Hbec1203 Bi

Faculty of Education and Languages
HBEC1203
Cognitive Development
Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

HBEC1203
COGNITIVE
DEVELOPMENT
Dr Rohani Abdullah

Project Directors: Prof Dato’ Dr Mansor Fadzil
Assoc Prof Dr Chung Han Tek
Open University Malaysia
Module Writer: Dr Rohani Abdullah
Moderator: Dr Azhar Md Adnan

Developed by: Centre for Instructional Design and Technology

First Edition, April 2015
Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM), April 2015, HBEC1203

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without
the written permission of the President, Open University Malaysia (OUM).

Table of Contents
Course Guide xiăxvi
Topic 1 Introduction to Cognitive Development 1

1.1 Definition of Concepts in Cognitive Development 2
1.2 History of Studies on Cognitive Development 7
1.2.1 Early Psychology 7
1.2.2 Emerging Cognition and Cognitive Psychology 15
1.3 Theoritical Issues on Cognitive Development 22
1.3.1 Controversy on PiagetÊs Legacy 22
1.3.2 Core Knowledge Perspective 22
1.3.3 VygotskyÊs Sociocultural Theory 23
1.3.4 Information-Processing Approach 23
1.3.5 GardnerÊs Theory of Multiple Intelligence 24
1.3.6 Jerome BrunerÊs Modes of Representation 24
Summary 25
Key Terms 27
References 27
Topic 2 Biological Bases of Cognitive Development 29

2.1 Biological Foundations 30
2.1.1 Genetic Inheritance through Sexual Reproduction 30
2.1.2 Genes, Environment and Development 36
2.1.3 Biological Inheritance: Natural Selection 41
2.2 Developmental Systems Approach 42
2.3 Development of the Brain 44
2.3.1 Neuronal Development 44
2.3.2 Synaptogenesis and Synaptic Pruning 48
2.3.3 Development of the Neocortex 50
2.3.4 Brain Plasticity and Specialisation 52
Summary 55
Key Terms 57
References 57

iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS
Topic 3 Sociocultural Perspectives of Cognitive Development 58

3.1 PiagetÊs Theory of Cognitive Development 59
3.1.1 Principles and Assumptions of PiagetÊs Theory 59
3.1.2 PiagetÊs Theory of Cognitive Development 62
3.2 VygotskyÊs Sociocultural Theory 76
3.2.1 ChildrenÊs Private Speech 77
3.2.2 Social Origins of Cognitive Development 77
3.2.3 VygotskyÊs View of Make-believe Play 81
3.3 FischerÊs Dynamic Skill Theory 81
3.3.1 FischerÊs View of Stages 81
3.3.2 FischerÊs Level of Cognitive Development 82
Summary 84
Key Terms 85
References 86
Topic 4 Information-Processing Approach to Cognitive Development 87

4.1 Perspectives on the Information Processing System 88
4.1.1 Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs Multi-store Model 89
4.1.2 Pascual-LeoneÊs Theory of Constructive
Operators 90
4.1.3 CaseÊs Theory of Executive Control and Central
Conceptual Structures 92
4.1.4 CommonsÊ Model of Hierarchical Complexity 96
4.1.5 DemetriouÊs Three-level Theory of the
Architecture and Dynamics of Developing Mind 98
4.1.6 HalfordÊs Structure Mapping Approach to
Cognitive Development 102
4.1.7 GardnerÊs Theory of Multiple Intelligences 104
4.2 Development of Strategies 106
4.2.1 SieglerÊs Model of Strategy Choice 106
4.2.2 Development of Strategies 107
4.2.3 Production and Utilisation Deficiencies 110
Summary 111
Key Terms 113
References 114

TABLE OF CONTENTS  v
Topic 5 Role of Knowledge in Cognitive Development 116

5.1 Attention 117
5.1.1 Growth of Attention 117
5.1.2 Development of Sustained, Selective and
Adaptable Attention 119
5.1.3 Cognitive Inhibition 120
5.1.4 Attention Strategies 122
5.2 Perception 123
5.2.1 Perceptual Organisation 124
Summary 142
Key Terms 143
References 144
Topic 6 Perceptual Development: Auditory and Visual Development 145

6.1 Development of Auditory Perception 147
6.1.1 Sound Perception 147
6.1.2 Speech Perception 150
6.1.3 Problems in Auditory Perception 152
6.2 Development of Visual Perception 153
6.2.1 Visual Acuity and Scanning 154
6.2.2 Perception of Three-dimensional Space 155
6.2.3 Problems in Visual Perception 164
6.3 Intermodal Perception 165
6.3.1 Development of Intermodal Perception 165
6.3.2 Explaining Intermodal Perception 166
Summary 169
Key Terms 170
References 171
Topic 7 Development of Representation 174

7.1 ChildrenÊs Theory of Mind 175
7.1.1 Development of Theory of Mind 175
7.1.2 Origin of Theory of Mind 176
7.1.3 Metacognition and False Beliefs 177
7.2 Memory Development 180
7.2.1 Multi-store Model 181
7.2.2 Sensory Memory (SM) 181
7.2.3 Short-term Memory (STM) or Working Memory 184
7.2.4 Long-term Memory (LTM) 187

vi  TABLE OF CONTENTS
7.3 Memory Processes 190

7.3.1 Memory Encoding 190
7.3.2 Memory Consolidation 191
7.3.3 Memory Storage 192
7.3.4 Memory Retrieval 194
Summary 200
Key Terms 202
References 203
Topic 8 Strategies in Enhancing Cognitive Development 204

8.1 Factors Influencing Cognitive Development 205
8.1.1 Genetic Factors 205
8.1.2 Environment Factors 206
8.1.3 Theories of Cognitive Development 211
8.2 Tools to Manipulate Cognitive Development 213
8.2.1 Classical Conditioning 214
8.2.2 Operant Conditioning 215
8.2.3 Compensatory Intervention 215
8.2.4 Problem-solving Competence 218
8.2.5 Development of Mathematics Skills 218
8.2.6 Early Literacy 220
Summary 223
Key Terms 225
References 226
Topic 9 Brainy Debate: Intelligence and Creativity 227

9.1 Intelligence: What Is It? 229
9.1.1 Psychometric Views of Intelligence (Definitions
of Intelligence) 230
9.1.2 Combining Psychometric and Information ă
Processing Approaches 233
9.2 How Is Intelligence Measured? 237
9.2.1 Bayley Scales of Infant Development 238
9.2.2 The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales 239
9.2.3 The Wechsler Scales 239

TABLE OF CONTENTS  vii
9.3 Giftedness, Creativity and Savant Syndrome 241

9.3.1 Who Are the Gifted? 241
9.3.2 TermanÊs Study of the Gifted 241
9.3.3 What Is Creativity? 243
9.3.4 Measuring Creativity: Are There Reliable
Measures? 247
9.3.5 Savant Syndrome: A Different Form of
Creativity 249
9.3.6 Promoting Creativity in the Classroom 251
Summary 253
Key Terms 255
References 256
Topic 10 Working on Representation Skills 258

10.1 Language and Thought 259
10.1.1 Five Components of Language 260
10.1.2 Theories of Language Development 262
10.1.3 Brain Specialisation and Language 264
10.2 Stages of Language Development 267
10.2.1 Pre-linguistic Period 267
10.2.2 Holophrase Period 269
10.2.3 Telegraphic Period 271
10.2.4 Preschool Period 275
10.2.5 Middle Childhood and Adolescence 276
10.2.6 Further Development of Communication Skills 279
Summary 281
Key Terms 284
References 285

viii  TABLE OF CONTENTS

COURSE GUIDE

COURSE GUIDE  xi
COURSE GUIDE DESCRIPTION

You must read this Course Guide carefully from the beginning to the end. It tells
you briefly what the course is about and how you can work your way through
the course material. It also suggests the amount of time you are likely to spend in
order to complete the course successfully. Please keep on referring to the Course
Guide as you go through the course material as it will help you to clarify
important study components or points that you might miss or overlook.
INTRODUCTION
HBEC1203 Cognitive Development is one of the courses offered by Faculty of
Education and Languages at Open University Malaysia (OUM). This course is
worth three credit hours and should be covered over 8 to 15 weeks.
COURSE AUDIENCE
This course is offered to learners undertaking the Bachelor of Early Childhood
Education with Honours programme.
As an open and distance learner, you should be acquainted with learning

independently and being able to optimise the learning modes and environment
available to you. Before you begin this course, please ensure that you have the
right course material, and understand the course requirements as well as how the
course is conducted.

xii  COURSE GUIDE
STUDY SCHEDULE
It is a standard OUM practice that learners accumulate 40 study hours for every
credit hour. As such, for a three-credit hour course, you are expected to spend
120 study hours. Table 1 gives an estimation of how the 120 study hours could be
accumulated.
Table 1: Estimation of Time Accumulation of Study Hours
Study
Study Activities
Hours
Briefly go through the course content and participate in initial discussion 3
Study the module 60
Attend 3 to 5 tutorial sessions 10
Online participation 12
Revision 15
Assignment(s), Test(s) and Examination(s) 20
TOTAL STUDY HOURS ACCUMULATED 120
COURSE OUTCOMES
By the end of this course, you should be able to:
1. Apply theories, approaches and methods of enhancing cognitive

development in children;
2. Practise theories, approaches and methods in pedagogy;
3. Relate cognitive development in children; and
4. Demonstrate positive skills that can influence childrenÊs cognitive

development.

COURSE GUIDE  xiii
COURSE SYNOPSIS
This course is divided into 10 topics. The synopsis for each topic is as follows:
Topic 1 gives an overview on concepts in cognitive development. The history of

studies and issues on cognitive development are elaborated in this topic.
Topic 2 describes how genetic inheritance is transmitted from generation to

generation. In order to appreciate cognitive development, we need to understand
and analyse how genetics form the biological bases of childrenÊs intelligence.
Topic 3 analyses three theories namely PiagetÊs theory of cognitive development,

VygotskyÊs socio-cultural theory and FischerÊs dynamic skill theory. The
knowledge of these three theories will enlighten us on how to support children
as dynamic and constructive learners.
Topic 4 explains perspectives on the information processing system with

particular focus on the Neo-Piagetian views of cognitive development. The
knowledge of the information processing perspectives will enable us to ease
childrenÊs problem-solving strategies as well as reduce their production and
utilisation deficiencies.
Topic 5 discusses the concept of growth and development of attention in

children. This topic particularly focuses on cognitive inhibition and attention
strategies. It analyses the influence of Gestalt principle of perceptual organisation
and illusion on our understanding of the world around us.
Topic 6 details out the developmental changes in auditory and visual perception.
In this topic, there are elaborations on sound and speech perception, visual acuity
and scanning, perception of three-dimensional space as well as problems in
auditory and visual perception. Intermodal perception is also analysed using the
perceptual differentiation theory and inter-sensory redundancy hypothesis.
Topic 7 deliberates on the childrenÊs development of representation using theory

of mind, false-beliefs and metacognition. It also examines the memory storage at
three different levels of sensory memory, short-term memory and long-term
memory. In addition, this topic enables you to evaluate processes involve in
memory formation, which comprises of encoding, consolidation, storage
(rehearsal and organisation) as well as retrieval.

xiv  COURSE GUIDE
Topic 8 discusses factors that influence cognitive development. In addition, this

topic identifies strategies and tools that can affect cognitive development and
applies theories to explain the development of problem-solving competence,
mathematics skills and early literacy.
Topic 9 explains the difference between intelligence, giftedness and creativity. It

evaluates various theories and measurements of intelligence and analyses the
existence of giftedness, creativity and savant syndrome.
Topic 10 discusses components of language and major theories of language

development. It discusses the different stages of language development, how it
differs among different age groups and how other factors such as bilingualism
affect a childÊs linguistic competence and cognitive development.
TEXT ARRANGEMENT GUIDE

Before you go through this module, it is important that you note the text
arrangement. Understanding the text arrangement will help you to organise your
study of this course in a more objective and effective way. Generally, the text
arrangement for each topic is as follows:
Learning Outcomes: This section refers to what you should achieve after you
have completely covered a topic. As you go through each topic, you should
frequently refer to these learning outcomes. By doing this, you can continuously
gauge your understanding of the topic.
Self-Check: This component of the module is inserted at strategic locations

throughout the module. It may be inserted after one sub-section or a few sub-
sections. It usually comes in the form of a question. When you come across this
component, try to reflect on what you have already learnt thus far. By attempting
to answer the question, you should be able to gauge how well you have
understood the sub-section(s). Most of the time, the answers to the questions can
be found directly from the module itself.
Activity: Like Self-Check, the Activity component is also placed at various

locations or junctures throughout the module. This component may require you to
solve questions, explore short case studies, or conduct an observation or research.
It may even require you to evaluate a given scenario. When you come across an
Activity, you should try to reflect on what you have gathered from the module and
apply it to real situations. You should, at the same time, engage yourself in higher
order thinking where you might be required to analyse, synthesise and evaluate
instead of only having to recall and define.

COURSE GUIDE  xv
Summary: You will find this component at the end of each topic. This component
helps you to recap the whole topic. By going through the summary, you should
be able to gauge your knowledge retention level. Should you find points in the
summary that you do not fully understand, it would be a good idea for you to
revisit the details in the module.
Key Terms: This component can be found at the end of each topic. You should go
through this component to remind yourself of important terms or jargon used
throughout the module. Should you find terms here that you are not able to
explain, you should look for the terms in the module.
References: The References section is where a list of relevant and useful

textbooks, journals, articles, electronic contents or sources can be found. The list
can appear in a few locations such as in the Course Guide (at the References
section), at the end of every topic or at the back of the module. You are
encouraged to read or refer to the suggested sources to obtain the additional
information needed and to enhance your overall understanding of the course.
PRIOR KNOWLEDGE
No prior knowledge required.
ASSESSMENT METHOD
Please refer to myINSPIRE.
REFERENCES
Berk, L. E. (2013). Child development (9th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.
Bjorklund, D. F. (2012). ChildrenÊs thinking: Developmental function and

individual differences (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Demetriou, A., & Raftopoulos, A. (Eds.). (2004). Cognitive developmental

change: Theories, models, and measurement. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Goswami, U. (Ed.). (2011). The Wiley-Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive

development. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

xvi  COURSE GUIDE
Hunt, E. B. (2011). Human intelligence. New York, NY: Cambridge University

Press.
Sternberg, R. J., & Kaufman, S. B. (Eds.). (2011). The Cambridge handbook of

intelligence. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
TAN SRI DR ABDULLAH SANUSI (TSDAS) DIGITAL

LIBRARY
The TSDAS Digital Library has a wide range of print and online resources
for the use of its learners. This comprehensive digital library, which is
accessible through the OUM portal, provides access to more than 30 online
databases comprising e-journals, e-theses, e-books and more. Examples of
databases available are EBSCOhost, ProQuest, SpringerLink, Books247,
InfoSci Books, Emerald Management Plus and Ebrary Electronic Books. As
an OUM learner, you are encouraged to make full use of the resources
available through this library.

Topic  Introduction to
1 Cognitive
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Define concepts in cognitive development;
2. Describe the history of studies on cognitive development; and
3. Analyse theoritical issues on cognitive development.
 INTRODUCTION
I was sitting in a room, watching children of different ages demonstrate their
ability to „see‰ shapes, colours, numbers and even read texts blindfolded. It
was their second day of exposure to a technique called „power brain‰. The ability
of these children to conduct feats blindfolded eventually expands to solving
RubikÊs cube, shooting targets with arrows, riding a bicycle, skateboarding and
completing their homework such as mathematics calculations or comprehension.
The two-day brain activation programme triggers the brain to conduct all forms
of amazing accomplishments. The youngest child in the room, a five-year-old
picked up the skills the fastest. He was able to read shapes, colours, numbers and
texts by the end of the first day. The older 15-year-olds were able to read either
colours or shapes or numbers. What the preschooler did in two days took the
teenagers one week to achieve.
What makes the difference in the achievements of these children? Is it because

the brain of the preschooler is more malleable than the teenager? What if we
expose a toddler to the same activities? Will the toddler do better than the
preschooler?

2  TOPIC 1 INTRODUCTION TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
This module will help you to appreciate childrenÊs cognitive development. It is

about the process of acquiring knowledge and cognition. It aims to share the
insights and discoveries on the development of childrenÊs ability to perceive,
think, reason, know and accumulate memory. Through cognitive development,
the naive intellectual capacity of a baby blossoms into the promising ability of a
child and an adolescent and the full-blown cognition of an adult.
The major theoretical viewpoints on cognitive development discussed in this

module include developmental-systems, constructivist, sociocultural and
information processing perspectives. In an attempt to understand the human
mind, some theories have equated it with the man-made computer. Yet, as
impressive as computers are, their capabilities are primitive, compared with
what our God-given minds do routinely in even a single second of thinking.
The basic yet intricate process of receiving sensory input from each miraculous
sensory organs (skin, eyes, ears, tongue and nose), the transformation of sensory
information into chemical perception, which is translated seamlessly into an
action within a split second is simply awesome. None of the most highly efficient,
sophisticated electronic computer comes close to the perfection of the human
mind.
Thus, this topic will discuss briefly how researchers have contemplated and
made various discoveries on our cognitive capacities. An understanding of how
research is done and new knowledge validated in the field will enable us to
appreciate discoveries on our amazing human mind and remarkable capacities.
1.1 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS IN COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
Before we discuss cognitive development, let us take a look at cognitive
psychology. Firstly, its meaning.
Cognitive psychology is a discipline that centres on mental processes such as

perception, concept formation, problem solving, reasoning and decision-
making, language and memory.

TOPIC 1 INTRODUCTION TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT  3
Cognitive development entails the expansion of thinking processes from

birth through childhood, adolescence to adulthood. Thinking involves the
higher mental processes such as classifying, symbolising, reasoning, creating,
conceptualising, planning, problem-solving, decision-making and memorising.
As for childrenÊs thinking, it refers to the thinking that takes place from the
moment of birth through the end of adolescence.
Definition of Concepts
In this module, our discussion on cognition includes the processes and
development of attention, perception, memory, language, concept formation,
thinking, understanding and other aspects of brain development. Cognitive
development discusses mainly about childrenÊs acquisition of the routine, normal
mental processes associated with the understanding of the world around them.
The concepts involved in cognitive development are:
(a) Cognitive Themes

Cognitive development deals with the maturing of the ability to think
and understand. A number of recurring themes emerge in cognitive
development. These themes are explained in the following Table 1.1.
Table 1.1: Themes in Cognitive Development
Theme Description
Attention It is a vital but unappreciated mental process. It is crucial
to most processing, yet it is not fully in our control. What
regulates attention? Why is some attention unconscious
and others in need of mindful processing?
Perception It is the detection, analysis and organisation of sensory
data so as to appreciate the environment. It converts
sensory data from physical or chemical states into brain
waves or signals. The perceptual systems of the brain
enable us to see the world around us as stable, even
though the sensory data we receive may be fluctuating or
incomplete.
Memory It is the process in which data is encoded, stored and
retrieved. Encoding allows data from our surroundings to
reach our senses. Storage is the process in which we retain
these data for a long time. Retrieval is the ability to locate
data from the unconscious and return it to our
consciousness.

Implicit versus We have direct and explicit awareness of certain types of

explicit memory memories (such as, we have had our lunch). But some
processes are implicit. They exist but we are not aware of
them. How does the unconscious affect our behaviour and
cognition?
Data-driven Some processes rely heavily on data from the
processing versus environment (data-driven processing). Others rely
conceptually driven heavily on our existing knowledge (conceptually-driven
processing processing). We often make mistakes, which vary from
misperception to misinterpretations.
Concept formation It is also known as category learning and concept
attainment. Concept formation is the process of
constructing mental categories that help us classify
objects, events or ideas, by comparing and contrasting
them, based on a set of shared qualities.
Mental It is the mental image of object, event or setting that is not
representation presently sensed by eyes, ears or skin. It enables us to
think of things that do not exist. Our brain and mental
imagery allows us to conceive things that have never
taken place. How do we come up with our novels? Where
do ideas come from?
Meta-cognition It is our awareness of our own thoughts and insight into
how our system works. It is the awareness that urges us to
remind ourselves not to forget. But, is what we think we
see or hear true? Or is it just in our imagination?
(b) Stage Concept

A number of theories view cognitive development in stages. Flavell (1971)
noted that there are four key implications of the stage concept. They are
explained in Table 1.2.

Table 1.2: Four Key Implications of the Stage Concept
Key Implication Description

Quality changes Change progresses through stages qualitatively, not
quantitatively. It must be measured in a way that maintains
flexibility and understanding.
Concurrent Children journey through stages on multiple concepts and
assumption multiple areas at once rather than one concept or area at a
time.
Abruptness Children also display an unexpected or terse advancement
assumption from one stage to the next. They may stay in one stage for a
long time and then make a sudden leap to the next stage.
Coherent Coherent organisation gives us the impression that each stage
organisation contains the whole entity.
(c) Time and Accuracy Measures

Two striking behavioural measures used in cognition are (i) the time
it takes to do some task; and (ii) the accuracy of that performance.
Researchers assessing the mental processes of cognition have relied heavily
on time and accuracy measures. They are:
(i) Response time (RT): It is a measure of the time elapsed between some
stimulus and the personÊs response to the stimulus. Differences in RT
can yield interpretations about the speed or difficulty of mental
processes, leading to inferences about cognitive processes and events;
and
(ii) Accuracy of performance: Accuracy, whether it measures correct

recall of a list or accurate paraphrasing of text, also offers evidence
about underlying mental processes.
(d) Process Model

What does a process model mean?
A process model is a small-scale model that outlines the mental steps

involved in a task and makes predictions that can be investigated.

It is a hypothesis about the specific mental processes that we undergo

when a precise task is executed. Process models are suitable for simple,
rapid tasks. A number of assumptions are made on process analysis. These
assumptions are listed in the following Table 1.3.
Table 1.3: Assumptions in Process Analysis
Assumption Description
Sequential stages One and only one stage can operate at a time. A complete
of processing set of stages that constitutes mental processing is performed
in a sequential order.
Independent and One stage has to finish its operation before the next stage
non-overlapping can begin and the duration of one stage does not affect the
stages others.
Parallel processing Multiple mental processes can operate simultaneously. For
example, in typing this sentence and while my sensory
neurons encoded the data to be typed, my inter-neurons
process the data as I assess its validity and relate to other
thoughts about the topic. As my motor neurons break down
the words into separate characters, my fingers translate the
characters into finger movements executed on keyboard. All
these occur in a continuous stream of mental process.
Conceptually- Also known as top-down processing design, it begins with a
driven processing larger object, concept or idea and then breaks down into a
more detailed picture.
Data-driven Also known as bottom-up processing design, it begins with
processing the base components of the system, which are itemised in
great detail. These components are then connected to form
larger sub-systems, which are linked in many levels, until a
complete system is formed.
Contextual effects The influence of environmental factors on oneÊs perception
of a stimulus. They influence our lives in many ways,
such as object recognition on our purchasing decisions. For
example, our son chooses to drink Vitagen because he saw it
on the television.

SELF-CHECK 1.1
1. What are the major themes in cognitive development?
2. What kinds of measures do researchers rely on when assessing the

mental processes of cognition?
3. How does sequential processing vary from parallel processing?
4. What is the difference between top-down and bottom-up

processing?
1.2 HISTORY OF STUDIES ON COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
Thinking about the nature of thought dates back to ancient thinkers such as Plato
(427–347 BC) and Aristotle (384–322 BC). In 387 BC, Plato suggested that the
brain was the seat of mental processes. As for Aristotle, he wrote about the basic
principles of memory in his work De Memoria (Concerning Memory) and
introduced the mind as a tabula rasa (blank slate) at birth. Then, Homer (7th-
century BC), Socrates (470–399 BC) and Descartes (1596–1650) have contemplated
on how the mind works and how to improve it. After Descartes, several early
psychologists begun conducting more systematic research that are linked to our
current understanding of cognitive psychology.
1.2.1 Early Psychology

Historians acknowledge that three German scientists namely Ernst Weber,
Gustav Fechner and Hermann von Helmholtz were the first to systematically
study human behaviour and mental processes. Early psychologists in the study
of human cognition include Weber and Fechner, who examine the human
responses to physical stimulus. Their work, known as the Weber-Fechner Law,
combines two different laws of human perception, which both describe ways
the resolution of perception diminishes for stimuli of greater magnitude.
Nonetheless, it is Wilhelm Wundt who is generally thought of as the „father‰ of
psychology.

(a) The Weber-FechnerÊs Law of Human Perception

Ernest Heinrich Weber (1795–1878) first began the study of the human
response to a physical stimulus, quantitatively. WeberÊs Law states that
the just-noticeable difference between two stimuli is proportional to the
magnitude of the stimuli. It is an increment judged relative to the previous
amount.
Gustav Theodor Fechner (1801–1887) later used WeberÊs findings to

construct a psychophysical scale in which he stated that subjective
sensation is proportional to the logarithm of the stimulus intensity.
FechnerÊs Law provides an explanation for WeberÊs Law in two parts. They
are:
(i) Two stimuli will be discriminable if they generate a visual response

that exceeds some threshold; and
(ii) The visual response R to an intensity I is given by the equation,

R = log(I).
In fact, for human perceptions of sight and sound, the perceived brightness
or loudness is proportional to log10 (actual intensity measured with an
accurate non-human instrument).
(b) Broca-Wernicke Linguistic Brain Regions

Pierre Paul Broca (1824–1880), a French surgeon identified the first
localisation of brain function. BrocaÊs area is involved with articulated
language. His work revealed that the brains of patients suffering from
aphasia contained lesions in the BrocaÊs area, a particular part of the cortex,
in the left frontal region.
Shortly after Broca published his findings on language deficits caused by

damage to BrocaÊs area, Karl Wernicke (1848–1905) began research on the
effects of brain disease on speech and language. Wernicke noticed that
some language deficits are not caused by damage to BrocaÊs area. Instead,
he found that damage to the left posterior, superior temporal gyrus resulted
in deficits in language comprehension. This region is now called WernickeÊs
area (see Figure 1.1) and the associated syndrome is known as receptive
aphasia.

Figure 1.1: BrocaÊs area and WernickeÊs area in the brain

Source: http://neuropsychology.wikifou ndry.com/page/The+Aphasias
(c) Hermann Ludwig Ferdinand von Helmholtz (1821–1894)

Helmholtz (see Figure 1.2) was a German physician and physicist who
made significant contributions to our understanding of sensation,
perception and the speed of neural impulses.
Figure 1.2: Hermann Ludwig Ferdinand von Helmholtz (1821–1894)

Source: www.fisica-interessante.com

He is known for his mathematics of the eye, theories of vision, ideas on the
visual perception of space, colour vision research, and on the sensation of
tone and perception of sound.
(d) Wilhelm Wundt (1832–1920)

The founding of psychology began in 1879 with Wundt (see Figure 1.3)
and the establishment of the first laboratory for psychological experiments
in Leipzig, Germany.
Figure 1.3: Wilhelm Wundt (1832–1920)

Source: www.quotessays.com
WundtÊs major work focuses on analysing consciousness (sensation,

perception and attention). To study these, Wundt used the response time
measures and method of selbst-beobachtung (self-observation) known as
introspection, a method in which one looks carefully inward, reporting on
inner sensations and experiences. The early psychologists were students
of Wilhelm Wundt, who directed more than 200 doctoral theses on
psychological topics.
(e) William James (1842–1910)

James (see Figure 1.4), a contemporary of Wundt at Harvard University,
offered a more flexible approach to cognition namely functionalism.

Figure 1.4: William James (1842–1910)

Source: skepticism.org
His ideas were influenced by Charles Darwin. In 1890, James published his
book, Principles of Psychology, in which he insisted that „thoughts and
feelings exist and are vehicles of knowledge‰. Topics discussed in this book
includes the brain, habits of the mind, stream of thoughts, attention,
conception, sensation, perception, memory, imagination and reasoning.
James felt that mental processes are fluid and have a „stream of
consciousness,‰ which helps us adapt to our environment.
(f) Hermann Von Ebbinghaus (1850–1909)

Ebbinghaus (see Figure 1.5) was a contemporary of Wundt in Germany.
Figure 1.5: Hermann Von Ebbinghaus (1850–1909)

Source: nichecreator.com

Ebbinghaus read WundtÊs book, study memory and forgetting in a „pure‰

form. Using the „savings score‰ method, Ebbinghaus studied forgetting as
a function of time, degree of learning or over learning, and the effect of
nonsense versus meaningful material. EbbinghausÊs work has one of the
strongest influences on cognitive psychology.
(g) Edward Titchener (1867–1927)

For American psychology in WundtÊs tradition, the most important figure
was Edward Titchener (see Figure 1.6), an Englishman who came to Cornell
University in 1892.
Figure 1.6: Edward Titchener (1867–1927)

Source: geniusrevive.com
By means of introspection, Titchener studied the structure of the conscious

mind, the sensations, images and feelings that were the very elements of
the mindÊs structure. He founded the structuralism school of psychological
thought.
(h) Edward C. Tolman (1886–1959)

Tolman (see Figure 1.7) studied engineering at MIT and obtained his PhD
with Gestaltist Koffka at Harvard in 1915.

Figure 1.7: Edward C. Tolman (1886–1959)

Source: www.gopixpic.com
He spent most of his career at the University of California (Berkeley), where

he proposed three parts to learning in his Sign Gestalt Theory. These are
the „significant‰ or goal of behaviour, the „sign‰ or signal for action and
„means-end relations‰ which were internal processes and relationships.
He believed learning is an accumulation of these sign gestalts, which are

then organised into cognitive maps (internal perceptual representations of
external environment). Continual input about the environment influences
behaviour, in that it causes certain gestalts to be selected or not. Learning is
therefore unique to each individual.
(i) Pioneer Women Psychologists

There are also some women psychologists involved in the study of human
cognition. They are:
(i) Christine Ladd-Franklin (1847–1930)

She completed the requirements for a PhD in mid-1880s, but was
officially conferred the degree in 1926, when Johns Hopkins
University finally agreed to grant women doctoral degrees. Ladd-
Franklin (see Figure 1.8) formulated an evolutionary theory of colour
vision.

Figure 1.8: Christine Ladd-Franklin (1847–1930)

Source: www.feministvoices.com
(ii) Mary Whiton Calkins (1863–1930)

In 1895, Calkins (see Figure 1.9) completed the requirements for a
doctorate at Harvard.
Figure 1.9: Mary Whiton Calkins (1863–1930)

Source: ma.sau45.libguides.com
Although William James thought highly of her, Harvard refused

to grant a degree to a woman. Calkins established the „self-
psychology‰ school of thought and formulated the paired-associates
test, a vital research technique in studying memory. She was the first
female president of the American Psychological Association in 1905.

(iii) Margaret Floy Washburn (1871–1939)

Washburn (see Figure 1.10) received her PhD in psychology from
Cornell University in 1894 and later taught at Vassar College.
Figure 1.10: Margaret Floy Washburn (1871–1939)

Source: ma.sau45.libguides.com
She wrote a book entitled Movement and Mental Imagery (1916),

which specified that different objects evoke different senses of motor
readiness. Learning consists of a connection of movements into a set
of regular series and combinations. Ideas are organised the same way.
Thinking becomes a derivative of movements of the hands, eyes, vocal
cords and trunk muscles.
1.2.2 Emerging Cognition and Cognitive Psychology

The years from 1945 through 1960 were a period of rapid reform in experimental
psychology. The challenges to neo-behaviourism came both from within and
outside, nudging psychologists to move in a new direction. In order to deal with
practical concerns, psychologists were forced to think of human behaviour
differently. Just as 1879 marked the beginning of psychology, 1960 hailed the
launching of cognitive psychology.
Gestalt psychology started in Germany in the early 20th century and then the
emerging field of computer science in the second half of the century. Both Gestalt
psychology and information processing theory share the idea that the brain
interprets information rather than simply react to it. The information processing
approach focuses on the study of the structure and function of mental processing
within specific environmental contexts.

Other researchers in the area of intelligence study how human beings learn from
experience, reason well, remember important information and adapt to the
environment include Jean Piaget and Lev Semyonovich Vygotsky. PiagetÊs
theory of cognitive development describes the process and stages by which we
acquire the ability to participate in abstract symbolic thought. PiagetÊs theory is
often contrasted with the views of Jerome Bruner and Lev Vygotsky.
With the development of cognitive psychology, fields that appear unrelated such
as communications engineering and computer science contribute fascinating
ideas that are fundamental to emerging cognitive psychology. Cognitive
psychologists see humans as active participants who seek out, alter and shape
their experiences. They also use mental processes to transform information in the
course of their cognitive development. How people perceive event affects how
they respond to that event. The following sections discuss Gestalt psychology,
information processing perspective and some cognitive-developmental
viewpoints in detail.
(a) Gestalt Psychology

Gestalt psychology made its appearance in Germany in 1910. The Gestalt
psychologists, notably Max Wertheimer (1880–1943), Kurt Koffka (1886–
1941) and Wolfgang Köhler (1887–1967), emphasised that individuals
perceive objects and patterns as whole units and that the perceived whole is
more than the sum of its parts. These three Gestalt psychologists are shown
in Figure 1.11.
(a) (b) (c)

Figure 1.11: (a) Max Wertheimer (1880–1943), (b) Kurt Koffka (1886–1941) and
(c) Wolfgang Köhler (1887–1967)
Source: timerime.com

The German word gestalt roughly means „whole, form or pattern.‰ Gestalt
psychology began in 1910, with Max WertheimerÊs experiments on the phi
phenomenon, published in a paper entitled Experimental Studies on the
Perception of Movement. The continual pattern of flashing the lights on and
off gives an impression of a single light moving back and forth from one
position to another. To the Gestaltists, this is a proof that people perceive
patterns or „wholes‰ rather than separate sensations.
(b) Information Processing Perspective

The invention of the computer gives some clue as to what goes on
internally in the human mind. The computer is an evidence that
unobservable processes could be studied and understood, particularly in
relation to symbols and their internal manipulation.
A computer is a symbol-manipulating machine. Newell and Simon

presented an explicit analogy between information processing in the
computer and that in humans. An indirect result of Newell and SimonÊs
ideas is the publication of a book called Plans and the Structure of
Behaviour by Miller, Galanter and Pribram (1960), which suggests that
humans use mental strategies to guide behaviour towards its goal, hence
solve problems.
Another vital concept borrowed from the computer is built-in limited

capacity. If capacity is exceeded, it loses information. Psychologists noticed
that humans have limited cognitive capacity too. There is a limit on how
many things we can do or think about, at a time. This insight lent a fresh
perspective to human cognitive capacity.
Computer seems to be a machine that mirrors the essence of the human

mind. Thinking about how a computer does various tasks gives some
insights into how people process information. Richard Atkinson and
Richard Shiffrin (1968) developed a multi-store model of the information
processing system. This model continues to be a useful guide for
understanding human memory.

(c) Recent Cognitive-Developmental Viewpoints

Piaget and Vygotsky were among the most influential researchers in the
area of cognitive development during the 20th century.
No theorist has contributed more to our understanding of childrenÊs

cognitive development than Jean Piaget (1896–1980). After completing his
PhD in zoology in 1918, Piaget journeyed to Paris, where he worked on the
first standardised intelligence test in the Alfred Binet laboratories, an
experience which led to a deeper interest in how children think.
Piaget (see Figure 1.12) combined his earlier interests in zoology and
epistemology (philosophy on the origins of knowledge) to develop a new
science that he termed as genetic epistemology.
Figure 1.12: Jean Piaget (1896–1980)

Source: wikiuocgrup2.wikispaces.com
In 1955, Piaget created the International Centre for Genetic Epistemology in

Geneva and directed it until his death in 1980.
In 1921, he published his first article on the psychology of intelligence in

the Journal de Psychologie. He then published his synthesis, Introduction
to Genetic Epistemology (1949; 1950). PiagetÊs theory contributes to
our understanding of cognitive development in twofold: the process of
acquiring knowledge (schema formation) and the stages we move through
as we gradually acquire this capacity.

To Piaget, cognitive development is a gradual restructuring of mental

processes, resulting from biological maturation and environmental
experience. Children acquire more knowledge by doing than learning.
Children construct an understanding of the world around them, then
experience inconsistencies between what they know and what they
discover in their environment.
PiagetÊs views are often compared with those of Lev Semyonovich

Vygotsky (1896–1934), who looked more to social interaction as the primary
source of cognition and behaviour. Vygotsky (see Figure 1.13) graduated
with law degree at Moscow University.
Figure 1.13: Lev Semyonovich Vygotsky (1896-1934)

Source: en.wikipedia.org
During his lifetime, VygotskyÊs theories were controversial within the

Soviet Union. In 1925, Vygotsky completed his dissertation on The
Psychology of Art (published in 1960s) and a book Pedagogical Psychology.
In the 1930s, VygotskyÊs ideas were introduced in the West where they
were ignored until the 1970s. Towards the end of the 20th century, they
became an essential element in explaining cognitive psychology. The early
21st century has seen scholarly reevaluations of many of VygotskyÊs central
concepts and theories.

