Society for American Archaeology

The Evidence for Complex Exchange Systems among the Ancient Maya
Author(s): Marshall Joseph Becker
Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Apr., 1973), pp. 222-223
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279373
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222 ameRcan antlqulty
THE EVIDENCE FOR
COMPLEX EXCHANGE SYSTEMS
AMONG THE ANCIENT MAYA
MARSHALLJOSEPHBECKER
ABSTRACT
The hypothesis presented by Tourtellot and
Sabloff regarding ancient Maya exchange systems,
although not necessarily incorrect, is found to be
based on inaccurate information. The use of such data
leads to the formulation of erroneous ideas concerning
Maya economic systems in general. This in turn hinders
the application of the useful aspects of Tourtellot and
Sabloff's study to problems concerning the structure
of ancient Maya society.
Department of Sociology and Anthropology
West Chester State College
April, 1972
In a recent report, Tourtellot and Sabloff
(AMER. ANT. 37:126-135, 1972) investigate
exchange systems among the ancient Maya.On
the basis of their artifact counts (1972:129)
they construct an elaborate economic theory,
and then suggest that "There is . . . little evi-
dence for full-time specialization . . ." within
communities. These communities are postu-
lated to be politically equivalent "ceremonial
centers surrounded by rural farmers . . ." (p.
131).
Once again we are presentedwith the tradi-
tional ceremonial center hypothesis, but this
time ostensibly supported by evidence regard-
ing trade and the technologicalbase of ancient
Maya society. As Tourtellot and Sabloff cor-
rectly note, many different views on the struc-
ture of ancient Mayasociety have recently been
presented,most of them postulatinga heteroge-
neous society (Adams, PEA. MUS. HARV.,
PAPS. 61:489-502, 1970; Becker,Ph.D. disser-
tation, Penn., 1971). The variationsknown to
exist between the Maya sites excavated to date
should alone be sufficient evidence to call into
question any suggestion that these "com-
munities" are "politically equivalent." How-
ever, inferences about political or social organ-
ization must follow from an analysis of the
basic data. Willey'sbasic efforts B.A.E., BULL.
155, 1953) to understandthe functions of sites
should also provide the caution that such
interpretationscan only be drawn from infor-
mation which reflects accurately upon the
archaeological record. The most elaborate
[Vol. 38, No. 2, 1973
models may be the most fanciful, particularly
when they derive from incorrectbasic informa-
tion.
Let us, then, examine the primarydata upon
which Tourtellot and Sabloff base their analy-
sis. The preliminary test of their elaborate
hypothesis rests on "the data on artifacts
availablefrom a sample of major ClassicMaya
sites" (Tourtellot and Sabloff 1972:128). As
noted above, these authors also state that
Classic Maya society has a settlement pattern
represented by "many politically and eco-
nomically equivalent communities" (p. 131).
Yet the test of their hypothesis is based on the
inference that Maya sites may be major or
minor. In addition, the authors make no dis-
tinction between sites such as Tikal and San
Jose. These apparentcontradictionsimply fun-
damental conceptual problems which may be
the prima facie evidence of methodological
weakness.
Nevertheless,the evidence presented derives
from the artifacts recovered from these sites
and fundamental analysis must be directed
toward these data. Aside from the minor
problems involved in Tourtellot and Sabloff's
use of confusingcategoriesof materials,such as
listing "igneousrock" along with such materials
as "basalt"and "volcanicrock," which are also
igneous, the information presented by no
means offers an accurate picture of what is
known about Maya artifacts. The authors'
research design refers to a few of the many
problems surroundingthe analysis of artifacts,
but they erroneously state that "much crucial
information of great significance from recent
excavations is currently unavailable"(p. 128).
