GM 246 (2015) 75

Throne Names Patterns as a Clue for the Internal Chronology of the 13th to 17th Dynasties
(Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period)

Julien SIESSE

The main chronological reconstitutions of the 13th to 17th Dynasties1 are primarily
based on much later king lists, mainly the Royal Canon of Turin2. In order to date a king of
that time, most scholars have favoured these later sources, although the information they
record often finds itself in contradiction with the contemporary documentation. However,
taking a closer look at these primary sources helps us find new dating criteria. The missing
entries and the apparent lack of separation between the 13th and 14th Dynasties in the Royal
Canon of Turin (somewhere in the column 8 of K. Ryholt’s reconstitution = column VII of A.
Gardiner’s)3 make it difficult for any historian to allocate a king to one dynasty or the other.
Where does the 13th Dynasty end and where do the following 16th and 17th dynasties begin?
When the study of the royal annals have reached their limits, paying closer attention to the
sources contemporary with the reigns usually assigned to the final phase of the 13th Dynasty
or the following Egyptian Dynasties (16th and 17th) helps us find some answers to that
question.

Rarely considered for this period4 and deemed too simplistic and hazardous by some
scholars5, the study of royal protocols, and particularly that of the main structure of throne

1
The 13th Dynasty is considered by the author as part of the Middle Kingdom while the 14th to 17th Dynasties
belong to the Second Intermediate Period.
2
FARINA G., Il papiro dei re restaurato, Rome, 1938; GARDINER A. H., The Royal Canon of Turin, Oxford,
p. 195; HELCK W., “Anmerkungen zum Turiner Königspapyrus”, SAK 19, 1992, p. 151-216; RYHOLT K. S.
B., The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period, Copenhague, 1997, p. 9-33; id., “The
Turin King-List”, ÄL 14, 2004, p. 135-155; id., “The Turin King-List or So-called Turin Canon (TC) as a Source
for Chronology » in Ancient Egyptian Chronology, Leyde, 2006, p. 26-32; ALLEN J. P., “The Second
Intermediate period in the Turin King-List” in The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth - Seventeenth
Dynasties). Current Research, Future Prospects, OLA 192, Leuven, 2010, p. 1-10.
3
The restitution of fragment 134 at the end of col. 8/VII by J. P. Allen (cf. ALLEN J. P., BEN-TOR D., ALLEN
S. J., ALLEN J. P., « Seals and Kings », BASOR 315, 1999, p. 49-50) remains highly hypothetical as long as K.
Ryholt’s reconstitution of the papyrus is not published. Thus, it is not so clear that the 13th Dynasty ended in line
27 of column 8/VII.
4
Yet similar studies on other dynasties have shown promising results. See for example: POSTEL L., Protocoles
des souverains égyptiens et dogme monarchique au début du Moyen Empire. Des premiers Antef au début du
règne d’Amenemhat Ier, Turnhout, 2004; or LEPROHON R. J., “The Programmic Use of Royal Titulary in the
Twelfth Dynasty”, JARCE 33, 1996, p. 165-171 ; and id., “The Royal Titulary in the 18th Dynasty. Change and
Continuity”, JEH 3.1, 2010, p. 7-45.
5
Von BECKERATH J., Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der Zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ägypten,
Glückstadt, 1964, p. 5; FRANKE D., ““When the sun goes down…” Early solar hymns on a pyramidion stela
GM 246 (2015) 76

names (prenomen), is one of those means. Indeed, this new approach on naming patterns,
when combined with other dating methods, may help us to untangle some of the many threads
of the chronology of the Late Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period6. Since
the aim of this article was to demonstrate that naming patterns may actually be helpful in
allocating a king to a dynasty or to a phase inside a dynasty, we won’t delve into the
ideological background and the meaning of the throne names discussed in the following lines.
They would require a study of their own.

The 13th Dynasty

Starting with the 13th Dynasty, we cannot help but notice a certain consistency in the
choice of throne names.

In the first half of the dynasty (cf. fig. 1)7, the “x-ka-re” and “x-ib-re” types are
particularly favoured (ten out of fourteen kings). Both types are very old and can be traced
back to the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period, respectively (cf. fig. 2). They
enjoyed a new surge in popularity during the Early Middle Kingdom (late 11th Dynasty and
very beginning of the 12th Dynasty) and are rarely attested after the first half of the 13th
Dynasty, the only exceptions being Ibia Auibre (late 13th Dynasty), Senwosret IV Seneferibre
(late 13th Dynasty or 16th-17th Dynasties), Senebkay Woseribre (16th or 17th Dynasty) and
Sheshi Maaibre (14th or 15th Dynasty) for the “x-ib-re” type. As for the “x-ka-re” type, it
enjoyed a short revival in the early 18th Dynasty (under Amenhotep I Djeserkare and
Hatshepsut Maatkare) after falling into disuse following the first half of the 13th Dynasty.
Both types will become popular again during the 25th and 26th Dynasties8, at a time of
renewed interest for Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom art, royal ideology etc.

from the reign of Sekhemra-Shedtawy Sobekemsaf” in The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth -
Seventeenth Dynasties). Current Research, Future Prospects, OLA 192, Leuven, 2012, p. 297, note 129.
6
This study was first touched upon in the author’s recently-completed thesis on the 13th Dynasty (SIESSE J., La
XIIIe dynastie : aspects politiques, économiques et sociaux, PhD thesis, Paris-Sorbonne University, 2014, p. 113-
118, 134-138) and is an updated and enhanced version of a paper presented at the Society for the Study of
Egyptian Antiquities (SSEA) 40th Annual Symposium of Ancient Egypt held at the University of Toronto on
Saturday, November 15th, 2014.
7
As defined in the author’s PhD thesis mentioned above, the first half of the 13th Dynasty ends with the reign of
Intef IV Sehotepkare and the second half begins with that of Sobekhotep Sekhemre-Sewadjtawy.
8
For the 26th Dynasty, see: El-ENANY K., “Quelques aspects d'archaïsme dans les titulatures des rois de la
XXVIe dynastie” in Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Grenoble, 6 - 12
septembre 2004 1, Leuven, 2007, p. 535-544
GM 246 (2015) 77

This observation is still accurate if one considers additional throne names only
mentioned by the Royal Canon of Turin, like Nedjemibre, Sewadjkare or [...]ibre (Seth),
which weren’t included in this study because their actual existence remains to be confirmed
by documents contemporary with the 13th Dynasty.