His sociocultural theory views cognitive development as a socially

mediated process that may vary from culture to culture. ChildrenÊs
cognitive development is unique, based on the demands of their
environment. They learn to use their brain and mental abilities to interpret
their surroundings and solve problems, according to the needs, beliefs and
values of their culture.
VygotskyÊs research in how children solve their problems that exceeded

their level of development led him to create the Zone of Proximal
Development Theory. That is one reason why VygotskyÊs sociocultural
theory of cognition has influenced education profoundly in Russia and the
rest of the world.
However, Jean PiagetÊs theory of cognitive development has been criticised

on many grounds such as:
(i) It does not explain why development from stage to stage occurs;
(ii) It does not explain individual differences in cognitive development,

such as some individuals move faster than others from stage to stage;
and
(iii) The functioning of a person at a given age may be so variable from

domain to domain, such as the understanding of social, mathematical,
and spatial concepts, that it is not possible to place the person in a
single stage.
A group of researchers known as Neo-Piagetian theorists attempt to

eliminate these flaws by combining concepts from PiagetÊs theory with
concepts from other theories and their own concepts. The Neo-PiagetiansÊ
interests in mechanisms of development and in optimising learning offer
educators more explicit guidance than is available in PiagetÊs theory. Neo-
Piagetian theorists who contribute to the improvement of PiagetÊs theory
include Juan Pascual-Leone, Robbie Case, Graeme Halford, Kurt Fischer,
Michael Commons and Andreas Demetriou.
Neo-Piagetian theorists shared PiagetÊs conviction that:
(i) Cognitive development progress in stages;
(ii) Biological maturation sets broad upper limits on the kinds of thinking
children are capable of doing at particular ages; and

(iii) ChildrenÊs thinking reflects their developing internal mental

structures (Case & Okamoto, 1996).
Neo-Piagetians combined PiagetÊs ideas with concepts from Lev Vygotsky

to explain the effect of experience on cognitive development that reflect
cultural and individual differences. Although maturation sets upper limits
on possible attainment, a childÊs culture and daily experience might not
provide the information and practice needed for development up to that
limit.
Neo-Piagetian theories include mechanisms to account for cultural and

socio-economic differences in patterns or rates of cognitive development.
These theories also are compatible with the idea that individual children
differ in their ability to absorb the experiences available in their culture.
They also explained cognitive growth along Piagetian stages and draw
on information processing capacity to account for both progress from the
one stage to the next and individual differences in developmental rate
(Schwartz & Fischer, 2004).
For example, Pascual-Leone (1987) describes how biological maturation of

the central nervous system during the first years of life increases childrenÊs
information processing speed. Neo-Piagetians relate increased processing
speed to boost in working memory capacity and higher upper limits of
problem solving skills.
The influence of the information processing paradigm is also apparent in

the Neo-PiagetiansÊ inclination to explain why specific cognitive tasks may
be more or less difficult than another, even within the same content
domain. Graeme Halford (1987) is particularly recognised for his focus on
this kind of task analysis.
ACTIVITY 1.1
Form a study group. Summarise and highlight the contributions of

early psychologists (in the 19th century) to your understanding of
cognitive development and psychology.

1.3 THEORITICAL ISSUES ON COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
Current theories and perspectives explaining cognitive development have aided
our understanding of nature of cognition, how it develops and factors affecting
its development. However, none of the theories has given us a complete picture
of cognitive development. Each theory and perspective has its own strengths,
short-comings and issues. Some of them are discussed in the following subtopics.
1.3.1 Controversy on Piaget’s Legacy

PiagetÊs legacy of cognitive development, the most influential theory on
cognitive development, is no longer fully accepted by researchers in the field.
Yet, Neo-Piagetians have not reached consensus on how to modify or replace it.
Some have begun to search for the alternative perspectives just mentioned.
Others have merged PiagetÊs constructivist view with social and cultural context
of development (events and people in the childrenÊs lives), an area Piaget
neglected.
Diverse theories and investigations leave us with even more fragmented ideas on
cognitive development today than half a century ago. On the bright side,
researchers continue to draw inspiration from PiagetÊs vision of children as
dynamic, constructive learners. PiagetÊs work has served as reference for almost
all major contemporary line of research on cognitive development.
1.3.2 Core Knowledge Perspective

Core knowledge theorists offer an intriguing evolutionary explanation of why
certain cognitive skills emerge early and develop rapidly. They have deepened
our understanding of babiesÊ and young childrenÊs thinking.
Current debates carry on over what native endowment babies start out with.
Core knowledge theory does not inform us just what children do to revise their
innate structures. It does not explain which experiences are most important in
each domain and how those experiences advance childrenÊs thinking. It pays
little attention to childrenÊs learning in interaction with others. Despite these
inadequacies, the ingenious studies and provoking findings of core knowledge
research have enhanced our knowledge on young childrenÊs cognitive
development.

1.3.3 Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory

VygotskyÊs theory helps us understand influences of cultural values and
demands on cognitive skills and the role of training in cognitive development.
Nonetheless, VygotskyÊs theory has not gone unchallenged. His theory on
explaining cognitive change is vague.
He was criticised for ignoring biological contributions to childrenÊs cognition. His

theory does not address how basic motor, perceptual, memory and problem-
solving capacities trigger changes in childrenÊs social experiences, from which
more advanced cognition leaps. Nor does it tell us just how children internalise
social experiences to advance their mental functioning.
In addition, VygotskyÊs work overemphasises the adult in their mediating or

scaffolding role. It does not acknowledge the contribution of each childÊs
uniqueness. It does not appreciate the childÊs emotional experience of learning is
evident. The importance of joy, fear, frustration and their effects on motivation
receive no attention.
1.3.4 Information Processing Approach

The information processing approach has provided us a wealth of details on how
children of various ages and skills attend to, recall, analyse and solve problems.
In addition, research on information processing offers precise mechanisms of
cognitive development. It has inspired the generation of teaching techniques that
enrich childrenÊs cognition.
However, the principal limitation of the information processing perspective

stems, ironically, comes from its central strength; by analysing cognition into its
components, information processing has had difficulty reassembling them into a
broad, comprehensive theory of development.
Computer models of cognitive processing do not fully reflect the complexities of

real-life learning experiences. They overlook aspects of cognition that are not
linear and logical, such as imagination and creativity. In addition, computers do
not have needs, interests and intentions. They do not interact socially with others,
as children do when they learn from parents, teachers and peers.

1.3.5 Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligence

GardnerÊs theory of multiple intelligence has stimulated innovations in education
extending from kindergarten through college in many countries. GardnerÊs work
has been particularly useful in helping us understand and nurture childrenÊs
special talents.
Critics of GardnerÊs theory, however, question the independence of his

intelligences. They point out that excellence in most fields requires a combination
of intelligences. A talented musician, for example, uses logic-mathematical
intelligence to interpret the musical piece, spatial intelligence to reproduce it on
the keyboard, interpersonal intelligence to react to the audience and
intrapersonal intelligence to play expressively.
1.3.6 Jerome Bruner’s Modes of Representation

To Bruner, the ability to learn is central to human cognition. Like Vygotsky,
Bruner believes that childrenÊs involvement with more knowledgeable adults is
key to the learning processes. There are two types of knowledge, namely factual
knowledge (the what) and procedural knowledge (the how). Then, there are
three main modes of representing knowledge or information, namely enactive
representation, iconic representation and symbolic representation.
Like Vygotsky, Bruner does not see development progressing in stages. He

rejected the idea of „readiness‰ for different learning and developmental
challenges. He also rebuffs emphasis on inner drives and the unconscious, which
he thought not critical to cognitive development. He was mainly interested in the
social and cultural influences, the task or activity and the interactions between
people.
Strengths and weaknesses exist in the current theories and perspectives on

cognitive development. All of them are the same; they enlighten our insight on
cognitive development and processes (thinking, emotions, behaviour and
perception). In order to benefit from existing theories and investigations, it is best
that we adopt an eclectic approach and retain ideas that best explain cognitive
knowledge of children in our own contexts and cultural values.

ACTIVITY 1.2
Conduct a meta analysis on current theories on cognitive development.

Summarise the finding from your analysis. Discuss your finding in
light of your own observations of children in your neighbourhood.
 Cognitive psychology is a field that centres on mental processes such as

perception, concept formation, problem solving, reasoning and decision-
making, language and memory.
 Recurring themes emerging in cognitive development include attention

perception, memory (implicit and explicit), data-driven processing,
conceptually-driven processing, concept formation, mental representation
and meta-cognition.
 According to Flavell, key implications of the stage concept comprise quality

changes, concurrent assumption, abruptness assumption and coherent
organisation.
 A process model is a small-scale model that outlines the specific mental

processes that we undergo when executing a task. Assumptions made on
process analysis consist of sequential, independent and non-overlapping
stages of processing, parallel processing, conceptually-driven versus data-
driven processing and contextual effects.
 Thinking about the nature of thought dates back to ancient thinkers such as
Plato (427–347 BC), Aristotle (384–322 BC), Homer (7th-century BC), Socrates
(470–399 BC) and Descartes (1596–1650).
 Early psychologists involved in the systematic studies of mental processes

include Wilhelm Wundt, Ernest Weber, Gustav Fechner, Hermann von
Helmholtz, Pierre Paul Broca, Karl Wernicke, William James, Hermann Von
Ebbinghaus, Edward Titchener, Edward C. Tolman, Christine Ladd-Franklin,
Mary Whiton Calkins, and Margaret Floy Washburn.

 In 1960, cognitive psychology surface as an outcome of two events: Gestalt

psychology in Germany in the early 20th century, and the emerging field of
computer science in the second half of the century.
 The Gestalt psychologists, notably Max Wertheimer, Kurt Koffka and

Wolfgang Köhler stressed that we perceive objects and patterns as whole
units and that the perceived whole is more than the sum of its parts.
 The invention of computer gives psychologists some clue on how to study

unobservable internal processes in the human mind, chiefly in relation to
symbols and their internal manipulation. Another analogy borrowed from
the computer is limitations of channel capacity. If capacity is exceeded, it
loses information. Like the computer, humans have restricted cognitive
capacity too. There is a limit on how many things we can do, or think about,
at a time.
 Jean PiagetÊs theory contributes to our understanding of cognitive

development in twofold; the process of acquiring knowledge (schema
formation) and the stages we move through as we gradually acquire this
capacity.
 VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory views cognitive development as a socially

mediated process that may vary from culture to culture. ChildrenÊs cognitive
development is unique, based on the demands of their environment. They
learn to use their brain and mental abilities to interpret their surroundings
and solve problems, according to the needs, beliefs and values of their
culture.
 Neo-Piagetian theorists improve PiagetÊs theory by adding on concepts from

Vygotsky, information processing and their own concepts. These theorists
include Juan Pascual-Leone, Robbie Case, Graeme Halford, Kurt Fischer,
Michael Commons and Andreas Demetriou.
 The Neo-PiagetiansÊ interests in mechanisms of development and in

optimising learning offer educators more explicit guidance than is available
in PiagetÊs theory.
 Some theoretical issues on cognitive development are controversy on PiagetÊs

legacy, core knowledge perspective, VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory,
information processing approach, GardnerÊs theory of multiple intelligence
and BrunerÊs modes of representation.

Abruptness assumption Linguistic brain regions

Accuracy of performance Memory
Attention Mental representation
Cognitive themes Meta-cognition
Coherent organisation Modes of representation
Concept formation Neo-Piagetian
Conceptually-driven processing Perception
Concurrent assumption PiagetÊs legacy
Core knowledge perspective Process model
Data-driven processing Quality changes
Explicit memory Response time
Gestalt psychology Sociocultural theory
Implicit memory Stage concept
Information processing perspective Theory of multiple intelligence
Law of human perception Time and accuracy measures
Atkinson, R. C., & Shiffrin, R. M. (1968). Human memory: A proposed system

and its control processes. In K. W. Spence & J. T. Spence (Eds.), The
psychology of learning and motivation: Advances in research and theory
(Vol. 2, pp. 90–197). New York, NY: Academic Press.

individual differences (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Case, R., & Okamoto, Y. (1996). The role of central conceptual structures in the
development of childrenÊs thought. Monographs of the Society for Research
in Child Development, 246(6), 103–130.

Demetriou, A., Spanoudis, G., Shayer, M., Mouyi, A., Kazi, S., & Platsidou,
M. (2013). Cycles in speed-working memory-G relations: Towards a
developmental-differential theory of the mind. Intelligence, 41, 34–50.
Flavell, J. H. (1971). Stage-related properties of cognitive development. Cognitive

Psychology, 2, 421– 453.
Halford, G. S. (1987). A structure-mapping approach to cognitive development.

International Journal of Psychology, 22 (5–6), 609–642.
James, W. (1890). The principles of psychology. Retrieved from

http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/j/james/william/principles/contents.html
Johnson, J., Im-Bolter, N., & Pascual-Leone, J. (2003). Development of mental

attention in gifted and mainstream children: The role of mental capacity,
inhibition and speed of processing. Child development, 74(6), 1594-1614.
Miller, P. H. (2004). Cognitive development: Here, there and everywhere.

Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 5, 461-492.
Pascual-Leone, J. (1987). Organismic processes for neo-Piagetian theories: A

dialectical causal account of cognitive development. International Journal of
Psychology, 22(5–6), 531–570.
Toomela, A., & Valsiner, J. (Eds.) (2010). Methodological thinking in psychology:

60 years gone astray. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.
Schwartz, M., & Fischer, K. W. (2004). Building general knowledge and skill:
Cognition and microdevelopment in science learning. In A. Demetriou & A.
Raftopoulos (Eds.), Cognitive developmental change: Theories, models and
measurement. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Sternberg, R. (2003). Cognitive psychology (3rd ed.). Belmont, CA: Thomson

Wadsworth.

Topic  Biological Bases
2 of Cognitive
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Describe how genetic inheritance is transmitted from generation to
generation;
2. Explain how genetics and heredity affect childrenÊs intelligence and
cognitive development;
3. Discuss developmental systems theory; and
4. Summarise brain development.
 INTRODUCTION
Sometimes, we say or hear these statements: „You have your fatherÊs eyes,‰
„HeÊs smart just like his parents,‰ „All my siblings can play instruments or sing,
we take after our mother.‰
Well, whether or not we have studied biology and genetics, it is natural for us to
associate our abilities and attributes to our parents, grandparents, siblings and
other relatives.
Now let us think about the people that we know and their children. How many
characteristics do the child or children share with their parents? Does one child
resemble both parents, while another resembles one particular parent or perhaps
neither? Apart from appearance, we may notice that children will take after their
parent(s) in terms of intelligence, personality, mental health and patterns of
behaviour.

30  TOPIC 2 BIOLOGICAL BASES OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
Thus, this topic will discuss the relationship between biology and genetics with a
childÊs development. By learning this, we will get a better understanding on how
genes are passed on and how genes may be altered (for better or worse). In
addition, we will observe how nature (heredity) and nurture (environment) may
affect the development of the child. Last but not least, we will also explore
different theories on how it is possible for genes to affect a person from birth to
adulthood and how the brain develops.
2.1 BIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS

Have you ever heard about heredity? What does it mean?
Heredity is the transmission of biological characteristics from one generation

to the next.
Genetic inheritance often presents itself in a personÊs physiological or

psychological traits. While heredity may affect a childÊs traits, it may not be the
sole cause. Therefore, it is better for us to refer it as genetic influence rather than
genetic cause.
2.1.1 Genetic Inheritance through Sexual

Reproduction
Genetic inheritance may occur through sexual reproduction. Every human life
begins with the formation of a single cell during conception. When the fatherÊs
sperm inseminates a motherÊs ovum they combine to create a new cell known
as a zygote (refer to Figure 2.1). This cell contains the biochemical material to
create a human being, in which 23 chromosomes from the sperm combine with
23 chromosomes from the ovum.

TOPIC 2 BIOLOGICAL BASES OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT  31
Figure 2.1: Conception process

Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_fertilization
The process where a zygote replicates itself is called mitosis (see Figure 2.2).
Figure 2.2: DNA replication process or mitosis

Source: http://fichtervenners.pbworks.com

The zygote divides itself into two cells, then the two will become four, four
becomes eight and so on. Before each division, the cell will duplicate its 46
chromosomes. These duplicated sets move in opposite directions, each having
identical 23 pairs of chromosomes (46 in total). This process creates billions of
cells that eventually form the muscles, bones, organs and the rest of the childÊs
body. Mitosis continues throughout life and allow for growth and recovery.
(a) Genetic Code

Each sperm (fatherÊs) and ovum (motherÊs) contains 23 chromosomes. A
normal person has a total of 46 chromosomes. All these chromosomes
function in pairs, except for sex chromosomes.
Researchers have identified 22 matching pairs of chromosomes known as

autosomes, numbered from longest (1) to shortest (22). The 23rd pair
consists of sex chromosomes.
In females, the pair is identified as XX, and in males it is called XY. The X
chromosome is relatively large, while the Y chromosome is short (see
Figure 2.3).
Figure 2.3: Autosomes and sex chromosomes

Source: http://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/handbook/basics/howmanychromosomes

A chromosome is a single molecule of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA). Each

chromosome has hundreds or thousands of genes. As the basic units of
heredity, genes contain the instructions of the physical traits, as well as
behavioural and psychological traits.
Recall your observations about the children and their parents. Those
characteristics that you can observe are called phenotypes. The phenotype
depends on part of the individualÊs genotype – the inherited genes which
determine our species and influence our characteristics.
Genotype and phenotype are related, but do not necessarily coincide. For
instance, identical twins may have the exact same genotype, but their
phenotypes (appearance or behaviour) may differ. Gene inheritance can
also create diversity. Different combinations of genes result in children who
vary in appearance, personality and behaviour. As you may have observed
in children of mixed heritage, they may take different traits from both
parents.
(b) Patterns of Genetic Inheritance

An allele is a specific form of a gene coded for a particular trait, for instance
the allele for black hair. If a child has two genes of the same allelic form
(both have black hair) for a trait, they are said to be homozygous. If they
have different alleles (one black hair one with blond hair), they are said to
be heterozygous.
In heterozygous pairings, the dominant-recessive relationship occurs. The

dominant allele is expressed when an individual possesses two different
alleles for the same trait. The recessive allele is not expressed when an
individual possesses two different alleles for the same trait.
In the case of homozygous children, there is only one possibility; they will
display the trait associated with the allele – the child will have black hair.
Will it be possible for two people with black hair to produce a blond-haired
child? In certain circumstances, this is possible, specifically if the parents
are carriers of the blond-haired gene, usually passed on from the childÊs
grandparents.

For those that are heterozygous, the following outcomes are possible:
(i) Simple Dominant-Recessive Inheritance

The child will display characteristics that are associated with one of
the two alleles. As shown in Figure 2.4, the dominant allele (trait) is
more likely to be expressed than the recessive allele (trait).
Figure 2.4: Recessive inheritance and dominant inheritance

Source: http://www.accessexcellence.org/RC/VL/GG/recessive.php
Even if a person does not express a recessive trait, he/she may pass
on the trait. This person is known as a carrier.
Based on Figure 2.4, in recessive inheritance, where both parents have

brown eyes but are carriers of the gene for blue eyes (expressed Nn),
the following is likely:
 One in four children will have brown eyes (NN) and will not
inherit the recessive gene for blue eyes;
 Half of the children will become carriers (Nn) of the blue eyed
gene but will be seen as having brown eyes; and
 One out of the four children will receive both recessive genes (nn)
and will appear to have blue eyes.

In the alternate case of dominant inheritance, where one parent is a

carrier (Dd) and the other normal (dd), the following is likely:
 Half of the children will be carriers (Dd); and
 Half of the children will be normal (dd).
The child will be affected by both alleles and show characteristics in

between those associated with the two alleles. If one parent is dark-
skinned and the other light-skinned, the child may show skin tones in
between those of the parents.
(ii) Codominance
The child may also fully express characteristics from both alleles. In
this case, the phenotype may compromise between two different
genes. For example, when the father has type-A blood type and the
mother has type-B blood, this may result in a child with type AB
blood.
To conclude, there are three possible outcomes in gene inheritance. They are:
(a) The child will inherit the dominant gene;
(b) The child will display a compromise between both parentsÊ genes (as in
skin colour); and
(c) The child will fully express both parentsÊ genes (as in blood type).
SELF-CHECK 2.1
The mechanism for children to inherit their parentsÊ genes are set in
motion before a child is born. Briefly explain the following processes
and how they relate to heredity:
(a) Conception; and
(b) Mitosis.

2.1.2 Genes, Environment and Development

We do realise that genes play a vital role in physical and mental development.
They are able to accomplish this by providing instructions to the body to create
certain cells or behave in certain ways. Genes affect which cells are part of the
brain, the central nervous system and circulatory system.
They instruct the production of amino acids, which form enzymes and other
proteins that help create new cells. For instance, the amount of melanin
production in the eye may affect eye colour. The gene may order for less pigment
to be produced for people with light eyes (blue or green), compared to those with
darker eyes (brown).
At the same time, the actions of the genes may be affected by the environment
(nurture). Genes do not decide or „code‰ human characteristics, instead they
may interact with the environment to produce proteins that influence a childÊs
traits.
For example, Ali has inherited the genes for being tall. However, he grows up in
a family with many children. Since he has to share the familyÊs limited resources
including food, Ali does not have enough nourishment to grow to his full
potential. He ends up being of average or below average height, in spite of his
actual potential. This may also apply to children who grow up in better
conditions than their parents and grandparents. These children may end up
bigger and taller than older family members since they were given better
nutrition during the crucial stages of physical development.
Behavioural genetics focuses on the contributions of nature and nurture to

diversity in human traits and abilities. Certain traits are polygenic (affected by
many genes); this includes intelligence and personality. Researchers believe that
they are able to find out how much each factor (nature and nurture) contributes
to differences among children.
Kinship studies allow researchers to compare the characteristics of family

members and use this data to estimate the heritability of their traits. The most
common kinship studies are twin studies where they compare identical twins
(who share all their genes) and fraternal twins (who share some genes). It is also
common to study adopted children who have no genetic relation to their
adoptive parents. This allows researchers to test the nature versus nurture
concept.

Did you know that some portions of our IQ are inherited? Genes account for
almost half of the variation in our IQ scores. According to Robert Plomin and his
colleagues (1997), as children grow, genes seem to contribute more to individual
differences in IQ. Identical twins tend to show comparable intellectual
attainment.
During childhood, adopted childrenÊs IQ correlated to both their biological as

well as adoptive parentsÊ IQ. By adolescence, childrenÊs resemblance to biological
parents lingers, but adopteesÊ intellectual performance become increasingly
different from their adoptive parents. This theory seems to support that as the
children get older, the genetic influence on cognitive development becomes
stronger.
(a) Nature versus Nurture

Have you ever heard the word „epigenesis?‰ What does it mean?
Epigenesis is the ongoing, bidirectional exchanges between heredity

(nature) and environment (nurture).
While genes may affect a childÊs traits and behaviour, experiences and
behaviour may affect gene expression too. Internal (childÊs biology) and
external (home, school, society) stimulation may modify gene activity.
For instance, babies with a healthy diet and positive stimulation may have
improved brain growth. This would mean new connections in nerve cells
(as expressed by the genes). As these children grow older, they are able and
eager to regularly interact with their caregivers and the rest of their
environment. Simply put, positive interaction fosters positive development
and vice versa.
It may be possible for environment (and caregivers) to modify genetic

influences or predispositions. It is a combination of the childÊs genetic
makeup along with the type and timing of intervention. Children are
especially vulnerable to external effects during pregnancy and infancy.

The following theories attempt to explain the relationship between

environment and genes:
(i) Canalisation
Genes may also restrict the development of certain traits to one or a
few outcomes. The idea means that certain genotypes limit the
possible phenotypes in response to different environments. If a trait is
canalised, it will develop similarly in a different environment, and
only strong environmental forces may change it.
Motor development in babies tends to be strongly canalised, and

nearly all children will be able to sit up, crawl and walk. Most
children are also likely to develop linguistic ability at a certain age.
Intelligence and personality are usually less canalised and vary more
dramatically based on environment.
(ii) Gene Environment Correlation

Based on this aspect, our genes influence the environments to which
we are exposed to. This may also change with age. At a younger age,
passive correlation and evocative correlation are more prevalent. In
older children, active correlation becomes common.
 Passive Genotype Environment Correlation – The environment

that oneÊs biological parents provide is influenced by the parentÊs
own genes and therefore correlated with the childÊs genotype. A
child has no control over this.
For instance, parents who are artistic may enrol their children in
art or music classes. Apart from this, they may have inherited
their parentsÊ artistic talents. These aspects combined make it
more likely for a child to be artistically talented.
 Evocative Genotype Environment Correlation – Heritable

attributes affect othersÊ behaviour towards us and can affect the
environment in which development takes place.
For instance, children who are extroverted are more likely to

receive social stimulation than a passive baby. Children who are
cooperative and sensitive will get more positive enforcement and
attention from their parents than an inattentive distractible child.

 Active Genotype Environment – Our genotypes influence the

types of environments we prefer and seek out. As children get
older, they experience more beyond their immediate family and
are able to make their own choices. At this stage, children will
often seek out environments that fit their genetic tendencies.
For instance, children who are athletic and well-coordinated tend

to be more involved in school sports. Intellectually, curious
children may spend more time at the local library. This is also
known as niche-picking. This may explain why twins separated
at birth discover they have the same hobbies, jobs and food
preferences.
According to Scarr and McCartney (1983), the role of genes in

development changes throughout childhood. During the first few
years, children are restricted to their home environment and time is
mostly spent with parents. At this age, passive genotype environment
correlation often occurs.
Once children reach school age, they are allowed to make their own
decisions. Therefore, they can choose the activities to take part in and
the people they wish to spend time with. At this stage, active
genotype environment correlation will occur. Evocative genotype
environment correlations will continue to occur throughout the
childrenÊs lives as their personal traits affect how others around them
interact with them.
Based on their research, genetically unrelated adoptees who live in the

same home will show similar intellectual performance up until
middle childhood. However, by late adolescence genetically unrelated
siblings will hardly resemble each other in terms of intelligence,
personality or other behaviours.
(iii) Gene Environment Interaction/Range of Reaction Principle

In the previously explained concepts such as canalisation and gene
environment correlation, heredity is given priority. In the case of gene
environment interaction, the gene affects how one responds to
particular environments.

Gottesman (1963) suggests that a genotype may set boundaries for a

range of possible phenotypes that we may display in response to
different environments. In this case, the childÊs genes may not dictate
his traits or development in a rigid way. It is also important to note
that since people differ genetically, no two individuals would show
the exact same traits.
For example, in one study, boys with a genetic tendency towards

anti-social behaviours were no more likely than other boys who act
aggressively than others, unless they also had a history of child abuse.
Twins, who were treated differently as children, also show different
traits in relation to aggression. Those exposed to maternal negativity
were more likely to develop anti-social behaviour than their better-
treated, genetically identical counterparts.
ChildrenÊs IQ may also be affected by their external environment. Let

us look at Table 2.1 as an example.
Table 2.1: Influence of Qualities of Their Environment on Intelligence
Student A – Azlin Student B – Fatin

Environment
(Tendency for high IQ) (Tendency for average IQ)
Enriched High IQ High IQ
Normal High IQ Average IQ
Unstimulating Low IQ Low IQ
As shown in Table 2.1, students A (Azlin) and B (Fatin) may start off
with the same IQ score in an unstimulating environment. However,
Azlin (who has a tendency for higher IQ) may perform better than
Fatin (who has tendency for average IQ) in a normal or enriched
environment. It is also possible for Fatin, if raised in an enriched
environment, to have similar IQ scores to Azlin.
(b) Niche Construction Theory

According to PiagetÊs theory of development, children construct knowledge
based on their activities and behaviours, which is known as „niche
construction.‰
Niche construction is a term used to describe how behaviours, activities

and choices affect the environments (niches) that a child lives in.

For example, children who are quiet and non-demanding may receive less
interaction and stimulation from their family because they seem content or
able to be by themselves. When they enter school, these children tend to
lack social and communication skills which makes it difficult to join the
other children in play and other activities. This would make them more
socially withdrawn or isolated.
Niche construction is a social and not an individual process. Reconsider the

quiet baby in the previous example. If the child had a parent or caregiver
who highly enjoyed spending time with the child and found the childÊs
passiveness as pleasant, the child would have someone who is willing to
spend more time with him/her. This would provide the child with the
stimulation required to learn the necessary communication skills. While the
child may still be socially reserved, he/she is equipped with the social skills
to interact appropriately with others.
This relates to another term, co-construction. The term co-construction is

used to describe how these niches are shaped and reshaped when a child
interacts with those around them – family, teachers, neighbours and
friends.
ACTIVITY 2.1
Let say in the future, you manage to clone yourself and create a twin
version of yourself. As your clone twin grows older, your friends and
family point out that there are some differences between your twin and
you when you were that age. How would the twin be different from the
original donor (you)? Why would this difference in attributes and
behaviour exist?
2.1.3 Biological Inheritance: Natural Selection

Did you realise that some of the habits and behaviours people engage in are due
to tradition? We may eat with our hands or take off our shoes when we get home
due to cultural or societal practices. There are also behaviours that are due to
evolutionary cause. Almost all humans were born with the ability to walk
upright. This ability emerged when our ancestors developed a smaller pelvic
structure and larger brain size, compared to their predecessors.

Thus, the environment has always been the main threat to humans and animals.
Our ancestors had to survive different climates, natural disasters, changing food
supplies and various diseases. As proposed by Charles Darwin, species will often
adapt and evolve to ensure that we are able to survive these challenges.
The individualsÊ phenotypes are more adaptive to environmental conditions.

They are more likely to survive and be reproduced in future generations. The
term survival of the fittest describes the fact that the odds of survival are greater
for species whose traits better fit the environment. Nature „selects‰ those who
are well adapted to the environment, by „allowing them to survive and
reproduce.‰ These adaptive traits which expand descendantsÊ survival chance
are passed on. On the other hand, maladaptive genes are likely to die out.
2.2 DEVELOPMENTAL SYSTEMS THEORY

The developmental systems theory (DST) discusses the effect of genes,
environment and other epigenetic factors on the development process. The
concept of the evolutionary gene proposes that any short piece of DNA is
potentially immortal in the sense that it will pass copies of itself to its
descendants. For example, it is likely that your hair colour is determined by
genes passed on by your ancestors.
DST differs in the sense that it suggests that both nature and nurture are
important causal factors. The interaction between the two factors makes it
impossible to look at one factor separately. In addition, DST considers natural
selection as fundamentally shallow and insufficient to explain how organisms
actually evolve.
DST emphasises that the fundamental unit that undergoes natural selection is
neither the individual gene nor the phenotype, but the life cycle generated
through the interaction of a developing organism with its environment. Every
level of biological structure may be influenced from all structures which they are
surrounded by. No single source would have central control to an organism.
Organisms are able to change the landscape in order to suit their own fitness.
This may be related to the niche construction theory. This can easily be seen in
environments altered by man to suit their needs, such as farms to provide food
and houses for shelter and warmth.

We will often inherit resources from our predecessors as well as their genes. It is
common for families to remain in the same area or geographically close to their
ancestors. The evolutionary potential to inherit any resource is present in the
following generations, which explains why each generation will resemble the
last.
One metaphor that is used to describe the DST is the computer program
metaphor. Just as how a computer may carry information to run processes, genes
may carry information to run the bodyÊs functions. Data (genes) is required by all
processes, but data alone is helpless in creating an outcome. Genes are still in
control of the process, but have limited power. They still need enzymes to
execute these functions. However, one must be cautious not to oversimplify this
theory based on the mentioned metaphor.
Another metaphor that may be used is the blueprint and the building. The
blueprint will not specify what actual materials are required. However, they will
mention the specifications that must be satisfied in order to build the building.
During the building process what type of materials used may affect the structural
integrity of the building based on how well they satisfy the specifications.
Rather than replicators passing from one generation to the next and then
building inter-actors, the entire developmental process reconstructs itself from
one generation to the next through numerous interdependent causal pathways.
Each organism plays a part in the whole ecosystem and as a group they will
likely evolve together instead of a particular individual or population of
organisms evolving independently.
How does the developmental systems theory relate to the development of human
intelligence? It is likely that genes influence the basic structure for the brain.
Experience will instead influence how the circuitry of the brain is shaped. This
includes the electrical and chemical activities that occur before birth due to the
stimuli received by the mother. After birth, the childÊs brain circuitry is affected
by the information received through their own senses.
SELF-CHECK 2.2
The developmental systems theory can be likened to a computer
program. Do you agree with this statement? Justify your answer.

2.3 DEVELOPMENT OF THE BRAIN

Before we can appreciate human cognition and mental processes, we must first
delve into its basic biological connection which is the brain. Every thought we
think, every emotion we feel, every sensation we receive, every decision we reach
and every move we make can be traced back to the tiniest functional unit of the
brain, the nerve cell or neuron.
2.3.1 Neuronal Development

The brain and the nervous system is a communication system and neurons are its
basic unit. All our thoughts, feelings and behaviours begin with the activity of
neurons – the specialised cells that conduct impulses through the nervous
system. Neurons function to receive and transmit neural impulses. We have three
specialised neurons which perform the following tasks:
(a) Afferent (sensory) neurons receive sensations from our sense organs and
receptors (eyes – optic nerve; ears – auditory nerve; nose – olfactory nerve;
or skin – tactile nerve) and send them to the brain or spinal cord.
(b) Inter-neurons process the data between neurons in the brain and the spinal
cord. Perception is the process by which sensory information is actively
organised and interpreted by the brain (the process of giving it meaning).
We have to learn to perceive. For example, blind people whose sight has
been restored differ greatly in their ability to develop useful perception.
Seeing meaningful images does not come naturally to them.
(c) Efferent (motor) neurons impart signals from the brain and spinal cord to
the glands and the muscles, enabling our body to move.
Electrical and chemical signals are transmitted from one neuron to another.
Produced in the neural tube, neurons migrate along pathways to major parts of
the brain. By the third trimester of pregnancy, some 100 to 200 billion neurons
have already been formed.

Neurons will take the form of the areas of the brain that they migrate to. Neurons
that migrate to the visual area of the brain become visual neurons and neurons
that migrate to the part of the brain that controls hearing become auditory
neurons. The following Table 2.2 describes the basic structure of a neuron.
Table 2.2: Basic Structure of a Neuron
Structure Function
Cell body It contains the nucleus, most protein synthesis occur here.
Axon A long fibre that carries messages away from the cell body to
other cells.
Dendrites Receive messages from other cells and transfer them to the cell
body.
Synapses Small spaces between dendrites through which messages are
passed.
Neurotransmitters Chemicals such as dopamine, acetylcholine and serotonin.
Myelin A fatty substance that covers the axon in order to protect and
insulate.
The following Figure 2.5 shows you the structure of a neuron graphically.
Figure 2.5: Basic structure of a neuron

Source: http://www2.massgeneral.org/childhoodepilepsy/overview/brain.htm

Glial cells produce myelin that form sheaths around individual neurons. This
may act as an insulator to speed up the transmission of neural impulses. This
allows the brain to communicate more efficiently with different parts of the body.
Myelinated fibres which fire more rapidly are less sensitive to stimulation and
have more specialised functions.
Myelinisation occurs chronologically and at different rates for different areas

of the brain. This process occurs prenatally for the sensory system. This may
explain why children have advanced sensory abilities long before they can speak.
When the neural pathways between the brain and skeletal muscles myelinate,
their motor capabilities improve. They learn to roll over, sit, stand, walk and
eventually run. Most motor areas will be completely myelinated before the child
reaches two years of age.
However, some areas of the brain do not completely myelinate until the mid to
late teens or early adulthood. For example, the frontal cortex and reticular
formation (which allow us to pay attention for a longer time) are not fully
myelinated at puberty. This may explain why children may have shorter
attention spans than teenagers or adults.
Myelinisation enhances the efficiency between emotive subcortical areas and the
regulatory prefrontal cortical areas of the brain. These are the areas that help
children to process and respond to social and emotional cues. As a result, they
may be more sensitive to expression of fear and disapproval from others.
Children are also able to monitor their own emotional reactions in a better way.

This range of emotional development may be illustrated in the following

example:
Grandma decides to give the whole family socks for Christmas. While all the
children are disappointed, all of them reacted differently.
 Three-year-old Nick discards the gift and looks for the next present to
unwrap.
 Six-year-old Sara pauses and says „thank you‰ before moving on to the next
gift.
 Fifteen-year-old Max smiles politely to grandma but may scowl when he

discovers Mom has given him a similar gift (since she should know better).
Neural development can be divided into three stages. These stages are explained
in Table 2.3.
Table 2.3: Three Stages of Neural Development
Stage Description
Stage I: Proliferation Through mitosis, several hundred neurons are generated per
or neurogenesis minute. This occurs during the prenatal period and is believed to
end on the seventh month after conception. However, research
has shown that neurons may still form in areas such as the
hippocampus (the area that forms new memories).
Stage II: Migration Once produced, the cells will migrate to a permanent position
in the brain where they gather with other cells to form parts of
the brain. This migration may not happen all at the same time,
but most will arrive at their final position seven months after
conception. On occasion, the cells may not arrive where they
are meant to be and this may cause a variety of disorder such
as cerebral palsy, epilepsy, mental impairment and learning
disorders.
Stage III: Once they arrive at their final destination, the neurons will
Differentiation or grow in size and produce more and longer dendrites and the
cyto-differentiation axons will extend farther. Synapses are created when an axon
from another neuron meets a dendrite from another neuron.
Differentiation may continue to take place after birth.

2.3.2 Synaptogenesis and Synaptic Pruning

What does synaptogenesis mean?
Synaptogenesis is the formation of synapses and it occurs rapidly during

brain growth spurt.
Synapse formation occurs rapidly in the months following birth (see Figure 2.6).
Figure 2.6: Synapse

Source: http://imgarcade.com/1/synapse-neuron/
The peak of synapse varies in different areas of the brain. Synapse formation in
the visual cortex begins at three months of age and peaks between four and
12 months. The prefrontal cortex may begin developing around the same time
but only peaks at 24 months of age.
Babies may have more synapses and neurons than they need and synaptic
pruning may begin. Selective cell death or apoptosis may occur at different rates
for different parts of the brain. The adult density of synapses for the visual cortex
is attained around two to four years of age, while the prefrontal cortex may
continue its growth into the teen or adult years.

The immature brain is malleable and it is possible to foster neural development

by exposing children to enrich environments. Research has shown that animals
raised with more companions and toys have brains that are heavier and display
more extensive networks of neural connections. Also, when these animals are
moved to less stimulating environments, they may lose some of their complexity.
The human brain is unique to those of other animals in the sense that it has the
capacity to create culture and adapt to other environments. While the structure of
a human brain may be similar, you can see a difference in the size of the cerebral
cortex and the longer period of postnatal growth.
The following Table 2.4 indicates that the brain weighs about 350 grams at birth
and increases to 1400 grams in adulthood.
Table 2.4: ChildrenÊs Brain Weight by Age
Age Approximate Weight Percentage of Eventual Adult Weight

Birth 350 grams 25%
6 months 700 grams 50%
2 years 1050 grams 75%
The last three prenatal months and the first two years after birth is a period of
brain growth spurt. Between seven months to one year of age, the brain weight
increases about 1.7 grams a day.
The newbornÊs brain is able to direct basic functions such as breathing and
wake/sleep cycles yet unable to control coordinated movement and mental
operations.

2.3.3 Development of the Neocortex

What is neocortex?
Neocortex or cerebrum is a multi-layered sheet of neurons that surrounds the

brain.
It is the part of the brain primarily responsible for higher mental processes such
as language, memory and thinking. In addition, it is divided into different
regions, displayed in Figure 2.7.
Figure 2.7: Basic regions of the brain

Source: http://www.btbuddies.org.uk/about-high-grade-brain-tumours/areas-of-the-
brain-and-their-functions.html
The primary regions include the frontal lobe, temporal lobe, occipital lobe and
parietal lobe. They are further divided into the sensory regions (hearing, sight
and bodily sensation), association regions (thought and consciousness, visual
cortex, auditory cortex) and motor regions (body movement and coordination).
Secondary areas include regions that integrate information and have many
connections with other areas of the brain.