In order to indicate the availability of
information from the site of Tikal, as 1 site
from which data is available,a few categoriesof
stone artifactswere selected for closer examina-
tion. Informationon these categorieswas then
sought from both published sources and the
Tikal Project Files. For example, upon ex-
amination of Tourtellot and Sabloff's data
(1972:129) one finds only 2 jade artifactslisted
from Tikal, no exotic flint, and numerousother
categories which are supposedlyunrepresented
at Tikal. Consultation with readily available
sources not referred to by Tourtellot and
Sabloff (Coe, SCI.147:1401-1419, 1965; Sat-
terthwaite and others, MUS. MONO.8, 1961)
provides at least some indication of the arti-
 COMMENT
factual abundanceat Tikal and the presenceof
considerableexamples of jade, exotic flint, and
other materials. This information, while not
directly useful in allowing a tabulation of
artifacts, certainly demonstrates the inac-
curacies of Tourtellot and Sabloff's artifact
counts.
Given this information, one might question
why the authors did not seek information on
artifactsfrom other than the limited published
sources which were selected. Furthermore,the
Tikal Project of the University Museummain-
tains an elaborate system of records on all
artifactsfrom Tikal, and has alwaysmade these
files availableto interestedscholars.To demon-
strate that this information is indeed readily
accessible, Miss J. Balch was contacted and
asked to providespecific figuresconcerningthe
Tikal artifact categoriesas listed by Tourtellot
and Sabloff (1972:129). In each case, the
informationprovidednot only differsfrom that
published, but differs to such a significant
degree as to call into question the entire model
which Tourtellot and Sabloff constructed.As a
minor example, Tourtellot and Sabloff note a
total of only 3 alabasterartifacts from Tikal,
whereas 12, including 5 intact vessels and 2
carvedanimals,can be documented. The count
of quartzite artifacts for Tikal as indicated by
Tourtellot and Sabloff is 76, whereas the Tikal
files list 168 quartzite metates alone and over
188 quartzite manos, plus hundreds of other
artifacts of this same material. Not only are
such artifactscarefullyrecordedand cross-refer-
enced, but extensive compilationsof these data
by H. Moholy-Nagy Hug are also availablein
manuscriptform.
In brief, these data from Tikal arevery much
available and provide a remarkablydifferent
picture for technology and trade at Tikal than
is implied by the figures calculated by Tour-
tellot and Sabloff. These data also provide
evidence for the possibilityof full-timeoccupa-
tional specialization. However, the hypothesis
regardingFunctional and Useful exchanges is
not necessarilythreatened,but the test devised
by Tourtellot and Sabloff constructs an ap-
parently self-evident hypothesis, that Useful
artifacts tended to be traded intra-community
and at a short distance whereas Functional
artifacts were involved mostly in long-distance
exchange. The evidence from Tikal concering
quartzite manos and metates, as well as those
223
made of other stone types, may call into
question the belief that Useful artifacts were
traded primarilyover short distances.However,
this is not really the issue. The important
questions regardingsuch artifactsare how they
were used by the people, and how they reflect
on trade, economics, and the everyday life of
the ancient Maya. Tourtellot and Sabloff have
avoided some of these issues by skippingfrom
artifact counts (1972:129) to exchangesystems
and settlement patterns (p. 131). There does
not appear to be a logical relationshipdemon-
strated, even assumingthat the basic informa-
tion were correct.
At this point in Maya research,much more
concern must be directed toward the problems
of understanding and interpreting the basic
evidence. The solutions to the numerousprob-
lems concerning the ancient Mayawill require
not only the development and application of
complex models such as Tourtellotand Sabloff
offer, but the construction of solid bodies of
data upon which these models may be placed.
COMMENT ON PICKERSGILL'S
"CULTIVATED PLANTS AS EVIDENCE
FOR CULTURAL CONTACTS"
STEPHENC. JETT
ABSTRACT
Pickersgill has proposed situations in which cul-
tivated plants cannot be used as evidence for contacts
between areas, and are evidence against contacts.
Alternative hypotheses involving contacts are pre-
sented. Pickersgill's examples of "independent"
domestications are also questioned.
Department of Geography
University of California, Davis
February, 1972
Pickersgill(AMER. ANT. 37:97-104, 1972)
has offered helpful cautions regardingplant
evidence bearing on early cultural contacts.
However,in certain instances one may propose
alternativeinterpretations.
DIFFERENTSPECIESOF THE SAMEGENUS
Pickersgill (1972:98) contended that "In
some genera several species have been domes-
ticated independently in different areas from