Date (Dynasty/Order)
Throne Name
Birth Name (Nomen) J. von
(Prenomen) J. Siesse9 K. Ryholt10
Beckerath11
Sekhemre-Khutawy Amenemhat-Sobekhotep 13/1 13/1+16 13/16
Sekhemkare Amenemhat-Senbef 13/2 13/2+4 13/2+4
Nerkare ? 13/3 13/3 13/K
Hotepibre Hornedjheritef 13/4 13/6 13/9
Seankhibre Ameny-Antef-Amenemhat 13/5 13/8 13/7
Semenkare Nebnun 13/6 13/9 13/8
Sewadjenre Sehotepibre 13/7 13/10 13/5
Nebmaatre ? 13/8? 17/A 16/F
Auibre Hor 13/9 13/15 13/14
Sedjefakare Kay-Amenemhat 13/10 13/20 13/15
Khutawyre Ugaf 13/11 13/21 13/1
Userkare Khendjer 13/12 13/22 13/17
Semenkhkare Mermesha 13/13 13/23 13/18
Sehotepkare Antef IV 13/14 13/24 13/19
Sekhemre-Sewadjtawy Sobekhotep 13/15 13/26 13/21
Khasekhemre Neferhotep I 13/16 13/27 13/22
Khawadjre ? Sahathor 13/17 13/28 13/23
Khaneferre Sobekhotep 13/18 13/29 13/24
Khaankhre Sobekhotep 13/19 13/13 13/12
Khahotepre Sobekhotep 13/20 13/31 13/25
Wahibre Ibia 13/21 13/32 13/26
Merneferre Aya 13/22 13/33 13/27
Merhotepre Sobekhotep / Ini 13/23 13/30+34 13/28
Mersekhemre Neferhotep II / Ined 13/24 13/36+B 13/30
Merkaure Sobekhotep 13/25 13/38 13/32
Merankhre Mentuhotep V 13/26? 16/D 13/J
Mershepesre Ini 13/27? 13/A 13/45
Merkheperre ? 13/28? 13/47 13/46
Merdjefare ? 13/A 14/10 14/6
Seneferibre Senwosret IV 13/B 16/E 13/G
Djedhotepre Dedumes I 13/C 16/A 13/38

Figure 1

9
Cf. SIESSE J., op. cit., passim.
10
Cf. RYHOLT K., The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period, Copenhague, 1997,
passim.
11
Cf. Von BECKERATH J., Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der Zweiten Zwischenzeit in Ägypten,
Glückstadt, 1964, passim. Note that his early 17th Dynasty corresponds to K. Ryholt and the author’s 16th
Dynasty.
GM 246 (2015) 78

The “causative verb-ka/jb-re” sub-types are a clear reference to the early Middle
Kingdom kings Mentuhotep III Seankhkare and Amenemhat I Sehetepibre while the throne
names Sekhemkare, Nerkare and Woserkare are doubtless a throwback to the great king
Senwosret I Kheperkare of the 12th Dynasty, who himself probably referenced Pepi II
Neferkare of the 6th Dynasty.

Era Dynasty King x-kA-ra x-jb-ra

Kakay nfr-jr-kA-ra
V Isi Sps-s-kA-ra
Old Kingdom
Isesi Dd-kA-ra
VI Pepi II nfr-kA-ra
Neby nfr-kA-ra
VII-VIII Ibi oA-kA-ra
? wAD-kA-ra
First Intermediate Period
? nfr-kA-ra
IX-X ? mry-kA-ra
Khety mry-jb-ra
Mentuhotep III sHtp-kA-ra
Late XI
Mentuhotep sanx-jb-ra
Early Middle Kingdom
Amenemhat I sHtp-jb-ra
Early XII
Senwosret I xpr-kA-ra
Late XII Neferusobek sbk-kA-ra
Amenemhat-Senbef sxm-kA-ra
? nr-kA-ra
Ameny-Intef-Amenemhat sanx-jb-ra
Hornedjheritef Htp-jb-ra
Nebnun smn-kA-ra
Late Middle Kingdom Hor Aw-jb-ra
XIII
Kay-Amenemhat sDfA-kA-ra
Khendjer wsr-kA-ra
Mermesha smnx-kA-ra
Intef IV sHtp-kA-ra
Ibia wAH-jb-ra
Senwosret IV snfr-jb-ra
XIV-XV Sheshi mAa-jb-ra
Second Intermediate Period
XVI-XVII Senebkay wsr-jb-ra
Amenhotep I Dsr-kA-ra
New Kingdom XVIII
Hatshepsut mAat-kA-ra

Figure 2
GM 246 (2015) 79

At the beginning of the second half of the 13th Dynasty, four kings12 adopted a throne
name based on the “kha-x-re” type, initiated by Senwosret II Khakheperre and Senwosret III
Khakaoure in the mid-12th Dynasty (cf. fig. 3). We would add Sahathor to that list, if he did
rule13: his prenomen, supposedly14 preserved on two small objects attributed to him (cylinder
London UC 11571 and bead New York Brooklyn 44.123.163)15, could alternatively be read
Khawadjre, and not Menwadjre as previously believed. Indeed, the second sign in the
cartouche, usually interpreted as the biliteral sign mn (Gardiner Y5), might actually be a
stylised form of the biliteral sign xa (Gardiner N28): because of the very schematized aspects
this sign can sometimes adopt on the scarabs of Sahathor’s royal brothers, it could easily be
mixed up with the biliteral mn (cf. for example scarabs London BM EA 30508 and New York
MMA 22.1.316 of Sobekhotep Khaneferre)16. This could also be the case on those two small
amulets attributed to Sahathor.
Both Neferhotep I17 and his brother Sobekhotep18 tried to emulate their great
predecessor of the late 12th Dynasty, Senwosret III, and it is no surprise they chose to
reference his throne name in their own. Besides, it’s highly likely their tombs are to be found
in the royal necropolis of South-Abydos19. After the 13th Dynasty, this type is only attested
once during the Second Intermediate Period for an obscure 15th Dynasty king, Khawoserre,
solely attested by some twenty scarabs.

12
For the new date of Sobekhotep Khaankhre, see: SIESSE J., CONNOR S., « Nouvelle date pour le roi
Sobekhotep Khâânkhrê », RdE 66 (forthcoming).
13
On that matter: cf. SIESSE J., op. cit., p. 193-195.
14
Some doubts have been raised on the authenticity of the cylinder: cf. QUIRKE S., « In the Name of the King:
on Late Middle Kingdom Cylinders », dans Timelines, Studies in Honour of Manfried Bietak I, OLA 149,
Louvain, 2006, p. 268.
15
DEWACHTER M., « Le roi Sahathor et la famille de Neferhotep I », RdE 28, 1976, p. 70-72 ; id., « Le roi
Sahathor – Compléments », RdE 35, 1984, p. 196-197.
16
MARTIN G. T., Egyptian Administrative and private-name seals, Oxford, 1971, p. 75 (940), 77 (961), pl. 26
(19, 34).
17
See, for example, the many royal inscriptions in Sehel island which often reproduce or are located nearby
those of Senwosret III: cf. PM V, p. 250; LEPSIUS C. R., Denkmäler aus Aegypten un Aethiopien IV, Genève,
1875, p. 126 (151g); De MORGAN J., Catalogue des Monuments de l’Egypte Antique I, Vienne, 1894, p. 84
(11), 85 (15-16, 22), 87 (40); HABACHI L., “New Light on the Neferhotep I Family, as Revealed by Their
Inscriptions in the Cataract Area”, in SIMPSON W. K., DAVIES W. M. (ed.), Studies in Ancient Egypt, the
Aegan and the Sudan, Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham, Boston, 1981, p. 77-78 (fig. 2); VALBELLE D., Satis
et Anoukis, Mainz, 1981, p. 7, 96; DELIA R. D., “New Rock Inscriptions of Senwosret III, Neferhotep I,
Penpata, and Others at the First Cataract”, BES 11, 1991-92, p. 7, 17, pl. I; GASSE A., RONDOT V., Les
inscriptions de Séhel, MIFAO 126, Le Caire, 2007, p. 88-91, 455, 458-459 (SEH 156-161).
18
The king restored a statue of Mentuhotep II dedicated by Senwosret II & Senwosret III (Cairo JE 38579): PM
II (2), p. 17 ; LEGRAIN G., “Une statue de Montouhotpou Nibhepetri”, ASAE 7, Le Caire, 1906, p. 33-34.
19
An opinion shared by D. McCormack: cf. WEGNER J., CAHAIL K. M., “Ancient Reuse. The Discovery of a
Royal Sarcophagus Chamber”, Expedition 56, 2014, p. 21. Precisely, a fragmentary stela of a king named
Sobekhotep was found near mastaba S10 and Senebkay reused for his own canopic box the planking of the
sarcophagus of a king Sobekhotep, moved from mastaba S10: cf. WEGNER J., “An Update from the 2013-2014
Field Season. Discovering Pharaohs Sobekhotep & Senebkay”, Expedition 56, 2014, p. 39-41. Thus, mastaba
S10 might well be the tomb of Sobekhotep Khaneferre.
GM 246 (2015) 80