The frontal lobe contains:
(a) The motor cortex (for voluntary motor activity);
(b) BrocaÊs area (for speech production); and
(c) The frontal association areas (for thinking, motivation, future planning,
impulse control and emotional responses).
The parietal lobe contains the somatosensory cortex which registers and
processes touch, pressure, temperature and pain sensation. The occipital lobe
contains the primary visual cortex which processes visual information.
As for the temporal lobe, it contains:
(a) The primary auditory cortex where hearing registers in the cortex;
(b) WernickeÊs area which is involved in comprehending the spoken word and
in formulating coherent speech and written language; and
(c) Association areas where memories are stored and auditory stimuli are
interpreted.
A personÊs brain function and structure may change according to age. These will
cause changes in cognition and behaviour which may be observed in various
stages of life. The first areas to mature are the primary motor areas and the
primary sensory areas. By six months of age, the cerebral area is developed to the
point where it can direct most of the babyÊs movements.
During adolescence, changes occur in the brain which may relate to their major
change in behaviour and thinking. The frontal lobe is most affected which may
decrease in relative size at this time. There may also be changes in distribution of
neurotransmitters which decrease in the frontal cortex and limbic system, an area
associated with emotion.

2.3.4 Brain Plasticity and Specialisation

The cerebrum consists of two hemispheres, connected by a thick mass of nerves
known as the corpus callosum (see Figure 2.8).
Figure 2.8: Two hemispheres in cerebrum

Source: http://dxline.info/dictionary/cerebral-hemispheres

Though they may seem identical, the left and right cerebral hemispheres serve
different functions, as indicated in Table 2.5. Scientists continue to explore how
some cognitive functions are dominated by one hemisphere or the other.
Table 2.5: Functions of the Brain Hemispheres
Hemisphere Functions
Left hemisphere Controls the right side of the body; processes analytical
and sequential data, speech, hearing, verbal memory,
decision making, language processing, logic, mathematical
abilities (calculation) expression of positive emotions and
coordinates complex movements.
Right hemisphere Controls the left side of the body; processes complex
visual-spatial perceptual tasks, such as pattern recognition
of familiar voices, melodies or visual patterns, singing,
non-linguistic sounds such as music, tactile (touch)
sensations, interpreting nonverbal behaviour and more
active in the recognition and expression of emotion.
Have you ever heard the term „brain plasticity?‰ What does it mean?
Brain plasticity is the ability of the brain to change as a result of learning and
experience.
A highly plastic brain is able to form new synapses. It is also able to take over a
function intended for a different part of the nervous system. An immature or
young brain is highly plastic.
An immature plastic brain is slow and inefficient because its neurons are
not fully myelinated yet. This may explain why younger children process
information slower than older children. Older children and adults are able to
process information automatically and without conscious awareness. In fact,
young children must work harder to obtain the same results as older children.

This may explain why it is difficult to explain things of a complex nature to

younger children. Young children find it harder to learn or benefit from their
experiences and find it difficult to make important decisions on their own. The
benefit of having an immature brain is that children find it easier to adapt
cognitively to different environments. Therefore, the young and inefficient
brain may be somewhat protected from the negative effects of a damaging
environment. Young children often show a remarkable ability to bounce back
from traumatic brain injuries. Compared to adults and adolescents, their
recovery is rapid and more complete.
With myelination of the corpus callosum, the brain has lateralised. With brain
lateralisation, each hemisphere is specialised to handle specific functions. Brain
lateralisation or specialisation enhances brain efficiency in cognitive tasks that
demand the simultaneous but different use of both hemispheres. Yet, functions
are usually not handled exclusively by one hemisphere; the two hemispheres
always work together.
SELF-CHECK 2.3
Tick () the hemisphere (left or right) which controls the following
specialised abilities:
Hemisphere
Specialised Ability
Left Right
Appreciate familiar melodies
Complex movements
Decision making
Deliver a talk
Discriminate visual patterns

• Genetic inheritance may occur through sexual reproduction. Every human

life begins with the formation of a single cell during conception.
• When the fatherÊs sperm inseminates a motherÊs ovum they combine to create
a new cell known as a zygote which contains the biochemical material to
create a human being.
• Genes are the basic units of heredity. They contain the instructions of the
physical traits and behavioural and psychological traits.
• An allele is a specific form of a gene coded for a particular trait.
• The dominant allele is expressed when an individual possesses two different

alleles for the same trait. The recessive allele is not expressed when an
individual possesses two different alleles for the same trait.
• Epigenesist is the on going bidirectional exchange between nature and

nurture.
• Canalisation means that certain genotypes limit the possible phenotypes in

response to different environments.
• Three avenues by which genes influence the environments are passive

genotype environment correlations, evocative genotype environment
correlations and active genotype environment correlations.
• The range of reaction principle states that heredity sets a range of

developmental potentials and the expression of the genes are affected by
environment.
• Niche construction is a term used to describe how behaviours, activities and

choices affect the environments (niches).

• The term co-construction is used to describe how these niches are affected by
how the individual interacts with the environment.
• The developmental systems theory (DST) discusses the effect of genes,

environment and other epigenetic factors on the development process.
• DST suggests that both nature and nurture are important causal factors and it
is impossible to look at them separately. It emphasises the life cycle generated
through the interaction of a developing organism with its environment.
• The computing metaphor purports that genes are the carriers of information
but have limited power and still rely on enzymes to execute our bodily
function.
• The blueprint and building metaphor suggests that the genes provide the
specification but the environment determines what materials are used to
build the building (the organism).
• All our mental processes and behaviours begin with the activity of neurons,
specialised cells that receive, process and transmit impulses through the
nervous system.
• Glial cells produce myelin that form sheaths around individual neurons
that protect and insulate axons. Myelinisation occurs chronologically and at
different rates for different areas of the brain. Myelinisation enhances the
efficiency between emotive subcortical areas and the regulatory prefrontal
cortical areas of the brain.
• There are three stages of neural development; proliferation, migration and

differentiation.
• Synaptogenesis is the formation of synapses and this occurs rapidly during

brain growth spurt.
• The neo cortex or cerebral cortex is a multi-layered sheet of neurons that

surrounds the brain and is associated with thinking. It is divided into two
hemispheres and multiple regions.
• Brain plasticity refers to the extent new synapse can be formed and different
parts of the brain are able to take over a function intended for a different part
of the nervous system.

Alleles Heterozygous
Axons Homozygous
Behavioural genetics Migration
Canalisation Mitosis
Chromosome Myelinisation
Co-construction Natural selection
Dendrites Neocortex
Deoxyribonucliec acid (DNA) Neurons
Developmental systems theory Niche construction theory
Differentiation Phenotype
Dominant allele Plasticity
Genes Proliferation
Genotype environment correlation Recessive allele
Heredity Synapses
Berk, L. E. (2013). Child development (9th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.

individual differences (5th ed.). Belmont CA: Wadsworth.
Gottesman, I. I. (1963). Genetic aspects of intelligent behavior. In N. R. Ellis (Ed.),

Handbook of mental deficiency (253–296). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
Plomin, R., Fulker, D. W., Corley, R., & DeFries, J. C. (1997). Nature, nurture and
cognitive development from 1 to 16 years: A parent-offspring adoption
study. Psychological Science, 8, 442–447.
Scarr, S., & McCartney, K. (1983). How people make their own environments: A
theory of genotype-environment effects. Child Development, 54, 424–35.

Topic  Sociocultural
3 Perspectives of
Cognitive
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Describe the principles and assumptions of PiagetÊs theory;
2. Explain PiagetÊs four stages of cognitive development;
3. Discuss VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory; and
4. Summarise FischerÊs dynamic skill theory.
 INTRODUCTION
Let us begin this topic with a scenario.
Muzani was hardly three years old when we returned to Pasir Putih
to celebrate hari raya that year. As he chased the chickens in the yard,
he repeated „bird⁄ bird⁄. Fly bird! Fly bird!‰ All the chickens
flapped their wings and scuttled off in all directions. „Mama, why
arenÊt the birds flying?‰ Muzani had grown up in the city, in which he
had seen a lot of birds perched on the trees, roof, grass, almost
everywhere. Each time he tried to approach these birds, they would
fly off before he could reach them. When he sees the chickens
roaming in the village, he tries to apply the „bird‰ schema to the
chickens but it does not work. He thus had to adapt his „bird‰ schema
to include the characteristics of the chicken, a process described by
Piaget as accommodation.

TOPIC 3 SOCIOCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT  59
This topic presents three major constructivist theories of cognitive development.

PiagetÊs theory of cognitive theory describes four stages of cognitive
development in which children construct their knowledge from their experiences
of the world around them. The next theory is VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory
which highlights the sociocultural contexts in which children acquire cognition.
Lastly, we will look at FischerÊs dynamic skill theory which integrates concepts
from PiagetÊs stages, VygotskyÊs theory, brain organisation and skill construction.
Let us start the lesson!
3.1 PIAGET’S THEORY OF COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
Jean Piaget (1896ă1980) discovered that younger children are just as intelligent as
older children, adolescents and adults. They merely think in ways that are
qualitatively different from those who are older than them. Children of the same
ages tend to reason and make the same „wrong‰ answers. Piaget concluded that
there were some age-related patterns in the way children interpreted the world.
PiagetÊs theory is viewed as a constructivist approach to cognitive development.

According to this approach, children expand their understanding of the world
through discoveries from personal activities and experiences. Each child needs a
broad range of experience with the environment in order to achieve optimum
cognitive development. Cognition is also influenced by physical development
and maturation. In addition, cognition progresses in identical order of stages for
every child.
3.1.1 Principles and Assumptions of Piaget’s Theory

According to Piaget, children construct their cognition about the world by
exploring, experimenting and experiencing with objects in their environment. As
they grow, they organise these experiences through systematic psychological
structures called schemata. Each schema is a vital building block of cognition. It
accumulates to form childrenÊs knowledge of their world which increases with
age and experience.

60  TOPIC 3 SOCIOCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
(a) What is a Schema?

Piaget describes a schema as the simplest form of concept or mental image
that helps a child to understand objects, actions, events, situations, ideas
or perceptions. It can be discrete and specific or sequential and elaborate.
Piaget (1953) defined three main forms of schemata (plural of schema).
These are explained in Table 3.1.
Table 3.1: Three Main Forms of Schemata
Schemata Description
Behavioural Structured forms of behavioural reactions to specific objects and
experiences. For example, reaching out to grasp an object or
riding a bicycle.
Symbolic Psychological symbols, images or verbal codes that represent
specific aspects of experience. For example, a child imagines that
she is Cinderella. She „speaks‰ like a princess and „dances‰ with
her Prince Charming.
Operational Internal mental activity that one performs on objects of thought.
For example, when a child pours water from one container to
another container, the amount of water remains the same,
irrelevant of the shape and size of the second container.
BabiesÊ early schemata are built from their reflex actions. These schemata
gradually grow into sensorimotor actions. With language acquisition,
toddlers shift from sensorimotor-based schemata to those based on
symbolic images. Symbolic-based schemata are mental representations,
which are easier for the mind to manipulate, cluster and categorise based
on similarities of objects, events or ideas.
A childÊs level of cognitive development is related to the increase in the

number and complexity of the schemata that he or she has learnt. Schemata
are stored as mental representations in the childÊs mind. They are applied
when needed, to make sense of the world and to respond to situations.
(b) Development of the Schema

A schema is formed continuously throughout a childÊs life. As children
explore their environment, they form new schema and reorganise existing
ones to take in new data they gain with each experience. This process
results in the formation of more complex schemata.

There are two major principles that guide cognitive development namely
adaptation and organisation. Adaptation entails two complementary
actions which are assimilation and accommodation:
(i) Assimilation is the process in which children use our current

schemata to interpret the external world. The existing schemata are
used to aid children in making sense of events that occur around
them. In assimilation, a new experience is simply absorbed into the
existing schema. It occurs when a child recognises the new objects or
events as familiar and similar to the existing schemas.
The way one child interprets information is different from the way
other children interpret it. A schema is therefore never exactly the
same to two children. For example, one child sees a cat and labels it
„cat,‰ assimilating the animal into the cat schema, based on her vision
of Comel, her well-kept Persian cat at home. Another childÊs vision of
the same cat schema may project a vision of a soiled stray street cat,
which comes to her home for occasional food.
(ii) In accommodation, existing schemas are modified to adapt to or fit in

new information, experiences, situations or ideas. New ones may also
be formed during accommodation. For example, a child may have a
schema about a cat. If the child has only seen small furry cats with
four legs, he may think that a poodle is also a cat. In order to fit in the
new information, the child will have to modify his new observation
that not all small furry animals with four legs are cats. Some of them
are dogs. In this case, the child accommodates his „cat‰ schema and
creates a new „dog‰ schema to take in the new information.
Equilibration and Organisation

When a childÊs existing schemata can account for everything around it, it is said
to be in a state of equilibrium or cognitive balance. Equilibrium exists when
childrenÊs existing schemata can grasp all the new information received.
Then we have disequilibrium. When does it occur? Disequilibrium occurs when

new information which does not fit with the existing schema brings about its
restructuring. New ones may have to be created and reconnected with other
existing schemata to produce an interrelated cognitive system, a process known
as organisation.

Organisation is the tendency for us to form progressively intelligible and

coherent connection between schemata. According to Piaget, the tendency to
organise is so fundamental that children will naturally tend to organise their
knowledge. Organisation helps them sort out and apply schemata to new events
and objects more efficiently.
3.1.2 Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development

According to Piaget, childrenÊs cognition develops in four stages in which babiesÊ
exploratory behaviours evolve into the rational intellect of an adolescent and
adult. Every child undergoes every stage in the same order. Children progress
through each stage at varying rate of development. No stage is skipped, but
some children never attain the later stages. These four stages of cognitive
development comprise of:
(a) Sensorimotor Stage: Birth to Two Years

During this stage, children understand their world through their five senses
(what they can see, touch, smell, taste and hear) and motor actions.
Newborns build their first schema by stumbling on a discovery, resulting
from a wild reflex action. Upon discovery, they repeat the action again and
again until it becomes a familiar schema. Children in the sensorimotor stage
are extremely egocentric and perceive the world only from their viewpoint.
The sensorimotor stage is divided into six substages. They are:
(i) Substage 1: Reflexive Schema (Birth to One Month)

In this substage, babies use reflexes such as rooting, sucking, grasping
and stepping to construct their schema. Using these reflexes, children
learn more about objects in their immediate environment.
For example, a babyÊs reflex schema urges her to suck from her
motherÊs breast when the nipple touches her side of the mouth. The
same sucking reflex schema is then used to explore other objects in
her environment.
(ii) Substage 2: Primary Circular Reactions (One to Four Months)

Accidental actions connected with the babyÊs body are repeated
until they develop into familiar habits (through circular reactions). A
primary circular reaction occurs when an accidental action (such as
sucking on the hand) mostly driven by a basic need is reiterated until
it becomes a deliberate action. For example, babies suck on objects in
the environment to understand their properties.

(iii) Substage 3: Secondary Circular Reactions (Four to Eight Months)

At this substage, babies become aware of things beyond their own
body. Their ability to sit enables them to acquire skills in reaching for
and manipulate objects. They become increasingly object-oriented.
In this stage, babies are focused on repeating incidents, caused by

their own actions, which fascinate them. They may discover these
incidents by accident, such as kick a button on the mobile, which
causes it to move and play a tune. Then, by trial and error, they learn
to repeat the action until it becomes a schema. They are also able to
mimic the behaviours of others, such as copy another baby banging a
rattle.
(iv) Substage 4: Coordination of Secondary Circular Reactions (Eight to

Twelve Months)
During this substage, babies have begun to deliberately merge two
schemata to achieve an objective. New behaviours do not happen by
accident in this substage. Babies now do things with intention.
They are also able to coordinate two or more schemata purposely to

solve easy tasks and get what they want. For example, pull the
blanket towards them to get a rattle on the blanket that is out of reach
(by combining the pulling, reaching and grasping schemata).
Babies in this substage have also grasp the concept of object

permanence, an awareness that things and people continue to exist
even when they cannot see them. BabiesÊ understanding of object
permanence allows them to participate in activities which involve
finding hidden objects (see Figure 3.1).
They can anticipate events and may try to alter these events. For
example, knowing the mother exists even when she is out of sight
may cause them to cry continuously, in the hope that their crying will
bring her back.

Figure 3.1: Object permanence ability in babies

Source: http://www.simplypsychology.org/sensorimotor.html
(v) Substage 5: Tertiary Circular Reactions (Twelve to Eighteen Months)

During this substage, babies explore new possibilities of objects in a
trial-and-error fashion to get different novel reactions. Babies have
developed the capacity to experiment and duplicate actions with
some variations, generating new effects.
The ability to try out new more flexible action magnifies babiesÊ
ability to solve a problem. For example, they can now place a shape
puzzle correctly into the slot by trying several ways of positioning the
puzzle piece.
(vi) Substage 6: Mental Representation (Eighteen Months to Two Years)

The end of sensorimotor development marks the beginning of mental
thought. With the acquisition of the ability to combine words to
form short phrases, babies begin to form symbolic representations of
objects and events.
They have also learnt to delay imitation, thus enabling them to recall
and replicate the behaviour of models that are not present. With
increased ability to delay imitation, they can also engage in role play
and imaginary activities. For example, toddlers can pretend to be a
mother or father in a role play.
(b) Preoperational Stage (Two to Seven Years)

PiagetÊs preoperational stage commences at age two, with the blossoming
of symbolic images and intuitive thoughts. This stage marks an increase in
make-believe play and manipulating symbols.

However, children in this stage are still unable to perform mental

operations or manipulate information mentally. Thinking in this stage is
still egocentric, meaning the child has difficulty seeing the viewpoint of
others. Centration, as well as lack of conservation, irreversibility and
transitive inference are all characteristics of preoperative thought.
The preoperational stage has two substages, namely the symbolic function
substage and the intuitive thought substage (see Table 3.2).
Table 3.2: Two Substages of Preoperational Stage
Substage Description
Symbolic function Children acquire the ability to understand, represent,
remember and picture objects in their mind, without
having the object in front of them. From two to four years
of age, children begin using symbols to signify objects in
the environment. There is a dramatic upsurge in childrenÊs
vocabulary and grammar (rules for putting words
together). On average, two-year-old children know more
than 250 words. Their mental representations are also
displayed through their drawings of people and objects
which are not drawn accurately or to scale.
Intuitive thought It highlights childrenÊs curiosity about everything and
ability to ask questions „why?‰ and „how?‰ The ages of
four to seven years represent the emergence of primitive
reasoning, the interest to know why things are the way
they are.
In PiagetÊs preoperational stage, children show an increase in symbolic

actions such as:
(i) Mental Representation

The acquisition of language enables the preoperational child to
communicate their thoughts in symbolic form using words. For
example, they can now sort objects according to criteria, such as types
of „animals‰ or „flowers.‰ The ability for mental representation also
expands their ability to talk about objects which are not present in the
immediate environment.

(ii) Imaginary Play

In imaginary play, preoperational children can use one object to
symbolise another. For example, two-year-old children and older will
use far less realistic objects such as a block to signify a hotdog,
whereas children aged 18 months will only use realistic-looking toy
telephone in their imaginary play.
Preoperational children also use symbols in fantasy play, in which

they pretend to be something they are not (like a cat or a bird) or to
engage in fantasy activities (like a teddy bear reading them a story).
For Piaget, imaginary play allows them to practice and reinforce
their newly acquired schemas. The types of imaginary play children
indulge in reveal their degree of mental representation.
Children who spend more time on imaginary play are advanced in

general intellectual development and have better skills in making
friends with other children of the same age. Nonetheless, they are
still egocentric and have difficulties seeing things from different
perspectives.
(iii) Spatial Representation

Younger children tend to portray their thoughts in their actions rather
than in recognisable scribbles. A three-year-old childÊs scribbles begin
to look more like pictures, the childÊs first representational forms.
When children begin using lines to signify the edges of objects around
age four, they can illustrate their first portrait.
PreschoolersÊ drawings are less realistic than those of older children.

They create more accurate drawings, as their perceptual, language,
mental and physical development progress. The ability for spatial
representation increases childrenÊs ability to understand that
drawings, photographs, models, simple maps and symbols represent
real objects.
(iv) Egocentrism
A major shortcoming of preoperational thoughts is egocentrism, an
inability to understand that others might have different perspectives
from one self. To young children, everyone views things the same
way they do, as revealed in PiagetÊs three-mountain problem task in
Figure 3.2.

Figure 3.2: Three-mountain problem

Source:
http://www.cog.brown.edu/courses/cg63/threemountainproblem.html
In this task, children are shown a model of three mountains with

objects placed on them. A child sits at one spot, in front of the
mountains and a doll sits across the child. The child is asked to
describe what the doll sees.
Children in the preoperational stage tend to describe what they see

from their own view, not the dollÊs view. Their description remains
the same, even if they sat in the dollÊs place before going to the
opposite side. This result suggests that they are still egocentric in their
perspective taking.
(v) Animistic Thinking

What is animistic thinking?
Animistic thinking is the conviction that inanimate objects are

alive. They have feelings and can think.
For example, when they trip on a log, they scold the log for pushing
them and making them fall. ChildrenÊs animistic thinking is closely
linked with their egocentric view, which leads to believe that non-
living objects have life, like themselves.

(vi) Ability to Conserve

What does ability to conserve refer to?
The ability to conserve refers to the knowledge that the qualities of

objects remain the same, even when their outward appearance
change.
For example, the amount of water from two tall narrow glasses remains
the same, even when one is transferred into a short wide glass.
Let us look at Figure 3.3, which comprises conservation tasks used to

assess childrenÊs conservation of numbers, length, liquid, mass, area,
weight and volume.
Figure 3.3: Conservation tasks

Source: http://www.cog.brown.edu/courses/cg63/conservation.html
Preoperational children cannot conserve due to certain aspects of their

thinking. These aspects are:
 Centration, a tendency to focus only on one aspect, disregarding

other aspects of a condition;
 Irreversibility, the inability to mentally follow through all the

steps in an activity and then mentally reverse direction, returning
to the beginning;
 Perception bound thinking, a focus on the concrete appearance of

objects. Children who focus on the height of the glass will feel that
the taller glass has more water, while those who focus on the
width of the glass will feel that the wider glass has more water;
and
 A focus on states rather than transformations, a tendency to attend

only on the static endpoints of the transformation which are the
beginning and the ending states of the activity. This tendency
leads children to treat the initial and final states in a problem as
completely unrelated.
(vii) Classification
What does classification mean?
Classification is the ability to group objects together into sets on

the basis of common features such as sound, appearance, colour,
shape and size.
When children first learn to classify, they have to identify, distinguish

and organise objects they are classifying.
ChildrenÊs development of classification follows a predictable trend.

They first develop basic sorting skills. They use information about
what is the same and what is different about these objects. Initially,
children classify items based on how they look, sound and feel.
New born babies differentiate things around them by sounds. They

can recognise peopleÊs voices. They categorise if these voices sound
like their motherÊs or is different from their motherÊs. They also learn
to categorise people by their voices (male or female). As they grow,
they categorise more sounds around them, such as musical notes
(soothing or aggravating) and animals (cats or dogs).

Within a few months of age, childrenÊs ability to categorise improves

immensely. They begin to group things that look very similar. About
four months, they become increasingly conscious of objects around
them. They begin to explore objects and sort them by shape, colour,
smell or taste.
Young babies are more interested in people than objects. They start to
categorise people into two groups (familiar people and strangers).
About eight months (earlier in some babies), they develop a stranger
anxiety. They crawl eagerly to familiar adults and avoid strangers.
Two to five-year-old children can identify similar features of objects
within the same category.
During the second year, children form numerous fundamental

categories of objects that are the same type, such as animals, plants
and food. They have formed a variety of common categories,
consisting of similar objects. They can class objects into groups of
food, toys, clothing, animals and plants.
By the third year, young children easily reshuffle between

fundamental and common categories. As young children understand
their environment better, they create principles about basic features
shared by objects from the same group. For example, they can group
animals into pets and wild animals and compare which is more or
less.
However, they do not realise that both the pets and wild animals
can be clustered into a general category of animals. With time and
practice, they develop more advanced classifying skills.
By age four, children can combine basic level categories into general
categories and they can also break them down into subcategories. For
example, they can put toys that belong together in the same group (all
of the food toys in one group and the music toys in another group).
However, children in the nursery years tend to classify objects

by a single feature. According to Piaget, they lack hierarchical
classification. For example, they group together all the red blocks in
one container, regardless of their shape (square, circle and triangle) or
size (large, medium and small).
They often face difficulties when asked to sort blocks by both colour
and shape (simultaneously). They tend to put all the squares (large
and small) in one group, the triangles in another group and the circles

in third group (by shape only). Otherwise they may put the large
triangles, squares and circles in one group and the small triangles,
squares and circles in another group (by size only).
(viii) Transductive Reasoning

What does transductive reasoning mean?
Transductive reasoning is the tendency to rationalise from one

particular event to another particular event.
Young children at nursery link together two events that occur in time
and space in a cause and effect fashion. For example, a child looking
at a balloon, reasons; „My ball is round. That thing there is round.‰
Therefore, that thing is a „ball‰. Extensive experiences with varied

objects and the opportunity to compare and contrast them can benefit
young children in refining their understanding of objects in their
environment.
(c) Concrete Operational Stage (Seven to Eleven Years)

Children in the concrete operational stage are less egocentric. Their
thinking is more flexible, rational and systematic. Their cognitive structures
are operational. Their ability to think about the world logically liberates
them from the inaccuracies of intuitive thought. Although their cognition
has progressed immensely, their ability to think is still limited to objects
that are tangible and can be operated physically. These children are now
able to do:
(i) Conservation
Children in the concrete operational stage are able to conserve. They
can focus on several aspects of a task at once and link them. For
example, children now know that the amount of water in a tall and
narrow glass remains the same, even when poured into a short and
wide glass. They realise that no matter what shape of glass or
container the water is poured into, its amount does not reduce or
increase. Their ability to conserve is related to improvement in their
cognition which consists of:
 Decentration ă The ability to deliberate on multiple aspects of a

task (such as, considering both height and width of the glass
simultaneously).

 Dynamic transformation ă The realisation that the process of

pouring is an ongoing change which maintains the inner
characteristics of the object (water).
 Reversibility ă An ability to maintain the true mental operations in

mind. For example, to test if the water remains the same, just pour
it back into the original container. If it remains the same, then the
amount has not changed.
(ii) Hierarchical Classification

What does hierarchical classification mean?
Hierarchical classification is the ability to simultaneously organise

objects into classes and subclasses.
Concrete operational children are conscious of objects within the same

hierarchical classification. This ability enables them to arrange objects
into general categories and subcategories. They can organise objects
by several features into nested categories.
For example, children can categorise that cows and sheep as animals
and tulips, hibiscus and sunflowers as flowers. When they are asked
which group of flowers is more: „yellow tulips‰, „red tulips‰ or
„purple tulips‰ or „tulips‰ in Figure 3.4, children in this stage will
choose „tulips‰ as more. They realise that „tulips‰ include all the
yellow, red and purple tulips (hierarchical classification). Conversely,
children who have not acquired the concept in the earlier stages may
choose „yellow tulips.‰
Figure 3.4: Hierarchical classification tasks

Source: http://www.medicalwriters.com/category/clinical-research/

By middle childhood, they have mastered the skill to simultaneously

sort things into general and more specific groups, using different
types of comparisons. For example, they can simultaneously classify
their fairy tale figurines into princes, princesses and witches by
gender, good/bad, power and the fairy tale they belong to.
The ability to perform hierarchical classification is very useful to

children for academic performance, particularly in the understanding
of science and social studies concepts.
(iii) Seriation
Six to seven-year-olds are able to seriate or arrange objects along a
measureable feature, such as length or amount. Concrete operational
children are able to conduct transitive inference, an ability to
quantitatively arrange objects in their minds. An example of seriation
is the childrenÊs ability to arrange the toy animals according to their
sizes ă from smallest to the largest.
(iv) Spatial Representation

Concrete operational children have a better awareness of space
than nursery level young children. Nursery level young childrenÊs
cognitive maps comprise familiar simple landmarks which are often
arranged inaccurately. Children aged eight to ten organise their maps
with more details and precision.
They are able to visualise their cognitive maps by using a „mental

walk‰ strategy, thus producing a clear, systematic direction to get to a
familiar place. By the end of the concrete stage, adolescents are able to
merge landmarks and routes to produce a complex cognitive map.
(d) Formal Operational Stage (Eleven Years and Older)

According to Piaget, cognitive development matures during adolescence,
when it attains formal operational thought. There are two major
developments in the formal operational stage. They are the ability to use
hypothetico-deductive reasoning and to engage in abstract thought.
(i) Hypothetico-deductive reasoning is the ability to:
 Reason from universal principles to specific deductions;
 Systematically operate numerous variables concurrently;
 Examine their outcomes in an organised way; and
 Reach accurate decisions.

According to Piaget, the ability to use hypothetico-deductive

reasoning is the culmination of cognitive development.
When faced with a problem adolescents begin with a proposition

about probable causes of the problem, which they can examine. Next,
they systematically isolate and test to verify conclusions which are
established in the real world.
Piaget tested adolescentsÊ hypothetico-deductive reasoning by using

several tasks which involved physics mostly (Ginsburg & Opper,
1988). In his famous pendulum problem, children and adolescents of
different ages were given a set of weights and strings of different
lengths to determine what caused the pendulums to swing at different
rates.
Children in the concrete operational stage tend to arrive at an answer

that seems to be right after performing a few investigations.
Adolescents tend to apply the principle of hypothetico-deductive
reasoning to deliberate on all possible factors responsible for the
pendulumÊs rate of oscillation. They then logically test each factor,
holding the other factors constant until they arrive at the precise result.
(ii) Abstract thought is the ability to imagine possibilities or objects that

are not tangible. This ability allows adolescents to think about all
possible outcomes and reach an accurate solution for a problem
competently.
In addition, adolescents also begin to reflect on abstract concepts

related to social, political and ethical issues, such as integrity, loyalty
and justice. Adolescents can grasp these concepts and reason flexibly
about them. Unlike children, adolescents can understand that concepts
such as integrity may mean different things to different people,
depending on their purpose, situation and personal experience.
In adolescence, a different type of egocentrism emerges. In this stage,

adolescentsÊ struggle with telling apart their own from othersÊ abstract
reasoning, thoughts and views (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). Piaget
identified two specific forms of adolescent egocentrism. They are:

 Imaginary audience which is the adolescentsÊ belief that they are

the centre of everybodyÊs attention which makes them painfully
self-conscious. They believe that other people are just as interested
in their behaviours, feelings and thoughts as they are themselves
and watching every embarrassing thing they do.
 Personal fable which is the adolescentsÊ belief that others are

watching and judging them which leads to an exaggerated view of
their self-worth. They feel that they and their newly abstract
thoughts are exceptional. No one has ever thought about issues in
the same way they do and no one else could ever understand the
way they feel.
Unfortunately, their personal fable leads them to feel invincible.

They believe that nothing bad will happen to them ă even when
they engage in very risky behaviours, like drinking and driving.
Then we have idealism and criticism and decision making related to abstract
thinking. They are explained as follows:
(a) Idealism and Criticism: With the capacity for abstract thinking, adolescents
become more uncompromising with the standards. Their perfectionism and
critique cause them to work harder to bring about social change which
benefits everyone.
(b) Decision Making: Adolescents do not perform as well as adults in planning

and decision making. They need to inhibit their impulses and think more
rationally. Over time, adolescents mature progressively as they reflect on
their attainments, obstacles, reactions to decisions and deliberate on the
decision-making process.
ACTIVITY 3.1
Create your own research group. Conduct a research on five, six, nine
and ten-year-olds on the conservation tasks listed in Figure 3.3. What
do the children think? Compare your answers. Do younger children
have different understanding of the tasks, compared to older children?
Explain.

SELF-CHECK 3.1
Identify the stage in (choose between A to D) which children/
adolescents acquire the following cognitive abilities:
A. Concrete operations stage B. Formal operations stage
C. Sensorimotor stage D. Preoperational stage
1. Hypothetico-deductive reasoning 
2. Hierarchical classification 
3. Reversibility 
4. Object permanence 
5. Egocentrism 
6. Spatial representation 
3.2 VYGOTSKY’S SOCIOCULTURAL THEORY

Lev Semanovich Vygotsky (1978) highlighted the effect of social and cultural
contexts on childrenÊs thinking. According to him, children are born with the
basic perceptual and retention capabilities that improve during the first two
years, as they interact with their social environment. They hear as people talk
around them or to them. As children attend to the social interactions around
them, they stumble upon mental structures from their culture.
According to VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory, all cognitive functions occur at

two levels; the social plane and the psychological plane. Any function begins
as a social interaction between the child and others around him or her. This
interaction is then internalised through private speech. This process occurs
continuously and becomes more complex over time.
In other words, learning first occurs between the child and the expert (teacher,
parent or older sibling), then within the child. When children are learning
new concepts or difficult tasks, they often rely on the support of private speech.
This involves an internalisation process. What does internalisation mean?
Internalisation is the process by which an external activity is transformed
through speech into an internal activity and performed mentally.

3.2.1 Children’s Private Speech

According to Vygotsky, private speech is a cognitive self-guidance system that
regulates childrenÊs problem-solving activities. Children speak to themselves for
self-guidance and self-direction. It is a process which emerges after observing a
social interaction in which they acquire a new concept and before they internalise
it completely. As children play, they talk aloud to themselves using private
speech.
During a demanding activity, they use private speech for focus, self-guidance
and better engagement in the activity. Private speech progresses in the following
order during a problem-solving process:
(a) Loud self-talk;
(b) Soft whisper; and
(c) Silent inner speech, in the form of lip movements.
Private speech helps children regulate their focus as they think through and
organise their problem-solving strategies. As they master a concept, they need
less and less private speech. Eventually they internalise it completely as silent
inner speech.
Private speech appears occasionally after the cognitive structure has been
internalised. This happens when they are working on a difficult task or when
they are confused about how to proceed or if they make a mistake on a task.
3.2.2 Social Origins of Cognitive Development

There are two levels of mental functions: elementary and higher mental
functions. Elementary functions, such as hunger and sensing are inborn, thus do
not need to be learnt. Meanwhile, higher mental functions, such as language,
require training. The shift from elementary to higher mental functions is enabled
through cultural tools, such as symbols.
The culture and society define what is important to learn and how it is learnt.
Knowledge and cognition is viewed as a socially shared product of dynamic
interactions between individuals within the group rather than an individual one.

(a) Zone of Proximal Development

Vygotsky (1978) defined the zone of proximal development (ZPD) as the
distance between a childÊs actual developmental level whereby a child can
solve a task without help and the level he or she can possibly solve a task
with adult guidance or in collaboration with more skilled peers.
ZPD refers to the range of problems children can solve when they are given
some assistance. Within this zone, each child has an individual range of
potential for learning and completing a variety of tasks they cannot do on
their own, but can succeed when they are facilitated by others who are
more skilled.
At any point within the ZPD, there are three possible levels of ability:
(i) Below the lower boundary of the ZPD is the most difficult tasks a
child can do on his or her own, without assistance;
(ii) Within the zone ă tasks a child can do with guidance or assistance;
and
(iii) Above the upper boundary of the ZPD are tasks a child cannot do, no
matter how much support is given.
The tasks within this zone entail mental functions that the child is in the
process of internalising but has not fully mastered. This zone is dynamic.
The potential level of learning for a child keeps sliding up throughout
life with every new attainment of skill. Thus, the final destination of a
development is never reached as the childÊs attainment keeps moving to the
next level.
For example, a child who has just learnt to stand up, cannot walk. With an
adultÊs help, the child is able to take a number of steps, but not run. With
daily assistance and practice, the child eventually learns how to walk. Now
the ability to walk that used to be within the childÊs ZPD is below it. This
means that the child can now walk without help. In addition, running has
fallen within the childÊs ZPD.
What eventually happens within a supportive environment is an

achievement of a skill that is far beyond a childÊs age-expected development.

According to Vygotsky, teaching strategy that benefits children are those

that trigger their interest in more difficult tasks, alongside with the support
needed to master it. Initially, the children may need a lot of assistance
which is steadily decreased as they progress in task mastery. Vygotsky
believes that challenging tasks boost cognitive development, as long as they
are within their ZPD.
(b) Social interactions which cultivate cognitive development have the

following features:
(i) Scaffolding ă This refers to a changing quality of social support given

by an adult or more skilled peer during a teaching session to match
the childÊs zone of proximal development. It provides a short-term
supportive structure for the child as he or she develops the cognitive
skill needed for a task. It is removed slowly as the childÊs ability
improves progressively.
Scaffolding may take any form that helps a child acquire skills to
complete a task. Examples of scaffolding includes completing a task
partially for the child, breaking down difficult parts into simple
forms, explaining as you go through the task with the child or giving
the child hints.
Effective scaffolds encourage and are sensitive to each childÊs

progress. A child who receives effective scaffolding is likely to use
private speech, is more productive in sorting out difficult tasks and
has more advanced cognitive abilities.
(ii) Guided Participation ă It is a joint effort between more skilled and less
skilled children to complete a task. Initially, the more skilled person
guides the activity. As childrenÊs skill improves, they gradually take
on more responsibility. Cognitive development occurs when childrenÊs
expanding skills allow them to participate more independently in
sociocultural activities with less support from those around them.

For example, a child who has just begun to read will initially display
marginal participation in the activity. As he or she begins to decode
and recall the sounds of each letter, his or her participation builds up
and its quality transforms. He or she begins to name specific letters
and even spot simple words in the environment. With increased
mastery of reading, he or she becomes a more active participant, such
as reading simple books on his or her own.
(iii) Collaborative Learning ă It is a natural outgrowth of VygotskyÊs

theory. In collaborative learning, parents and teachers promote
childrenÊs cognitive development by providing them with
opportunities to team up to work on projects, create ideas and think in
ways that an individual child would not achieve alone.
They help each other solve problems by sharing information,

competences and strategies as they work together. Collaborative
learning experiences which occur within childrenÊs ZPD facilitate
their mastery of the sociocultural cognition.
(iv) Reciprocal Teaching ă In reciprocal teaching, a collaborative group

which is made up of a teacher and a few children who take turns
speaking. The group members use four cognitive strategies in
reciprocal teaching: inquiring, reviewing, explaining and forecasting.
Reciprocal teaching generates a ZPD in which children increasingly
learn to scaffold each otherÊs progress. ChildrenÊs cognitive skills
show more advancement when their collaborator is either an „expert‰
peer or an adult.
(v) Cooperative Learning ă This comes about when teachers stimulate,

explain, illustrate and motivate children to collaborate and work well
in a group. The skills they acquire from cooperative learning facilitate
them attaining the learning outcomes across varied school subjects.
More skilled children can also accelerate peersÊ progress when they
adjust their assistance to fit within the peersÊ less advanced ZPD.
(vi) Inter-subjectivity ă It is the process in which two children who begin a

task with different perspectives reach a shared understanding which
allows them to share their views. Reaching inter-subjectivity with
peers during collaboration is more valuable in enhancing cognitive
development than having any discord or contradiction with peers.

