselves"at thehead of thepopularstruggles."(b)
The survivalpracticesknownas "newsocial movements" tendto dilute
theconflictive
characteroftheproblemstheyface:foodforchildrenand
adults, health,vigilance against delinquency,and so forth.Let us
examinebothpoints.

IZQUIERDA UNIDA

Since themid-sixties,
and particularlyin thedecade oftheseventies,
thePeruvianleftgrewconstantly despiteitspermanent fragmentation.
Literally,dozens of mutuallyhostile"parties"wereformed,but they
wereable to winthetrustofthepopularclassesand endedup providing
leadershipin thetradeunionsand politicalfield.In Latin Americathis
leftis todaya singularphenomenon,because of its mass presence,the
breadthand diversity ofitsactions,itsrelativeunity,and thelevelofits
intellectualreflections.
Since itsfirstattemptat unificationduringthe
electionsto theConstituentAssembly,it has formedseveralelectoral
frontswitha troubledexistence,butit has neveragain been atomized.

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 Rochabrun / DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 91

The longestlastingand mostimportantattemptto dateis IU, formedin

September1980.
IU includesmost of the Marxist left,the Social Democraticleft,
Christians linkedto liberationtheology,andindependent figures.It also
enjoysthesupportofmostleftintellectuals, as wellas ofa good portion
of the two hundrednongovernmental organizationsthat theyhave
created.This frontconcentratestheaccumulatedfruitsof 20 yearsof
and culturaladvances."
political,ideological,scientific,
In thedifferentelectionsthathavetakenplace since1978,thelefthas
won betweenone-thirdand one-fourthof the votes, becomingthe
second most importantelectoralforce.However,politicallyIU has
evidencedgreatlimitations.These limitationsderive,on theone hand,
fromitsprecariousunity,and on theotherfromtheseductionthatthe
politicalpowershave exercisedoverthepartyleadership.Thereis no
question but that the left must be presentin parliament,in the
municipalities, or at any otherlevel of power,by means of the best
possiblerepresentation. Butthatpresenceshouldnotdefineitsactivity,
muchless be itsprimarygoal.
Nevertheless, withsome exceptions,the candidatesto parliament
havebeenthetop nationalleadersoftheparties.The resultis notthat
theyhavewona new fieldofaction,butthattheyhavetendedto become
parliamentarized; thatis, theyhave adapted to thefunctioning of the
powersofthestate.The representative becomesa negotiatorofvarious
sectoraldemands,notbyvirtueofhisbelongingto theleftbutdue to his
politicalposition.He easilyendsup becomingpartofwhatJorgeParodi
calls "a systemof elitizedpower":
To become incorporatedinto thepoliticalgame is thusnot to become
incorporated intoa systemofrepresentation ofsocial interests,
butrather
intoa politicalclass thatsharesa systemof elitizedpower. Democratic
electionslegitimizethatsystemwhileat thesame timetheyare an access
routeto theelite.As Izquierda Unidaknows,theweakeningofthetiesto
thesocial bases thenbecomesa costthatis compensatedbythebenefits of
thatpower[1987: 80-911

We have arguedthatthe leftadopted democracyas a resultof its

ideologicalweakening.It did not appraiseit in a Marxistway,as the
resultoftheclassstruggle,
butfromtriumphant liberalismunderwhose
bannersitenteredintothestate.But we mustsaythatsomeimportant
debateshavetakenplace betweendifferent positionson subjectssuchas

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92 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

democracy,whatstanceto taketowardstheAPRA, violence,theroads

outofthepoliticalcrisis-althoughtheintellectualshaveparticipated in
thesedebatesmorethanthepoliticalleaders.Thereis a cle'arawareness
of theshortcomings and of theirseriousness.The firstcongressof IU
shouldtake place in September1988. Historygoes on.