Date (Dynasty/Order)
Throne Name
Birth Name (Nomen) J. von
(Prenomen) J. Siesse K. Ryholt
Beckerath
Sekhemre-Khutawy Amenemhat-Sobekhotep 13/1 13/1+16 13/16
Sekhemkare Amenemhat-Senbef 13/2 13/2+4 13/2+4
Nerkare ? 13/3 13/3 13/K
Hotepibre Hornedjheritef 13/4 13/6 13/9
Seankhibre Ameny-Antef-Amenemhat 13/5 13/8 13/7
Semenkare Nebnun 13/6 13/9 13/8
Sewadjenre Sehotepibre 13/7 13/10 13/5
Nebmaatre ? 13/8? 17/A 16/F
Auibre Hor 13/9 13/15 13/14
Sedjefakare Kay-Amenemhat 13/10 13/20 13/15
Khutawyre Ugaf 13/11 13/21 13/1
Userkare Khendjer 13/12 13/22 13/17
Semenkhkare Mermesha 13/13 13/23 13/18
Sehotepkare Antef IV 13/14 13/24 13/19
Sekhemre-Sewadjtawy Sobekhotep 13/15 13/26 13/21
Khasekhemre Neferhotep I 13/16 13/27 13/22
Khawadjre ? Sahathor 13/17 13/28 13/23
Khaneferre Sobekhotep 13/18 13/29 13/24
Khaankhre Sobekhotep 13/19 13/13 13/12
Khahotepre Sobekhotep 13/20 13/31 13/25
Wahibre Ibia 13/21 13/32 13/26
Merneferre Aya 13/22 13/33 13/27
Merhotepre Sobekhotep / Ini 13/23 13/30+34 13/28
Mersekhemre Neferhotep II / Ined 13/24 13/36+B 13/30
Merkaure Sobekhotep 13/25 13/38 13/32
Merankhre Mentuhotep V 13/26? 16/D 13/J
Mershepesre Ini 13/27? 13/A 13/45
Merkheperre ? 13/28? 13/47 13/46
Merdjefare ? 13/A 14/10 14/6
Seneferibre Senwosret IV 13/B 16/E 13/G
Djedhotepre Dedumes I 13/C 16/A 13/38

Figure 3

Finally, at least five kings traditionally assigned to the final phase of the 13th Dynasty
(Aya Merneferre, Sobekhotep / Ini Merhotepere, Neferhotep II Mersekhemre, Sobekhotep
Merkawure and Merkheperre) share a throne name based on the same pattern, “Mer-x-re” (cf.
fig. 4). Their chronological proximity is confirmed by both contemporary sources and later
king lists.
GM 246 (2015) 81

Date (Dynasty/Order)
Throne Name
Birth Name (Nomen) J. von
(Prenomen) J. Siesse K. Ryholt
Beckerath
Sekhemre-Khutawy Amenemhat-Sobekhotep 13/1 13/1+16 13/16
Sekhemkare Amenemhat-Senbef 13/2 13/2+4 13/2+4
Nerkare ? 13/3 13/3 13/K
Hotepibre Hornedjheritef 13/4 13/6 13/9
Seankhibre Ameny-Antef-Amenemhat 13/5 13/8 13/7
Semenkare Nebnun 13/6 13/9 13/8
Sewadjenre Sehotepibre 13/7 13/10 13/5
Nebmaatre ? 13/8? 17/A 16/F
Auibre Hor 13/9 13/15 13/14
Sedjefakare Kay-Amenemhat 13/10 13/20 13/15
Khutawyre Ugaf 13/11 13/21 13/1
Userkare Khendjer 13/12 13/22 13/17
Semenkhkare Mermesha 13/13 13/23 13/18
Sehotepkare Antef IV 13/14 13/24 13/19
Sekhemre-Sewadjtawy Sobekhotep 13/15 13/26 13/21
Khasekhemre Neferhotep I 13/16 13/27 13/22
Khawadjre ? Sahathor 13/17 13/28 13/23
Khaneferre Sobekhotep 13/18 13/29 13/24
Khaankhre Sobekhotep 13/19 13/13 13/12
Khahotepre Sobekhotep 13/20 13/31 13/25
Wahibre Ibia 13/21 13/32 13/26
Merneferre Aya 13/22 13/33 13/27
Merhotepre Sobekhotep / Ini 13/23 13/30+34 13/28
Mersekhemre Neferhotep II / Ined 13/24 13/36+B 13/30
Merkaure Sobekhotep 13/25 13/38 13/32
Merankhre Mentuhotep V 13/26? 16/D 13/J
Mershepesre Ini 13/27? 13/A 13/45
Merkheperre ? 13/28? 13/47 13/46
Merdjefare ? 13/A 14/10 14/6
Seneferibre Senwosret IV 13/B 16/E 13/G
Djedhotepre Dedumes I 13/C 16/A 13/38

Figure 4

We would add to that list at least two more kings, Mentuhotep V Merankhre and Ini
Mershepesre, who share the same throne name type and are only known from statues of
Theban origin (Mentuhotep V Merankhre20: Cairo CG 42021 from the Karnak Cachette21 and

20
A third statue in a private collection should be attributed to him on stylistic ground and might also come from
Karnak: cf. PM VIII, p. 24; SOTHEBY’S, Ancient Jewllery, Dark ages, Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan and Roman
Antiquities, South Italian Greek Pottery Vases, Ancient Glass, Middle Eastern Antiquities and Art Reference
Books also Roman Mosaics, 1989, December 11th, London, 1989, p. 34-35 (lot 62); FAY B., “L’art égyptien du
Moyen Empire. Seconde partie”, Egypte, Afrique & Orient 31, 2003, p. 27-28, (fig. 21-22).
21
PM II (2), p. 137; LEGRAIN G., Statues et statuettes de rois et de particuliers I, CGC 42001-42138, Le Caire,
1906, p. 12-13, pl. XII.
GM 246 (2015) 82

London BM EA 65429 also from Karnak22; Ini Mershepesre: Benevent 268 moved to
Southern Italy from Karnak in Antiquity23), as it is often the case for the final kings of the 13th
Dynasty. Indeed, Sobekhotep Merhotepre is mostly known by his two24 statues from the
Karnak Cachette (Cairo JE 3925825 and Caire CG 4202726), while Neferhotep II is only
attested by two27 other statues found in the Cachette (Cairo CG 42023 and CG 42024)28 and
Sobekhotep Merkaure by two29 more also from Karnak (Cairo JE 4359930 and Louvre A
12131).
The statues of these three kings, who happen to be the last ones securely datable to the
th
13 Dynasty according to both contemporary sources and the Royal Canon of Turin (column
8 of K. Ryholt = VII of A. Gardiner, lines 4, 6 and 8), are very similar in style, and frequently
in size and material (mostly granodiorite) with those of Mentuhotep V Merankhre and Ini
Mershepesre. Notably, the striding statuette of Mentuhotep V (London BM EA 65429), is
stylistically closer to that of late 13th Dynasty king Sobekhotep Merhotepre (Cairo JE 39258)