3.2.3 Vygotsky’s View of Make-Believe Play

Vygotsky believed that make-believe play provides a valuable zone of proximal
development which provides children with opportunities to experiment an array
of difficult tasks. Vygotsky saw make-believe as the main activity in expanding
achievement in preschool as it supports childrenÊs ability to think before they act.
According to him, make-believe enriches a variety of communication, mental and
social competencies.
3.3 FISCHER’S DYNAMIC SKILL THEORY

Kurt W. FischerÂs dynamic skill theory incorporates PiagetÊs stages of cognitive
development with concepts from VygotskyÊs theory, brain organisation and skill
construction. Fischer (1980) identified a hierarchy of 13 developmental levels
broken into four tiers that are similar to PiagetÊs „four levels of development.‰
Fischer believes that cognition is dynamic. This means that in real life situations,
we show a range of cognition. We seldom function at our full potential for
sustained periods of time. To understand our own cognition, the entire cognitive
range must be observed, not just the peak performances.
3.3.1 Fischer’s View of Stages

Fischer describes his view of stages in the following four major stages or tiers (see
Table 3.3).
Table 3.3: FischerÊs Four Major Stages
Stage Description
Tier of reflexes Organises the rudimentary reflexes in the first month of life.
Sensorimotor tier Functions on perceptions and actions.
Representational tier Functions on representations that portray reality.
Abstract tier Functions on abstractions, adapting representations from the
second tier.

3.3.2 Fischer’s Level of Cognitive Development

Each tier consists of four levels which overlap between each tier. The top level in
each tier is also the first level of the next tier. Therefore, the total number of levels
is 13, not 16. Each tier indicates an evolutionary set of potential human skills.
Each tier yields a much more complex set of outcomes than the previous tier (see
Table 3.4).
Table 3.4: FischerÊs Level of Cognitive Development
Level Description
Level of single Children are able to manipulate skills involving only one element of
sets the related tier (sensorimotor sets, representational sets or abstract
sets).
Level of Children build skills involving two elements mapped onto or
mappings coordinated with each other within the sensorimotor mappings,
representational mappings or abstract mappings.
Level of Children build skills incorporating two mappings from the level of
systems mappings within the sensorimotor systems, representational systems
or abstract systems.
Level of Children build skills incorporating two systems from level of systems
systems of within the sensorimotor systems of systems, representational systems
systems of systems or abstract systems of systems.
Fischer uses the following examples to illustrate the various structures in each
tier:
(a) At the level of sensorimotor sets (2 to 4 months), infants can only grasp an
object placed in the palm of their hand;
(b) At the level of sensorimotor mappings (7 to 8 months), they have learnt to

integrate two acts, such as extend their hand and grasp the object moving in
front of them;
(c) At the level of sensorimotor systems (11 to 13 months), infants can

coordinate two such acts into a system. They can release objects to fall on to
the floor from (i) a high distance and (ii) from a low distance in order to
experience and compare the results of the two actions; and

(d) At the level of sensorimotor systems of systems (18 to 24 months) the infant
can integrate two systems into one. A child who makes a doll imitate a
sequence of actions by an actual person indicates that he or she can
represent the behaviours of two systems, that is of the doll itself and an
actual person whose the behaviours are imitated.
FischerÊs theory places an emphasis on the environmental and social rather than
individual factors as causes of development. Fischer accepts VygotskyÊs zone
of proximal development in which childrenÊs potential for understanding and
problem solving is always greater than actual ability. Scaffolding from more
competent adults or peers and internalisation can progressively transform this
potential into actual skill or ability. Fischer believes that childrenÊs true level
(a ceiling for all domains) can be determined in a condition in which they are
completely at ease and provided with seamless scaffolding.
According to dynamic skill theory, high support contexts can yield optimal
performance (best response level based on each childÊs level of cognitive
development). Functional performance yields a „just enough to get by‰ level
of responses which does not represent the childÊs peak level of cognitive
development. Since the optimal and the functional levels are both equally
pertinent in assessing childrenÊs cognitive development, it is necessary for us to
map each childÊs developmental range, and assess accordingly (Fischer & Bidell,
2006).
ACTIVITY 3.2
FischerÂs dynamic skill theory merges PiagetÊs stages with concepts

from VygotskyÊs theory, brain organisation and skill construction.
What aspect of cognitive development Fischer has handpicked from
each theory? What elements has he added in his theory to explain the
dynamic nature of cognition?

 According to Piaget, children construct their cognition about the world by

exploring, experimenting and experiencing with objects in their environment
which they organise through a systematic psychological structure called
schema.
 A schema is the simplest form of mental image that helps a child to

understand objects, actions, events, situations, ideas or perceptions in their
environment. There are three main types of schema (behavioural, symbolic
and operational).
 Two major principles guide cognitive development namely adaptation and

organisation. Adaptation includes assimilation (construction of new schema)
and accommodation (alteration of existing ones), while organisation is our
tendency to form coherent connection between schemata.
 Piaget stated that children move through four stages of cognitive

development (sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational and formal
operational). In each stage, the way they think is qualitatively different from
those who are older than them.
 Vygotsky believed that any cognitive function begins as a social interaction

between the child and others around him. This interaction is then internalised
through private speech into an internal activity and performed mentally.
 Vygotsky suggested that childrenÊs optimal learning occurs through

scaffolding within the zone of proximal development.
 Fischer believes that cognition is dynamic. Every child shows a range of

cognition which varies between functional to optimal performances.
 FischerÂs dynamic skill theory identified four stages or tiers of development

broken into thirteen developmental levels.

Abstract tier Operational

Accommodation Organisation
Adaptation PiagetÊs theory of cognitive
development
Assimilation
Preoperational stage
Behavioural
Private speech
Collaborative learning
Psychological plane
Concrete operational stage
Reciprocal teaching
Cooperative learning
Reflex actions
Disequilibrium
Representational tier
Equilibrium
Scaffolding
FisherÊs dynamic skill theory
Schemata
Formal operational stage
Sensorimotor stage
Guided participation
Sensorimotor tier
Inter-subjectivity
Social plane
Level of mappings
Stages
Level of systems
Symbolic
Level of systems of systems
Tier of reflexes
Levels of single sets
VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory
Make-believe play

Fischer, K. W. (1980). A theory of cognitive development: The control and

construction of hierarchies of skills. Psychological Review, 87, 477ă531.
Fischer, K. W., & Bidell, T. R. (2006). Dynamic development of action, thought,

and emotion. In R. M. Lerner (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology. Vol 1:
Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., 313ă399 ). New York,
NY: Wiley.
Inhelder, B., & Piaget, J. (1958). The growth of logical thinking from childhood to
adolescence. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Ginsburg, H. P., & Opper, S. (1988). PiagetÊs theory of intellectual development

(3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Piaget, J. (1953) The origins of intelligence in children. London, UK: Routledge

and Kegan Paul.
Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological

processes. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Topic  Information
4 Processing
Approach to
Cognitive
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Discuss various perspectives on the information processing system;
and
2. Analyse the development of strategies.
 INTRODUCTION
In Topic 3, we have discussed the influence of Piaget and Vygotsky on the
theories of cognitive development. Piaget saw children as active agents in
their own development, constantly constructing knowledge and changing their
cognitive structures to better understand the world.
Vygotsky, on the other hand, highlighted the social and cultural influences
on childrenÊs cognitive development. Children internalise cultural values and
problem-solving strategies through interaction with more skilful partners,
acquired within their zone of proximal development.

88  TOPIC 4 INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACH TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
However, the limitations of these two theories have led many scholars to seek a
better approach in understanding human cognition. Thus, this topic presents a
discussion on the acquisition of cognition from the perspectives of the
information processing system. The information processing perspectives explain
cognitive development in terms of maturational changes in basic components of
a childÊs mind.
The information processing perspectives address how as children mature, their

brains progress, leading to improved ability to process data obtained through
their senses. They emphasise continuous cognitive development.
4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE INFORMATION

PROCESSING SYSTEM
Perspectives on the information processing system centre on the notion that we
process the data we receive, instead of simply reacting to stimuli. They compare
the mind to a computer, which is responsible for analysing data from the
environment. The typical information processing model for cognitive
development includes attention devices for data input, working memory to
process data and long-term memory to store information for future use. This
topic discusses seven perspectives on the information processing system:
(a) Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs multi-store model;
(b) Pascual-LeoneÊs theory of constructive operators;
(c) CaseÊs theory of executive control and central conceptual structures;
(d) CommonsÊ model of hierarchical complexity;
(e) DemetriouÊs three-level theory of the architecture and dynamics of

developing mind;
(f) HalfordÊs structure-mapping approach to cognitive development; and
(g) GardnerÊs theory of multiple intelligences.
Let us learn more on these perspectives in the following subtopics.

TOPIC 4 INFORMATION PROCESSING APPROACH TO COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT  89
4.1.1 Atkinson-Shiffrin’s Multi-Store Model

How is our mind similar to a computer? Almost half a century ago (in 1968),
Richard Atkinson and Richard Shiffrin have developed a multi-store model of
the information processing system. But, the idea of memory stores has been
initiated more than a century ago by William James. James (1890) termed
primary memory as thoughts held for a short time in consciousness and
secondary memory as a permanent unconscious store.
Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs multi-store model explains how memory processes

information. It states that our memory has three components which comprises a
sensory register, a working memory or short-term store and a long-term store.
The multi-store model will be described in detail later in Topic 7.
According to the information processing perspective, both the computer and our
mind process information. The computer gives us some clue about the
unobservable processes that goes on in the human mind. Both the mind and
computer have limited capacity for processing information.
Like the computer, our mind has a hardware and software. Our mindÊs hardware
comprises of the brain, the sensory receptors and their neural connections. How
about the software? Our mindÊs software includes rules, strategies and other
„mental programmes‰ that register, interpret, store, retrieve and analyse data.
Yet, the fantastic digital computer does not come close to explain our miraculous
human mind. At best, the analogy to the computer merely gives a broad
framework of how our mind works.
For example, a simple action of seeing an object entails an intricate processing of

millions of cells. The light waves which register the image travel through the
cornea, iris, pupil, lens, rods/cones on the retina. They are then converted into
neural impulses that pass through the bipolar cells, optic nerve, optic chiasm,
ganglion cells in the thalamus and lateral geniculate nucleus to the primary
visual cortex. All these processes occur in one millisecond. Even the full capacity
of a supercomputer cannot be equated with the complexity of a seemingly simple
visual system. In fact, the retina alone contains 100 million cones (for colour
sensation) and seven million rods (for visual acuity).

There are four major assumptions in the information processing approach. These
assumptions are listed in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1: Four Major Assumptions in the Information Processing Approach
Assumption Description
Thinking The thinking process includes perception of the stimuli, encoding the
same and storing the data.
Analysis of A process in which the encoded stimuli are transformed to suit the
stimuli brainÊs cognition and interpretation process to enable decision-making.
Situational A process in which we modify and use our experiences (stored
modification memories) to handle similar situations in future.
Obstacle Besides development level, the nature of the obstacle or problem must
evaluation be considered when assessing our problem solving and cognitive
competence.
There is no single information processing theory of cognitive development.

Fundamental to all information processing perspectives is the idea that we use a
variety of cognitive strategies to process data within a limited-capacity system.
Prominent Neo-Piagetian theorists attempt to overcome inadequacies in PiagetÊs

theory using the information processing perspectives. They seek to explain how
the mind functions and processes information like the computer.
4.1.2 Pascual-Leone’s Theory of Constructive

Operators
Juan Pascual-Leone suggested that childrenÊs cognition is determined by the
progress in their information processing capacity. His theory of constructive
operators states that the maturational limits on cognitive capacity can be
computed. They account for major developmental changes in information
processing capacity observed throughout childhood.
According to Pascual-Leone, brain maturation in the early years of life increases

childrenÊs working memory capacity (Pascual-Leone & Goodman, 1979). With
increased working memory, children are able to process information more
quickly. In addition, the complexity of problems that they can solve also
improves. Pascual-Leone explained cognitive development using:

(a) Mental Power

A well-researched construct that Pascual-Leone proposed is mental power.
What does mental power mean?
Mental power refers to the maximum number of information units

children can hold in mind at one time in order to visualise their
connections or use to solve a problem.
The available mental power is shared by two kinds of schema. They are:
(i) Task representation (for example, what the child has to do to

determine if two glasses have the same amount of water); and
(ii) Mental schema that must be activated to complete the task (the
changes that were performed on the liquid).
(b) Interrupt Operator

Mental power functions together with the interrupt operator; the central
inhibition process that enables children to focus on the current task. It
„turns off‰ schemata unrelated to the task. In doing so, it ensures that the
existing mental power is used as efficiently as possible.
The two operators work together to maximise mental attention. This

enables the child to engage fully on a specific task by ignoring other
unrelated stimuli. The progress in childrenÊs information processing
capacity is due to the progress in their mental capacity and mental
concepts.
What does mental capacity mean? Mental capacity is the amount and type
of data that can be processed at any given time, such as working memory.
How about mental concepts? What do they represent? Mental concepts are:
(i) Schemata and symbols about the surrounding environment; and
(ii) Mental processes associated with these schemas and symbols.

Pascual-Leone believed that progress in information processing capacity occurs

linearly and across all domains. He thought that the expansion in mental power
depends on childrenÊs age. Mental power is formed during infancy and it
remains stable after the age of two years.
The mental power that enhances problem-solving schema grows steadily with
age. Specifically, it is one unit at three years of the age. It increases by one unit
every two years and reaches a maximum of seven units of data at 15 years of age.
With increased mental power for problem solving schema, adolescents can solve
problems better than children.
4.1.3 Case’s Theory of Executive Control and Central

Conceptual Structures
Unlike Pascual-Leone, Case believed that not all children develop in every
domain at the same time. The capacity of childrenÊs processing system sets the
limits for the kind and the complexity of the cognitive structures they can
construct at a given age. His theory consists of:
(a) Executive Control Stages

According to Case, childrenÊs cognitive development is explained by
executive control structures. The executive control structure is „an internal
mental blueprint‰ which represents a childÊs routine way of interpreting a
problem or situation, together with his or her routine way for handling it.
All executive control structures have at least three components. These
components are:
(i) A representation of the situation (identify the problem);
(ii) An identification of the most common objectives in such a situation

(aims of problem solving); and
(iii) A formulation of the basic strategy necessary to settle the problem.
Information processing capacity progresses through four stages in

executive control structures which correspond with PiagetÊs sensorimotor,
preoperational, concrete operational and formal operational stages. Each of
the four stages contains different kinds of mental structures. The stages in
executive control structures are explained in the following Table 4.2.

Table 4.2: Four Stages in Executive Control Structures
Stage Description
Sensorimotor Perceptions and physical actions a child has on objects. For
structures example, the child sees a doll and thinks, „I want that doll.‰
(1 to 1ó years) This triggers the child to extend her hand towards the doll
and grasp when she touches the doll.
Inter-relational Simple links between internal representations of events
structures (1ó to and actions in the environment occur in this structure. For
5 years) example, „ibu‰ stands for an actual person (mother) who
takes care of the child and cooks for her or him meals every
day.
Dimensional Simple connections between existing data and new data are
structures made in this structure. Mental representations are connected
(5 to 11 years) to each other by consistent ties, such that every item is related
to every other item. For example, six year olds are able to
coordinate several ideas along a number line on a variety of
arithmetic reasoning tasks.
Vectorial Complex transformations of representations of events and
structures actions in the environment occur in this stage. The adolescent
(11 to 19 years) is able to appreciate relations between the dimensions of the
previous stage, such as ratios and proportions, which connect
two or more dimensions with each other. For example, the
relation between weights and their distances from the fulcrum
in the balance.
(b) Sequence of Complexity

Within each of the four structures, cognitive development evolves along a
sequence of complexity (see Figure 4.1).

Figure 4.1: Sequence of complexity within stages in the executive control structures
Source: http://psysc613.wikispaces.com/Neo-Piagetian+Theory
This sequence of complexity consists of four levels which are further

explained in the following Table 4.2.
Table 4.2: Four Levels in Sequence of Complexity
Level Description
Operational Children are assimilating what they have just learnt, such as
consolidation grasping a „rubber duckie‰ in the sensorimotor stage or saying
„abah‰ in the relational stage.
Unifocal Children begin to apply newly learnt skills to a variety of
coordination situations, such as different ways of grasping a ball, a bottle, a
block, a towel and daddyÊs finger. However, they can only attend
to problem solving in one domain at a time. In order to hold a ball
with his or her left hand, the child has to release the block in his
or her right hand.
Bifocal Children can attend to two factors at a time. The child can now
coordination hold a ball in his or her left hand while eating with his or her
right hand.
Elaborated The learner is able to focus on a variety of factors in a complex
coordination and expanded manner at the same time.

Structures of increasing complexity can be handled at each of the four

levels. As children mature, their ability to process data becomes more
efficient. With improved ability to process data, the amount of data they
can merge and maintain in the working memory inflates. For example,
adding up becomes more rapid with age, allowing children to hold more
numbers mentally.
(c) Cognitive Changes

There are three factors contributing to cognitive changes. They are listed in
Table 4.3.
Table 4.3: Three Factors Contributing to Cognitive Changes
Factor Description
Brain Maturity of the neuron structure, such as myelination as well as
development synaptic growth and pruning, improves the way the brain
processes data received by the senses.
Habituation of Case views the Piagetian schemata as childrenÊs mental
schemata strategies. Schemata which are used often become habits and
are applied automatically. Habitual schemata free the working-
memory resources need for processing data, thus releasing them
for other schema formation and combination (accommodation).
Formation of With brain development which accelerates processing speed
central and spontaneous application of the schemata, abundant space is
conceptual freed in the working memory to convert and upgrade schemata
structures into enhanced representations. This results in the formation of
central conceptual structures or networks of schemata that
enable children to think more proficiently.
(d) Central Conceptual Structures

Case thought that children organise their schemata differently. The rates of
development for different domains vary, due to discrepancies in the way
meaning is structured in each domain. Central conceptual structures serve
as frames which provide the basic principles and raw conceptual substance
for the formation of concepts and action plans when needed.
Case and his colleagues have identified central conceptual structures

for quantities, space, social behaviours, narratives, music and motor
behaviours. Central conceptual structures are very broad structures in
which many executive control structures may be constructed, depending on
childrenÊs experiences and needs.

For example, in the central conceptual structure that organises quantities,

executive control structures to solve arithmetic problems, to operate
balance beams and to represent home locations according to their street
address, may be constructed.
While CaseÊs earlier work on cognitive development began on infants and the
toddlers, the bulk of his work was regarding how childrenÊs thinking change
between the ages of four and ten (Case et al., 1996). Thus, his work was
particularly applicable for those working with preschoolers and children in
primary schools.
4.1.4 Commons’ Model of Hierarchical Complexity

Michael Lamport Commons expanded PiagetÊs developmental theory by
generating a model of hierarchical complexity (MHC) using a mathematical
psychology model. It is a framework for scoring the complexity of behaviour. It
quantifies the order of hierarchical complexity of a task based on how the data is
arranged. The model specifies 16 orders of hierarchical complexity and their
corresponding stages. Sequences of task behaviours form hierarchies which
become progressively complex. Relatively, his model consists of:
(a) Developmental Model

CommonsÊ developmental model accounts for two aspects of behaviours:
(i) What behaviours develop and in what order?
(ii) Why development takes place?
The model discriminates the task from the performance. The participantÊs
developmental stage is based on his or her performance on a task of a given
order of hierarchical complexity. Less complex tasks must be attained
before more complex tasks can be acquired.
(b) Dimensions of Tasks

What can you say to define tasks? Tasks are sequences of possibilities, each
presenting stimuli and requiring action or a sequence of actions that
transpire systematically. Properties of tasks (stimuli or the relationship
among stimuli) and behaviours are different. Responses to tasks are
measured and analysed. Behaviours are examined based on the complexity
of the task (Commons & Miller, 2001).

One major basis for this developmental theory is task analysis. How well an
individual performs a task depends on:
(i) Seven dimensions of tasks;
(ii) Aspects of the situations in which tasks are presented; and
(iii) The reinforcement history of the individual.
(c) Hierarchical Complexity: Combinations of Lower Order Actions

Commons believes that a number of different kinds of combinations of
lower order actions can be combined into new stage behaviours task
(Commons & Miller, 2001). They are:
(i) Iteration ă A repetition of the same action. For example, adding

2 + 3 + 4 + 1 is an iteration of adding.
(ii) Mixtures of actions ă May consist of doing a problem set covering

both simple addition and simple multiplication tasks.
(iii) Chains ă This includes the ordering of subtask actions with an

arbitrary order to them. For example, children learn to wear their
shoes and then brush their teeth. But in reality, children could learn
to brush their teeth and then wear their shoes, making the order
reversed. The tasks can be done in any order, but we choose to do
them in a certain order.
(iv) New stage behaviour ă This includes all behaviours that are not in an
arbitrary order.
(d) Axioms on the Relative Complexity of Actions

What do axioms mean?
Axioms are premises that define how actions form a hierarchy.
These axioms make it possible for MHCÊs application to meet real world
requirements. In MHC, there are three axioms to meet in order for the
higher order task to coordinate the next lower order task. These axioms are:
(i) Formation of Actions from Prerequisites: The more hierarchically

complex task and its required action must be defined in terms of the
less hierarchically complex tasks and their required task actions;

(ii) Relational Composition: A task-required action must organise two or

more distinct, earlier actions in the chain; that is, the more complex
action specifies the way in which the less complex actions combine;
and
(iii) Order of Definition: The order of the organising action and what it
acts upon in the chain is fixed. The ordering must be non-arbitrary.
The MHC is consistent with the information processing perspectives of

cognitive development. These perspectives assert that advancement to higher
stages or levels of cognitive development is produced by enhanced processing
efficiency and working memory capacity. That is, higher-order stages put higher
demands on these functions of information processing. Thus, their sequence of
development indicates the information processing potentials at consecutive ages.
4.1.5 Demetriou’s Three Level Theory of the

Architecture and Dynamics of Developing Mind
According to Andreas Demetriou, PiagetÊs theory „underestimated the
processing aspects of cognitive functioning, the role of self-understanding as a
means of self-regulation and the possible differences between different domains
of thought‰.
Therefore, Demetriou and his colleagues systematically examined the differences

between domains, self-awareness in development and other aspects of
processing efficiency, such as speed of processing and cognitive control. His
theory discussed the following:
(a) Architecture of Mind

According to Demetriou, our mind is organised in three functional levels
which comprise two levels of knowing processes (an environment-oriented
level and a self-oriented level), as well as a level defined by processing
potentials:
(i) The environment-oriented level contains systems that focus on the

representation and processing of various domains of relationships
and concepts in the environment. At this level, children compare
objects, identify their similarities and differences and build symbols to
signify them. It involves processes such as mental rotation, scanning
and formation of mental models of the environment.

(ii) The self-oriented level concerns how children view themselves as

thinkers. It entails self-images, self-understanding, understanding of
other minds, self-regulation and mechanisms which register our own
and othersÊ cognitive activities and build cognitive maps that support
mental activity. At this level, children answer questions such as: How
smart am I? Which am I, or am I not, good at?
(iii) The level of processing potentials involves information processing

mechanisms which trigger the ability to attend to, select, represent
and operate on information. Processing potentials portray childrenÊs
current level mental functioning which limit the complexity of
problems they can handle at a given age. Processing potentials are
identified based on three dimensions (see Table 4.4).
Table 4.4: Three Dimensions of Processing Potentials
Dimension Description
Speed of The maximum speed children can execute a mental task
processing efficiently. For example, the amount of time taken to react
to a task, such as recognise a toy.
Control of The executive functions that permit children to stay
processing focused, guard attention of being distracted by unrelated
stimuli, transfer attention to other related activities and
hold back hasty reactions, so that a strategic plan of action
can be devised and carried out.
Reaction time Reaction time to situations to assess childrenÊs control of
to situations processing can be assessed using the Stroop effect tasks
(Stroop, 1935). For example, in a test where the word
„red‰ written with blue ink and the child is asked to name
the ink colour as quickly as possible. This child is required
to restrain a dominant but unrelated reaction (read the
word) so as to choose and produce a less dominant but
valid reply (name the ink colour).
As children grow, their minds can recognise, encode, control and

process information better. They are also better at focusing on
relevant and ignoring unrelated information, as well as processing
larger amounts of information simultaneously.

The level oriented to the environment includes representational

and understanding processes and functions that specialise in the
representation and processing of information coming from different
domains of the environment. There are six such environment-oriented
systems described. They are:
 The categorical system (categories of objects or persons, such as

classes of fruits, vegetables and animals);
 The quantitative system (quantitative variations and relations in

the environment, such as mathematical concepts);
 The causal system (cause-effect relations);
 The spatial system (orientation in space and image representation

of the environment, such as the maps of our city or the mental
images of familiar persons and objects);
 The propositional system (truth/falsity and the validity/

invalidity of statements or representations about the environment);
and
 The social system (social relationships and interactions).
This theory involves an individualÊs knowledge and beliefs about two

important issues. These issues are:
 How different cognitive functions can be most efficiently and

productively utilised? For example, rehearsal is an effective
strategy for memorising a short list of items, but organisation
according to meaning is better for recalling a long shopping list
involving many categories of product.
 How we must regulate our behaviour to achieve personal goals

and avoid unnecessary conflicts within our social or cultural
group? Thus, the theory of intelligence held by an individual may
be viewed as value-guided system, in which the individualÊs
knowledge and expertise is emphasised to maximise the gains of
action based on his or her interpretation of the specific situation.

(b) Developmental Dynamics

Firstly, let us examine developmental causality. Have you ever heard this
term? What does it mean?
Developmental causality is a synergic force in which change can begin

from any of the three fundamental levels of mind and can spread to the
two other levels.
In other words, the systems are attuned to each other. Any change in any of
them affects others. The direction of change is determined by the system
that changes first. It will draw the other systems in the path towards which
it has changed.
All the processes mentioned previously advance with age. The speed of
processing expands steadily from early childhood to middle age and it
then begins to decline again. For example, six-year-old children take about
750 milliseconds to identify a simple object which an adult takes only
450 milliseconds to do so.
Control of processing and executive control also improve with age. This
improvement allows children to attend to more complex data, focus
for a longer time and process more stimuli and responses alternately
while filtering out irrelevant information. For example, a stimulus with
conflicting data which takes 2000 milliseconds for a six-year-old child to
recognise, may take a young adult 750 milliseconds to recognise.
All components of working memory increase with age, but its exact
capacity fluctuates with the type of data. For example, in the spatial
domain, it differs from three units for six-year-olds to five units for 12-year-
olds. In the mathematical concept, it varies from about two units for six-
year-olds to about four units for 12-year-olds.
Demetriou and his colleagues (2010a; 2010b) employed the functional shift
model to explain these differences: When the mental units of a given level
reach a maximum degree of complexity, the mind tends to reorganise these
units at a higher level of representation, making them more manageable.

For example, in the verbal domain, the focus shifts from words to
sentences. Once a new mental unit is created, the mind prefers to work with
the new unit, instead of the prior less efficient units. The functional shift
model explains how new units are created causing an advancement in
stage.
4.1.6 Halford’s Structure-Mapping Approach to

Cognitive Development
Graeme Halford believed that children are very organised, intelligent and
adaptive. They have the ability to absorb a huge amount of data from their
environment, represent it and utilise it to build problem-solving skills.
In addition, he explained why children understand things the way they do. He
talked about how they use that understanding to reason, develop problem-
solving strategies, organise memories and boost learning.
Halford (1993) identified five essential properties of childrenÊs understanding.

These properties are explained in the following Table 4.5.
Table 4.5: Five Essential Properties of ChildrenÊs Understanding
Property Description
Representation An understanding that a concept has an internal mental model that
reflects the structure of the concept.
Generality Mental models that serve the basis for understanding must be
transferable from one situation to another.
Generativity Representations that serve as the basis for understanding must be
generative so that they can be used to predict new aspects of the
situations in the environment, reducing future efforts on similar
matters.
Guidance of Understanding should guide the development of problem-solving
skills strategies and skills.
Organisation of Understanding should lead to the organisation of knowledge, so that
information relations between representations are recognised and kept consistent.
It should assist memory search and facilitate recall.

Structure mapping is part of the process by which children represent and

understand concepts. Four levels of dimensionality or structure mapping are
defined. The levels (from lowest to highest) are based on:
(a) Element mappings or unary relations ă Constructed on the basis of a

single attribute. For example, the mental image of an apple is a valid
representation of this fruit because it is similar to it;
(b) Relational mappings or binary relations ă Two elements connected by a

given relation or two-dimensional concepts of the type „larger than‰ can be
constructed;
(c) System mappings ă Three elements or two relations are considered

simultaneously. Children at this level can represent ternary relations or
binary operations, transitivity and hidden addends; and
(d) Multiple-system mappings ă Children at the final level are able to construct
quaternary relations or relations between binary operations.
The higher-level rules are more abstract and flexible. They are less dependent
on specific properties of each task and are more transferable. However, they
also impose higher information processing demands. Children who lack the
information processing capacity for a particular level of structure mapping will
be able to attain concepts that belong to that level.
The theory is used to predict the characteristic age of attainment of cognitive

tasks including transitivity, classification, interpretation of algebraic expressions,
analogies, logical reasoning and hypothesis testing. It is argued that the four-
structure mapping levels can subsume the four main stages of cognitive
development (Halford, 1987).

4.1.7 Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences

According to Howard Gardner (2000), we have many different ways of
processing information. Each way is independent of one another. Gardner
identified nine ways of processing information. These are explained in Table 4.6.
Table 4.6: Nine Ways of Processing Information
Way Description
Verbal- People with verbal-linguistic intelligence display flair for languages.
linguistic They also possess well-developed verbal skills and sensitivity to the
intelligence sounds, meanings and rhythms of words. They are proficient at reading,
writing, telling stories and vocabulary.
Logical- A high capacity to think conceptually and abstractly, and capacity to
mathematical discern logical and numerical patterns, abstractions, reasoning,
intelligence numbers, critical thinking and to understand the underlying principles
of a causal system.
Spatial- A high capacity to think in images and pictures, as well as visualise
visual with the mindÊs eye accurately and abstractly.
intelligence
Bodily- A high capacity to control oneÊs body movements and to handle objects
kinaesthetic skilfully. They are accomplished at sports, dancing, acting, building and
intelligence making things.
Musical A high sensitivity to or capability to produce and appreciate sounds,
intelligence rhythms, tones, meter, pitch, timber, melody and music. They may even
have absolute pitch and are able to sing, play musical instruments and
compose music.
Interpersonal A high capacity to detect and respond appropriately to othersÊ moods,
intelligence feelings, temperaments, motivations and desires. They communicate
effectively and empathise easily with others. They can work as part of a
group, either as leaders or followers.
Intrapersonal A high capacity to be self-aware and in tune with inner feelings, values,
intelligence beliefs and thinking processes. They are introspective and self-reflective.
They are aware of their own strengths, weaknesses, uniqueness and can
predict their reactions to situations.
Naturalist A talent to recognise and categorise natural forms such as plants, animal
intelligence species, rocks and other objects in nature. They are nurturing and highly
sensitive to nature.
Existential An inherent sensitivity and capacity to tackle profound questions about
intelligence human existence such as „Why are we born?‰, „Why do we die?‰,
„How do we go after we die?‰

Gardner criticised traditional tests and schools for their overemphasis on

linguistic and logical abilities while disregarding other intelligences. Although
well liked by educationists, critics argued that some of GardnerÊs intelligences
do not fall within the cognitive domain. For example, bodily-kinaesthetic
intelligence and musical intelligence which are usually referred to as talents.
SELF-CHECK 4.1
Examine the following statements and tick  if they are true or false.
Statement True False

According to Pascual-Leone, the mental power of a 10-
year-old can hold in mind at one time in order to solve a
problem is six units of data.
A childÊs executive control structure for problem solving
comprises of identifying the problem, aims of problem
solving and a basic strategy necessary to settle the
problem.
According to Case, when reading a story book, a four-
year-old child is able to use dimensional structures to
coordinate several ideas in the story.
Michael Commons believed that using hierarchical
complexity, a number of lower order actions can be
combined to form the next stage of behaviours task.
Demetriou organised the mind in three functional levels:
(a) Object representation in the environment;
(b) A view of selves as thinkers; and
(c) A level of processing potentials (the ability to
attend to, select, represent and operate on
information).
Halford used structure-mapping approach to predict
the age of attainment on cognitive tasks such as
classification, logical reasoning and hypothesis testing.

4.2 DEVELOPMENT OF STRATEGIES

Let us start this subtopic with memory strategies. What do they mean?
Memory strategies are ways in which we organise the data that we are
processing so as to heighten our future recall of the data.
The use of memory strategies varies in both types of strategies used as well as the
effectiveness of the strategies used across different age groups.
Developmental theorists once believed that before children enter formal

schooling, they were „astrategic.‰ What does it mean? It means that children
were not capable of using any strategies in solving problems. However, later
research reveals that children are capable of using various forms of memories.
Siegler and his colleagues formulated the adaptive model of strategy choice to
describe childrenÊs multiple strategy use and how strategies change over time.
He believed that a range of strategies is present within a childÊs cognitive
repertoire at any one time. These strategies compete with each other for use.
Sometimes, one strategy will „win‰ and at other times, another strategy will win.
With age, experience and enhanced information processing skills, more

sophisticated strategies are chosen. Thus, the min strategy tends to replace the
sum strategy. Later on, the decomposition and fact retrieval strategies replace
min strategy. However, for new tasks and less familiar tasks, children tend to
regress to the older, less sophisticated strategies.
4.2.1 Siegler’s Model of Strategy Choice

Robert SieglerÊs model of strategy choice applies an evolutionary concept of
„natural selection‰ to explain cognitive change (Siegler & Jenkins, 2014). The
evolution of childrenÊs mental strategies undergoes a process of natural selection,
yielding adaptive problem-solving techniques. In solving problems, children
produce a range of strategies, test the suitability of each strategy and choose the
best strategy that suits the problem at hand. With experience, strategies which
are frequently selected will „survive.‰ Those which are not frequently used will
„die off.‰

However, Siegler did not think that strategy development is not a simple matter
of forsaking older, less sophisticated strategies for newer, more powerful ones.
Rather, multiple strategies coexist in a childÊs mind and old strategies never
die. They merely lie in wait for an opportunity to be used when newer, more
preferred strategy is not quite adequate for a task.
Therefore, Siegler did not see strategies progressing in a stage-like manner in

which older strategies are completely replaced by newer and more advanced
strategies. Rather, they are acquired in a series of overlapping waves.
In addition, Siegler noticed that children try out diverse strategies on many types
of problems. These include games, memory for lists of items, basic mathematical
facts, numerical estimation, conversation, spelling, reading first words and
telling time.
4.2.2 Development of Strategies

How do we define strategies?
Strategies are a specific subset of executive functions. They are often defined
as intentionally executed, goal-directed mental processes used to support task
performance.
Most of our conscious thinking is directed by strategies. Even young children

may notice useful strategies as they explore objects and solve tasks in their daily
life.
Development of strategies is influenced by childrenÊs age. Age differences in

strategy use account for a substantial portion of the age-related differences in
childrenÊs cognitive performance. Generally speaking, preschool children can be
strategic in their thinking and problem solving. However, the strategies they use
for solving the problems they face are simple and use them far less effectively
than older children do. Their strategies improve in efficiency with age.

Preschool children cannot tell apart memory from perception. They use a few
simple strategies for remembering. In order to remember objects, they tend to
verbally name or visually inspect items. For example, to locate objects in hide-
and-seek games, eighteen to thirty-six-month-old children use simple strategies
to solve their problems. When told to remember where Big Bird was hidden so
that they can later wake him up from his nap, these children try to remember by
constantly eyeing or pointing to its hiding place (DeLoache, 1986).
Their use of memory strategies may be more consistent if they are taught to use
them and constantly reminded to use them each time they need to remember
things. For example, three and four-year-olds applied a range of likely strategies
(Henry & Norman, 1996). With practice, they became more efficient, that is, made
fewer moves to fill an order.
Strategy use for basic mathematical facts and other types of problems follow
a similar pattern. ChildrenÊs strategy use has a tendency to progress in the
following order:
(a) An inaccurate method;
(b) A very impulsive situation in which they try varied strategies; and
(c) A use of a more advanced strategy.
Even children as young as two years old demonstrate the same sequence when
they solve uncomplicated problems, such as how to use a tool to obtain an out-of-
reach toy (Siegler, DeLoache & Eisenberg, 2010). While examining strategies,
children check out which work best and which are useless.
Children eventually choose the min strategy (a strategy which minimises the
task) on the basis of two adaptive criteria: accuracy and speed. As children
identify useful strategies, they discover more about the tasks at hand. The
solutions they choose are associated with the existing nature of the tasks.
For example, when six-year-old Haziq handles mathematical questions, his

strategies vary. Now and again he guesses, without using any strategy.
Occasionally, he uses the sum strategy in which he counts from one using his
fingers. For example, for the question „3 + 4‰, he puts up three fingers and then
four more. He then counts one by one as he calls out, „1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7!‰ Often, he
starts with the lower digit, 3, and counts on („3, 4, 5, 6, 7!‰). Or he applies the min
strategy, beginning with the higher digit, 4, and counts on („4, 5, 6, 7!‰).