THE "NUEVOS MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES"

(NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, OR NMS)

Since theearlyeightiesan extraordinary organizationalferment has

beenspreadingthroughout thesquattersettlementsand poorneighbor-
hoods ofLima. An immensenumberofspontaneousorganizationsare
appearingthroughwhichresidentsare dealingwiththe difficulties of
daily survival: food, health, child-care,urban services,protection
againstdelinquency,and so forth.
A widelyacceptedperspective todayinsiststhattheseorganizations
have creatednew organizationalformsand democratichabits,which
takenas a wholeare creatinga newfieldofculture.Whatis specifically
highlighted is theirtenaciousdefenseof theirautonomyvis-'a-visthe
stateand thepoliticalparties,and theconsciousnessoftheirdignity and
citizenshipthat goes along withit. Lastly,it is said that the NMS
develop "new formsof makingpolitics,"politicizingdailylife.It has
even been said that togetherwith the "informaleconomy" they
constitutea "popular upwelling"thatis part of the crisisof the state
(Matos Mar, 1984).
For our part,we agreein largemeasurewiththeseappraisals,but
withdifferent nuancesand somediscrepanciesofa greaterscope. Thus,
forexample,ithas become"commonsense"amongsocial scientists to
preferthestudyoftheNMS to thestudyofsocial classes,and therefore
to value one and anothertheoryin an analogousmanner.However,the
NMS are morea continuationof,than a breakwith,the strugglefor
"class politicalautonomy"ofthepreviousdecade.The deepeningofthe
economiccrisismade thedefenseof wages based on thetradeunions
insufficient or inoperable,whilewages themselvesdroppedbelow the
value of labor power.This made it necessaryto extendtheeffortsof
survival to other economic activities(self-employment) and other
arenas(in particular, theneighborhood)in whichthestruggle to obtain
whatis necessarytakes otherforms.Situatedoutsideof the arena of
work, in generaltheyface "circumstances"and not a personalized
"enemy."This forcesthemto createsolutionsthattheycan carryout

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 Rochabruin/ DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 93

themselves, ratherthanto demandthemin a conflictwiththecapitalists

orthestate.In fact,theydrawon welfareprogramsorcharity,and they
go beyond confrontationand negotiationas they seek to build
alternative life-styles.
But,havingbecomeassimilatedintoliberaldemocracyto a greateror
lesserextent,analystsand politicians,whentheyobservetheNMS, have
tendedto forgetthatthe capitalists,the bourgeoisie,and imperialism
stillexist and thatthe NMS are simplyfacingsome of theirconse-
quences. Dazzled by thedemocraticpracticesthattheyobservewithin
them,theyinferthattheyare a stepforwardin thedemocratizationof
society.They lose sightof the factthatthe greatestobstacleto that
democratization is therulingclassand notthe"authoritarian tendencies
of the popular classes." Theydo not perceivethattheNMS does not
seekto alterthedistribution ofsocialpower,andthatup to thispointthe
statehas not feltthreatenedby theirexistence:theysubstituteforthe
stateat a timewhenitis seekingto transfer manyofitssocialobligations
to municipalities and regionalgovernments.
In thatsensewe differ withthosewho see in theNMS "newformsof
makingpoliticsbased on everydaylife."That requiresassumingthat
politicscan be based on partialsocial relations,whichis a theoretically
erroneousposition.While theydo constitutea "popular upwelling,"
morethancontributing to a crisisofthestatetheyexpressa crisisthat
alreadyexisted.None ofthisdiminishestheirvalue as an experienceto
definealternativeways of life,but by relievingpotentiallyexplosive
problemstheyfunctionmoreas a safetyvalvethanas a sourceofunrest
fortheestablishedorder.
The popularclassesincreasingly livein a culturally
peculiarworld.It
is notsharedwiththeothersocial classes.Today,as opposedto 20 years
ago, thereare fewercommonsymbolsforPeruviansocietyas a whole
thatcan act as a meansof"social control."Today "popularculture"-a
much-abusedterm-is a meltingpot,theresultsofwhichhavemultiple
facesin themidstof transition.In thisscenario,legalityand illegality,
hope and despair,moderationand messianism, AlfonsoBarrantes(IU's
most importantnationalfigure)and Abimael Guzman (the mythical
leaderof Sendero)are combinedand reconciled.
In part,the equilibriumhas been maintainednot by virtueof its
components,but because the disruptiveelementshave been kept
separate.But as thisarticleis beingcompleted,thegreatestattemptat
centralizationof the popular organizationsin the country'shistoryis
unfolding:the Asamblea Nacional Popular. Everyoneis presentin it:

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94 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

therankand file,theparties,theindependents, thearmedmovements.