22
PM VIII, p. 16-17; BOURRIAU J., Pharaoh and Mortals, Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom, Cambidge,
1988, p. 54, 67-68 (53); Gott – Mensch – Pharao, Viertausend Jahre Menschenbild in der Skulptur des Alten
Ägypten, Vienne, 1992, p. 174-175; RUSSMANN E. R., Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the
British Museum, London, 2001, p. 112-113 (39).
23
MÜLLER H. W., Der Isiskult im antiken Benevent und Katalog der Sklpturen ause den ägyptischen
Heiligtümern im Museo del Sannio zu Benevento, MÄS 16, 1969, p. 67, pl. XXII (3); MALAISE M., Inventaire
préliminaire des documents égyptiens découverts en Italie, Leyde, 1972, p. 304 (53).
24
Also from the Cachette, Cairo CG 42028 of a king Sobekhotep Mer[...]re represent either Sobekhotep
Merhotepre or Sobekhotep Merkaure: cf. PM II (2), p. 137; LEGRAIN G., op. cit., p. 17.
25
PM II (2), p. 137; AZIM M., REVEILLAC G., Karnak dans l’objectif de Georges Legrain I, Paris, 2004, p.
283, notes 61-62; JAMBON E., “Les fouilles de Georges Legrain dans la Cachette de Karnak (1903-1907).
Nouvelles données sur la chronologie des découvertes et le destin des objets”, BIFAO 109, 2009, p. 266 note
129; 276 note 182.
26
PM II (2), p. 137; LEGRAIN G., op. cit., p. 16-17, pl. XVII; HORNEMANN B., Types of Ancient egyptian
statuary III, Munksgaard, 1957, pl. 769.
27
An unprovenanced and unpublished statuette in Los Angeles (County Museum of Art M.71.73.51) is inscribed
on the back pillar with the name Mersekhemre. It could be a third monument of the king. As for the peculiar
style of the figure, at odds with every single royal statue of the Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate
Period, it might indicate that it has been recently reworked or that we are dealing with a fake piece.
28
PM II (2), p. 137; LEGRAIN G., “Notes prises à Karnak, Trois rois inconnus”, RT 26, Paris, 1904, p. 220-221
(2); id., Statues et statuettes de rois et de particuliers I, CGC 42001-42138, Le Caire, 1906, p. 14-15, pl. XIV;
HORNEMANN B., Types of Ancient egyptian statuary III, Munksgaard, 1957, pl. 664.
29
A statue of a king Sobekhotep, perhaps from Heliopolis (Berlin ÄM 34395 + Budapest MFA 51.2049), could
represent Merkaure: cf. PM VIII, p. 17, 20; CONNOR S., “The Smiling Pharaoh of Budapest”, Bulletin du
Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 110-111, 2009, p. 41-64.
30
PM II (2), p. 281; HORNEMANN B., Types of Ancient egyptian statuary V, Munksgaard, 1966, pl. 1423.
31
PM II (2), p. 109; MARIETTE A., Karnak, Leipzig, 1875, pl. VIII (l); DELANGE E., Catalogue des statues
égyptiennes du Moyen Empire, Musée du Louvre, Paris, 1987, p. 22-23 ; id., “Précisions d’archives…”, RdE 56,
2005, p. 196-197 (fig. 1).
GM 246 (2015) 83

than that of Sobekemsaf I Sekhemre-Wadjkhaw (Cairo CG 42020)32, a late 16th or early 17th
Dynasty ruler33.

As for king Merdjefare, whose current position in the 14th Dynasty was challenged in
my thesis, he might well be another late 13th Dynasty king34. Indeed, his traditional date is
solely based on his identification with a king of the same name recorded in line 5 of column
9/VIII of the Royal Canon of Turin. However, we could be dealing with two different kings.
Some scholars have found support to allocate Merdjefare to a Hyksos Dynasty in his
only known monument, a stela in the Bernard Krief collection35. According to them, the
depiction of Sopdu-Horus on the monument implies it must come from Saft el-Hinna (Per-
Sopdu) in the Eastern Delta, where the Hyksos kingdom was located. However, no record
from the Middle Kingdom or Second Intermediate Period has been found on this site.
Furthermore, Sopdu is worshipped in many other places in Egypt at that time, particularly on
mining sites of the Eastern Desert, the Red Sea coast and the Sinai, and nothing allows us to
favour a Saft el-Hinna origin to these sites. Thus, the sole presence of Sopdu on the stela of
Merdjefare cannot be taken as a clue for its provenance and the date of this king.
Stylistically, his stela cannot be distinguished from an Egyptian product of the 13th,
16th and 17th Dynasties. Actually, its layout and the scene depicted on it are very close to
those of an Abydos stela (Philadelphia E 16021)36 from the reign of Intef VII Nubkheperre
(17th Dynasty): on both stelae, the wing sun-disk is carved in a similar way, both kings are
shown in front of a deity in identical costume and followed by a high official (the treasurer
Renseneb on Merdjefare’s stela and the overseer of sealers Iahnefer on Intef’s). During the
Second Intermediate Period, and as shown on the stela of Iahnefer, it is not uncommon for
private individuals to be pictured at the same scale as the king in two dimensions
representations37, while it is very rare before that time. Therefore, the much-reduced size of

32
PM II (2), 137; LEGRAIN G., op. cit., p. 18.
33
For the date of Sobekemsaf I Sekhemre-Wadjkhaw: cf. MAREE M., “A sculpture workshop at Abydos from
the late Sixteenth or early Seventeenth Dynasty” in The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth - Seventeenth
Dynasties). Current Research, Future Prospects, OLA 192, Leuven, 2010, p. 241-281.
34
SIESSE J., op. cit., p. 116-118.
35
YOYOTTE J., “Le roi Mer-djefa-rê et le dieu Sopdou – Un monument de la XIVème dynastie”, BSFE 114,
1989, p. 17-63.
36
PM V, p. 44; PETRIE W. M. F., GRIFFITH F. L., Abydos II, EEF 24, London 1903, p. 35, pl. XXXII (3);
POLZ D., Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches, Zur Vorgeschichte einer Zeitenwende, SDAIK 31, Berlin, 2007, p. 344
(Kat. 51), pl. 11.
37
See also the titular king son (sA nswt) Nakht next to the same king on another abydene stela (Chicago OIM
64): cf. PM V, p. 45; PETRIE W. M. F., Abydos I, EEF 22, London, 1902, p. 28, 41-42, pl. LV (8), LVII;
POLZ D., op. cit., p. 344 (Kat. 50), 345 (fig. 104); the overseer of sealers (jmy-r xtmtjw) Nebsumenu with king
Seankhiptah Seheqaenre on a stela of unknown provenance (Madrid, Varez Fisa collection Inv. 1999/99/4): cf.
GM 246 (2015) 84

Renseneb’s figure compared to that of his king could point out to an early date, probably in
the late 13th Dynasty.