Once in a while, he uses the decomposition strategy in which he transforms the

problem into a simpler form („3 + 3 = 6,‰ four is one more than three, so („3 + 4 =
7‰). He sometimes applies the fact retrieval strategy in which he „just know‰ the
answer by retrieving it from his memory (giving an answer of „7‰ to the question
without having to count at all).
Problems with certain features of a strategy help children discover a better

strategy. For example, if there are only six marbles in the bag. If Haziq has to add
a total quantity that exceeds six, he will realise that the min strategy would be
best.
Children will eventually discover the min strategies by initially using more
laborious methods. For example, by repeatedly counting on fingers, Haziq began
to spot the number of fingers he held up. By varying between counting from the
lower digit and using min, he begins to grasp that the min has greater speed and
accuracy. The more varied their strategies, the more superior their ultimate
accomplishment (Siegler & Jenkins, 2014).
Many strategies that children find useful are directly taught in school. These
include strategies used in memory, reading, mathematics and scientific problem
solving. Teaching children to reason logically with concepts relevant to the
problems at hand helps. For example, with adult assistance, Haziq will
eventually realise that regardless of the order in which two sets are combined,
they yield the same results (3 + 4 = 7 and 4 + 3 = 7). Children who are shown an
efficient strategy, frequently adopt it, forsaking less useful strategies.
Likewise, there are different strategies for reading words such as letter by letter,
phoneme by phoneme, whole-word memory-based retrieval and so forth. With
synaptic pruning, the best strategies are saved for later use.
However, children rarely take instant advantage of their newly found best
strategies. Using a new strategy exhausts the working memory. Children stick to
a deeply-rooted, spontaneous old method because gains in speed of thinking are
small at first.
SieglerÊs model takes into account that every child thinks in a different way, even
on the same task. A child who is given the same problem on two occasions may
use different methods. Experiences with different strategies increase the childÊs
ability to invent new, more adaptive ways of thinking. The model of strategy
choice offers a powerful approach in explaining both diversity and continuous
change in childrenÊs thinking.

4.2.3 Production and Utilisation Deficiencies

As stated before, developmental theorists once thought that young children were
astrategic; they were not capable of using any problem-solving strategies.
However, later research discovers that instead of being astrategic, younger
children merely display production deficiencies. Even two and three-year-olds
have rudimentary strategies (Miller & Seier, 1994). They simply fail to produce
suitable strategies that could improve learning and memory, even though they
are capable of using them.
For example, young children who do not repeat a list of words in preparation for
a memory test will do so when trained to do so. Thus, their memory performance
often improves with training. However, the improvement is often short term.
Young children taught to use a strategy seldom do as well as older children who
use the same strategy naturally.
In one study, four to eight-year-olds were taught to use sorting or a clustering

strategy when performing memory tasks (Schwenck, Bjorklund & Schneider,
2009). The levels of recall and strategy used were higher for older children,
compared to younger children. This is because older children applied more
strategies than younger children. Even four-year-old children used more than
one strategy. Clustering is an early, less effective strategy. Multiple-strategy use
and chiefly sorting are applied more often and effectively by older children.
The ability to produce a relevant strategy is not the end of strategy development.
Acquiring a new and more complex strategy does not always lead to substantial
advances in task performance. Instead, young children who spontaneously use a
memory strategy for the first time, often display a utilisation deficiency. They
experience little or no benefit from it during recall tasks. Utilisation deficiency
arises due to two causes:
(a) ChildrenÊs failure to relate the task situation to their event knowledge; or
(b) ChildrenÊs failure to link the strategy to a second strategy.

An acquisition of a more complex strategy marks the onset of a proficient, low-

effort strategy that eases recall. Even after a child easily produces the strategy
fully and consistently, it takes some time before the child can access and execute
the strategy effortlessly and integrate it with other mnemonic strategies and
activities.
The fact that children display both production deficiencies and utilisation
deficiencies implies that the growth of strategic thinking is a slow and uneven
process. In fact, SieglerÊs recent studies of childrenÊs problem-solving strategies
show just how uneven the process can be.
ACTIVITY 4.1
Conduct a test on three children aged six, eight and 10 years old. Create
five arithmetic questions, such 8 + 3 = ? Summarise your findings.
What strategies do the children use? Choose one of the information
processing perspectives to explain your findings.
 Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs multi-store model explains how memory processes

information. It states that our memory has three components which
comprises a sensory register, a working memory or short-term store and a
long-term store.
 Pascual-LeoneÊs theory of constructive operators states that the maturational

limits on cognitive capacity are quantifiable and can account for major
developmental changes in information processing. Brain maturation in the
early years of life increases childrenÊs working memory capacity, improves
their ability to process information and expands the complexity of problems
they can solve.

 Robbie Case believed that the capacity of childrenÊs processing system sets
the limits for the kind and the complexity of the cognitive structures they can
construct at a given age. Information processing capacity progresses through
four stages in executive control structures correspond with PiagetÊs stages.
 Michael Commons expanded PiagetÊs developmental theory to generate a

model of hierarchical complexity, a framework for scoring the complexity of
a task based on how the data is arranged.
 Andreas Demetriou systematically examined the differences between

domains, self-awareness in development and other aspects of processing
efficiency, such as speed of processing and cognitive control. Our mind is
organised in three functional levels, an environment-oriented level, a self-
oriented level and a level defined by processing potentials.
 Graeme Halford believed that children have the ability to absorb a huge
amount of data from their environment, represent it and utilise it to build
problem-solving skills. He identified five essential properties of childrenÊs
understanding and four levels of dimensionality or structure mapping.
 Howard Gardner identified nine different ways of processing information,

such as musical intelligences, interpersonal intelligences, intrapersonal
intelligence and others.
 Robert Siegler formulated the adaptive model of strategy choice to describe

childrenÊs multiple strategy use and how strategies change over time.
With age, experience and enhanced information processing skills, more
sophisticated strategies are chosen. The fact retrieval strategies replace the
min strategy which has replaced the sum strategy.
 Younger children display production deficiencies (failure to produce suitable

strategies) and utilisation deficiencies (failure to use strategies effectively).
The growth of strategic thinking is a slow and an uneven process.

Adaptive model of strategy choice HalfordÊs structure-mapping

approach to cognitive
Analysis of stimuli
development
Architecture of mind
Hierarchical complexity
Astrategic
Information processing system
Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs multi-store model
Interpersonal intelligence
Axioms
Interrupt operator
Bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence
Intrapersonal intelligence
CaseÊs theory of executive control and
Logical-mathematical intelligence
central conceptual structures
Mental power
Central conceptual structures
Min strategy
Clustering
Musical intelligences
Cognitive changes
Naturalist intelligence
CommonsÊ model of hierarchical
complexity Obstacle evaluation
DemetriouÊs three level theory of the Organisation of information
architecture and dynamics of
Pascual-LeoneÊs theory of
developing mind
constructive operators
Developmental dynamics
Relative complexity of actions
Developmental model
Representation
Dimensions of tasks
Sensory register
Executive control stages
Sequence of complexity
Existential intelligence
Situational modification
GardnerÊs theory of multiple
Spatial-visual intelligence
intelligences
Thinking
Generality
Utilisation deficiency
Generativity
Verbal-linguistic intelligence
Guidance of skills

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Experimental Psychology, 18, 643ă622.

Topic  Role of
5 Knowledge in
Cognitive
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Discuss the development of attention in children; and
2. Analyse the influence of perception on childrenÊs cognitive
development.
 INTRODUCTION
At 10 months old, Mimi stays awake for longer periods at a time. She can now
play for hours. Even when she is very tired, she refuses to take a nap. She rubs
her eyes, yawns and whimpers. But if you try to rock her to sleep, she will
protest. On the contrary, if you give her another new toy to play with, her mood
soars again. It may keep her entertained for a few more minutes until fatigue sets
in once more.
This topic sheds light on how children develop attention. The ability to focus
is vital in order for the child to receive and process information from the
environment. A child who is not able to sustain attention will not be able to learn
much about an object or complete a task.

TOPIC 5 ROLE OF KNOWLEDGE IN COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT  117
As babies transit into toddlerhood, attraction to novelty weakens and sustained

attention heightens. They become more capable of goal-directed behaviours.
Many abilities, including discovering, problem solving, social interaction and
communication benefit from this enhanced capacity to focus.
In addition to attention, this topic also discusses perception. Attention enables a

sensory organ to receive stimulus from the environment. The stimulus is then
sent to the brain which transforms the sensation into perception. ChildrenÊs
perception shapes the way they respond to people or objects in their
environment.
5.1 ATTENTION
How do you define attention?
Attention refers to an ability to look at and play with an object or work on a

task for a prolonged period of time.
Attention and lack of it determines the type and amount of information that is
considered in any task. When we focus and concentrate on certain visual or other
sensory information, we must disregard a great deal of other information. We
tend to fix our attention on the information that is important to us and ignore the
rest.
5.1.1 Growth of Attention

Did you realise that the babiesÊ capacity to pay attention to their environment
plays an important role in their cognitive development? For example, in order
for babies to figure out that cats have fur, they must first attend to the cat.
The process of attention appears to involve four distinct phases that can be
distinguished by changes in infantsÊ heart rates. These four phases are explained
in the following Table 5.1.

118  TOPIC 5 ROLE OF KNOWLEDGE IN COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
Table 5.1: Four Phases Involved in the Process of Attention
Phase Description
Phase I: This phase mirrors the babyÊs early alertness to some variation in
Stimulus- the environment. In this phase, there is a very brief slowing and
detection reflex then quickening of the heart rate.
Phase II: In this phase, the heart rate slows considerably as the babyÊs
Stimulus attention becomes glued on the stimulus.
orienting
Phase III: In the third phase, the heart rate remains slow as the baby mentally
Sustained absorbs the stimulus. The baby may become quiet and may not be
attention distracted by another new stimulus. It is a voluntary state in which
the baby firmly controls and pays attention on the stimulus.
Phase IV: In this phase, the heart rate begins to return to prestimulus levels as
Attention the baby finishes processing its stimulus. He or she is still looking
termination at the object and taking a moment to cease interaction with the
stimulus.
Source: Courage, Reynolds & Richards (2006)
One of the most momentous developments in the first two years is babiesÊ
growing capacity to focus their attention. During this time, babies are also
becoming more adapted at processing data about the targets of their attention.
At three months of age, babies can sustain their attention only for periods of
five to 10 seconds. A one-year-old tends to stare at his or her own picture
with rapt attention for a long period of time. A two-year-old may just look at
the same picture briefly. Younger babies take more time to process data.
While infantsÊ attention to simple visual displays decreases after the first
few months of life, attention to complex stimuli increases. An experiment
was conducted in which babies ages six to 24 months were shown computer-
generated display of simple geometric patterns and a Sesame Street video. All the
babies spent about the same amount of time watching the computer-generated
film. These children looked longer at the Sesame Street video. The development
of attention, especially sustained attention, has a huge impact on babiesÊ
emerging ability to recall past events and understand the environment, which is
our next subject of discussion.

5.1.2 Development of Sustained, Selective and

Adaptable Attention
Generally, attention is central to human thinking. It controls which data and
how much data will be used in any task. During early and middle childhood,
attention expands considerably. It becomes more sustained, selective and
adaptable. In the first year of life, babies tend to pay attention to new and
noticeable objects and actions. They quickly turn to them and track their
movements efficiently. They also devote more time engaged on complex stimuli,
such as toys and activities around them.
As babies transit into toddlerhood, their fascination on novel objects weakens.

Toddlers are more capable of intentional behaviours, especially during play.
They show more goal-directed behaviours and sustained attention. This
improved ability to concentrate promotes expansion of many skills, such as
exploring, problem-solving and social interaction. For example, in order to fit
shapes in the precise slots, toddlers need to sustain sufficient attention to reach
their goal.
Sustained attention during play with toys improves sharply between the ages of
two and three years (Ruff & Capozzoli, 2003). Nonetheless, young children have
limited attention span on tasks. They have difficulty directing their attention on
related details. In solving a problem, they tend to repeat the same actions over
and over rather than try a different solution. As sustained attention increases,
children become better at focusing only on aspects relevant to their goals.
Children aged five years and older are better at adjusting their attention to
task requirements, switching mental sets within a task. For example, they can
promptly shift and sort a set of blocks from colour to shape when asked to do so.
ChildrenÊs ability to adjust their attention to changes in their own learning

improves with age. For example, children age 11 and eight are more systematic
in separating safe from dangerous sites road-crossing scenes, compared to six-
year-olds.

Now we come to selective attention. What does it mean?
Selective attention is an ability to focus on an object for a long time, while

simultaneously ignoring stimuli in the environment.
This process improves sharply between ages six to 10, with gains continuing
through adolescence. For example, a child who is so focused on a TV show does
not notice that you have returned home from work.
Selective attention occurs on a daily basis. Children are not able to give attention
to every stimulus that exists in the environment. Thus, they use selective
attention to choose what stimuli to focus on. Children tend to give more attention
to stimuli that appeal to their senses or to what are familiar. For example, a
hungry child will pay more attention to the smell of a cheese cake baking in the
oven, rather than a colouring activity, especially if cheese cake is her or his
favourite food.
5.1.3 Cognitive Inhibition

Note that sustained, selective and adaptable attention depends on cognitive
inhibition. What does cognitive inhibition mean?
Cognitive inhibition is the skill to regulate inner and outer stimuli that
interrupt their attention.
In order to achieve maximum attention on a task, a child must have the ability
to inhibit unrelated stimuli. Cognitive inhibition enhances the childÊs capacity
to process information by removing extraneous stimuli from working memory.
Children who are skillful at inhibition can prevent the mind from drifting to
irrelevant distractions in the environment. In doing so, inhibition releases
working-memory resources to focus on the current task.

Besides assisting children recall, think and solve problems, inhibition helps them
control their behaviour in public settings. In order to socialise, children have to
curb urges and inhibit negative emotions. The ability to confine thoughts and
behaviour improves with age. Children age three and four years do much better
when they are expected to follow simple commands, as in the „Simon says‰
game. On more complex tasks in which they have to inhibit unrelated stimuli,
children show noticeable improvements from early to middle childhood.
Older children are better at resisting the urge to pay their attention toward a
dominant stimulus and maintain attention on a less dominant stimulus (Pascual-
Leone & Johnson, 2011). For example, an experiment was conducted in which the
children must tap once after the adult taps twice and tap twice after the adult
taps once or must say „night‰ to a picture of the sun and „day‰ to a picture of the
moon. Three and four-year-old children made many errors, but six and seven-
year-old children found the tasks very easy.
The ability to resist a dominant stimulus is related to cognitive flexibility; a

mental ability to adjust attention in response to changing rules or demands.
Cognitive flexibility is part of executive functioning; a higher-order cognition
linked with the skill to control thinking. Executive functioning includes other
aspects of cognition, such as inhibition, memory and organisation. Executive
functioning predicts social maturity as well as reading and mathematics
achievement, from kindergarten through high school (Rhoades, et al., 2011).
The ability to sustain attention and inhibit irrelevant stimulus is associated with
brain development and adult scaffolding of attention. Rapid growth of the
prefrontal cortex increases the childÊs ability to concentrate and generate more
intricate play goals. When adults help toddlers and young children maintain a
focus of attention by offering suggestions, questions and comments about the
childÊs current interest, sustained attention improves. Adults can also lead games
requiring frequent inhibition and cognitive flexibility. They can promote role-
play activities which give children opportunities to restrain impulses and think
before they act.
More attentive children are better developed cognitively and socially (Pérez-
Edgar, et al., 2013). Many skills, such as exploration, problem solving, academic
learning, language and social interaction benefit from an improved ability to
concentrate.

5.1.4 Attention Strategies

As sustained attention increases, children develop greater selectivity of attention,
which is an ability to focus on relevant aspects. Older children easily adjust their
interest to demands of an activity. Development of childrenÊs selective attention
strategy occurs in four phases. These phases are explained in Table 5.2.
Table 5.2: Four Phases of Attention Strategies
Phase Description
Production Preschoolers rarely engage in attention strategies that are effective. They
deficiency usually fail to produce strategies when they could be helpful. On the
task experimented by DeMarie-Dreblow & Miller (1988), they simply
opened all the doors.
Control Young elementary school children sometimes generate strategies, but
deficiency they are not consistent in producing them. Often, they have difficulties
controlling their strategies competently.
Utilisation Lower elementary school children complete strategies reliably but their
deficiency execution progresses are slower than older children.
Effective Older children apply strategies reliably and accomplishment enhances.
strategy use
Children tend to show utilisation deficiencies if the new and more sophisticated
strategies are superior in solving the problems they face. These deficiencies may
be due to the following reasons:
(a) The new strategy may need too much mental effort to execute. Thus, the
children have little cognitive resources left to collect and hold information
relevant to the problems they face.
(b) The new strategies are often intrinsically interesting to children. Thus,
children may use a strategy for the fun of trying something different rather
than solving a problem.
(c) Younger children are not skilful in monitoring their cognitive activities.
They may not realise that they do not benefit from using a new strategy.
However, this poor metacognition may have a long-term benefit. If children
are motivated to repeat the effortful new strategy until it can be executed
effortlessly, it will eventually become a useful problem-solving strategy.

In a number of experiments, Patricia Miller and her colleagues gave three to nine-
year-olds a task requiring a selective attention strategy (DeMarie-Dreblow &
Miller, 1988). The children were given a large box with rows of doors that could
be opened. On half the doors were pictures of cages which meant that there were
animals behind them. On the other half were pictures of houses which meant that
there were household objects behind them. Children were asked to remember the
location of each object. They were given some time during which they can open
any doors they wished and examine what were behind them. Next, they were
shown pictures of some objects, one at a time and asked to point to the objectsÊ
locations.
Five-year-olds were able to apply the selective attention strategy (opening only
relevant doors). However, they also tend to open the wrong doors. Young
children spend only short times involved in tasks, have difficulty focusing on
details and are easily distracted. When given detailed pictures or written
materials, young children fail to search thoroughly. Older children have better
planned attention strategies.
ACTIVITY 5.1
Choose two children aged between five to eight years old. Play a
memory game using picture card (three pairs of picture cards for five
year olds and five pairs of picture cards for seven year olds). Observe
their attention strategies. What are the differences between the
behaviours of the younger, compared to the older child?
5.2 PERCEPTION
Did you know that information from the environment is received and processed
at two levels? These levels are sensation and perception. Sensation receives
visual, auditory and other sensory stimuli through the sense organ and transfers
them to the brain. Perception processes (recognises, interprets, transforms and
organises) the sensory information in the brain. It is closely related to all higher-
order cognitive functions (such as reasoning, concept formation, problem
solving, memory and others) as well as sensory motor behaviour.

5.2.1 Perceptual Organisation

What is perception?
Perception is the process by which sensory data is dynamically organised and

deciphered by the brain.
For example, we sense sounds in hertz and decibels, but perceive melodies; we
sense light of different wavelengths and intensities, but perceive a colourful
world of objects and people; yellow has a wavelength of 600 and red, 700.
Then we have sensations. What are sensations, in comparison to perceptions?
Sensations are the raw data we receive through our sense regarding our
surroundings while perceptions are the process outcomes.
Our perception of objects and events around us is filtered by our personal

experience and psychology. The task of perception involves three functions
namely attending, identifying and locating. Perception is necessary to guide
action. We will examine two matters involved in perceptual organisation; Gestalt
principles and depth perception. These are further explained as follows:
(a) Gestalt Principles of Perceptual Organisation

How do we organise the world of sights, sounds and other sensory stimuli
in order to perceive the way they do? According to Gestalt psychologists,
we cannot help but perceive stimuli in groups rather than isolated
components. When we see figures or hear sounds, we organise them
according to the simplest, most basic arrangement possible.
Gestalt psychologists believe we cannot understand our perceptual world

by breaking down our experiences into tiny parts and analysing them
separately. When data from senses are combined, something new is
formed. The whole form of our perception is more than just the sum of its
parts. According to Gestalt psychologists, we organise our perception based
on eight principles. These principles are listed in Figure 5.1.

Figure 5.1: Eight Gestalt principles of perceptual organisation
These eight principles are further explained as follows:
(i) Figure-ground Relationship

Did you know that the figure-ground relationship is the most central
principle of perceptual organisation? As we see our world, certain
object (the figure) is more obvious from the background (the ground).
We are born with the ability to form figure-ground relations. Figure-
ground perception is present very early in life.
Figure-ground perception is not limited to vision. When we listen to a

symphony orchestra, the melody tends to stand out as „figure‰, while
the rest of the accompaniment becomes the „ground.‰ A toothache
stands out as „figure‰, while the other sensory stimuli we receive that
day are reduced to „ground.‰
Figure 5.2 displays a well-known picture that examines the figure-

ground relationship. What is the figure and what is the ground? Do
you see the woman and the saxophone player?
Figure 5.2: An example of pictures used to examine the figure-ground

relationship
Source: http://101artave.com/archives/219

In Figure 5.2, what you see is the „figure.‰ Whichever emerges as

the „figure‰ and the „ground‰ are equally possible. Sometimes the
„figure‰ unifies so well with its „ground‰ that we can hardly see it.
When there are no clear lines of contrast between a „figure‰ and its
„ground‰, a figure is hidden or camouflaged.
(ii) Multi-stable Perception

What does multi-stable perception mean?
Multi-stable perception is the inclination of two vague perceptual

images to pop back and forth interchangeably between each other.
This can be seen in the Necker cube and in RubinÊs face-vase illusion
in Figure 5.3. However, Gestalt does not explain how images appear
multi-stable, only that they do.
Figure 5.3: The Necker cube and the Rubin vase

Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gestalt_psychology
(iii) Invariance
What does invariance mean?
Invariance is a property of perception whereby simple geometrical

objects are recognised.
These geometrical shapes are seen, no matter how they are rotated,
translated and scaled, even if it is deformed, in different lighting or
has different component features. Let us look at Figure 5.4 for an
example.

Figure 5.4: An example of invariance

In Figure 5.4, we can instantly recognise all the objects in A as objects

of the same shape. We can also easily discriminate the objects in A
as different from those in B. We can even recognise them, despite
perspective and elastic deformations (in C) and graphic elements
(in D).
(iv) Law of Proximity

Objects that are close together in space or time are usually perceived
as belonging in the same group. Let us see Figure 5.5 for an example.
Figure 5.5: Example of patterns we see when squares are arranged in varied
proximity
Source: http://imgarcade.com/1/gestalt-principles-proximity/

We see six different patterns in Figure 5.5 because of the spacing in

between the squares in each section. The principle applies for sound
too. Musical notes which are close together in time, are perceived as
belonging together in musical phrases.
(v) Law of Similarity

Objects that are similar in appearance are usually perceived as
belonging to the same group. Let us look at the following Figure 5.6.
Figure 5.6: Similar shapes form two types of patterns

Source: http://jeffbrew.com/2012/02/26/howto-gestalt-principles-and-
photography/
In Figure 5.6, the squares form a cross pattern, while the circles
form four square patterns. When similarity occurs, an object that is
dissimilar to the others becomes a focal point. This is called anomaly.
Now let us move on to Figure 5.7. What can you say about this figure?
Figure 5.7: A focal point is formed from dissimilarities

Source:
http://graphicdesign.spokanefalls.edu/tutorials/process/gestaltprinciples/
gestaltprinc.htm
The object in Figure 5.7 on the far right becomes the centre of attention
in this picture. The principle of similarity may also be applied for
sound. For example, when we listen to orchestra music, we tend to
group the instruments and perceive them as units ă the drums,
violins, trumpets and piano ă based on similarity in sounds.

(vi) Law of Continuity

Objects that create a continuous form are usually perceived as figures
or objects belonging to the same group. Look at Figure 5.8. What do
you see?
Figure 5.8: An example of continuity, in which the crossbar of „H‰ continues

to the maple leaf
Source:
gestaltprinc.htm
In Figure 5.8, our eyes will naturally follow a line or curve. We see
a smooth flowing crossbar of the „H‰ that leads to the maple leaf.
Continuity also applies when two singers sing or two instruments
play in harmony. The notes in the melody line are perceived as
seamless and the notes in the harmony line as belonging together,
even if they overlap on the same note and then cross over.
(vii) Closure
A picture which creates a familiar image is usually perceived as a
complete figure, even if the image has gaps or is incomplete. Our
mind tends to fill in these gaps. Let us see Figure 5.9 which
demonstrates this principle.
Figure 5.9: An example of a closure

Source:
gestaltprinc.htm

In Figure 5.9, we create a closure of the picture and perceive it as

a panda. Closure also applies when we listen to our favourite
song on the radio and interference in transmission occasionally
interrupts the song. We usually fill in the gaps to perceive the
whole song.
(viii) Reification
The last Gestalt principle discussed here is reification. What does it
denote?
Reification is a constructive aspect of perception in which the view

experienced contains more obvious spatial information than the
actual sensory stimulus on which it is based.
Let us see Figure 5.10 for an example.
Figure 5.10: An example of reification

In Figure 5.10, a triangle is perceived in picture A, though no triangle

is there. In pictures B and D, our eyes perceive disjointed shapes as
„belonging‰ to a single shape. In C, a complete three-dimensional
shape is seen, where in reality, no such thing is drawn. Reification
explains how our visual system sees illusive contours as „real‰
contours.

(b) Depth Perception

Next, let us examine depth perception. What is depth perception?
Depth perception is the ability to estimate the distance of objects from

one another and from ourselves.
Depth perception helps us figure out the arrangement of objects in the

surroundings. It also guides our movements or motor activities. With depth
perception, we climb and descend stairs without stumbling.
The concept of depth is one of the most studied aspects of perception.

Eleanor Gibson and Richard Walk (1960) design the ingenious visual cliff
apparatus used in the original study of depth perception (see Figure 5.11).
Figure 5.11: The visual cliff apparatus

Source: http://www.photoeditinc.com/results.asp?searchtxtkeys=visual%20cliff
It is a Plexiglas-covered table with a platform which has a „shallow‰ side

with a checkerboard pattern just under the glass and a „deep‰ side with a
checkerboard four feet below the glass. Babies are placed on one side of a
glass topped table which creates an impression of a cliff.
Actually, the glass spreads across the entire table, so the baby cannot
possibly fall off. Gibson and Walk (1960) also discovered that by the time
babies can crawl, they will not crawl across the glass table, showing us that
depth perception does exist at young ages.

Depth perception is three-dimensional. Yet each of our eyes is able to

provide only a two-dimensional view. The images cast on the retina do not
contain depth; they are flat, just like a photograph. We perceive depth using
a combination of binocular depth cues, monocular cues, interposition,
relative size, relative clarity, texture gradient, relative height, motion
parallax, linear perspective, light and shadow. Further explanation on this
matter is as follows:
(i) Binocular Depth Cues: The Cues Our Two Eyes Reveal
Our two eyes register slightly different views of the visual field. Some
cues to depth perception depend on both eyes working together.
These are called binocular depth cues. Binocular depth cues arise
because our two eyes register retinal disparity and convergence:
• Retinal disparity is the difference computed by comparing images

from the two eyeballs. We have two eyes. So, the brain gets two
images. The more similar the images are between the two eyes, the
farther away the object is noted by the brain. The more different
the images are between the eyes, the closer the object.
• Convergence occurs when our eyes turn inward to focus on

nearby objects; the closer the object, the greater the convergence.
As an object comes closer to us, our eye muscles must strain to
stay focused on the object. The brain receives feedback from the
muscles controlling eye movements. It knows that the more the
eye converges, the closer the object must be.
In a process called stereopsis, our brain blends these two images,

resulting in perception of depth.
(ii) Monocular Cues: The Cues Detected by One Eye

Monocular cues or pictorial depth cues used to perceive the distance
of an object are last to develop. They are tricks that artists use to
create the illusion of perspective and make a painting look three-
dimensional. What makes them monocular is that you need only one
eye to use them to judge depth perception.

Pictorial depth cues uses include interposition, texture gradient and

relative clarity, size and height as well as linear perspective and
junctures are further explained as follows:
 Interposition: When objects recede and overlap another, the object

that is partially obscured is perceived as being farther away. The
full view version of the domino in Figure 5.12 seems closest to us,
while the one with most overlap seems furthest away.
Figure 5.12: An example of an interposition

Source: https://www.pinterest.com/pin/565061084467870728/
 Texture Gradient and Relative Clarity: The textures of closer

objects are clearer and have more details. The textures of objects
which are farther away, on the other hand, are more blur.
 Relative Size and Height: If two objects are around the same size,
the one that is closer to us will look a lot bigger and taller in our
visual field. Conversely, the object that is further away normally
looks smaller and shorter.
 Linear Perspective: Parallel lines appear to meet or converge in a

distance. For example, the outer edges of a road seem to grow
closer and closer until they appear to meet. The closer together the
two lines are, the greater the distance will seem. They look wider
when it is nearer (see Figure 5.13).

Figure 5.13: An example of linear perspective

Source: http://imgarcade.com/1/linear-perspective-photography-
bridge/
A combination of Figure 5.13 depth cues (interposition, texture

gradient, relative clarity, size and height as well as linear
perspective) imparts the impression of proximity or distance.
Now let us look at Figure 5.14. Describe what you see.
Figure 5.14: An example of pictorial depth cues

Source: https://ohmygoache.wordpress.com/
In Figure 5.14, the trees that are closer have wider space in
between them, while the trees that are farther away overlap more.
The proximal trees also have more detailed, coarser trunks and
appear bigger and taller than those further away.

(c) Perception of Motion

We perceive motion, no matter where in our visual field it occurs. When
objects move in our visual field, they project images that move across the
retina.
We can also perceive apparent motion, that is, perception of movement

when objects do not move at all. If a number of motionless lights are
flashed on and off in sequence, these lights will appear to move from one
spot to the next. This type of motion perception is called phi phenomenon.
An example of a phi phenomenon is decorative lights used during festive
occasions.
Another form of phi phenomenon occurs when we watch a motion picture.

In a movie, we perceive apparent motion of people and objects moving, but
when in reality, everything is motionless. This form of motion is known as
stroboscopic motion, in which a series of still pictures are flashed in rapid
succession to give the illusion of movement.
(d) Perceptual Constancy

Even though we view objects or other people from different angles and
distances and under different lighting conditions, we perceive the same
shape, size, brightness and colour. This phenomenon is called perceptual
constancy and it can be in the form of shape, size, brightness and colour.
(i) Shape Constancy: Seeing Rectangle as Rectangle from Any Angle

What does shape constancy show?
Shape constancy is the tendency to perceive an object as having a

constant unchanged shape, no matter how it looks from varying
angles.

An object produces different shapes on our retinas when it is viewed

from different angles. Nonetheless, we perceive the object in its
original version. Let us look at Figure 5.15 for an example.
Figure 5.15: Shape constancy of a door

Source: http://dik.ir/AdvSearch.aspx?query=shape%20constancy
In Figure 5.15, the door projects very different images on the retina
when it is fully closed, half opened or fully opened. However, because
of shape constancy, we continue to perceive the door as rectangular,
no matter what the images we get on our retina.
(ii) Size Constancy: When Smaller Means Farther Away

Objects that are closer to us produce bigger images on our retinas.
When we watch the school bus down the road, the image on our
retina grows smaller and smaller until it finally disappears in the
distance. Despite its shrinking size information that the retina sends to
the brain (the sensation), we continue to perceive the bus as being
about the same size. This perceptual phenomenon is known as size
constancy.
(iii) Brightness Constancy: Perceiving Brightness in Sunlight and Shadow

What does brightness constancy suggest?
Brightness constancy is the tendency to see an object as

maintaining the same brightness regardless of differences in
lighting conditions.

We generally see objects as maintaining a constant level of brightness

even though the amount of light may change. For example, a metallic
grey car is perceived as being brighter than a black car, whether it is in
the bright daylight or at midnight. We ascertain the brightness of
objects by judging them against the brightness of other objects viewed
simultaneously.
(iv) Colour Constancy: When Colours Stay the Same in Sunlight or

Shadow
What does colour constancy mean?
Colour constancy is our tendency to perceive a familiar object as

about the same colour, regardless of differences in lighting
conditions.
For example, a red car remains red, under different conditions of

illumination. It definitely does not change to blue or green in different
lighting conditions. Like brightness constancy, colour constancy
depends on the comparisons we make between differently coloured
objects viewed at the same time.
(e) Puzzling Perceptions

Did you know that our mind has the tendency to all forms of puzzling
images? Earlier, we have noted that we often perceive apparent motions
that do not exist as in the phi phenomenon but seem real in our daily life,
such as festive lights and movies. There are three types of puzzling,
extraordinary perceptions discussed in this section. They are ambiguous
figures, impossible figures and illusions, as follows:
(i) Ambiguous Figures: More Than One Way to See Them

The first time we see an ambiguous figure, we have no experience to
refer to. Our perceptual system is puzzled and tries to work it out by
seeing the ambiguous figure first, one way and then another, but not
both at once. We do not get a fixed reaction of ambiguous figures
because they seem to pop back and forth beyond our control. In some
ambiguous figures, two different objects or figures are perceived
interchangeably. Let us see Figure 5.16 as an example.

Figure 5.16: Old woman/young woman figure

Source:
http://moodle.etcportal.org/mod/book/view.php?id=2179&chapterid=43
In Figure 5.16, a gaze to the right of the drawing shows a picture of

an attractive young woman, with her face turned away. The young
woman fades when we look more on the left. Then, an image of the
old woman pops up. It is perplexing how the same drawing can
convey such dramatically altered perceptions.
(ii) Impossible Figures

At first glance, many impossible figures do not seem so unusual. Let
us check out Figure 5.17.
Figure 5.17: Impossible figures

Source: http://hqvectors.com/image/shutterstock-eps-88992652

When we examine the objects in Figure 5.17 more closely, we realise

that they could not be constructed.
(iii) Illusions: False Perceptions

What is an illusion?
An illusion is a false perception or a misperception of an actual

stimulus in the environment.
We can misperceive size, shape or the relationship of one component

to another. Illusions occur naturally in our daily life. We see them all
the time. For example, an oar appears to be bent where it meets the
water.
There are two types of illusion namely the Müller-Lyer illusion and
the Ponzo illustration. They are further explained as follows:
 Müller-Lyer Illusion
What is the Müller-Lyer illusion?
The Müller-Lyer illusion is actually a misapplication of size

constancy.
Let us check out Figure 5.18.
Figure 5.18: The Müller-Lyer illusion of two lines

Source: http://www.goldmark.org/livia/papers/cultcult/cultcult.html

In Figure 5.18, even though the two lines are of equal length, the
diagonals stretching outward from both ends [line (a)] make it
looks longer, compared to the diagonals pointing inward [line (b)].
Now let us look at Figure 5.19. How do our minds perceive this
figure?
(a) (b)
Figure 5.19: The Müller-Lyer illusion of two corners
Source: http://www.cycleback.com/muller.html
In Figure 5.19(a), the corner in the right-hand photo seems to

project forward, towards us and is therefore perceived to be
closer. The corner in the left-hand photo (Figure 5.19(b)) is
perceived to be more distant because it seems to recede from our
view.
Again, when two lines are the same length, the line we perceive to
be farther away will look longer. The line on the right seems to
project forward and appears closer than the line on the left which
seems to recede in the distant corner.

 Ponzo Illusion
Did you know that the Ponzo illusion also plays an interesting
trick on our estimation of size? Let us look at Figure 5.20.
Figure 5.20: The Ponzo illusion

Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ponzo_illusion
Based on Figure 5.20, which rails on the railroad track are larger?
Both of the horizontal bright lines are the same length, but our
eyes perceive the proximal rails to be larger. Again, contrary to
our perceptions, all the rails along the track are the same size. In
fact, all these illusions are really misapplications of principles that
nearly always apply in normal everyday experience.
ACTIVITY 5.2
Create a group of six people. Try out the illusions from Figures 5.2 to
5.20. What do you see? Summarise your findings and relate to what you
had just read on perceptions.

 Attention refers to an ability to look at and play with an object or work on a

task for a prolonged period of time. Attention and lack of it determines the
type and amount information received and processed from the environment.
• The process of attention appears to involve four distinct phases that can be
distinguished by changes in infantsÊ heart rates (stimulus-detection reflex,
stimulus orienting, sustained attention and attention termination).
• Sustained attention during play with toys improves sharply between the ages
of two and three years, but have difficulty attending to details. Children
aged five years and older are better at adjusting their attention to task
requirements, switching mental sets within a task.
• Selective attention, an ability to focus on an object for a long time, while

simultaneously ignoring other stimuli in the environment, improves sharply
between ages six and ten, and continues through adolescence.
• Sustained, selective and adaptable attention depends on cognitive inhibition,

the skill to regulate inner and outer stimuli that interrupt their attention by
removing extraneous stimuli from working memory.
• ChildrenÊs selective attention strategy progresses in four phases; production

deficiency, control deficiency, utilisation deficiency and effective strategy use.
• Perception is the process by which sensory data is dynamically organised and

deciphered by the brain. Our perception of objects and events around us is
filtered by our personal experience and psychology.
• According to the Gestalt psychologists, sensory experience is organised

according to following basic principles: figure-ground relationship, multi-
stable perception, invariance, proximity, similarity, continuity and closure.
• Depth perception is the ability to estimate the distance of objects from one
another and from ourselves. It helps us figure out the arrangement of objects
in the surroundings and guides movements.
• We perceive depth using a combination of binocular cues, monocular cues,

interposition, relative size, relative clarity, texture gradient, relative height,
motion parallax, linear perspective, light and shadow.
• We perceive apparent motion or perception of movement when objects do

not move at all, in the forms of phi phenomenon and stroboscopic motion.

• Perceptual constancy allows us to perceive objects or people as the same

shape, size, brightness and colour, under different angles, distances and
lighting conditions.
Adaptable attention Law of similarity

Ambiguous figures Linear perspective
Attention Monocular cues
Attention strategies Müller-Lyer illusion
Attention termination Multi-stable perception
Binocular depth cues Perception
Brightness constancy Perception of motion
Closure Perceptual constancy
Cognitive inhibition Perceptual organisation
Colour constancy Ponzo illusion
Control deficiency Production deficiency
Convergence Reification
Depth perception Relative size and height
Effective strategy use Retinal disparity
Extraordinary perceptions Selective attention
False perceptions Shape constancy
Figure ground relationship Size constancy
Gestalt principles Stimulus orienting
Impossible figures Stimulus-detection reflex
Interposition Sustained attention
Invariance Texture gradient and relative clarity
Law of continuity Utilisation deficiency
Law of proximity

Courage, M. L., Reynolds, G. D., & Richards, J. E. (2006). InfantsÊ visual attention
to patterned stimuli: Developmental change and individual differences
from 3- to 12-months of age. Child Development, 77, 680ă695.
DeMarie-Dreblow, D., & Miller, P. H. (1988). The development of childrenÊs

strategies for selective attention: Evidence for a transitional period. Child
Development, 59, 1559ă1587.
Gibson, E. J., & Pick, A. D. (2000). Perceptual learning and development: An

ecological approach to perceptual learning and development. Oxford:
Oxford University.
Gibson, E. J., & Walk, R. D. (1960). The „visual cliff.‰ Scientific American, 202,
67ă71.
Pascual-Leone, J., & Johnson, J. (2011). A developmental theory of mental

attention: Its applications to measurement and task analysis. In
P. Barrouillet & V. Gaillard (Eds.), Cognitive development and working
memory: A dialogue between neoNeo-Piagetian and cognitive approaches.
New York, NY: Psychology Press.
Pérez-Edgar, K., Kujawa, A., Nelson, S. K., Cole, C., & Zapp, D. J. (2013). The
relation between electroencephalogram asymmetry and attention biases to
threat at baseline and under stress. Brain Cognition, 82(3): 337ă343.
Rhoades, B., Warren, H. K., Domitrovich, C. E., & Greenberg, M. T. (2011).