Twentyyearsago,withthemodelofthe"trianglewithouta base" (the
disunityofthedominated),JiulioCotlergraphically describedoligarchic
domination.Today,as thesociologistEdithMontero(1987:9) observes,
we arewitnessing"theconfiguration ofa broadbase forwhichtheold as
wellas thenewverticesare no doubttoo smalland insufficient." In the
lightofthecurrentcrisisand betweenthethreatof a military coup and
the nonrevolutionary violenceof Sendero Luminoso,will therebe a
base and verticescapable of carryingout a revolutionthatis socialist
and at thesame timedemocratic?

NOTES

1. "Popular classes" is a debated and debatableterm.Withit we referto all those

groupsthatdo notreceivepartof thesurplusvalue.
2. On theotherhand,followingthe 1977nationalstrikethegovernment authorized
thefiringofthosetrade-unionleadersthathad participatedin it. Estimatesofthosefired
rangefrom1,800 to 5,000; theymade up the broadestand most experiencedlayerof
leadersin all Peruvianhistory.The strugglefortheirreinstatement inspiredthegeneral
strikeof 1979 and continuedforseveralyearsthereafter, but fewof themwereable to
returnto theirjobs. This decisivelyweakenedtheworkingclass.
3. Abimael Guzman, the founderof the Partido Comunistadel Peru "Sendero
Liminoso," Peruvian CommunistParty "Shining Path," calls himself"comrade" or
"Chairman"Gonzalo. This is whattheword"Gonzalism"refersto.
4. We considerthis an urgenttask for revolutionary socialism,but regrettably,
thoughunderstandably, manyadopt liberaldemocracyby abandoningMarxism.
5. The theoreticalfoundationsforthisthoughtare to be foundin the"Preface"to
Marx (1970) and in thefirstpages of Chapter3 of Marx's Gundrisse.
6. Undoubtedly,politicalclientelismhas been maintainedthroughoutthiswhole
process.However,the "bosses" are not the same as before.The capacityto clientelize,
whichwas monopolizedbytheoligarchicclassesat thestartofthecentury, was extended
laterto thepartiesofthecenter,and finallyto theleft,whileithasbeennotablyreducedfor
thepresent-day bourgeoisie.The relationship withthe"clients"has also changed;today
thelatter,forexample,maydemandthattheformerparticipatein theirhungerstrikes.
7. Thus,forexample,Alan Garcia has notbeen able to presenta cleargovernment
project.Initiallyhe triedto base his policyon thedevelopmentof theSouthernAndean
region.However,a yearlaterhe made a completeturn-around, attempting an alliance
with-the biggestdomesticeconomicgroups.This formulain turnwas brusquelybroken
withthenationalizationofprivatebanksannouncedon July28, 1987,thejustification of
whichwas thelack ofinvestment on thepartofthecapitalists.The resultwas a surprisingly
successfulcampaignofright-wing theelectoralfiascoesoftheright.
agitation,considering
Finally,fourmonthslater,as this articleis being written,the PeruvianCongresshas
approveda newpetroleumlaw thatbroadenstheconcessionsto foreigncompanies,while

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 Rochabrun / DEMOCRACY & THE LEFT IN PERU 95

negotiationsare takingplace withtheWorldBank.

8. In 1986and 1987,theGNP has grownbymorethan8 percent,whileinflationhas
been lower than in previous years. However, this growthis not reflectedin an
improvement in thelivingconditionsof thepopulation,and nobodyis confident thatit
can be maintainedin thecomingyears.
9. Thishas notprevented theincreaseofyouthmembership inmostpartiesofIU and
in APRA. It is a newgenerationthatdid notlivethroughtheexperienceofthedecade of
theseventies;therefore itsculturaland ideologicalconformation
is verydifferent
thanthat
of themembersof only10 yearsago.
10. The comunidadobrera refersto workers'partial share of profitsand partial
ownershipand participationin managementin factoriesand business enterprises
establishedby law underthe Velazco Alvarado regimeand phased out underMorales
Bermu'dez.
11. Outside of IU thereis a bloc made up of the Unidad Democratico Popular
(Popular DemocraticUnity,or UDP) and Pueblo en Marcha (People on the March),
whichexpressthestyleof struggleoftheseventies,centeredon confrontation. Although
theyarelegal,unlikeIU theyhavenotparticipatedinthevariouselectionsand usuallyare
consideredto have tiesto the MRTA (Tupac AmaruRevolutionary Movement).

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