Nevertheless, it is our opinion that the “Mer-x-re” model of throne name enables us to
distinguish a king from the late 13th Dynasty from the subsequent Theban Dynasties. Indeed,
it appears that the majority of 16th and 17th Dynasties kings chose different types as we shall
discuss shortly. As for the posterity of the “Mer-x-re” throne name type, like its “Kha-x-re”
predecessor, it is only attested once after the 13th Dynasty, in the prenomen of an early 15th
Dynasty king, Yaqubhar Merwoserre, only known by his scarabs. It is also worth noting that
the kings who share this “Mer-x-re” name pattern often chose to reference their immediate
predecessors of the early second half of the 13th Dynasty (the “Kha-x-re” kings), as
demonstrated by the only changing element in their throne names which is often selected from
the same small pool of ideological concepts38 (cf. fig. 5). This consistency seems to further
confirm the chronological sequence and proximity of the kings who adopted the “Kha-x-re”
and “Mer-x-re” patterns. From a naming point of view, the kings of the second half of the 13th
dynasty form a coherent group, undoubtedly distinct from their Theban successors of the 16th
and 17th dynasties.

Figure 5

PM VIII (3), p. 299; JARAMAGO M. La colección Varez Fisa en el Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Catalogo
Exposición, Madrid, 2003, p. 49-51; MEEKS D., “Une stèle de donation de la Deuxième Période intermédiaire”,
ENIM 2, 2009, p. 129-137; or the chamberain (jmy-xnt) Seankhptah, the scribe of the royal tablet(s) in the
(King’s) Presence (sS an nswt n xft-Hr) and lector-priest of the funerary workshop (Xry-Hb n Pr-Nfr) Besi with
king Rahotep on a stela from Abydos (London BM EA 833 + Laval 5460): cf. CLERE J. J., “La stèle de
Sânkhptah, chambellan du roi Râhotep”, JEA 68, 1982, p. 60-68; MAREE M., “A sculpture workshop at Abydos
from the late Sixteenth or early Seventeenth Dynasty” in The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth -
Seventeenth Dynasties) Current Research, Future Prospects, OLA 192, Leuven, 2010, p. 245, 262 (fig. 2), pl. 69.
38
DAUTZENBERG N., « Neferhotep III. und Sobekhotep VIII – Datierungsüberlegungen anhand der
Königstitulaturen in der 13. Dynastie », GM 140, 1994, p. 21-22 ; id., « Die Wahl des Königsnamens in der
Hyksoszeit: Das Entstehen einer eigenen Tradition, Bezüge zu den thebanischen Herrschern und
Schlussfolgerungen für die Chronologie », GM 159, 1997, p. 43.
GM 246 (2015) 85

The core of 16th and 17th Dynasties kings

Nowadays, even though most scholars agree on the identification of the last seven
kings of the Second Intermediate Period, the order of their succession is still debated.
However, the adjustments brought by Claude Vandersleyen39 to Kim Ryholt’s so-called
“short” 17th Dynasty40 and to its adaptation by Daniel Polz41, are convincing, notably the
order of the three Intef kings and that of the two Sobekemsaf kings (cf. fig. 6).

# Ryholt 1997 Polz 2007 Vandersleyen 2004 and 2010

Rahotep Sekhemre-Wahkhaw th
Late 13 dynasty
Sobekemsaf Sekhemre- Sobekemsaf Sekhemre- th
2 or 16 dynasty
Shedtawy Wadjkhaw
3 Intef-Aa Sekhemre-Wepmaat Sobekemsaf Sekhemre-Shedtawy
4 Intef Nubkheperre Intef-Aa Sekhemre-Wepmaat
5 Intef Sekhemre-Heruhermaat Intef Nubkheperre Intef Sekhemre-Heruhermaat
Sobekemsaf Sekhemre-
6 Intef Sekhemre-Heruhermaat Intef Nubkheperre
Wadjkhaw
7 Ahmose (I) Senakhtenre
8 Djehuty-Aa (Tao) Seqenenre
9 Kamose Wadjkheperre

Figure 6

It is also highly probable that two or three reigns might be added in between the royal
successions proposed by these scholars, in particular that of Senebkay Woseribre, whose tomb
has just been found in South-Abydos42, that of Dedumose Djedneferre and maybe that of
Mentuemsaf Djedankhre, as we shall see in a short while.

What about the early Second Intermediate Period and the twenty or so kings usually
allocated to the late 13th Dynasty, the 16th Dynasty or the early 17th Dynasty ? While rarely
taken into account, the study of the royal titulary, and particularly that of their throne names
(prenomen) is again especially helpful. It is again remarkable that twenty (or twenty-one if
Senaaib Menkhaure is included) of the Theban or Southern kings, out of the twenty-six
usually allocated to the late 13th, 16th or 17th Dynasties, share a throne name either based on

39
VANDERSLEYEN C., “Les trois rois Antef de la 17e dynastie”, DiscEg 59, 2004, p. 67-73; id., “Nouvelles
lumières sur la nécropole de la 17e dynastie à Dra Aboul Naga, sur la rive gauche de Thèbes”, CdE 85, 2010,
p. 108-125.
40
RYHOLT K. S. B., op. cit., p. 410.
41
POLZ D., Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches, Zur Vorgeschichte einer Zeitenwende, SDAIK 31, Berlin, 2007,
p. 7.
42
WEGNER J., op. cit., p. 39-41.
GM 246 (2015) 86

the “Causative verb-en-re” model or the “Sekhemre-x-x” one (cf. fig. 7), both elaborated
during the early 13th Dynasty, under the reigns of Sehetepibre Sewadjenre43 and Amenemhat-
Sobekhotep Sekhremre-Khutawy, respectively.

Date (Dynasty)
Throne Name (Prenomen) Birth Name (Nomen)
J. von Beckerath K. Ryholt J. Siesse
Sekhemre-Sementawy Djehuty Early 17th
Sekhemre-Sewosertawy Sobekhotep
Neferhotep III / Late 13th
Sekhemre-Seankhtawy
Iykherneferet
16th Early 16th
Seankhenre Mentuhotepi th
Early 17
Sewadjenre Nebiryraw
Semenenre ? Late 17th
Sewoserenre Bebiankh Late 17th
Sewahenre Senebmiw Late 13th ?
th
Sewedjaenre Mentuhotep VI Late 13 Late 13th Late 16th
Sekhaenre […]s Late 13th ? ?
Seheqaenre Seankhiptah N/A Late 13th
Menkhawre Senaaib Late 13th Abydos
Sekhemre-Wahkhaw Rahotep Early 17th 17th Late 16th
Sekhemre-Neferkhaw Wepwawtemsaf or Early
Late 13th Abydos
Sekhemre-Khutawy Paentjeny 17th
Sekhemre-Wadjkhaw Sobekemsaf I Early 17th 17th
Sekhemre-Shedtawy Sobekemsaf II
Sekhemre-Wepmaat Intef-Aa V Late 17th
Sekhemre-Heruhermaat Intef VI
Nubkheperre Intef VII Early 17th 17th 17th
Senakhtenre Ahmose I
Seqenenre Djehuty-Aa Late 17th
Wadjkheperre Kamose
Woseribre Senebkay N/A N/A
Djedneferre Dedumose II 17th ?
Late 13th 16th
Djedankhre Mentouemsaf

Figure 7

The first type, “Causative verb-en-re”, derives from the “Causative verb-ka-re” and
“Causative verb-ib-re” patterns (following the “overbidding” principle), especially popular in
the Early Middle Kingdom and in the first half of 13th Dynasty as previously mentioned, and
appears to replace them during the 16th and 17th Dynasties. This type was chosen by ten kings
up to the very end of the 17th Dynasty and disappears with it (cf. fig. 8). It wasn’t to be used
again before the late 19th Dynasty (Siptah).