Examining the link between preschool social-emotional competence and
first grade academic achievement: The role of attention skills. Early
Childhood Research Quarterly, 26(2), 182ă191.
Ruff, H. A., & Capozzoli, M. C. (2003). Development of attention and

distractibility in the first 4 years of life. Developmental Psychology, 39(5),
877ă90.
Welch-Ross, M., & Miller, P. H. (2000). Relations between childrenÊs theory

of mind and a selective attention strategy. Journal of Cognition and

Topic  Perceptual
6 Development:
Auditory and
Visual
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Describe the developmental changes and problems in auditory
perception;
2. Discuss the developmental changes and problems in the visual
perception; and
3. Analyse the intermodal perception.
 INTRODUCTION
Do you realise that our world is in black and white, but we see a multi-coloured
world? Yet, even more startling is a discovery of how little of the world we
actually sense! The electromagnetic rays ranges from less than 0.0001 nanometres
(nm) to more than 100 metres, but our human eye detects only a thin slice of this
vast spectrum of rays (see in Figure 6.1).

146  TOPIC 6 PERCEPTUAL DEVELOPMENT: AUDITORY AND VISUAL DEVELOPMENT
Figure 6.1: Spectrum of electromagnetic energy

Source: http://icbseverywhere.com/
The shortest wave visible to our eyes is perceived as violet (400nm), while the
longest visible waves appear red (700nm). We do not see rays below 400nm, such
as ultraviolet light, X-rays or gamma rays. Rays above 700nm which include
infrared waves, microwaves or radio waves are also invisible to our eyes.
Despite the short spectrum that is visible to our eyes, our normal visual
experience of our environment stretches beyond the colours of the rainbow. Our
brain can detect thousands fine shades of colour, providing us with a perception
of a vibrant colourful world.
Thus, this topic presents childrenÊs development of auditory and visual

perception. Babies are born with the capacity to perceive form in their
surroundings. They have the capacities for visual, hearing and intermodal
perception from birth. Like adults, newborn babiesÊ interests are captivated by
loud noises, bright lights and transformations in their surroundings.
Both vision and hearing are involved in guiding childrenÊs motor actions. As
such, perceptual functioning develops remarkably fast in early childhood.
Hearing develops considerably more rapidly, compared to vision. Auditory
perception reaches almost adult-like level by the end of the first year.

TOPIC 6 PERCEPTUAL DEVELOPMENT: AUDITORY AND VISUAL DEVELOPMENT  147
Vision is the least developed sense in a newborn baby. Nonetheless, the optic
nerve and the visual centres in the brain reach almost adult-like levels by the end
of early childhood. Thus, the visual perception is fully functioning by the time
the child enters formal schooling.
Babies are innately inclined to search for auditory and visual structure in the
environment. They analyse sounds and speech for regularities, detecting familiar
words, word order sequences and syllable stress patterns. They look for features
that stand out in objects and faces, detecting internal features, complex designs
and stable relationships among them. The development of intermodal perception
also reflects this principle, such as they seek common traits and rhythm in a voice
and face, locating unique voiceăface matches.
6.1 DEVELOPMENT OF AUDITORY

PERCEPTION
Do you know that babies can hear since they are in the womb? In fact, their
capacity to hear is more sensitive than adults. At birth, babies can hear all kinds
of sounds, but these sounds are still incoherent to their brain. Over the first six
months, babies have begun to organise sounds into complex patterns: musical
phrasing as early as four months and rhythmic patterns at six months.
Newborn babies can distinguish almost all speech sounds. They prefer listening
to their own motherÊs voice and distinct, high-pitched and expressive voices.
BabiesÊ capacity to analyse the speech stream for patterns is impressive.
By six months, they grow more perceptive of the sounds commonly found in
their mother tongue. Within the same period, they learn to perceive word
boundaries, word meanings and simple word order rules.
6.1.1 Sound Perception

As mentioned earlier, babies respond to sounds long before they are born. They
are more attentive to some sounds than others. Newborn babies prefer complex
sounds (like noises and voices) as compared to pure tones (like sounds of bell).
Similar to adults, babies process both speech and music sounds categorically.
They can discriminate peopleÊs voices from other types of sounds. Babies like
voices better than any other sounds. They are especially attuned to the sounds of
human language.

In order to perceive sound, the ear must first sense them. Sound is generated
when things vibrate and cause particles of air to move. It travels about 700 miles
per hour. We can sense vibrations between 30 and 20,000 times per second.
Vibrations of air are perceived as sounds. In order to hear, sound needs a

medium through which to move. Air, water or other solid objects can carry
sound waves.
We hear sounds in terms of:
(a) Frequency which corresponds to the pitch of a sound and is measured in

hertz (cycles per second);
(b) Amplitude (the loudness of sound) which equals the intensity of the
stimulus and measured in decibels; and
(c) Timbre or distinctive qualities of a sound which equals to the complexity of

the stimulus. For example, a piano sounds different from a violin when
both play a C note.
Development of auditory perception includes localisation, sound patterns,

musical patterns as well as speech perception (phonemic and speech stream).
Auditory localisation, sound patterns and musical patterns are further explained
as follows:
(a) Auditory Localisation

Firstly, what does auditory localisation mean?
Auditory localisation is an ability to determine the source of a detected

sound in direction, distance and location.
In order to localise sound sources, our brain employs subtle disparities in

intensity, spectral and timing cues. Localisation is identified in three-
dimensional position namely the azimuth (horizontal angle), the elevation
(vertical angle) and the distance (for static sounds) or velocity (for moving
sounds).

There are six signs that can be used to approximate the proximity to a
sound location. They are listed and explained in Table 6.1.
Table 6.1: Signs to Estimate the Distance to a Sound Source
Sign Description
Direct/ In rooms, we receive two kinds of sound; direct sound and
Reflection ratio reflected sound. What is the difference between them? A
direct sound that reaches our ears has not bounced against a
wall. A reflected sound has bounced against a wall at least
once before reaching our ears. The proportion between direct
sound and reflected sound tells us how far the sound source
is.
Loudness Closer sound sources are louder than distant ones.
Sound spectrum A sound source that is far away is more inaudible than a
source that is nearby.
Initial time The disparity between time of arrival of the direct sound and
delay gap first strong reflected sound. Closer sound sources radiate a
(ITDG) long ITDG.
Movement The motion parallax phenomenon in acoustical perception
gives an impression that a listener going past a closer sound
source is moving quicker than a sound source that is further
away.
Level difference Sound sources which are very near produce a different level
between the ears.
Did you know that newborn babies are able to localise sound in space?
Two-weeks-old babies look toward the direction of a sound. The capability
to locate the exact direction of a sound progresses substantially over the
first half of the year. It improves more during the preschool years.
(b) Sound Patterns

According to Winkler et al. (2009), newborn babies can discriminate a range
of sound patterns such as:
(i) A sequence of sounds organised in a rising or descending tone;
(ii) Tone sequences with a rhythmic downbeat (as in music) versus those
without;

(iii) Two or three-syllabic speech sounds with stress patterns such as „pa -
pa‰ versus „pa- pa‰; and
(iv) Two languages articulated by a bilingual speaker; provided that the

languages diverge in their rhythmic structures, such as Chinese
versus English.
(c) Musical Patterns

In the first year, babies become more perceptive to elaborate patterns. Two-
to four-month-old babies can discriminate changes in tempo. They can
recognise the same tune played slightly faster. By four to seven months of
age, babies can sense musical phrasing. Babies like Mozart minuets with
definite musical phrasing better, compared to music with clumsy halts
(Jusczyk & Krumhansl, 1993).
Six to seven-months-old babies can discriminate differences in rhythmic

patterns of musical tunes. They can tell if its beat structure has two counts
(a marching song) or three counts (a waltz). They can detect the accent
structure, for example, if the song begins on the first beat or on the fourth
beat (Hannon & Johnson, 2004). By 12 months, babies can identify identical
tunes performed in a higher (g-major) and lower (c-major) key.
6.1.2 Speech Perception

Analysing speech helps babies structure other aspects of their auditory world.
Newborn babies are especially interested in „motherese‰ or „infant-directed‰
speech that has a high pitch and slow, exaggerated pronunciation. Young babies
pay more attention to speech sounds than to structurally comparable non-speech
sounds (Vouloumanos et al., 2010). As mentioned earlier, speech perception
consists of phonemic and speech stream, described as follows:
(a) Phonemic Perception

Newborn babies can detect any speech sounds. They can sense distinct
peculiarities between speech sounds. Very young babies can perceive
phonemes, the smallest sound categories in human speech that indicate
meanings.

As early as two days old, they prefer listening to the language that has been
spoken around them than a foreign language. For example, babies suck
vigorously on a nipple that releases the „ba‰ sound. Once they get use to
the sound (habituate), they stop sucking on the nipple. When the sound is
changed to another sound such as „pa,‰ they begin to suck again. This
reaction suggests that babies detect this subtle difference.
By analysing the babiesÊ brain waves when they listen to speech sounds and
contrasting their reactions with the words that they pick up when they get
older, researchers discover that early exposure to language shapes the
babiesÊ brain. The brains of babies who are exposed to monolingual
environment are wired to understand only one language and sounds. On
the other hand, the brains of babies who are exposed to multilingual
experiences are better to perceive phonetic sounds in languages they have
early exposure to.
Phonemes vary from language to language. For example, /r/ and /l/ are
different phonemes in English but not in Japanese. Newborn babies can
perceive all the sound peculiarities used in any existing language. Their
ability to perceive unfamiliar sounds in a foreign language is sharper than
any adult (Jusczyk & Luce, 2002). In contrast, adults perceive only those of
their native language. For example, Japanese babies can perceive the
difference between /r/ and /l/; adult speakers of Japanese cannot. In
addition, two-month-olds can distinguish a variety of phonemes.
The ability to discriminate phonemes begins to narrow to just those

phonemes that are present in the native language when babies are about six
to eight months old. This age corresponds with the age they begin to
articulate their first faltering language-like sounds. Phonemes that are not
used in their native tongue are „screen out.‰ At five months of age, babies
begin to perceive syllable stress patterns in their mother tongue. They also
begin to recognise their own names.
Seven-month-old babies can detect regularities in word sequences. They are

able to tell apart the „ABA‰ structure of „sa ti sa‰ from the „ABB‰ structure
of „do ma ma.‰ They appear to sense the simple word order rules, a skill
which helps them learn basic grammar. Those who are accustomed to
regularities in nonsense words structures can detect similar patterns in
strings of musical tunes and animal sounds.

(b) Analysing the Speech Stream

Do you know that babies are programmed with an amazing capacity to sort
out regularities from intricate incessant speech? Six to eight-month-old
babies are receptive to any language sounds. By 10 months, they have
begun to discriminate sound regularities in human speech, a skill which
will expedite future language learning. They become more impervious to
structures that are different from their usual language patterns (Yoshida
et al., 2010).
When babies listen to a stream of speech, they tend to analyse them for
patterns. They look for sequences of sounds which occur frequently. They
locate words in the speech stream. Around eight months, babies begin to
divide the speech going on around them into „word‰ units and then
eventually divide the sounds into patterns of syllables within word
sequences.
As they become more familiar with speech stream of familiar languages,

they then focus on the words and detect syllable-stress regularities. They
observe speech structures for which they will later learn meanings. Babies
notice regularities in word sequences, apparently detecting simple word-
order rules.
Eight and nine-month-old babies rapidly detect the pattern structure in

new syllable sequence. They favour new speech sounds that preserve
the original syllable patterns (happy#baby), compared to regular sequence
(ty#ba).
In addition, babies are able to identify a word-internal syllable pair (happy)

from a word-external syllable pair (tyba) after an exposure to a minute
of speech stream (about 60 words). Once they locate words, they focus on
the words and detect syllable-stress regularities (happy). As for seven to
ten-month-old babies, they can perceive weak syllabic words, such as
„surprise‰ by listening for sound regularities before and after the words
(Kooijman, Hagoort & Cutler, 2009).
6.1.3 Problems in Auditory Perception

Our brain is divided into two hemispheres: left and right. Damages in these two
hemispheres have difference impacts in the auditory perception; left hemisphere
damage to the auditory cortex impairs the recognition of language while right
hemisphere damage injures the ability to analyse non-speech sounds.

Specific problems in auditory perception are simplified in Table 6.2.
Table 6.2: Problems in Auditory Perception
Problem Description
Auditory Impairments in the ability to recognise spoken words, music or
apperceptive environmental sounds due to damage in the temporal lobe, but the
agnosia ability to read, write, name objects and converse intelligently remain
intact.
Auditory Inability to recognise the meaning of sounds even though the child is
agnosia not deaf. If it is due to bilateral lesions in the right temporal gyrus,
causing a neurological inability of the brain to process (failure to
re-encode) the nature and location of non-speech sounds. Lesion in
the left hemisphere will cause a form of language disorder.
Auditory Pure word deafness due to the inability to recognise speech
verbal agnosia (language, repeat words and write from dictation). However, they are
still capable of speaking, reading, writing and recognising non-verbal
sounds.
SELF-CHECK 6.1
Describe the development of babyÊs sound and speech perception in the
first year of life. Then suggest the kind of language environment you
would set up for young babies in order to optimise their language
potential.
6.2 DEVELOPMENT OF VISUAL PERCEPTION

Numerous studies have been conducted to determine exactly what and how well
babies can see. In discovering the environment, we rely on our vision more than
any other senses. However, at birth, vision is still very immature. In order for the
brain to interpret visual stimuli, the visual sensory system must transmit its
information to the visual cortex. Visual acuity and perception of depth, patterns
as well as objects are mastered progressively over the first year.
Although the basic anatomy of the visual system is complete at birth, they are not
fully matured. The cells of the retina which captures light and converts it into
information transmitted to the brain are still sparsely packed. The lensÊ muscles
(which adjust our vision) are still frail and the images on the two retinas are not
yet aligned.

As a result, newborn babiesÊ vision is still very blurry. The movements of their
eyes are also not well coordinated. The inability of their eyes to focus reduces
their visual acuity. Newborn babies are therefore unable to accommodate their
vision to objects that are close-up or distant. Their best image is about one foot
away. Thus, a close up image of a parentÊs face looks fuzzy to them.
Once the visual cortex is able to receive and process the visual stimuli, the child
will learn to process and recognise the data received. Development of visual
perception includes spatial location, depth, forms, patterns, movement, face and
colours.
6.2.1 Visual Acuity and Scanning

Firstly, what does visual acuity stand for?
Visual acuity or fineness of discrimination is a measurement of how well

babies see. It is an indication of the clarity or sharpness of their vision.
BabiesÊ visual acuity improves substantially in the first six months of their life.
They could see the outlines of objects quite clearly and they also seem to see the
same qualitative, distinct colours as adult do.
Newborn babies are very near-sighted, with a visual acuity of 20/600. In other
words, the clarity of objects 20 feet away look as blurry as those placed 600 feet
away to adults (see Figure 6.2). Visual acuity improves rapidly, reaching 20/80
by six months.
(a) (b)
Figure 6.2: Comparison between an adultÊs view (a) and newborn babyÊs view
(b) of mother

Nonetheless, babiesÊ visual system is advanced enough to see images that are one
foot away from them (the closeness of their motherÊs face when breastfeeding).
Their visual acuity makes eye contact possible between babies and their mothers,
enabling early interaction between them. By eight months old, when babies have
learnt to crawl, their visual acuity is close to the adult level. It reaches a visual
acuity of 20/20 by four years (Slater et al., 2010).
Despite their near-sightedness and their difficulty in focusing, newborn babies

actively scan their surroundings from the earliest days of life. Marshall Haith
(1980) and his colleagues discovered that neonates scan with short eye movements
even in a completely darkened room. When the lights are turned on after babies
have been in the dark, they pause in their scanning when their gaze encounters
an object or some change of brightness in the visual field. This early sensitivity to
changes in brightness is linked with the edges and angles of objects.
6.2.2 Perception of Three-Dimensional Space

It seems to be a vital aspect of the babyÊs emerging ability to perceive visual
patterns and objects. As babies discover their visual field, they learn the features
of objects and how they are positioned in space. In order to understand how they
do so, let us examine the development of four aspects of vision: depth, pattern
and form, face and colour perceptions.
(a) Depth Perception

Do you know that babies are able to perceive depth even before they start
crawling? In fact, they can actually identify where objects are in space. They
can ascertain if objects are close to them or far away. By the time they begin
crawling, they are „well-equipped‰ for safety and can detect deep from
shallow surfaces and avoid drop-off. This has been proven by Gibson and
Walk (1960)Ês experiment. Their experiment revealed that six to 14 months
old babies readily crossed the shallow side and halt just before reaching the
deep side (see Figure 6.3).

Figure 6.3: Crawling babies halt just before reaching the deep side of the visual cliff
Source: http://scienceblogs.com
BabiesÊ emergence of depth perception is influenced by their experiences

with motion, binocular cues, monocular cues and awareness of invariant
features of the environment. These four factors are further explained in the
following Table 6.3:
Table 6.3: Four Factors that Influence BabiesÊ Depth Perception
Factor Description
Motion Motion is the first depth cue babies are exposed to. Babies three
to four weeks old flicker their eyelids warily when watching a looming
object approach their face as if it is about to hit them. Three to five-
month-olds react differently to looming objects. They press the head
backward; throw the arms outward, with intense blinking responses as if
in anticipation of an impending collision (Schmuckler & Li, 1998).
Older babies have more experience being carried about. They observe
others and things move around them and learn more about depth. By the
time babies are three months old, movement in space has helped them
figure out that objects are three-dimensional, not flat.
Binocular Firstly, let us learn binocular vision. Have you ever heard about it? What
cues does it mean? Binocular vision is the ability to coordinate vision of both
eyes. Between two to three months of age, babies have attained binocular
vision. Sensitivity to binocular cues improves rapidly over the first year.
Babies quickly use binocular cues in reaching for objects, adjusting arm
and hand movements to match the distance of objects from the eyes
(Loftus et al., 2004).

Monocular Three to four-month-old babies are sensitive to cues of overlapping lines

cues and line junctions. When presented with structurally „possible‰ and
„impossible‰ drawings of a cube, they look much longer at the
impossible drawings, as if puzzled by them (Shuwairi, Albert & Johnson,
2007). Babies aged five to seven-month-old reach toward closer-
appearing parts of images containing pictorial cues (Kavsek, Granrud &
Yonas, 2009).
Awareness Babies learn to detect invariant features of the surroundings (fine details
of invariant that do not change) in a continually changing perceptual environment.
features of They learn to figure out which plane is safe to walk on and which plane
the poses a possibility of falling. Sensitivity to affordances (possible actions
environment in a situation) saves us time spent on revising futile actions because our
actions become more focused on repeating successful ones.
When babies crawl and walk, they eventually discover that a steep slope
affords the likelihood of falling. As they gain more experience, they
become more cautious when crawling or walking down a slope.
Familiarities with trying to keep their balance on different types of slopes
make them more mindful of the outcomes of their movements. They
discover certain slopes or depths increase their tendency to fall (Adolph,
Berger & Leo, 2011). Thus, they become more skilful in perceiving depth.
How do we relate independent movement and depth perception? Babies

eventually learn to use depth cues to perceive the risk of falling from wide-
ranging daily encounters through their independent movement.
However, since the body position that causes the baby to stumble varies
widely, babies have to experience each posture separately. As babies learn
to evade falling in varied poses and circumstances, their depth perception
becomes more matured. Crawling experiences support further knowledge
of three-dimensional perception.
Why does crawling make such a difference? Crawling stimulates activities

which strengthens neural connections connected with vision and spatial
reasoning. For example, experienced crawlers outshine their inexperienced
age-mates at recalling object locations and retrieving hidden objects.

(b) Perception of Patterns and Forms

Are you aware that babies are born with the ability to perceive basic
patterns and forms? Even premature babies show preferences for patterned
stimuli over plain stimuli. While they are still unable to see well, they
actively explore their surroundings by seeking fascinating sights and
pursuing moving objects. Nonetheless, their visual tracking is sluggish and
lacks precision.
Two-days-old babies can tell apart varied visual forms. They show
preferences for large patterns, high in luminance contrast (such as black
and white). They spend more time looking at patterned figures, such as
faces and concentric circles, than at plain ones. However, babiesÊ ability to
perceive objects is still immature and it continues to develop over the first
months of life.
Perception of object identity is mastered progressively over the first

year. From four to 11 months, babies increasingly rely on the features to
recognise its identity; initially through its form (size and shape) followed by
surface features (patterns, then colour). Experience in manipulating the
object physically increases older babiesÊ attention to its surface features:
(i) Scanning and Tracking Objects

Two-week-old babies scan only on areas of high contrast, such as
black lines and angles on a white background. By two months of age,
babies begin to see the boundaries between objects and recognise that
objects are three-dimensional. Babies can tell the difference between a
cat and a bicycle, especially when there is contrast between the two
(the cat is white and the bicycle is black).
At three months, babies scan more rapidly and extensively than at

two weeks, although their scanning movements are still erratic and
may focus on areas of high contrast. As the nervous system matures, it
becomes more sophisticated and begins to control visual scanning.
Scanning and tracking expand in the first six months as their visual
acuity and saccadic eye movements improve. As they form a more
structured perceptual world, their scanning becomes more systematic
and detailed, deliberately selecting significant features and expectant
of a series of events to follow. Thus, scanning boosts perception and
perception also heightens scanning.

(ii) Contrast Sensitivity

What does contrast sensitivity refer to?
Contrast sensitivity refers to the babiesÊ ability to detect the

difference in the amount of light in two or more patterns.
This ability explains early pattern preferences. Let us look at Figure 6.4
for an example.
Figure 6.4: The contrast sensitivity in babies during the first few weeks of life
Source: Berk (2013)
In Figure 6.3, the black-and-white checkerboards pattern with many

small squares has more details for adults. However, very young
babies cannot detect the minute details in the small square (16  16).
Three-week-old babies stare more at the pattern with fewer large
squares (6  6).
As they get older, they prefer more complex patterns. Babies aged
eight to 14 weeks old are better at detecting fine-grained details. They
prefer the complex patterns on checkerboard with many squares and
stare longer at them. Contrast sensitivity keeps on expanding during
infancy and childhood.

(iii) Perceptual Constancies

As babies explore their surroundings, the images of objects captured
by their retina continually alter in size and form. To perceive objects
as constant and enduring, our brain must convert these fluctuating
retinal images as a stable picture. In order to accomplish this, a child
must acquire a set of rules called perceptual constancies. Perceptual
constancies include size and shape constancies.
What does size constancy mean?
Size constancy is a perception that the size of an object remains the

same, even though the size of its retinal image changes.
How about shape constancy? What does it mean?
Shape constancy is the perception that an objectÊs shape remains

the same, even though the shape of its retinal image varies.
Let us look at Figure 6.5. What can you say about it in terms of size
and shape constancies?
Figure 6.5: Babies notice that objects hanging on mobiles in their crib look
bigger when they get near and smaller when they move further away, but
the shapes do not change
Source: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iOnJH5QWuNk

Young babies display size and shape constancies by recognising that

an object remains the same size and shape when its image on the
retina becomes larger as it moves closer or smaller as it moves further
away. Rudimentary form of both size and shape constancies appear to
emerge within a few days of life.
To test for size constancy, researchers habituate babies to a small cube

by displaying it at different distances from the eye. Thus, their eyes
become familiar to changes in the size and shape of retinal images of
the cube. When the small cube is presented with a new large cube
displayed at different distances so that the retinal images of the two
cubes appear to be the same size, all babies tend to stare longer at the
new cube. This indicates that babies discriminate the cubes based on
their actual size rather than its retinal image size (Slater et al., 2010).
Size and shape constancies become stable when babies are three to
five months of age, after they have developed good binocular vision
(stereopsis) which helps them to make accurate spatial judgements.
Motion cues also contribute to size and shape constancies. Judgements

about real size among four and half-month-olds are more likely to be
accurate if babies have watched an object approach and recede. Size
and shape constancies steadily improve throughout the first year.
Nonetheless, perceptual constancies do not fully mature until children
enter their adolescent years (11 years of age).
(c) Face Perception

BabiesÊ tendency to look for organisation in a patterned stimulus is relevant
to face perception. Newborn babies prefer to look at human faces,
compared to other striking visual stimuli, such as toys. Four-day-old babies
like to look at their mother more than at strangers. BabiesÊ face preference is
influenced by their visual acuity or ability to detect the detailed features
present in faces.

Newborn babies prefer to look at naturally arranged pictures of human

faces, compared to those that are jumbled up (see Figure 6.6). Babies as
young as nine minutes old turn to gaze at a schematic face if it moves in
front of them.
(a) (b)
Figure 6.6: Newborn babies prefer normal, upright pictures of face (a) as compared
to jumbled face (b)
Source: http://www.perkinselearning.org
In real life, people move their eyes, mouths, heads and other body parts.
Within these natural surroundings, babies of two hours old identify and
prefer their motherÊs face, compared to a stranger (Bushnell, 2001).
Babies immediately practise their perceptive tendency to find patterns in

faces. Newborn babies prefer photos of faces with open eyes that look
straight at them. They also prefer attractive human and animal faces, such
as cats (Quinn et al., 2008). In addition, they prefer human faces over other
salient visual stimuli, such as toys.
In looking at sketches of human faces, babies aged one month tend to gaze
at the sides of the face, especially the hairline or chin. At two to three
months, when scanning ability and contrast sensitivity improve, they scan
the facesÊ internal features more thoroughly, halting at every striking part
(eyes, brows, hair and mouth).

Around three months, babies can detect uniqueness of features in each face.
They can identify the variation in fairly identical snapshots of two different
faces. Five-month-old babies perceive emotions as cohesive forms. This
ability strengthens over the second half-year. They can differentiate
positive faces (joyful) from negative ones (miserable).
Babies scrutinise faces differently with varied pattern characteristics. Six-

week-old babies tend to stare more at the internal features (eye brow and
lips) than edges, when they are exposed to dynamic stimuli, such as their
motherÊs nodding and smiling face.
Experience influences face processing too. Familiarity causes babies to form

group biases at a tender age. By three months, they recognise female faces
more easily than male ones. Three to six-month-old babies frequently
exposed to members of their own race prefer the faces of members from
similar race. This own-race preference does not exist in babies who have
regular exposure to other races. Thus, own-race bias can be reversed
through exposure to racial diversity, stressing the significance of early
experience in shaping cultural tolerance (Heron-Delaney et al., 2011).
(d) Colour Perception

Newborn babies possess all or nearly all of the physiological prerequisites
for seeing colour in a rudimentary form. Despite their preference for
coloured over grey stimuli, newborns are still weak at perceiving colours.
However, when two colours are equally bright, they do not differentiate
them. By two months of age, babiesÊ ability to perceive different colours is
almost as good as adults.

6.2.3 Problems in Visual Perception

The problems in visual perception are summarised in Table 6.4.
Table 6.4: Problems in Visual Perception
Problem Description
Cortical Full or partial visual damage in a normal-appearing eye caused by
blindness injury to optic radiations or brainÊs occipital cortex.
Visual agnosia Visual perception deficits due to brain damage, without causing
blindness.
Simultanagnosia Inability to perceive more than one item at one time.
Visual Inability to perceive things, although visual acuity and other visual
apperceptive abilities (perceive parts and colours) remain intact. However, they
agnosia can describe objects in detail and identify them by touch.
Associative Failure to recognise things (features or functions) that are perceived
visual agnosia visually, even though they can draw or matched its form with other
things that are alike.
Prosopagnosia Failure to recognise faces due to damage in the fusiform gyrus.
However, other aspects of visual processing (object discrimination)
and intellectual functioning (decision making) are intact.
Achromatopsia Failure to distinguish different colour shades to damage of the
visual association cortex.
Tritanopia A defective colour vision in which shades with short wavelengths
are confused due to absent or faulty „blue‰ cones.
Protanopia A defective colour vision in which red and green hues are confused;
„green‰ cones are filled with „red‰ cone opsin.
Akinetopsia Inability to perceive movement, due to damage in area V5 of the
visual association cortex.
Optic ataxia An inability to voluntarily reach and grab objects due to a lack of
coordination between visual inputs and hand movements caused
by dysfunction of the parts of the brain that coordinate movement,
such as the cerebellum.
Ocular apraxia Difficulty in visual scanning or moving their eyes horizontally
quickly. They have to turn their head so that they can trail an object
within the peripheral vision.

SELF-CHECK 6.2
Haris started crawling at eight months. Within a few weeks, he learnt

not to rush headlong down a slope. At 11 months, he begins to walk. Do
you think he will try to walk down the stairs headfirst? Discuss your
views, applying the concept of affordances.
6.3 INTERMODAL PERCEPTION

What does intermodal perception mean?
Intermodal perception is the awareness that objects or events can be perceived

at once by multiple sensory systems (such as touch, sound and vision).
So far, we have talked about babyÊs sensory capacities as if they are independent
of each other. Under normal circumstances, sensory stimuli overlap and are
interconnected.
6.3.1 Development of Intermodal Perception

Babies are innately prepared to perceive certain stimuli as naturally connected to
each other. For example, a newborn baby learns to prefer his or her mother over
other strange women, because of all the sensory cues with his or her mother
which include her sight, her touch, her smell and her voice. When looking at the
mother, the baby not only sees her face but feels her warmth, smells her and
hears her voice.
Within two to 12 hours of birth, babies discover how their mothers look like.
Babies prefer to look at their motherÊs face, compared to a strangerÊs face, once
they have seen her face, heard her voice, felt and smelled her (Sai, 2005). In
another study, one-month-old babies looked longer at the tiny rubber shapes that
they have seen, held, sniffed and put in their mouth.
Intermodal matching between vision and hearing surfaces at about three to four
months of age, about the time babies begin to locate direction of sounds. At this
age, they can also match visual-auditory cues for distance. Visual stimulation
tends to enhance auditory processing among babies aged three, six and nine
months old.

The capacity for auditory-visual matching continues to progress over the next
several months. Three and four-month-old babies can make a distinction between
cheerful and depressed speech, but only when they look at the speakerÊs face.
Once learnt, babies can separate positive from negative emotion in each sensory
modality ă first voices, then faces.
As a matter of fact, communications between mothers and babies benefit from

intermodal experiences. Mothers create a supportive learning environment, by
simultaneously combining the verbal, visual and tactile stimuli. To analyse
speech, babies use other senses besides their sense of hearing. When mothers
speak to five to eight-month-old babies, they often combine words with gestures
and touch. A baby remembers better when he hears his mother utters „mummy‰
as he sees her face, smells her odour and touches her cheeks simultaneously, as
shown in Figure 6.7.
Figure 6.7: A babyÊs intermodal perception of „mummy‰

Source: http://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2012/mar/23/febrile-convulsions-
harmless-horror
6.3.2 Explaining Intermodal Perception

Intermodal perception is explained using two perspectives: the theory of
perceptual differentiation and the intersensory redundancy hypothesis.
(a) Theory of Perceptual Differentiation

Eleanor and James GibsonÊs (1955) perceptual differentiation theory
suggests that perceptual learning is acquiring the ability to draw out
information from the surroundings, which is rich with sensory data. To
appreciate each sensory input, children have to discover how to react to the
unique features of each stimulus. For example, when they first hear people
speaking to them, their speech may sound like a garbled collection of
noises. After repeated exposure, they learn to single out distinct features
that separate words, meanings and other aspects of the language.

According to Gibson (2000), perceptual learning has two basic elements:
(i) First, the child must ascertain what the unique features are (such as
how does a cube differ from a ball?); and
(ii) Second, the child must acquire the skills to apply these unique
pertinent features to isolate unalike objects.
Children may begin a task with an existing knowledge on how to recognise

the typical features. If so, then perceptual learning is eased, as they have
only to learn how to apply these features. An object is remembered by its
unique features (shape, sound, smell, texture and taste), as compared to
another stimulus that has not been investigated by the child. For example, a
ball looks, sounds, smells, feels and tastes different from an apple.
Learning to identify an object includes processes such as abstraction,

filtering out irrelevant data and selective attention. These processes are
further explained in the following Table 6.5.
Table 6.5: Three Processes in Learning to Identify an Object
Process Description
Abstraction Common elements about the object are noted. For example, in
learning a language, children begin with abstracting certain basic
sounds, before focusing on variations in pitch, loudness or speed.
Filtering out This process is learning to ignore aspects of the stimuli that are not
irrelevant crucial in the learning process, as pitch is not vital in some
data languages.
Selective The exploratory activity of the sense organs, such as watching a
attention video intently while ignoring the motherÊs request to take a bath.
GibsonÊs theory may be applied to learning situations such as reading. To

expedite perceptual learning, a teacher needs to stress unique features of
each object. For example, they can help identify some typical features such
as:
(i) Discerning between writing and non-writing features (scribbling,

pictures); and
(ii) Contrasting precise letters (telling apart b from p, d and q).

(b) Intersensory Redundancy Hypothesis

According to the intersensory redundancy hypothesis, the multiple sensory
modalities of a stimulus object captivate babiesÊ attention. As they interact
with objects, they collect and store data that polishes their sensory
modalities. Thus, babiesÊ perceptual system advances from an amodal state,
in which various sensory inputs are collected in its entire form, to an
intermodal state, in which babies can separate sound from sight, sight from
smell and others.
The intersensory redundancy hypothesis thus suggests that multimodal

stimuli experiences actually boost perceptual differentiation. For example,
babiesÊ attention is seized very swiftly by a purring cat. As they observe
and listen to the cat, they learn to see and hear with heighten acuity. If the
cat was silent, the prospect of discriminating between auditory and visual
input would not be present. Similarly, six-month-old babies show better
perception of the number of balls bouncing (eight versus twelve) when the
visual movement of the balls dropping was paired with an auditory impact
(Jordan, Suanda & Brannon, 2008).
However, the intermodal sensory perception of a newborn baby is quite

different from the intermodal sensory perception of a six-month-old baby.
At birth, sensory perception is completely amodal or undifferentiated. With
multimodal sensory experience, older babies develop true intermodal
perception (Kirkham et al., 2012). They learn to see, hear, smell, taste
and feel objects in their surroundings. They therefore acquire the skill
to extricate and then reintegrate sensory modalities that are becoming
progressively more differentiated.
Research demonstrates two important general principles of development:
(i) Similar to other aspects of development, the expansion of perceptual

capacities is not solely an accumulation of new skills. It also includes
losing redundant ones.
(ii) Experience generally defines which sensory inputs are „unique‰ and
how they are construed. Babies learn to ignore certain phonemes if
they are not used in their native language. Thus, the way we perceive
the world does not depend on whether our sense can detect inputs
from our surroundings. Rather, it depends on our perceptual learning
experiences which provide the framework for interpreting these
inputs. This framework determines if the sensory inputs are useful or
redundant.

 Babies are born with the capacity to perceive form in their surroundings.
They have the capacities for visual, hearing and intermodal perception
from birth. Their interests are captivated by loud noises, bright lights and
transformations in their surroundings.
 Development of auditory perception includes localisation, sound patterns,

musical patterns as well as speech perception (phonemic and speech stream).
 Auditory localisation is an ability to determine the source of a detected sound

in direction, distance and location.
 According to Winkler et al., 2009, newborn babies can discriminate a range of

sound patterns such as a rising or descending tone, a rhythmic downbeat (as
in music), two or three-syllabic speech sounds and others.
 In the first year, babies become more perceptive to elaborate patterns. Two to
four-month-old babies can discriminate changes in tempo.
 In the first six months, babies gradually organise sounds into complex
patterns: musical phrasing as early as four months and rhythmic patterns of
musical tunes at six months.
 BabiesÊ capacity to analyse the speech stream for patterns is impressive. By

the middle of the first year, they learn to perceive word boundaries, word
meanings and simple word-order rules.
 Problems in auditory perception are auditory apperceptive agnosia, auditory

agnosia and auditory verbal agnosia.
 Development of visual perception includes spatial location, forms, patterns,

movement, face and colours.
 Visual acuity or fineness of discrimination is a measurement of how well

babies see. It is an indication of the clarity or sharpness of their vision. BabiesÊ
visual acuity improves substantially in the first six months of life.
 Newborn babiesÊ visual acuity of 20/600 improves rapidly, reaching 20/80 by

six months and an adult level of about 20/20 by four years.
 BabyÊs emerging ability to perceive visual patterns and objects can be

examined through four aspects of vision depth, pattern and form, face and
colour perception.

 Some problems in visual perception are cortical blindness, visual agnosia,

tritanopia, protanopia and others.
 Intermodal perception is the awareness that objects or events can be

perceived at once by multiple sensory systems (such as touch, sound and
vision).
 Intermodal matching between visions and hearing surfaces at about three to

four months of age, about the time babies begin to locate direction of sounds.
At this age, they can also match visual-auditory cues for distance.
 Perceptual differentiation theory suggests that perceptual learning is

acquiring the ability to draw out various sensory data from the environment.
To appreciate each sensory input, children have to discover how to react to
the unique features of each stimulus.
Auditory agnosia Musical patterns

Auditory apperceptive agnosia Musical phrasing
Auditory perception Patterns and forms perception
Auditory verbal agnosia Phonemic perception
Auditory-visual matching Protanopia
Binocular cues Rhythmic patterns
Colour perception Sound patterns
Cortical blindness Sound perception
Depth perception Speech perception
Face perception Speech stream
Intermodal perception Theory of perceptual differentiation
Intersensory redundancy hypothesis Tritanopia
Localisation Visual acuity and scanning
Monocular cues Visual agnosia
Motion Visual perception

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Topic  Development of
7 Representation
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Explain childrenÊs theory of mind;
2. Discuss memory development; and
3. Summarise memory processes.
 INTRODUCTION
Let us look at these scenarios.
„Liza, where is your Âone fish, two fish, red fish, blue fish?Ê asked
grandma. The 10-month-old baby looks around for her favourite
Dr Seuss book. She smiled excitedly and crawled quickly towards the
book, which she spotted lying on the other end of the carpet.
Four-year-old Amy walked into KFC restaurant. She pointed to the

menu on the wall and exclaimed, ÂMummy, I want two original
drumsticks with mashed potato and Milo!Ê ‰
Most of us have a good idea of what the term memory means. It is „being able to
remember or recall some information.‰ First, memory is something recalled from
the past. The past could be a childhood memory from years ago or something
that happened only moments ago. Second, memory is a process of storing data or
retrieving it for use.