43
For the association of the nomen Sehetepibre to the prenomen Sewadjenre and the identification of this king:
cf. MAREE M., “The 12th-17th Dynasties at Gebel el-Zeit: A closer look at the inscribed royal material”,
BiOr 66, 2009, p. 151-155.
GM 246 (2015) 87

Causative verb-en-re (s-x-n-ra) King

Seankhenre (sanx-n-ra) Mentuhotepi
Sewahenre (swAH-n-ra) Senebmiw
Sewadjenre (swAD-n-ra) Nebiryraw
Sewoserenre (swsr-n-ra) Bebiankh
Sewdjaenre (swDa-n-ra)44 Mentuhotep VI
Semenenre (smn-n-ra)45 ?
Senakhtenre (snxt-n-ra) Ahmose I
Seheqaenre (sHoA-n-ra) Seankhiptah
Sekhaenre (sxa-n-ra) […]s
Seqenenre (son-n-ra) Djehuty-Aa (Tao)

Figure 8

Notably, three Hyksos kings show a throne name based on the same type: these are
Sekheperenre, Khyan Sewoserenre and Yakbemu Sekhaenre. The latter two even share their
throne names with Theban kings Bebiankh and [...]s (name missing). We might wonder if this
implies a chronological proximity. Indeed, at the very end of the Second Intermediate Period,
one of Apophis’ throne names, Aaqenenre, and Djehuty-Aa (Taa)’s prenomen, Seqenenre,
seem to echo each other and are visually very similar46 (cf. fig. 16). We could be dealing with
political statements issued from and directed to each side.

After the reign of Amenemhat-Sobekhotep (early 13th Dynasty), the second main
throne name type, “Sekhemre-x-x”, was adopted by Sobekhotep Sekhemre-Sewadjtawy at the
beginning of the second half of the 13th Dynasty but isn’t specially favoured before the 16th
and 17th Dynasties and dies at the end of the later one. Four sub-types can be distinguished,
certainly in the following chronological order: “Sekhemre-Causative verb-tawy”, “Sekhemre-
verb-khaw”, “Sekhemre-verb-tawy” and “Sekhemre-verb-maat” (cf. fig. 9).

44
His prenomen should indeed be read as Sewdjaenre and not Sewdjare as previously believed: part of the n sign
is clearly visible at the bottom of the cartouche on the fragmentary block of this king from Deir el-Bahari: cf.
PM II (2), p. 385; NAVILLE E., The XIth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari II, London, 1907, p. 68, pl. XII (i).
45
We believe the correct reading of the prenomen of this king to be Semenenre and not Semenre, as it is often
transcribed according to the only known source of his reign, an axe blade from unknown provenance (London
UC 30079): cf. DAVIES W. V., “Two Inscribed Objects from the Petrie Museum”, JEA 67, 1981, p. 177-178.
46
On the likely confusion of the two horizontal signs aA (Gardiner 029) and s (Gardiner 034) in the
hieratic version of their names: cf. DAUTZENBERG N., « Die Wahl des Königsnamens in der Hyksoszeit: Das
Entstehen einer eigenen Tradition, Bezüge zu den thebanischen Herrschern und Schlussfolgerungen für die
Chronologie », GM 159, 1997, p. 45.
GM 246 (2015) 88

Sekhemre-x-x (sxm-ra-x-x) King

Sekhemre-Seankhtawy (sxm-ra-sanx-tAwy) Neferhotep III Iykherneferet
Sekhemre-Sewosertawy (sxm-ra-swsr-tAwy) Sobekhotep
Sekhemre-Sementawy (sxm-ra-smn-tAwy) Djehuty
Sekhemre-Wahkhaw (sxm-ra-wAH-xaw) Rahotep
Sekhemre-Wadjkhaw (sxm-ra-wAD-xaw) Sobekemsaf I
Sekhemre-Neferkhaw (sxm-ra-nfr-xaw) Wepwawtemsaf
+ <Sekhem>re-Menkhaw (<sxm>-ra-mn-xaw) ? Senaaib
Sekhemre-Khutawy (sxm-ra-xw-tAwy) Paentjeny
Sekhemre-Shedtawy (sxm-ra-Sd-tAwy) Sobekemsaf II
Sekhemre-Wepmaat (sxm-ra-wp-mAat) Intef-Aa V
Sekhemre-Heruhermaat (sxm-ra-hr-Hr-mAat) Intef VI

Figure 9

The last three sub-types offer the following chronological anchors, thanks to the study
of the contemporary sources (cf. fig. 15):
- “Sekhemre-verb-khaw” is chosen by a group of three kings recently dated around the end of
the 16th Dynasty or the early 17th Dynasty47. Senaaib Menkhaure’s throne name model could
be a variant of this subtype, with the “sekhem” element missing or implied. However, the
style of his stela from Abydos (Cairo CG 20517)48 cannot be linked to that of the products of
the workshop identified by M. Marée49.
- Meanwhile, “Sekhemre-verb-maat” emerges at the end of the Second Intermediate Period
(17th Dynasty) with Intef V and VI, whose sarcophagi (Louvre E 3019 and E 3020) were
reportedly discovered in the same tomb or cache at Dra Abu el-Naga50. This sub-type
represents the final development of the “Sekhemre-x-x” type.
- As for the “Sekhemre-verb-tawy subtype, it can be chronologically linked to the second
subtype through the reign of Paentjeny Sekhemre-Khutawy51 and at the same time to the last

47
MAREE M., “A sculpture workshop at Abydos from the late Sixteenth or early Seventeenth Dynasty” in The
Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth - Seventeenth Dynasties) Current Research, Future Prospects, OLA 192,
Leuven, 2010, p. 275-276.
48
PM V, p. 50; MARIETTE A., Abydos. Description des fouilles II, Paris, 1880, pl. 27; LANGE H. O.,
SHÄFER H., Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs in Museum von Kairo II, CGC 20400-20780, Berlin,
1902, p. 111-112.
49
The identical Horus names of Senaaib & Nebiryraw (Sewadjtawy) seem to indicate they belong to different
dynasties. If Nebiryraw is indeed a 16th Dynasty king as is commonly believed, Senaaib should belong either to
the late 13th Dynasty or the early 17th one.
50
PM I, p. 603 ; WINLOCK H. E., « The Tombs of the Kings of the Seventeenth Dynasty at Thebes », JEA 10,
1924, p. 234-237, 267-268, pl. XXI.
51
MAREE M., loc. cit.
GM 246 (2015) 89

subtype through Sobekemsaf II Sekhemre-Shedtawy, who is believed to be the father of the

Intef Kings52.
- Finally, the “Sekhemre-Causative verb-tawy” subtype, should predate the other three, if the
first entries of the Royal Canon of Turin (lines 1-3 of the column 11 of K. Ryholt’s
reconstitution) allocated to the 16th Dynasty are to be trusted and indeed record the reigns of
kings Djehuty Sekhemre-Sementawy, Neferhotep III Sekhemre-Seankhtawy and Sobekhotep
Sekhemre-Sewosertawy, as commonly believed. The dating at the very end of the 13th
Dynasty or at the very beginning of the 16th one of a sarcophagus (now lost) and a canopic
box (Berlin 1175) from Dra Abu el-Naga attributed to Mentuhotep, the spouse of King
Djehuty53, seems to confirm his chronological position in the early Second Intermediate
Period. Likewise, the outside decoration of her coffin has been linked to those of Senebeni
(Cairo CG 28029) and his wife Khonsu (Cairo CG 28028)54, who are contemporary with King
Senebmiw Sewahenre, whose date is also floating around the late 13th Dynasty and the 16th
Dynasty.