TOPIC 7 DEVELOPMENT OF REPRESENTATION  175
How do young children acquire mental representation? Do babies remember

things? When do memories begin? Do babies have a theory of mind or
metacognition? This topic discusses the theory of mind, metacognition,
development of mental representation, classification, memory development and
memory processes.
7.1 CHILDREN’S THEORY OF MIND

What does theory of mind stand for?
Theory of mind is a cohesive awareness of people as rational beings. It forms

the foundation of childrenÊs social understanding.
Theory of mind is intuitive. It develops without specific teaching. However,

children need to understand their own mental activities in order to interpret the
mental activities of others.
The tacit theory of mind which appears in babies grows more noticeable in
preschoolers. Preschoolers form a rudimentary theory of mind which they
modify as they accumulate new information. They ignore the thinking process
and attend more on the products of thought.
The theory of mind provides an important basis for school entry. Its development
steers young childrenÊs social competence and success in school.
7.1.1 Development of Theory of Mind

The theory of mind advances in the same way in varied cultures. It emerges as
intuitive social skills among nine months old babies. By the time babies are
15 months old, they are aware that others have a different perspective of their
surroundings.
Reflective social cognition which emerges in the toddler strengthens during the
preschool years. Young children aged three years discover that beliefs and wants
form actions. They know that others have different needs, preferences and
feelings.

176  TOPIC 7 DEVELOPMENT OF REPRESENTATION
By age four, young children know that others may think different things. They
realise that others can have false beliefs. They realise that others do or say
something incorrect because of their false belief.
Young childrenÊs development of theory of mind varies due to environmental

factors, such as family dialogues, parenting styles, sibling relationships, story
books and imaginary play. In addition, child factors, such as language and
cognitive regulatory abilities also play a part in their theory of mind.
7.1.2 Origin of Theory of Mind

A number of views exist about how children develop a theory of mind at young
ages. These are further explained in Table 7.1.
Table 7.1: Five Views on How Children Develop a Theory of Mind at Young Ages
View Description
Early forms of Joint attention and social referencing need some ability to visualise
communication otherÊs mental state.
Imitation Through imitation of actions, babies discover that others are like
them.
Imaginary play Through imaginary play, children note that their mind can alter
each object signify.
Language Realise that they can use words to talk about their mental states
and reflect on their ideas.
Social Interactions with parents and siblings help them discover the
interaction influence of beliefs on behaviour.

7.1.3 Metacognition and False Beliefs

John Flavell of Stanford University has conducted extensive research on
metacognition, intentionality and childrenÊs theory of mind. What does
metacognition mean?
Metacognition is a cognitive ability that permits us to be aware of our own

thoughts and to know about the nature of thought and how thinking works.
In other words, it is an appreciation of our own thoughts, elements of thinking

and knowledge of mental activity; it is intentional, mindful, focused and aimed at
achieving an outcome. It consists of both monitoring and regulation aspects. This
can be done through:
(a) The False Belief Task

Using the „False Belief Task‰, Flavell examines childrenÊs development
of the ability to differentiate between appearance and reality (Flavell &
Hartman, 2004). In this task, children are shown a Band-Aid box (see
Figure 7.1) and expected to guess what is inside the box.
Figure 7.1: Band-Aid bandages

Source: http://c3.soap.com/images/products/p/jj/jj-1288_1z.jpg

Most children guess it has bandages. Then, they are shown that the box in
fact contains a small doll.
The children are then asked to envision their peersÊ response if probed on
what is inside the Band-Aid box. Most of the children reply that the peers
will think that the box has bandages. Then, when they are asked to recall
what they see in the box a while earlier, they often respond with „a doll.‰
(b) ChildrenÊs Development of Metacognition

As young children begin to think about their own mental processes, they
become aware of their own thoughts about these processes. Three to five-
month-old babies show interest in people and objects.
By nine to 12 months, babies begin to realise that objects and people have
names. Children as young as one and half years are aware when others are
copying their gestures, behaviours or words.
Two to three-year-olds know the difference between reality and make-

believe. They begin to understand the following states:
(i) Perceptions ă The child is aware that what others see in front of them
is not necessarily the same as what the child sees;
(ii) Desires ă The child is aware that others will make an effort to get
what they want and will become upset when they do not get it; and
(iii) Emotions ă The child is able to tell apart positive emotions from
negative ones.
Three to four-year-olds know that thinking is an activity that transpires in

the mind. They can think about something without seeing, hearing or
touching it. Their minds have developed mental images about the objects in
their surroundings. They act (based on these images) not on what the
objects really are.
During the course of childhood years, metacognition advances as children

form a simple theory of mind. There are three types of metacognitive
knowledge as described in Table 7.2.

Table 7.2: Three Types of Metacognitive Knowledge
Type Description
Knowledge of Preschoolers are aware that others have their own thought
cognitive capacities and feelings. However, they are still egocentric. They
often misjudge how much they think. School-age children
have a better understanding of the process-oriented view
of the mind. Ten-year-olds can discriminate mental
activities and understand the connection between
memory and cognition.
Knowledge of Compared with preschoolers, school-aged children are
memory strategies more aware of various memory strategies. Their insight of
how and why strategies succeed improves progressively.
By late childhood, children consider connections between
factors, how learnerÊs age, incentive, effective use of
strategies and type of the task influence intellectual
attainment.
Cognitive self- It is the process of constantly monitoring and controlling
regulation progress towards a target, validating outcomes and
readdressing unproductive efforts. While metacognitive
information grows, school-aged children and adolescents
find it hard to put their knowledge about thinking into
practice. They still have problems regulating their own
thoughts.
Parents can foster cognitive self-regulation by coaching
them on what to do, why and explaining useful strategies.
In doing so, they will grasp basic strategies for future
action.
Flavell (1976) also identified three „metas‰ that children gradually

accumulate data storage and reinforce their retrieval skills. These three
metas are:
(i) The child acquires the ability to identify situations in which

purposeful accumulation of information may have impending
advantage;
(ii) The child acquires the ability to save existing data. They are used for
active problem-solving and keep it prepared for retrieval as required;
and

(iii) The child acquires the ability to make purposeful systematic searches
for data beneficial for problem-solving, even when its use is still
uncertain.
ACTIVITY 7.1
Create your own false belief task to test the theory of mind among
preschooler and school-aged children. Pick two preschoolers and two
school-aged children to examine the false belief task. Summarise your
findings. What are the differences in their theory of mind? How does
FlavellÊs theory help you to explain the childrenÊs theory of mind at
different age?
7.2 MEMORY DEVELOPMENT

What is the definition of memory?
Memory is the depot for everything we know. It enables us to know who and
where we are, all our experiences, knowledge, skills and the people and
places related to our lives.
Memory is displayed whenever an application of knowledge influences our

performance in some way, even if we are oblivious of it.
Now let us move on to memory development. What does it mean?
Memory development is the mental processes of acquiring and storing all the
knowledge of a lifetime as well as retrieving them for current use.
Thus, the process act of remembering entails successful completion of three main
activities: acquisition, storage and retrieval.
Acquiring information consists of attending to, sensing, encoding and

transforming data into something that will be saved in the memory. Storage
consists of retaining data in memory while retrieval occurs when data from the
memory is fetched mentally when the need arises.

7.2.1 Multi-store Model

How are memories stored? According to the Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs multi-store
model (1968), there are three unique, interacting memory systems known as
sensory, short-term and long-term memory as shown in Figure 7.2.
 Data is received through the sensory memory which registers and retains sights,
sounds, smells, tastes and textures briefly.
 In short-term memory, we actively use strategies (such as maintenance and
elaborative rehearsals) as we „function‰ on a restricted amount of data. The central
executive chooses what to focus on, synchronises data, picks, operates and
monitors strategies.
 The major storage space is long-term memory, our limitless information centre. As
abundant data is stored in long-term memory, we need effective strategies to
retrieve them from the store whenever we want to use it.
Figure 7.2: Components of the multi-store model

Source: http://blog.lib.umn.edu/meriw007/psy_1001/
7.2.2 Sensory Memory (SM)

What does sensory memory mean?
Sensory memory is the shortest of the three components of memory. It is the

capacity to hold sensory impressions, after input from the original stimuli has
stopped. It acts as a buffer for stimuli obtained through our senses.

However, our sensory memory holds data precisely, for only a brief period. For
example, visual memory typically retains images for a tiny portion ( 1 10 ) of a
second, just long enough to sustain what you see before it vanishes when you
blink your eyes.
The stimuli picked up by our senses can be either perceived, in which case they
enter our sensory memory or ignored, in which case they vanish almost
promptly. To receive a stimulus, we do not need to show any conscious effort. In
fact, it normally occurs outside our control. Our brain is designed to only process
„useful‰ data. The rest of the data are disregarded.
Unlike other types of memory, the sensory memory cannot be sustained

through rehearsal. Sensory memory is a super short-term memory and
decays instantly. For example, visual sensory memory lasts about 200 to
500 milliseconds ( 1 5 to 1 2 second) after the perception of an item. The sensory
memory for visual stimuli is also known as the iconic memory.
Sensory memory for sound is similar to that for vision. We experience auditory
sensory memory when someoneÊs words seem to linger in our mind. Auditory
sensory memory is retained for about two seconds, slightly longer than the
fraction of a second for visual sensory memory. Echoic memory refers to the
memory for auditory stimuli.
Then we have haptic memory. It is the memory for the sense of touch. The
sense of smell is more powerfully linked with memories and their associated
emotions than the other senses. This is because the olfactory bulb and olfactory
cortex which process smell sensations are only about three synapses to the
hippocampus (which stores memory).
Data from our surrounding is received through our senses. Practically everything
we see, hear, touch, smell or taste is held in our sensory memory. According to
George Sperling (1960), our vision can take in most or all of the 12 items at a
single glance (this can be proved in Activity 7.1). When guided by a high,
medium or low tone that signals to report only the top, middle or bottom row of
items, people correctly report almost all the items after viewing the letters for
only 15 10000 to 1 2 second. The following Figure 7.3 summarises sensory memory.

Figure 7.3: Sensory memory
Data transfers from the sensory memory into short-term memory by means of
attention process which screens out unrelated stimuli and zooms only on
relevant ones. It is a cognitive strategy that enables us to ignore other aspects of
the surroundings and focus just on the aspect that is of interest.
Thus, a wealth of data in its raw natural form can be stored briefly in our sensory
memory. This brief period is just long enough for us to begin processing the
sensory stimuli and to select the most vital data for further processing in the next
memory system ă short-term memory.
In order to store encoded information, some physiological transformation must

transpire in the brain ă a process called consolidation. Consolidation usually
occurs spontaneously.
However, if we are unconscious for any reason, the process of forming a

permanent memory may be impeded. That is why someone who has been in a
serious car accident may awaken in a hospital and not remember what has
happened.

ACTIVITY 7.2
Look at the three rows of letters displayed below for five seconds. Then,
close your eyes. Repeat the letters with your eyes closed.
MDSK
WPZV
NJRH
How many can you recall?
7.2.3 Short-Term Memory (STM) or Working Memory

What is short-term memory?
Short-term memory (STM) or working memory is whatever we are thinking

about right now. STM is used when we talk, solve a problem or make a call.
In contrast to sensory memory which stores almost unchanged sensory stimulus,

STM typically codes data in acoustic form for sounds. For instance, the letter „D‰
is coded as the sound „dee,‰ not in its „D‰ shape. STM also holds visual images
and stores data in semantic form (according to meaning).
Allan Baddeley (1966) suggests that working memory is a more suitable term
than STM. Do you know why? According to him, STM is more than just a
temporary way location between sensory memory and LTM. It is a form of
mental workspace that holds data received from sensory memory or data
retrieved from LTM for performing ongoing cognitive tasks (such as, find your
way home). Working memory allows us to hold briefly and manipulate data
(words, numbers or images) essential for understanding, analysis and planning.
(a) Assessing Working Memory

Working memory span is typically about two items fewer than short-term
memory span. A variety of tasks have been used to assess working memory
capacity such as:
(i) Repeating a sequence of numerical digits backward (verbal

memory span task);
(ii) Memorising a list of words;

(iii) Verifying the accuracy of simple mathematics computations;
(iv) Recalling the final word in a set of short sentences and then
repeat the words in correct order; or
(v) Recalling location of a circle in an identical empty grid from a

set of distinctly coloured circles (visual/spatial span task).
Children process data more efficiently as they get older. Growths in

working memory capacity reflect gains in processing speed. Effective
processing liberates working memory resources to support storage of data.
The faster children can repeat new data to themselves, the larger their
memory spans.
This can be shown in this activity; seven to 22-year-olds were presented a

variety of cognitive tasks in which they had to respond as quickly as
possible:
(i) In a name-retrieval task, they had to decide if pairs of pictures were

identical or had the same name;
(ii) In a mental addition task, they were given addition problems and
answers and they had to decide if the answers were correct; and
(iii) In a visual search task, they were shown a single digit and asked to
signal if it was among a set of digits that appeared on a screen.
On all tasks, processing time decreased with age. There was a rapid decline
in processing time, trailing off around age 12.
(b) Capacity of Working Memory

Compared to SM, which holds a vast amount of data briefly, working
memory has a restricted space ă about seven (plus or minus two) separate
items or bits of data at one time. Most people recall about seven items;
about adequate amount for phone numbers and zip codes.
Nine digit phone numbers overload our STM space. When our STM is
overloaded, our existing memory is displaced. When displacement occurs,
every new, inbound item entering short-term memory shoves out a
prevailing memory item, causing it to be forgotten.

A technique called chunking may be used to resolve the inadequacy of the

brain in retaining more than seven bits of data. In chunking, discrete bits of
data is clustered into bigger blocks. A chunk has an obvious entity, like a
word, acronym or number.
For example, the numbers 0 3 6 3 1 7 4 5 7 can be chunked as 0 3 ă 6 3 1 ă 7 4

5 7, leaving the short-term memory with the easier task of dealing with
three chunks of data rather than nine separate bits. Chunking is a very
useful technique for increasing the capacity of STM, but it has its limit; the
larger the chunk, the fewer chunks we can remember.
ChildrenÊs learning ability can be estimated from their attainment on

working memory tasks. Working-memory spans increase steadily with age.
ChildrenÊs performance on:
(i) A verbatim digit span task tapping short-term memory: From about
two digits at two and half years, to four or five digits at seven years,
to six or seven digits in adolescence and early adulthood; and
(ii) Working memory tasks: From two to about four or five items from
early childhood to early adulthood.
Early childhood lays the bases of executive function. Parallel rapid synaptic
formation trailed by synaptic pruning in the prefrontal cortex is the
primary area responsible for working memory. Development in
preschoolersÊ prefrontal cortex brings about advances in their capacity to
direct attention, restrain inappropriate behaviours and think flexibly.
Synaptic pruning and maturation of the prefrontal cortex persist during the
school years, increasing childrenÊs executive function. They can process
more demanding tasks that entail the assimilation of working memory,
inhibition, planning, flexible use of strategies, self-monitoring and
self-correction of behaviours. Executive function improves further in
adolescence, when the prefrontal cortex attains an adult level of synapses.
(c) The Duration of Working Memory

The working memoryÊs items erase from our mind in less than 30 seconds,
unless we rehearse them. Short-term memory is unstable. It is so fragile,
that any interference can misplace data within seconds.

How short is the short-term memory when rehearsal is blocked? Research

subjects were fleetingly exposed to three consonants, such as „J‰, „W‰ and
„M.‰ They were then asked to count backward by threes from a specific
number (436, 433 and so on). After a short period of less than 18 seconds,
they were told to stop counting and recollect the three letters. After nine
seconds, they were able to remember only one letter. After 18 seconds, none
was recalled. Thus, the 18-seconds disruption had totally deleted the three
letters from their STM.
7.2.4 Long-Term Memory (LTM)

Generally, long-term memory stores comparatively lasting memories. The limit
to the LTM storage capacity is unknown. Most LTM lasts a long time, possibly
for a lifetime. When people talk about memories in daily conversation, they are
usually LTM.
LTM holds all the knowledge we have stored, the skills we have picked up and
all our past experiences. While data in LTM is typically stored in semantic form,
visual images, sounds and odours can also be kept.
How does data transfer from STM into LTM? We remember some things (like
our name) easily, almost automatically, but other data (like our studentsÊ
birthday) requires huge effort. Sometimes, we transfer data (like multiplication)
to LTM using just rehearsal.
However, rote rehearsal is not usually the best way to transfer information to
long-term memory. Elaborative rehearsal yields better results. Elaborative
rehearsal reflects the meaning of new data and relates it to existing data already
in our LTM. Forming multiple associations increase our chance of retrieving the
new data later.
There are two main subsystems within long-term memory: declarative memory
and non-declarative memory.
(a) Declarative Memory

Declarative memory (also called explicit memory) stores facts, knowledge
and personal episodes that can be pictured in images and stated orally. It
keeps data we can recall deliberately. There are two types of declarative
memory ă episodic memory and semantic memory (see Table 7.3).

Table 7.3: Two Types of Declarative Memory
Type Description
Episodic memory This memory refers to the memory that we have undergone
or event memory personally. It is our mental diary of life, recording the people,
places and personal experiences we have had. Event memory
comprises our recollection of experiences and specific events in
time, stored chronologically. From these event memories, we can
re-enact the sequence of events that occur in our lives.
Event memory includes the autobiographical memory of events
(time and places, associated other contextual information) that we
declare explicitly. Autobiographical memories consist of episodes
remembered from our own life. They often combine episodic
memory (personal experiences of objects, people and events
undergone at specific times and places) and semantic memory
(general knowledge and facts about the world).
We see ourselves as performers in these events. The emotional
atmosphere and the context related to the event becomes part of
the memory. The emotional events make the most vibrant
autobiographical memories, compared to neutral events.
As preschoolersÊ intellectual and language skills improve, their
accounts of past events become more systematic, more in-depth
and linked to their surroundings. Mothers build a more complex
autobiographical memory in their children, when they regularly
talk about past events, give lots of details and ask numerous
questions.
Semantic This memory stores general knowledge, facts and data, related to
memory meanings of verbal symbols. It is a general knowledge that
everyone knows. The facts stored in semantic memory are not
personalised. It is not related to private experience and the
historical context in which it was learnt.
Semantic memories include data, such as countries, social
conducts, objects, vocabulary and money. It is our mental
encyclopaedia of realities, meanings, ideas and data about our
environment. The semantic memory is usually obtained from the
event memory. The new facts or ideas we learn from our
experiences form our semantic memories.

(b) Non-declarative Memory

What does non-declarative memory stand for? Non-declarative memory
(also called implicit memory) consists of familiar responses, habits and
skills, such things as brushing our teeth or riding a bicycle. Motor skills are
learnt through repetitive practice. Although non-declarative memory is
achieved gradually, once secured, they become a habit and executed
effortlessly. For example, most of us probably drive a car, without being
conscious of each part of the car such as the steering wheel, gear, clutch or
signal lights.
Associated with non-declarative memory is a phenomenon known as

priming, in which a prior experience with a stimulus boosts their ease of
future recall. The ability exists without an awareness of ever seeing the
stimulus before. For example, the word „elephant‰ is flashed so briefly on a
computer screen that it is not perceived consciously. Later, when asked to
name as many animals as possible, the word „elephant‰ emerges.
Besides performance, priming also affects preferences and behaviours.

Those exposed fleetingly to art pictures tend to like the same type of art,
compared to those unexposed to them. Those exposed to photos of certain
people tend to relate to those people more than others unexposed to the
photos.
ACTIVITY 7.3
Find a comfortable corner in your house. Sit back and relax. Think of
the happiest moments in your life. Describe the occasion. Think of your
routine journey to work. Describe your experience. What do you
remember about going to work yesterday? What did you wear? Who
did you meet on the way? How do you feel? Comparing the two
experiences, which one do you remember with more details? Relate
both autobiographic memories with your emotions. How do you feel on
each occasion?

7.3 MEMORY PROCESSES

In the previous subtopic, we have already looked at the different types of
memory (sensory memory, short-term memory and long-term memory). This
section discusses the processes involved in forming memory. The main processes
involved in memory formation consist of encoding, consolidation, storage and
recall (retrieval). These four processes are further explained in the following
subtopics.
7.3.1 Memory Encoding

Do you know that encoding is the first step to form memory? The process of
encoding converts the perceived object of interest into a concept that can be
stored in the brain and later be used from short-term or long-term memory.
Encoding occurs on different levels:
(a) The formation of short-term memory from the sensory memory; and
(b) The conversion of short-term memory to a long-term memory.
Encoding begins with sensory input. The sensations are perceived, decoded in
the related sensory areas of the cortex. A memory trace or engram (a hypothetical
biochemical change in the neurons) is created in response to the external stimuli.
The hippocampus then sorts, compares and links the new sensations with
existing memories. It evaluates these inputs and decides if they should be sent to
long-term memory. The hippocampus is one rare area in the brain which
produces totally new neurons.
Physically, the process of forming a memory originates with attention which is

controlled by the thalamus and frontal lobe. An unforgettable event triggers
neurons to fire more frequently, expanding the chance that the event is stored as
a memory.
Excitement increases attention. The emotive component of an event is controlled

by the amygdala. The real sensations resulting from an event are then processed
and stored in the hippocampus.

There are four main types of encoding. They are explained in the following
Table 7.4.
Table 7.4: Four Main Types of Encoding
Type Description
Acoustic It is the process by auditory input such as sounds and words which are
encoding stored for future use. It is facilitated by the phonological loop which
permits feedback within the echoic memory to be subvocally repeated in
order to ease recall.
Visual It is the process of encoding images and visual sensory information. It is
encoding briefly held within the iconic memory before it is transformed into long-
term storage. Besides input from numerous systems, the amygdala also
receives visual input and encodes them as positive or negative stimuli.
Tactile This encoding processes data received through the sense of touch.
encoding Neurons in the primary somatosensory cortex of the brain react to vibro-
tactile stimuli caused by the sensation of touch.
Semantic This encoding processes sensory input that has precise meaning or
encoding contextual relevance; unlike other forms of coding that process sensorial
data.
Short-term memory storage depends on acoustic encoding, while long-term

storage requires semantic encoding. More challenging information requires more
concentration and elaboration, meaningful at a deeper level. More personally
meaningful associations lead to more effective encoding and consolidation.
Therefore, they form stronger neural pathways which lead to better retrieval.
7.3.2 Memory Consolidation

What does consolidation mean?
Consolidation is the process of fortifying a memory trace after its initial

acquisition.

It has two specific processes:
(a) Synaptic consolidation (takes place within a few minutes to hours after
encoding); and
(b) System consolidation (hippocampus-dependent memories are eventually

retrievable without relying on the hippocampus once consolidated after a
few weeks or years).
The process of consolidation utilises the long-term potentiation which permits a

synapse between the two neurons to strengthen as more signals are conducted
between them. Potentiation enables those neurons to be more likely to fire again
simultaneously.
Long-term potentiation emerges when a group of neurons are primed to fire

together in the same pattern permanently. As they become more experienced,
the brain forms extra pathways. These pathways may „rewire‰ by rerouting
connections and reorganisation.
For example, if a music piece is played over and over, the recurrent firing of
some cells in a particular sequence in our brain makes it easier to repeat this
firing. Thus (with practice), the musician will be able to play the piece faster with
fewer mistakes (becomes a procedural memory).
Data is shifted between the hippocampus and the cerebral cortex during deep
sleep. Sleep is crucial for consolidation of long-term memories. Sleep (mainly
slow wave, deep sleep) is central to the consolidation of data in the memory.
Even daytime naps can help improve memory. It is useful in the retention of
essential details.
Memory re-consolidation is the process of recalling and consolidating earlier

consolidated memories. Re-consolidation maintains, strengthens and modifies
memories that are already stored in the long-term memory. It may change the
existing memories.
7.3.3 Memory Storage

What can you say about storage?
Storage refers to the maintenance of sensory memory, STM or LTM data in the
brain.

Each type of memory filters the abundance of data that we receive every day.
Data that is often repeated tends to be retained in the long-term memory.
After consolidation, long-term memories are stored in the brain so that

potentiation exists between groups of neurons. A group of neurons in the
auditory cortex, for example, store a sound. Some are even encoded in surplus,
many times, in many parts of the cortex. Thus, if a memory trace is deleted, it can
still be retrieved.
Forgetting, therefore, may be due to complete encoding of memories or

difficulties with its recovery process. Sometimes, we may try to recall a name and
fail, but evoke the memory later. The data is thus available in our memory, but
we have a problem with our retrieval strategy and the encoding of the data.
Forgetting is thus a temporary or permanent failure to retrieve a piece of memory

that has been noted in the brain. Forgetting is usually quite fast at the beginning.
It becomes slower as time passes. Facts that have been learnt well (names, objects,
vocabulary) are not easily forgotten, especially after three years. Unlike amnesia,
forgetting is considered as a common incident related certain fragments of data.
There are ways to enhance your memory. They are:
(a) Rehearsal
Rehearsal is a memory strategy that involves repeating items over and over,
silently or out loud, to remember them. For example, we rehearse phone
numbers to keep them in short-term memory long enough to dial the
number. There are two types of rehearsal:
(i) Maintenance rehearsal is a process of repeating information over and

over without thinking about its meaning. It is stored in short-term
memory up to the intended time of use, without transferring to long
term memory. When the rehearsal is stopped, it disappears from
memory completely.
(ii) Elaborative rehearsal is suitable when we want to move data from our
short-term into permanent memory. This form of practice is efficient
as it engages the mind to reflect on the value of the data and link it to
other existing data in the memory.

(b) Organisation
Organisation involves grouping related items. Young children, around age
seven opt for rehearsal and age eight opt for organisation, tend to show
control and utilisation deficiencies in using these strategies (Bjorklund,
Dukes & Brown, 2009). The ability to group items into more abstract
categories improves recall dramatically, because more items can be placed
into fewer categories.
Memory is associative nature. Encoding can thus be enhanced by an

organisational memory strategy known as elaboration, whereby a
relationship between two or more unconnected data is constructed.
In doing so, the new data is incorporated into a wider, logical narrative that
is easily recognised, such as in the use of mnemonics. Verbal, visual or
auditory connections with other, easy-to-remember constructs are linked to
the data that is to be memorised. Rhymes, acronyms, acrostics and codes
can all be applied in the same way.
Familiar examples of elaborations are „Roy G. Biv‰ for the rainbow colours,
or „Tom old aunt sat on her coat and hat‰ which ease our recall of the
tangent, sine and cosine ratios in the Pythagoras Theorem.
When we apply mnemonic strategies, we are actually repeating facts in

our hippocampus a number of times. In doing so, we strengthen their
connections, thus improving the prospect of remembering them.
By late childhood, children begin to apply elaboration as a memory

strategy. Older children are more skilful in applying elaboration than
younger ones. Elaboration is common among teenagers who are proficient
in generating meaningful connections between items.
7.3.4 Memory Retrieval

What does retrieval of memory mean?
Retrieval of memory refers to subsequent regaining of access to events or facts

from the past which have been encoded and stored in the brain.
During recall, the brain „replays‰ a pattern of neural activity that was formerly
produced in response to a precise event, reflecting the brainÊs perception of the
actual incident. In fact, the act of remembering is no different from the act of
thinking.
Memory retrieval entails revisiting the neural pathway that has been created by
the brain when the memory was formed. The strength of the pathway influences
the speed in which the memory is recalled. Memory retrieval reverts a memory
from LTM to STM or working memory. It restores long-term memory, thus
reconsolidates and strengthens it.
To use information that has entered our long-term memory, we need to recover
it. The efficiency of human memory retrieval is amazing. Most of us remember
through direct retrieval where facts are linked directly to a question or cue.
Retrieval strategies include the following:
(a) Recognition
What does recognition mean?
Recognition is identifying something that is familiar ă a face, a name, a

taste, a melody.
In other words, recognition is a reminder of an event or object with one

formerly encountered. Recognition is an unconscious process. The brain has
a face-recognition area, committed to process data in the limbic areas to
produce a sense of familiarity. It then links up with the neural path where
data about the personÊs actions and goals are processed.
Recognition, detecting that a stimulus is akin to one undergone before, is

the most basic type of retrieval. Even young babies are good at recognition.
Newborn babies can recognise mothers by their smell. By three months,
they begin to recognise familiar faces. Preschoolers have remarkably good
recognition memory which increases in accuracy by the end of early
childhood.
(b) Recall
How do we differentiate between recall and recognition? Recall and
recognition differs in that a recognition task does not necessitate a supply of
information. It merely requires us to recognise it when we see it. Young
children are better at recognition than recall. Recall begins before one year
of age. However, younger childrenÊs recall is quite flawed, compared to
older children. Older children apply a broader variety of retrieval cues.

Recall entails evoking image of a stimulus that is out of view. It requires

the disclosure of data from memory, such as recollecting the name of a
childhood friend. In recall, a person must produce required information (a
shopping list or a song) by remembering, without retrieval cues.
Memory retrieval is a spontaneous process. Thus, while interference at

the time of recall reduces the retrieval process, it does not affect on the
precision of recovered memories. On the other hand, distraction at the time
of encoding can severely harm memory retrieval.
There are three main types of recall. They are explained in Table 7.5.
Table 7.5: Three Types of Recall
Type Description
Free recall It is the process in which a person recalls a list of items freely in
any order. Free recall normally involves one of the following:
 The primacy effect (items at the beginning of the list are
remembered first and most);
 The recency effect (items at the end of the list are remembered
first and most); or
 The contiguity effect (items that are close to each other in time
or space in the list are recalled successively).
Cued recall It is the ability to remember a list of items when cues are provided.
These items were previously forgotten when no cues were given.
Serial recall It is the ability to recall a list of items in the sequence in which
they appear (sequence of actions in our autobiographical
memories). A serial recall in LTM is not the same as a serial recall
in STM. A sequence in LTM is represented in memory as a whole.
In STM, it is a series of discrete items.
Young children apply serial recall in learning their ABCs, nursery rhymes
and learnt any sequences of actions that must be performed in a precise
order. A serial recall is usually simpler than a free recall. In a serial recall,
every word or action functions as a cue for next word or action.
Preschoolers are able to express what they remember and follow

instructions on easy memory tasks. In recalling a set of objects, they have
not begun to organise them in categories. They use memory strategies,
when remembering results in getting what they want.

Memory strategies are devised to improve encoding and retrieval. Most

memory strategies help us recall what happened in the past. Some
prominent examples of memory strategies (mnemonics) include:
(i) Self-reference effect ă Long-term memory is enhanced by linking the

material to oneÊs own experiences;
(ii) Encoding specificity principle ă Recall is enhanced if the contexts at

the time of encoding and retrieval match;
(iii) Keyword method ă Identify a word that has the same sound as the
new word and then create an image that links the keyword with the
meaning of the new word;
(iv) Method of Loci ă Items are recalled by their physical locations;
(v) First-letter technique ă A word or sentence is formed from the first

letters of each word to be recalled (see Figure 7.1); and
(vi) Narrative technique ă Stories are created to connect a series of words

together.
Figure 7.4: Examples of first letter technique for remembering the keys on
string instruments
Source: http://bornonatuesday.com/comic/13/

(c) The Relearning Method

Are you aware that learning is faster the second time around? With the
relearning method or savings method, remembering is measured as the
proportion of time saved in relearning the same material, compared with
the amount of time needed to learn it initially. If it takes 10 minutes to
relearn a list, compared to initial learning time of 20 minutes, the relearning
method has 50% savings. The savings score indicates the amount of
material which is retained in the long-term memory.
Many years ago, Henry Burtt (1932) carried out a unique relearning
experiment on his 15-month-old son Benjamin. Every day Burtt read to his
son three passages from SophoclesÊ Oedipus Tyrannus in the original
Greek. He repeated the same passages for three months and then read three
new passages for the next three months. This went on till Benjamin was
three years old. Then, nothing else was done.
At eight years old, Benjamin was asked to memorise some of the passages
read to him earlier and some new passages that he had never heard before.
Benjamin could memorise the original passages better than the new
passages.
The study suggests that even information a person does not understand can
be stored in memory. Between 15 months and three years of age, young
Benjamin did not speak Greek, yet most of the information remained in his
memory for years.
(d) Reconstruct
To reconstruct or remember complex and meaningful material, we need
to interpret the information based on our existing knowledge. Children
reconstruct stored information, revising it in meaningful ways to ease their
recall. As time passes, children create more conjectures about past events.
This process magnifies the complexity of recreated data, reducing the
accuracy of the recalled information.
(e) Scripts
What do scripts mean?
Scripts are a special form of reconstructive memory. They refer to broad

descriptions of what normally happens in a certain situation such as a
birthday party.

It is a way in which children structure everyday experiences. By age seven,

children clearly use script and taxonomic categories for different purposes.
They use scripts to group items based on routine situations and taxonomic
categories to group items based on shared properties. Children are familiar
with script. The running of activities from the time they arrive at the
nursery school in the morning until they return home in the evening is a
script. As children grow older, their scripts grow more complex and can
forecast what will happen in identical future incidents.
(f) Autobiographical Memories

What do autobiographical memories mean?
Autobiographical memories are representations of past events with

personal meaning.
In order to form an autobiographical memory, children must have a self-

image to be able to encode episodes as „incidents in my life,‰ a milestone
reached at the age of two and the ability to integrate incidents into a
cohesive life narrative. Infantile amnesia is an inability to recover incidents
that occurred to us when we were younger than three, may reflect the non-
verbal nature of infantsÊ and toddlersÊ memory processing.
(g) Eyewitness Memory

Compared with older children, preschoolers are more prone to memory
errors when they describe past experiences. This is because their verbal
skills are still underdeveloped. Younger children may agree with adults just
to gratify them.
Preschool children are weak at source-monitoring, knowing where their

information comes from, even within minutes after obtaining it. Their
dependence on total representations leads them to forget more easily than
older children. Nonetheless, even three-year-olds can precisely remember
incidents directly related to them when they are probed using the right
technique.

SELF-CHECK 7.1
Examine the following statements and identify the concepts that

described the statements.
Statement Concept
1. A process of repeating information over and over
without thinking about its meaning.
2. A consolidation process permits a synapse to
strengthen when more signals are conducted
between two neurons.
3. An organisation strategy in which a relationship
between two or more unconnected data is
constructed.
4. A process of recalling episodes in the sequence in
which they happened, such as events in a
chronological order.
5. A form of reconstructive memory, based on broad
descriptions of what normally happens in a certain
situation, such as visiting neighbours on a festive
occasion.
 The theory of mind emerges as an intuitive social skill among nine-month-old

babies. Reflective social cognition which emerges in the toddler, strengthens
during the preschool years. Three-year-olds discover that others have
different needs, preferences and feelings. Four-year-olds recognise that others
may have false beliefs.
 Metacognition is a cognitive ability that permits us to be aware of our own

thoughts and to know about the nature of thought and how thinking works.
Metacognitive knowledge includes cognitive capacities, memory strategies
and cognitive self-regulation.
 Children as young as one and half years know when others are copying their
gestures, behaviours or words. Two to three-year-olds know the difference
between reality and make-believe. Three to four-year-olds know that people
act on their beliefs, rather than on how the world really is.

 Memory development is the mental processes of acquiring and storing all

the knowledge of a lifetime as well as retrieving them for current use. Thus,
the process act of remembering entails successful completion of three main
activities; acquisition, storage and retrieval.
 Acquiring information consists of attending to, sensing, encoding and

transforming data into something that is saved in the memory.
 According to the Atkinson-ShiffrinÊs multi-store model (1968), there are three

unique, interacting memory systems known as sensory, short-term and long-
term memory.
 Sensory memory is the shortest of the three components of memory. It is the

capacity to hold sensory impressions, after input from the original stimuli has
stopped. It acts as a buffer for stimuli obtained through our senses. It can be
divided into visual sensory memory, auditory sensory memory and haptic
sensory memory.
 Short-term memory or working memory codes data in acoustic form for

sounds semantic form (according to meaning) for visual images. Working
memory allows us to hold briefly and manipulate data (words, numbers or
images) essential for understanding, analysis and planning. It has a very
limited capacity ă about seven (plus or minus two) bits of data at one time.
 Long-term memory which stores our relatively permanent memories,

has no storage capacity limits. It holds all our knowledge, skills and past
experiences, in semantic form, visual images, sounds and odours.
 The main processes involved in memory formation consist of encoding,

consolidation, storage and recall (retrieval).
 Encoding is the first key step to forming memory. The process of encoding
converts the perceived object of interest into a concept that can be stored in
the brain and used later from short-term or long-term memory.
 Consolidation is the process of fortifying a memory trace after its initial

acquisition. It has two specific processes namely synaptic consolidation and
system consolidation.
 Storage refers to the maintenance of sensory memory, STM or LTM data in

the brain. Each type of memory filters the abundance of data that we receive
every day. Data that is often repeated tend to be retained in the long-term
memory.

 Retrieval of memory refers to subsequent regaining of access to events

or facts from the past which have been encoded and stored in the brain.
Retrieval strategies include recognition, recall, relearning, reconstruct, scripts,
autobiographical memories and eyewitness memory.
Acoustic encoding Organisation

Auditory sensory memory/echoic Priming
memory
Recall
Autobiographical memories
Recognition
Declarative memory/explicit memory
Reconstruct
Episodic memory/event memory
Rehearsal
Eyewitness memory
Relearning
False belief task
Scripts
Haptic memory
Semantic encoding
Long-term memory
Semantic memory
Memory consolidation
Sensory memory
Memory development
Short-term memory/working
Memory encoding memory
Memory retrieval Synaptic consolidation
Memory storage System consolidation
Metacognition Tactile encoding
Multi-store model Theory of mind
Non-declarative memory/implicit Visual encoding
memory
Visual sensory memory/iconic
memory

Atkinson, R. C., & Shiffrin, R. M. (1968). Human memory: A proposed system

and its control processes. In K. W. Spence & J. T. Spence (Eds.), The
psychology of learning and motivation (vol. 2). New York, NY: Academic
Press.
Baddeley A. D. (November, 1966). Short-term memory for word sequences as a

function of acoustic, semantic and formal similarity. Quarterly Journal of
Experimental Psychology, 18(4), 362ă5.
Berk, L. E. (2013). Child development (9 ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.
Bjorklund, D. F., Dukes, C., & Brown, R. D. (2009). The development of memory
strategies. In M. Courage & N. Cowan (Eds.), The development of memory
in infancy and childhood. Hove East Sussex, UK: Psychology Press.
Bjorklund, D. F., Causey, K., & Periss, V. (2009). The evolution and development
of human social cognition. In P. Kappeler & J. Silk (Eds.), Mind the gap:
Tracing the origins of human universals. Berlin: Springer Verlag.
Burtt, H. E. (1932). Review of elements of human engineering. Journal of Applied

Psychology, 16(3), 337ă338.
Flavell, J. H., & Hartman, B. M. (2004). Research in review: What children know
about mental experiences. Young Children, 59(2), 102ă109.
Sperling, G. (1960). The information available in brief visual presentations.