When you consider the contemporary sources (their nature, style or origin) of the
kings who adopted either one of these throne name types (“Causative verb-n-re” and
“Sekhemre-x-x”), the uniformity of this group, distinct from the 13th Dynasty, arises. We
must be dealing with the kings of the 16th and 17th Dynasties. In fact, these observations agree
with the consensus on the identification of the last seven kings of the Second Intermediate
Period (the “short” 17th Dynasty): five of them chose their throne names amongst the two
main types previously described (cf. fig. 7).

Taking this hypothesis even further, we might find a clue that links some “Sekhemre-
x-x” kings to some “Causative verb-en-re” ones in the choice of the only changing element of
their throne name inside each types or subtypes. The concordances highlighted amongst the
two main throne name types involve half of the kings who chose one or the other model (cf.
fig. 10). It remains to be determined whether these concordances reveal the chronological
proximity of all these kings (or of each pair of kings) or if those links are merely ideological

52
VANDERSLEYEN C., “Les trois rois Antef de la 17e dynastie”, DiscEg 59, 2004, p. 67-73; id., “Nouvelles
lumières sur la nécropole de la 17e dynastie à Dra Aboul Naga, sur la rive gauche de Thèbes”, CdE 85, 2010,
p. 108-125.
53
Id., “Rahotep, Sébekemsaf Ier et Djéhouty, rois de la 13e dynastie”, RdE 44, 1993, p. 189-191; GEISEN C.,
“Zur zeitlichen Einordnung des Königs Djehuti an das Ende der 13. Dynastie”, SAK 32, 2004, p. 149–157.
54
GRAJETZKI W., The coffin of Zemathor and other rectangular coffins of the late Middle Kingdom and
Second Intermediate Period, GHP Egyptology 15, London, 2010, p. 46-48.
GM 246 (2015) 90

(a king wishing to associate with a predecessor). According to our chronological

reconstitution, they all belong to the 16th Dynasty, or the time after the 13th Dynasty and
before the “short” 17th Dynasty.

Sekhemre-x-x (sxm-ra-x-x) Type Date (Dynasty)

King J. von
Se-x-en-re (s-x-n-ra) Type K. Ryholt J. Siesse
Beckerath
Sekhemre-Seankhtawy (sxm-ra-sanx-tAwy) Neferhotep III Late 13th
Seankhenre (sanx-n-ra) Mentuhotepi Early 17th
Sekhemre-Sewosertawy (sxm-ra-swsr-tAwy) Sobekhotep Late 13th
16th
Sewoserenre (swsr-n-ra) Bebiankh Late 17th
Sekhemre-Sementawy (sxm-ra-smn-tAwy) Djehuty Early 17th
16th
Semenenre (smn-n-ra) ? Late 17th
Sekhemre-Wahkhaw (sxm-ra-wAH-xaw) Rahotep Early 17th 17th
Sewahenre (swAH-n-ra) Senebmiw Late 13th Late 13th ?
Sekhemre-Wadjkhaw (sxm-ra-wAD-xaw) Sobekemsaf I Early 17th 17th
Sewadjenre (swAD-n-ra) Nebiryraw 16th
Figure 10

Moreover, it appears that the second element of the 16th and 17th Dynasties
“Sekhemre-x-x” throne names reuse earlier Nebty names, mainly that of 13th Dynasty kings
(cf. fig. 11). This is one of the reasons why we would date Senwosret IV and Dedumose I at
the end of the 13th Dynasty or at least before the kings who reused their Nebty names in their
throne names55: Nebty Seanktawy Senwosret IV before Neferhotep III Sekhemre-Seankhtawy
and Nebty Shedtawy Dedumose I before Sobekemsaf II Sekhemre-Shedtawy.

Figure 11

55
For a late 13th date of those kings: cf. SIESSE J., La XIIIe dynastie : aspects politiques, économiques et
sociaux, PhD thesis, Paris-Sorbonne University, 2014, p. 118-126.
GM 246 (2015) 91

Other 16th and 17th Dynasty Kings

Let’s move on now to the remaining kings who didn’t adopt a throne name based on
either one of these two models. Two other types can be distinguished (cf. fig. 12).

Date (Dynasty)
Throne Name (Prenomen) Birth Name (Nomen)
J. von Beckerath K. Ryholt J. Siesse
Sekhemre-Sementawy Djehuty Early 17th
Sekhemre-Sewosertawy Sobekhotep
Neferhotep III / Late 13th
Sekhemre-Seankhtawy
Iykherneferet
16th 16th
Seankhenre Mentuhotepi th
Early 17
Sewadjenre Nebiryraw
Semenenre ? Late 17th
Sewoserenre Bebiankh Late 17th
Sewahenre Senebmiw Late 13th ?
Sewedjaenre Mentuhotep VI Late 13th Late 16th
Late 13th
Sekhaenre […]s Late 13th ? ?
Seheqaenre Seankhiptah N/A Late 13th
Menkhawre Senaaib Late 13th Abydos
Sekhemre-Wahkhaw Rahotep Early 17th 17th Late 16th
Sekhemre-Neferkhaw Wepwawtemsaf or Early
Late 13th Abydos
Sekhemre-Khutawy Paentjeny 17th
Sekhemre-Wadjkhaw Sobekemsaf I Early 17th 17th
Sekhemre-Shedtawy Sobekemsaf II
Sekhemre-Wepmaat Intef-Aa V Late 17th
Sekhemre-Heruhermaat Intef VI
Nubkheperre Intef VII Early 17th 17th 17th
Senakhtenre Ahmose I
Seqenenre Djehuty-Aa Late 17th
Wadjkheperre Kamose
Woseribre Senebkay N/A N/A
Djedneferre Dedumose II 17th ?
Late 13th 16th
Djedankhre Mentouemsaf

Figure 12

The first type, “x-kheper-re” is the only one that can be dated precisely. Indeed, it was
chosen by Intef VII Nubkheperre and Kamose Wadjkheperre, who both belong incontestably
to (the end of) the 17th Dynasty. Before their time, Senwosret II Khakheperre first used it in
the mid-12th Dynasty. It was to enjoy a renewed surge in popularity during the 18th Dynasty
(cf. fig. 13) with different sub-types or variants (like “Aa-kheper-x-re” and “x-kheperw-re”
GM 246 (2015) 92

after Thutmose III)56. We have here another example that illustrates perfectly how a throne
name pattern was preferred at a specific time.

Dynasty King x-xpr-ra aA-xpr-x-ra x-xprw-ra

XII Senwosret II xa-xpr-ra
XIII ? mr-xpr-ra
Antef VII nwb-xpr-ra
XVII
Kamosis wAD-xpr-ra
Thutmose I aA-xpr-kA-ra
Thutmose II aA-xpr-n-ra
Thutmose III mn-xpr-ra
Amenhotep II aA-xprw-ra
Thutmose IV mn-xprw-ra
XVIII Amenhotep IV / Akhenaton nfr-xprw-ra
Semenkhkare anx-xprw-ra
Neferneferuaton anxt-xprw-ra
Tutankhamon nb-xprw-ra
Ay xpr-xprw-ra
Horemheb Dsr-xprw-ra

Figure 13

Finally, three kings, Dedumose Djedhotepre, Dedumose Djedneferre and Mentuemsaf

Djedankhre, based their throne names on the “Djed-x-re” pattern. It certainly succeeds to the
“Kha-x-re” type, in use during the early second half of the 13th Dynasty, then the “Mer-x-re”
type, especially popular in the final part of 13th Dynasty, as shown in the preceding lines, and
precedes the “Aa-x-re” type, chosen by many Hyksos rulers (14th-15th Dynasties: Aahotepre,
Aawosere, Aaqenenre and Aasehre) and early 18th Dynasty kings (Aakheperkare,
Aakheperenre and Aakheperure).

As for the precise date of these three kings, between the end of the 13th Dynasty and
the end of the 17th one, it is far less consensual than that of Antef VII Nubkheperre and
Kamose Wadjkheperre. However, we have shown in previous studies than the two Dedumose
kings should not be linked chronologically and that Djedhotepre may be dated toward the end
of the 13th Dynasty, while Djedneferre belongs to the late Second Intermediate Period57.

56
On the xpr/xprw pattern : cf. Von BECKERATH J., "xpr/xpr(w)/xpr(w)w in den Königsnamen des Neuen
Reiches nach griechischer Überlieferung" in Divitiae Aegypti: Koptologische Und Verwandte Studien Zu Ehren
Von Martin Krause, p. 15-19.
57
SIESSE J., La XIIIe dynastie : aspects politiques, économiques et sociaux, PhD thesis, Paris-Sorbonne
University, 2014, p. 124-128.
GM 246 (2015) 93

Actually, M. Marée first offered a clue for the date of the later king58. Indeed, he would
identify the titular royal son (sA nswt) Horsekher, mainly known from an a Edfu stela (Cairo
JE 46988) which should be attributed to the reign of Dedumose Djedneferre59, to the man of
the same name mentioned on two further stelae (Cairo CG 20537 and TR 16.2.22.23), which
both mention Queen Sobekemsaf, most likely the spouse of King Intef VII Nubkheperre of
the (late) 17th Dynasty (cf. bracelet London BM EA 57699-5770060 and pendant61 inscribed
with the names of the royal couple). According to this identification, the royal son Horsekher
would have served under both Dedumose Djedneferre and Intef VII Nubkheperre and the two
kings would thus be close chronologically. This leads us to believe that Dedumose II
Djedneferre might be a 17th Dynasty king, and not a late 13th Dynasty or 16th Dynasty one as
previously believed.

We believe Mentuemsaf Djedankhre could be of a similar date. Three scarabs bearing

the prenomen Djedankhre have been attributed to this king (London BM EA 40687, London
UC 11225 and Jerusalem IM 76.31.2173)62, making him one of the only three Second
Intermediate Period Southern/Egyptian kings attested by scarabs, with a King Sobekemsaf
and Kamose. The base design of scarab London UC 11225, with its triple scrolls motif, is
also similar to Sobekemsaf’s (New York MMA 26.7.86)63. Both observations seem to link
Mentuemsaf to the late 16th Dynasty or 17th Dynasty. D. Ben-Tor has brought a definitive
argument in support of a late date of this king in the Second Intermediate Period. In fact, the
back type of scarab Jerusalem 76.31.2173 is attested exclusively under the reign of Apophis
(late 15th Dynasty) before becoming common in the New Kingdom64. If the three scarabs
bearing the throne name Djedankhre were indeed issued under Mentuemsaf’s reign, this king
must then be dated near the reign of Apophis, in the late Second Intermediate Period.

58
MAREE M. « Edfu under the Twelfth to Seventeenth Dynasties: The monuments in the National Museum of
Warsaw », BMSAES 12, 2009, p. 56.
59
For the attribution of this stela to Dedumose Djedneferre and not Dedumose Djedhetepre: cf. ibid.
60
WINLOCK H. E., The Rise and the Fall of the Middle Kingdom in Thebes, New York, 1947, pl. 47;
ANDREWS C. A. R., Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum VI, Jewellery I, London, 1981, p.
80-81 (577-578); RUSSMANN E. R., Eternal Egypt. Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum,
London-New York, 2001, p. 174-175 (84); POLZ D., Der Beginn des Neuen Reiches, Zur Vorgeschichte einer
Zeitenwende, SDAIK 31, Berlin, 2007, p. 242-343 (Kat. 46).
61
PM V, p. 205; NEWBERRY P. E., “The Parentage of Queen Aah-hotep”, PSBA 24, 1902, p. 285-289;
POLZ D., op. cit., p. 343 (Kat. 47).
62
BEN-TOR D., Scarabs, Chronology, and Interconnections, Egypt and Palestine in the Second Intermediate
Period, OBO Series Archaeologica 27, Fribourg, 2007, pl. 49.
63
NEWBERRY P. E., Scarabs, An Introduction to a Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings, Londres, 1906,
pl. X (24)
64
BEN-TOR D., Scarabs, Chronology, and Interconnections, Egypt and Palestine in the Second Intermediate
Period, OBO Series Archaeologica 27, Friburg, 2007, p. 109, 111, pl. 47 (15), 49 (9).
GM 246 (2015) 94

Conclusion

We believe that one of the keys to a better understanding of the 13th to 17th Dynasties
is to favour the study of the documentation contemporary with them. Past research has often
tried too hard to fit those primary sources into a chronological frame inherited from later and
secondary sources, mainly the Royal Canon of Turin. Yet, this king-list is not fully reliable:
its mistakes and corruptions have always been undermined and the historical and ideological
context of its compilation often overlooked. Even though this study cannot solve all the
chronological problems of this complex period, it tends to give more weight to the
contemporary sources and the ideological background behind the elaboration of the royal
protocol during the Late Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period.

Obviously, dating a king by focusing solely on his naming pattern would be

hazardous. Nonetheless, significant results can be obtained when this approach is combined
with other dating methods and are consistent with what we know of the naming practice in the
11th, 12th and 18th Dynasties, for example. Indeed, the three main throne name types of the
13th Dynasty correspond almost perfectly with its three phases (early 13th Dynasty: “x-ka-re”
and “x-ib-re”; mid-13th Dynasty: “Kha-x-re”; and late 13th Dynasty: “Mer-x-re”: cf. fig. 14).
Furthermore, these observations on throne name patterns help us to distinguish the kings of
the final phase of the 13th Dynasty (bearing “Mer-x-re” type throne names) from those of the
following 16th and 17th Dynasties (whose prenomen belong in majority to the “Sekhemre-x-x”
and “Causative verb-n-re” patterns). Finally, they allow to suggest ideological, if not
chronological, links between a couple of these Theban kings and Hyksos rulers (the two kings
bearing the throne names “Sekhaenre” and “Sewoserenre”: cf. fig. 16).

Julien SIESSE
Paris-Sorbonne University
 13th Dynasty 12th Dynasty 11th Dyn.

15th Dynasty 16th-17th Dyn. 13th Dynasty 12th Dyn. 11th Dyn.

15th Dynasty 13th Dynasty 12th Dynasty

15th Dynasty 13th Dynasty

Figure 14
95
 Subtype 1
Subtype 3

Royal Canon of Turin

(col. 11, line 1-3 ?)

Karnak
stelae

Abydos workshop
filiation?

Tomb

Subtype 2

Subtype 4
17th Dynasty Late 16th, early 17th Dynasty 16th Dynasty 13th Dynasty

Figure 15
96
Late 17th Dynasty Late 16th Dynasty or early 17th Dynasty? Early 16th Dynasty 13th Dynasty

Offering table Royal Canon of Turin

Marseille 204 (col. 11, lines 4-8)

? ?

Late 15th Dynasty Mid 15th Dynasty Early 15th Dynasty 14th Dynasty?

Figure 16
97