Psychological Monographs, 74, 1ă29.
Wood, S. E., Wood, E. G., & Boyd, D. (2014). Mastering the world of psychology
(5th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.

Topic  Strategies in
8 Enhancing
Cognitive
Development
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Identify factors that influence cognitive development;
2. Discuss tools or strategies than can be used to affect cognitive
development; and
3. Apply the theories that explain the development of cognitive
development.
 INTRODUCTION
People differ in intelligence. For instance, do you have friends who excel in their
examinations without any apparent effort? They get straight AÊs for every subject
they enrol in. Does that mean they have higher IQ than you?
Then, do you have friends who are exceptionally adept in social occasions? They
do not excel in formal examinations, but given the microphone in public, they
impress everyone with their glib. They appear so brilliant, with their quick-
witted jokes. They just know the right things to say in public. Yet, we do have
friends who are averse to crowds, but know exactly what to do when your car or
computer breaks down.

TOPIC 8 STRATEGIES IN ENHANCING COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT  205
Among all these friends, who exactly is a truly intelligent person? What about
our creative neighbours, those who write songs, make movies, create new
inventions, such as our car, television, handphone or a simple can opener, that
improve our quality of life? According to Howard Gardner, all of us have
multiple intelligences. Some of us have more of certain intelligences and less of
others. No two persons have the exact same blend.
Different types of intelligences may be influenced by different skills, talents or

abilities. Some people are more or less „born with it‰ and show higher mental
capacity from an early age. Others may have environments which encouraged
them to cultivate certain types of intelligences such as going to a school with
good facilities and teachers.
By observing these factors we are also able to find ways or tools to

encourage cognitive development. Several tools may be used to improve a
childÊs problem solving, arithmetic skills and other cognitive abilities.
Thus, in this topic, we will focus on factors that may influence cognitive
development and how to improve young childrenÊs cognitive development.
8.1 FACTORS INFLUENCING COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
The development of a childÊs cognition is dependent on many factors with some
factors affecting some children more than others. Research has shown while
intelligence is mostly hereditary, the child is strongly influenced by other
external factors (Sternberg & Kaufman, 2011). For example, a child with
intelligent parents growing up in a wealthy household may lose the positive
benefits of having such a household if the parents are neglectful.
What are the other factors that influence cognitive development? Let us identify
them in the following subtopics.
8.1.1 Genetic Factors

Twin studies have shown intellectual resemblance between pairs of individuals
who live in the same home. For example, the IQ correlation between identical
twins is substantially higher than that of fraternal or non-twin siblings.
Correlation for identical twins will increase modestly into adulthood. For
fraternal twins, this correlation drops sharply at adolescence.

206  TOPIC 8 STRATEGIES IN ENHANCING COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
As for adopted children, they are shown to have a higher IQ correlation with
their biological parents than those of their adoptive parents. These studies can be
interpreted as evidence for a genetic influence on IQ. In other words, the greater
the genetic similarity between family members, the more they resemble one
another in IQ.
As discussed in Topic 2, a personÊs genotype may influence the type of

environment they seek out and are likely to experience. Genes do not guarantee
that a child will reach their full potential. A child who is genetically predisposed
to pursue intellectual challenges may not fulfil his or her full potential if raised in
a barren or unstimulating environment with few challenges. Alternately, a child
who is not intellectually predisposed may achieve an above average IQ, if raised
in a stimulating environment.
8.1.2 Environment Factors

As discussed in Topic 2, there is some intellectual resemblance between pairs of
genetically unrelated children who live in the same household. This may be due
to the rearing environment or patterns of that very household. There are four
perspectives in environment factors. They are:
(a) Parent Influence

In other adoption studies it has been shown that adopted children who left
disadvantaged family backgrounds to be placed with highly educated
adoptive parents show an improved score on IQ tests. While IQ was still
correlated to the IQ of the biological mothers, the adoptees performed
higher (by 10 or 20 points) than one would expect on the basis of the IQ and
education of the biological parents.
Children of degree-educated mothers perform particularly well during

tests compared to children of mothers with no qualifications. Children
with mothers aged 30 years and above perform better than children with
younger mothers. Children of unemployed parents also achieved lower test
scores than those with employed parents.
Parental care and attention plays a vital role in the childÊs cognitive
development. Parents who put emphasis on learning had children who
achieved higher test scores. Certain activities such as reading to the child,
visiting the library and playing educational games have a positive effect on
a childÊs IQ scores.

Weak or absent prenatal care and family stress may prevent children from
attaining their full potential. In fact, any factor that discourages effective
child-rearing may have a negative effect on cognitive development.
Households with four or more children have lower ability scores than those
with fewer or no siblings. As parents have more children, it becomes more
difficult to provide attention to each one. Children with single parents
obtain lower test scores due to the same reason.
Parents may shape how a child develops during different stages of his or
her life. The following are factors that improve the likelihood of healthy
cognitive development (see Table 8.1).
Table 8.1: Factors that Improve the Likelihood of Healthy Cognitive Development
Factor Description
Infancy and  Parents are emotionally and verbally responsive.
toddlerhood  Parents express acceptance towards the child.
 Organised physical environment.
 Children are provided with appropriate play materials.
 Parents are involved in the childÊs daily activities.
 Children are given variety in daily stimulation.
Early  Children are stimulated through toys, games and reading
childhood materials.
 Language stimulation.
 Organised physical environment.
 Parents provide emotional support through parental pride,
affection and warmth.
 Stimulation of academic behaviour.
 Parents act as good role models and encourage social maturity.
 Children are exposed to variety in daily stimulation.
 Parents discourage physical punishment.
Middle  Parents are emotionally and verbally responsive.
childhood  Emotionally positive parent-child relationship.
 Parents encourage social maturity.
 Children are provided active stimulation.
 Children are exposed to materials and experiences that
encourage growth.
 Family participates in developmentally stimulating experiences.
 Parents are involved in child rearing.
 Parents provide a safe, clean and conducive environment.

(b) Home Environment

The childrenÊs home environment has strong impact on childrenÊs cognitive
development as they spend most of their time at home and are easily
affected by their development.
There are obvious advantages for children who come from households in
the middle class and above range. This effect has been observed among
poor African American children who have been adopted by white, middle
class families. These children were capable of achieving above average IQs
while their peers who remain in poverty are likely to achieve lower than
average IQ.
This may be due to several reasons:
(i) Children from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to be

undernourished and have poor healthcare. This would inhibit brain
growth and make it more difficult for them to pay attention;
(ii) Poverty may also cause psychological distress making it difficult for
their caretakers to provide the appropriate attention and care;
(iii) Children from poor families are also more likely to have problems
related to poor housing and live in unsafe environments. Children are
at risk to various physical and mental health problems and it will be
more difficult to complete schoolwork or learn at home; and
(iv) Low income families may also be unable to afford age-appropriate

books, toys and other experiences that may contribute to a stimulating
home environment.
(c) External Environment

The community that a child grows up in will affect the childÊs development.
Older children spend a lot of their time interacting with their community
and school environment. Low-quality schools with poorly equipped
facilities may be detrimental to a childÊs development. Children will lose
the advantages they may have had if they only spend time reading books at
the library, experimenting in a well equipped science lab or playing football
on the school field.

Outside of school, children will be exposed to the influences in their

community and neighbourhood. Low income areas are particularly at risk
for criminal behaviour which may affect children in different ways.
Children may end up neglecting their studies to engage in crime. Even
children who try to avoid it may still experience distress of living in a
dangerous area and this would likely distract them from schoolwork.
According to the Flynn Effect, people were getting smarter throughout the
20th century. Since the 1940s, countries studied have increased about three
points per decade. The increase is too rapid to be attributed to evolution,
therefore researchers look at environmental factors.
This worldwide improvements in education may have increased the

general populations IQ in three ways:
(i) Helping them become more test-oriented;
(ii) More knowledgeable in general; and
(iii) More likely to depend on sophisticated problem-solving strategies.
It is also believed that modern improvements in nutrition and health care

are two environment factors that contribute to intellectual improvement.
These factors are likely to optimise the development of the brain and the
nervous system.
(d) Sociocultural Factors

The socioeconomic status (SES) index combines three interrelated variables:
(i) Years of education;
(ii) Prestige of oneÊs job and the skills it requires (social status); and
(iii) Income (economic status).
There is a strong correlation between socioeconomic class and IQ. Children

from lower and working class homes are about 10 to 15 points below their
middle class peers on standardised IQ tests. In the United States, there has
been evidence that ethnicity may affect intellectual performance. Children
of African American, Native American and Hispanic Americans score
slightly lower on IQ tests than European Americans and Asian Americans.

The gap between middle and low-SES children may account for some of the
ethnic differences in IQ. However, when black and white children match on
the SES score this gap is reduced by a third to a half.
This difference in intellectual performance among different ethnicities may

be explained by three general hypothesis:
(i) A Cultural/Test Bias

The way the tests are administered are geared towards those who are
Caucasian and middle class. It is less likely for children from minority
backgrounds to be familiar with the vocabulary required as they may
speak a different dialect at home.
White parents have also been shown to ask more knowledge-training

questions (what sound does the cat make?) compared to African
Americans who ask real-life questions (where did you go after
school?) that they may not know the answer to.
(ii) Genetic Hypothesis

Arthur Jensen (1998) expressed that according to the genetic
hypothesis group differences in IQ are hereditary. He divided
intellectual abilities in two broad classes:
 Level I abilities which include attentional processes, short-term

and associative skills ă Abilities that are important for memory
based learning.
 Level II abilities which allow a person to reason abstractly and to

manipulate words and symbols to form concepts and solve
problems.
He noted that Level II abilities are associated with school achievement

and predominantly measured on IQ tests. Level I IQ tests tend to be
performed equally well among children from all ethnic groups and
social classes. Since both are heritable, Jensen proposed that IQ
differences between groups must be hereditary.
However, critics point out that children from European backgrounds

tend to have better environments compared to those of other
ethnicities and social classes.

(iii) Environmental Hypothesis

Researchers believe that poor people and members of various
minority groups are more likely to grow up in disadvantaged
environments that are less conducive to intellectual development
(Hunt, 2011).
ACTIVITY 8.1
It has been a few months in to ErnaÊs first year in primary school.
Teachers have observed that she has been struggling in class compared
to the others. Discuss how the following factors may be causing her
poor performance:
(a) Genetics; and
(b) Socioeconomic status.
8.1.3 Theories of Cognitive Development

Recall that in Topic 2, 3 and 4, we have discussed different views about how we
acquire our intelligence. To recap, we will briefly summarise PiagetÊs, VygotskyÊs
and GardnerÊs theories as follow:
(a) PiagetÊs Theory of Cognitive Development

He described genetic epistemology as the experimental study of the origin
of knowledge. Piaget (1970) proposed that four factors may influence
cognitive development:
(i) Biological maturation is considered the biological changes that are

genetically programmed. As children get older their brain and
nervous system will gradually mature. Children will become more
capable of complex cognitive schemes and will learn to better
understand and learn from their experiences.
As they pass from one stage of development to another, they will be

able to form new schemes and reorganise their knowledge to think of
old issues in different ways. Parents and caretakers will have little
influence over whether or not biological maturation happens.

(ii) Activity is the ability to act on the environment and also learn from it.
(iii) Social experiences occur every moment a child interacts with another.
Through this, children are able to learn and change the way they think
to suit (or in some cases defy) the ones they interact with.
(iv) Equilibration is an attempt to balance what one already knows and

then learn from our environment. Piaget believed that children were
constantly changed by the new stimuli and events. These new
experiences would cause imbalances which prompt them to make
mental adjustments. Children attempt to restore equilibrium by
balancing new knowledge to suit an existing one or may even change
what they believe completely.
(b) VygotskyÊs Theory of Cognitive Development

Vygotsky proposed that childrenÊs intellectual development was closely
related to their culture. As observed, children around the world developed
different mental abilities and problem-solving behaviours. This could be
due to the different demands and values associated with their host culture.
According to Vygotsky, cognition was affected by the beliefs, values and

other intellectual tools passed on through culture. As opposed to Piaget,
Vygotsky believed that intellectual was not universal but instead cultural.
(c) GardnerÊs Theory of Multiple Intelligences

According to Gardner, our potential cognitive development is tied to our
multiple intelligences. We have at least nine multiple intelligences. Each of
us has a unique blend of capabilities and skills (intelligences) which defines
our learning preference. For example, some of us are visual learners or
auditory learners. Thus, each personÊs multiple intelligence and learning
styles must be considered in order to plan meaningful and effective
curriculum, instruction, activities and assessment strategies.

8.2 TOOLS TO MANIPULATE COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT
PiagetÊs theory of cognitive development proposed three educational principles
to influence classroom practices. They are listed in Table 8.2.
Table 8.2: Three Educational Principles which Influence Classroom Practices (Based on
PiagetÊs Theory of Cognitive Development)
Principle Description
Discovery learning Children are encouraged to discover for themselves and interact
with the environment. The teachers provide activities that
promote exploration and discovery (arts, puzzles, building
blocks, books, props, musical instruments).
Sensitivity to Teachers introduce children to activities that encourage children
childrenÊs readiness to think critically and challenge the way they view the world.
to learn
Acceptance of The theory assumes that all children go through the same
individual sequence of development at different rates. Teachers must plan
differences activities for individuals and small groups based on their
progress.
VygotskyÊs theory highlights the cultural variation in cognitive skills and the
vital role of teaching in cognitive development. Vygotsky believed in exposing
children to socially rich and meaningful activities in zones of proximal
development during preschool years. This would prepare children for the self-
discipline required for future academic learning. Teachers will inform, correct
and ask children to explain their studies (literature, mathematics, science and
social studies).
The reading, writing and mathematical activities of children who attend school in
scholastic societies produce cognitive capacities that are different from those in
traditional cultures, where children do not attend formal schooling. For example,
the spatial skills of Aborigine children whose food-gathering pursuits demand
that they track the direction through dense jungles and the perceptive reckoning
of Melanau fishermen, to navigate their way home across vast seas, are just as
highly developed in their cognition. Each is a unique form of symbolic thinking
required by activities that make up that cultureÊs way of life.

According to Vygotsky, learning occurs in various forms such as:
(a) Reciprocal learning occurs when a teacher with two to four students form a
collaborative group. Each member will take turns to lead dialogues. Within
the dialogue, the group members will question, summarise, clarify and
predict with reference to the learning materials. Children exposed to this
technique are able to scaffold anotherÊs progress and acquire higher level
learning skills.
(b) Peer collaboration is based on the concept that more expert peers can
support childrenÊs development. Cooperative learning encourages students
to form small groups to work toward common goals. Children will profit
from having a more experienced and capable peer to lead the task. These
expert peers are able to assist children and this leads to improved self-
esteem among all participants.
8.2.1 Classical Conditioning

What does conditioning mean?
Conditioning is a form of learning where a neutral stimulus is paired with

another stimulus that leads to a reflexive response.
This allows children to recognise what events occur together in the world and
how to anticipate what will happen in the future. Their environment becomes
more orderly and predictable.
How can classical conditioning occur? Let us say that a mother will stroke her
babyÊs head when she wishes to nurse the baby. Soon the baby will learn to
associate this gesture with nursing and may make sucking movements whenever
his head is stroked.
Young infants in particular can be classically conditioned when the association

between the two stimuli has survival value ă usually to get food. Other responses
such as fear are difficult to condition in young babies. They will only begin to
have biological need to make these associations when they develop the motor
skills to escape unpleasant events.

8.2.2 Operant Conditioning

In classical conditioning, an expectation is built about the stimulus events in the
environment, but the behaviour does not influence the stimuli that occur. In
operant conditioning, infants act on the environment and the stimuli that follow
their behaviour change the probability that the behaviour will occur again.
A reinforcer is a stimulus that increases the occurrence of a response. For

instance, sweet liquid (milk) reinforces the sucking response in babies. Removing
this desirable stimulus and changing it into an unpleasant one to discourage a
response is called a punishment. Changing the sweet liquid into a sour tasting
one punishes the babyÊs sucking response. This would cause the baby to stop
sucking entirely.
Other stimuli may also be used in this context to reinforce infant behaviour.
Newborns have been observed to suck faster when doing so produces interesting
sights and sounds such as visual designs, music or human voices.
Operant conditioning is a powerful tool to find out what stimuli babies perceive
and prefer. As the babies get older, operant condition may have a wider range of
responses to different stimuli. Through the use of conditioning, it is possible to
affect a childÊs learning patterns and motivation to learn using a basic reward
and punishment principle.
8.2.3 Compensatory Intervention

Project „Head Start‰ began as an education programme to enrich the learning
experience of economically disadvantaged children. Children from middle-class
backgrounds were identified to have an educational advantage presumably from
what they were exposed to at home and nursery. The programme was meant to
compensate for the disadvantages that children may have already experienced
and to allow them to catch up with their middle-class peers.
The early result of „Head Start‰ and similar programmes were very optimistic.
Those involved in the programmes scored higher on IQ test compared to the
non-participants of a similar social background.

This initial optimism began to fade soon after. After a year or two of elementary
school, the gains they made on IQ test had largely disappeared. Critics saw the
programme as a failure yet many developmentalists were reluctant to agree.
They argued that these interventions were not meant to simply boost IQ, but
instead improve the childÊs academic performance. Others argue that the effects
of the interventions might be cumulative and it would take several years before
the full benefits were apparent.
In 1982, Lazar and Darlington reported the long-term effects of 11 high quality,
university-based programmes in the 1960s. They would examine the participantsÊ
academic records and administer IQ and achievement tests at regular intervals
throughout their elementary school years. They also interviewed the participantsÊ
mothers to determine their feeling of self-worth, attitudes about school and
academic achievement, their work aspirations, as well as the motherÊs own
aspirations for their children and their feelings about their childrenÊs progress at
school. The studies showed the following results:
(a) Participants would score higher than non-participants for two to three
years after the interventions are over but eventually their IQ scores would
decline;
(b) Participants were still more likely to meet their schools basic requirements
and less likely to be assigned to a special education or be held back in
school;
(c) These children were more likely to have positive attitudes about school and
(later) job-related successes;
(d) Their mothers were also more satisfied with and had higher occupational
aspirations; and
(e) Teenagers who participated were less likely to be pregnant or involved in

delinquent activities. They were also more likely to be employed.
Many believe that if compensatory education begins earlier in life and lasts
longer the effects may be even better. Based on compensatory education, there
are also ways to help parents become more involved in childrenÊs learning
activities.

Studies have shown that the most effective intervention programmes are most
effective when they involve parents in one way or another. Other studies favour
two-generation intervention which provides children with high-quality preschool
education, and also provides disadvantaged parents with social support and
educational and vocational training. These types of family interventions are more
likely to improve parentÊs psychological well-being and may translate to more
effective patterns of parenting.
The Carolina Abecederian Project was another early intervention programme

that selected families at risk of producing mildly retarded children. The selected
families were all on welfare and most had single parents who had scored well
below average on standardised IQ test.
The project began when the participating children were only six to 12 weeks old,
and continued for the next five years. Half of the at-risk children took part in a
special daycare programme. The programme ran from 7.15a.m. to 5.15p.m., five
days a week for 50 weeks each year, up until the child entered school. The
remaining control group was given the same dietary supplements, social services
and paediatric care given to their peers in the experimental group but they did
not attend daycare.
Over the next 15 years, the progresses of these two groups were assessed during
regular intervals by administering IQ tests and periodic tests of academic
achievement. Those in the experimental group began to outperform the control
group starting at age 18 months and maintained this IQ advantage through
age 15. They also outperformed the control group in all areas of academic
achievement from the third year of school onwards.
These results show that when intervention is early and extended the children
involved reap numerous benefits. Family intervention may also make
disadvantaged mothers who participate more in their childrenÊs lives and
become more confident and effective in their parenting. This change not only
benefited the first born child who received the stimulating daycare but also all
the subsequent children.

8.2.4 Problem-Solving Competence

Problem-solving competence involves reasoning. Reasoning is a type of problem-
solving method that requires one to make an inference. This would require
reviewing the evidence presented and coming up with a conclusion based on
that evidence. For example, you know that Jeff is your cousin. Jeff introduces you
to his brother John. This would mean that John is also your cousin.
Analogical reasoning involves using something you already know to understand

something that you do not know yet. Analogies are basically similarity relations.
This is useful in acquiring knowledge in new situations.
In order to use analogical reasoning effectively, children must be familiar with

certain knowledge. They may reference their own past experiences or those of
others ă through observation or information.
Young childrenÊs stories such as Goldilocks and the Three Bears may be used for
this purpose. In the story, Goldilocks will encounter objects of different sizes ă
small, medium and big. They learn that the medium bed is larger than the small
bed and the big bed is larger than the medium bed. Through this, they may
assume that the large bed is bigger than the small bed. This may translate large >
medium > small. They may also assume that the Daddy Bear who uses the big
bed is larger than the Baby Bear who uses the small bed. Children familiar with
this story may use it as a reference to rank order, temperature, width or height.
As children get older, they will still use analogical reasoning to acquire new
information and solve more complex problems. In this sense, this is a useful tool
for children to learn how to learn.
8.2.5 Development Of Mathematics Skills

Mathematical knowledge has three components:
(a) Factual knowledge (numerical sense);
(b) Procedural knowledge (computational skills); and
(c) Conceptual knowledge (mathematic principles).

Based on VygotskyÊs sociocultural theory, cognitive development always occurs

in a cultural context. The early home environment and experiences with informal
mathematical activities such as board games promote the numerical knowledge
of young children. Evidence supports that early numerical knowledge lays the
foundation for later mathematical achievement.
Children may learn to count and perform basic mathematics during preschool
years. Higher mathematics tends to be taught at school. Based on this, we often
assume that unschooled children perform poorly or are incompetent when it
comes to mathematics.
Carraher and associates (1985) observed several unschooled street vendors in

Brazil aged between nine and 15 years old. These children were able to solve
mathematics problems in real life situations 98 per cent of the time. For example,
if the large coconut costs 76 and the small one costs 50, together they would cost
126.
However, when the researchers asked a question out of context (what is

76 + 50?), they would be wrong 37 per cent of the time. Apparently outside of
context they would be less motivated to solve these problems.
East Asian cultures (China, Taiwan, Japan) tend to outperform the rest of the
world academically particularly in mathematics. In their first year of primary
school, East Asians are taught to rely on a more sophisticated mix of basic
mathematics strategies than their American counterparts.
East Asians instructional practices make it easier for children to learn

mathematics facts and computational procedures. When carrying over a sum to a
different column, children will be instructed to „bring up‰ the sum rather than
„carry it over‰. Asian mathematics texts also avoid confusing place values by
having different colour codes for the hundreds, tens and ones.
This East Asian advantage may also be due to the language used. In Chinese, the
numbers 11, 12 and 13 are translated as „ten-one‰, „ten-two‰ and „ten-three‰
which is easier for young children to remember compared to eleven, twelve and
thirteen. The Korean term for 1 3 (one third) is also more intuitive. It is spoken as
sam bun ui il (literally ă of three parts, one).

German studies have shown that teachers who emphasise conceptual knowledge
(children will construct meaning in the word problems) are more successful in
improving childrenÊs mathematics achievement. The children often draw on their
knowledge of relationship between operations. They are able to come to a
conclusion quickly through estimation instead of exact calculation.
According to Siegler, childrenÊs mathematics strategies include:
(a) Sum strategy: In learning to add, young children frequently use a sum
strategy that involves counting both numbers out loud. For example, for
5 + 3?, saying, „1, 2, 3, 4, 5 [pause], 6, 7, 8.‰ (Siegler, 1996, 2009).
(b) Min strategy: A min strategy is a more sophisticated strategy, which begin
with the larger number and then, count up from there. For example, in this
case, we begin with, „5 [and continue to], 6, 7, 8.‰).
(c) Fact retrieval: A more sophisticated strategy, in which we „just know‰ the
answer and retrieve it directly from long-term memory without having to
count at all. For example, how much is 5 + 3? Simply answering „8‰ to the
question.
Technically, children are supposed to progress from using the sum strategy to
using the min strategy to using fact retrieval. Yet, findings reveal that individual
children use multiple-strategy and variable-strategy at any given time (Siegler &
Svetina, 2006). The frequency that each strategy is used varies with age. Older
children tend to use more sophisticated strategies more often (Schwenck,
Bjorklund & Schneider, 2009).
8.2.6 Early Literacy

We are aware that learning to read and write is critical to a childÊs success in
school and later in life. Children may be exposed to early literacy through
various pre-reading and writing activities. Caretakers may read to the child
daily, children may look at or handle books; they may play with a variety of
media and begin showing interest in pictures, letter and numbers.

The most important attainment in terms of literacy for preschool children is the
ability to use symbols. They must understand that one thing has the ability to
represent another thing.
There are different schools of thought when it comes to early literacy. One is
the „drill and worksheet‰ camp which advocates learning through practice
and memorisation of letters and numbers. The „play‰ perspective believes that
pretence, the ability to have one thing stands for another is important. They
would encourage learning to dramatic and sociodramatic play. Caretakers
would guide and facilitate play opportunities to encourage them to happen
spontaneously.
Literacy can develop through multiple means. The social and cultural practice
aspect is where young children may learn through the discourses that occur in
their homes and neighbourhoods. Hypothesis testing is when young children
would modify what they know and think about written language when they test
a new piece of information against what they already know.
Reading requires us to apply multiple skills at the same time. We must perceive
letters and words and translate them into speech. The words hold information
which we must process in order to interpret its meaning. Then we combine each
sentence to understand the passage or story as a whole.
Literacy involves more than rote learning for the alphabet. In order to read
effectively, most or all these skills must be done automatically. Young children
today are constantly exposed to written symbols. They are exposed to letters and
numbers on calendars, advertisements and signs. Young children learn to make
sense of the words they are familiar with.
Literacy development requires careful planning and instruction. There are

several strategies that we can implement to support emergent literacy in early
childhood. Some of them are explained in Table 8.3.

Table 8.3: Strategies that We Can Implement to Support Emergent Literacy in Early
Childhood
Strategy Description
Provide literacy-rich home and The home and preschools should be rich with reading
school environments and writing materials. This may include a wide
variety of storybooks and literacy games. Reading
aloud is an easy way to introduce young children to
literacy.
Engage in interactive book Caretakers should allow children to participate in the
reading storytelling process. They may ask the young
children questions, explain the meaning of words,
point the features of the reading material and so on.
Provide access to libraries, This improves a childÊs general knowledge and
museums, parks, zoos and allows them to see how written language is used in
other community areas everyday life. It is useful for you to visit areas related
to the story book as you may point out related
information such as „that monkey looks like the one
in the book.‰
Point out letter sound An important part of literacy is phonological
relationships, play rhyming and awareness ă how words should sound. These
language-sound games and activities allow young children to become familiar
read poems and rhyming with certain sounds and make it easier for them to
stories read and spell.
Support childrenÊs efforts at Assist and encourage young children to write their
writing own letters, stories and other narratives.
Model literacy activities Engage in reading and writing activities yourself.
This allows young children to understand the
everyday function for literacy and how to gain
knowledge through literacy. Children may think
„Daddy knows a lot about the world since he reads
the newspaper every day.‰ This would motivate
children to improve their literacy skills.
Dramatic and sociodramatic Young children are able to apply literacy to the
play themes they enact. Alphabet fitness is where children
use model letters to fit their bodies ă encourages
kinaesthetic awareness of symbolic representation
which is built into large muscle memory (Voght,
2003).

Young children will make a transition from emergent literacy to conventional

reading during middle childhood. Researchers have different approaches that
they recommend to teach young children to read.
The whole-language approach encourages children to be exposed to text in its

complete form ă stories, poems, letters, posters and lists ă from the very
beginning. This allows young children to see literacy as something complete and
meaningful. They are more likely to use written language in a practical manner
(to communicate) and be motivated to discover more.
Another approach is the phonics approach where young children are taught the
rules to translate written symbols into words. After they master these skills, they
will be exposed to more advanced materials.
Which approach is more effective? This is up for debate. The studies seem to
show that young children learn best with a mixture of both approaches. Early on
teachers will use the phonics approach which seems particularly effective for
young children who lag behind in reading. Teachers will later combine real
reading and writing with phonics. Young children are then able to recognise new
letter-sound relations when reading on their own.
ACTIVITY 8.2
NinaÊs son will be turning three this year. Suggest some ways that she
may cultivate his early literacy skills at home.
 The main factors that influence cognitive development are genetics and
environment.
 Genetics plays a vital role in cognitive development. Studies show that there
is high correlation between IQ and genetic similarity.
 Environment will still affect whether a child is able to reach his or her full
potential or not. Environment factors can be seen through parent influence,
home environment, external environment and sociocultural factors.

 Three theories of cognitive development which describe the factors that

influence cognitive development are PiagetÊs, VygotskyÊs and GardnerÊs
theories.
 Piaget suggests that four factors affect cognitive development. They are
biological maturation, activity, social experiences and equilibration.
 Vygotsky proposed that childrenÊs intellectual development was closely

related to their culture. He believed that cognition was affected by the beliefs,
values and other intellectual tools passed on through culture.
 According to Gardner, our potential cognitive development is tied to our

multiple intelligences. Each of us has a unique blend of capabilities and skills
(intelligences), which defines our learning preference.
 As for tools or strategies that can be used to affect cognitive development,

these can be to examine theories, classical conditioning, operant conditioning,
compensatory intervention, problem-solving competence, development of
mathematics skills and early literacy.
 PiagetÊs theory of cognitive development proposed three educational

principles to influence classroom practices. They are discovery learning,
sensitivity to childrenÊs readiness to learn and acceptance of individual
differences.
 As for Vygotsky, his theory highlighted the cultural variation in cognitive

skills and the vital role of teaching in cognitive development. Vygotsky
believed in exposing children to socially rich and meaningful activities in
zones of proximal development during preschool years.
 Conditioning is a form of learning where a neutral stimulus is paired with

another stimulus that leads to a reflexive response.
 In classic conditioning, an expectation is built about the stimulus events in

the environment, but the behaviour does not influence the stimuli that occur.
 In operant conditioning, infants act on the environment and the stimuli that
follow their behaviour change the probability that the behaviour will occur
again.

 Compensatory intervention such as project „Head Start‰ began as an

education programme to enrich the learning experience of economically
disadvantaged children. The findings showed that while the improvements
to IQ scores were short-lived, the effect on the academic performance and
attitudes was positive and long-lasting.
 The Carolina Abecederian Project showed that earlier and sustained

compensatory intervention yielded more positive and long-lasting results.
 Reasoning is a type of problem solving method that requires one to make an

inference. Analogical reasoning involves using something you already know
to understand something that you do not know yet.
 Mathematical knowledge has three components namely factual knowledge

(numerical sense), procedural knowledge (computational skills) and
conceptual knowledge (mathematic principles).
 Children may be exposed to early literacy through various pre-reading and

writing activities. The most important attainment in terms of literacy for
preschool children is the ability to use symbols.
Classical conditioning Operant conditioning

Compensatory intervention Parent influence
Development of mathematics skills PiagetÊs theory of cognitive
development
Early literacy
Problem-solving competence
Environment
Reasoning
External environment
Sociocultural factors
GardnerÊs theory of multiple
intelligences VygotskyÊs theory of cognitive
development
Genetics
Home environment

Berk, L. E. (2013). Child development (9th ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.
Carraher, T. N., Carraher, D. W., & Schliemann A. D. (1985). Mathematics in the

streets and in schools. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 3(1),
21ă29.
Hunt, E. B. (2011). Human intelligence. New York, NY: Cambridge University

Press.
Jensen, A. R. (1998). The g factor: The science of mental ability. Westport, CT:
Praeger.
Piaget, J. (1970). Genetic epistemology. New York, NY: W. W. Norton &

Company.
Ramani, G. B., & Siegler, R. S. (2014). How informal learning activities

can promote childrenÊs numerical knowledge. Retrieved from
http://www.researchgate.net/publication/263503931_How_informal_lear
ning_activities_can_promote_childrens_numerical_knowledge
Schwenck, C., Bjorklund, D. F., & Schneider, W. (2009). Developmental and

individual differences in young childrenÊs use and maintenance of a
selective memory strategy. Developmental Psychology, 45(4), 1034ă1050.
Siegler , R. S. (1996). Emerging minds. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Siegler, R. S. (2009). Improving the numerical understanding of children. Child

Development Perspectives, 3(2), 118ă124
Siegler, R. S., & Svetina, M. (2006). What leads children to adopt new strategies?
A microgenetic/cross sectional study of class inclusion. Child
Sternberg, R. J., & Kaufman, S. B. (Eds.). (2011). The Cambridge handbook of

intelligence. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Voght, K. (2003). Alphabet fitness. Boston, MA: Wellness.

Topic  Brainy Debate:
9 Intelligence and
Creativity
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Describe what is intelligence and its related theories;
2. Explain how intelligence is measured; and
3. Distinguish between giftedness, creativity and savant syndrome.
 INTRODUCTION
Do you know who holds the record for the highest IQ (intelligence quotient) in
the world? Probably the first person that comes to our mind is Albert Einstein
or Socrates or some other remarkable philosopher or mathematician. Well, the
answer is someone else ă the record holder of the highest IQ happens to be a
woman!
Marilyn Mach vos Savant (see Figure 9.1) is an American magazine columnist,
author, lecturer and playwright who holds the record for the highest IQ
(intelligence quotient) in the world.

228  TOPIC 9 BRAINY DEBATE: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY
Figure 9.1: Marilyn Mach vos Savant

Source: http://www.life.hu
Here is another interesting fact ă she obtained an incredible score of 228 on the
Stanford-Binet IQ test at 10 years of age! In fact, her score is considered high. Do
you know why? This is because her score is nearly 30 points higher than that of
her nearest competitor.
Now, let us think of another person, Dr. Robert Jarvik (see Figure 9.2), the world-
famous inventor of the Jarvik artificial heart, who also happens to be MarilynÊs
husband.
Figure 9.2: Dr. Robert Jarvik

Source: www.glogster.com

TOPIC 9 BRAINY DEBATE: INTELLIGENCE AND CREATIVITY  229
Unlike Marilyn, Jarvik was a poor test taker. In fact, his score on IQ and
admissions tests were so low that he was unable to get admission into any
medical school in the United States. After a great deal of effort, he was finally
accepted into a medical school in Italy, where he received his MD degree.
After graduation, he returned to practise in the United States, where he created a

device which kept many critically ill heart patients alive until a suitable heart
transplant could be performed. Dr. Jarvik combined his medical knowledge and
his mechanical genius to produce the worldÊs first workable artificial heart.
Like Dr. Jarvik, many brilliant persons have poor school achievement. Renowned
inventors like Thomas Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, Isaac Newton and even
the eminent Albert Einstein were labelled slow learners. Einstein summarised IQ
test aptly when he stated, „Everybody is a genius. But if you judge a fish by its
ability to climb a tree, it will live its whole life believing it is stupid.‰
This topic discusses on intelligence and creativity. It discusses the debate on how
we assess intelligence. There are many IQ tests that we can try and explore. How
valid are these IQ tests? Who is more intelligent? Marilyn the IQ record holder or
Jarvik the artificial heart inventor? Let us find out the answer!
9.1 INTELLIGENCE: WHAT IS IT?

Although intelligence is one of the most researched topics in psychology, to date,
there is still no clear consensus about what intelligence is. Different theorists
have their own ideas about which traits (and how many of them) are core aspects
of intelligence.
Jean Piaget defined intelligence as „adaptive thinking or action.‰ When experts

were asked to provide a one-sentence definition of what intelligence meant to
them, almost all of their definitions pinpointed on „the ability to think abstractly
or to solve problems effectively.‰ Now let us consider some of the more
persuasive viewpoints on the nature of intelligence, beginning with the
psychometric perspective as discussed in the next subtopics.

9.1.1 Psychometric Views of Intelligence (Definitions

of Intelligence)
Is intelligence a single trait or does it involve many unrelated traits? Are
there certain common factors that underlie intelligence? The answers to these
questions can be identified through psychometric views of intelligence.
The psychometric approach to cognitive development forms the basis on which

various intelligence tests available for assessing childrenÊs mental abilities are
constructed. Some experts think that intelligence is made up of numerous closely
inter-connected abilities; others expect them to be quite discrete. Here are some
of the expertsÊ points of view:
(a) Alfred BinetÊs Singular Component Approach (Alfred Binet: A Holistic

View)
The first intelligence test began as an effort to solve a problem of sorting out
children whose intelligence was too low for them to profit from regular
classroom instruction in the schools of France. The Ministry of Public
Instruction in Paris wanted to ensure that normal children are assigned to
the regular programme of instruction and that children of limited ability are
sent to special classes.
In 1905, Alfred Binet (1857ă1911) published the BinetăSimon Intelligence

Scale with Theodore SimonÊs help. Test items on the scale are arranged with
the easiest item first and the next item becoming more difficult. Children go
as far as they can. Their performances are then compared to others of the
same age. A child with the ability of a normal five-year-old has a mental
level of five.
In 1908, the Binet-Simon test was revised and all test items were age-
graded. A child who passes all items at the five-year-old level but none at
the six-year-old level is said to have a mental age (MA) of five years.
Then, Binet established the concept of mental retardation and mental

superiority. A six-year-old with a mental age of six is average. A six-year-
old with a mental age of three is very inadequate; a six-year-old with a
mental age of 10 is mentally superior.
In 1912, William Stern devised a simple formula for calculating an index of

intelligence. He divided a childÊs mental age by his or her chronological
age.

(b) Early Multicomponent View of Intelligence

Researchers use factor analysis to decide if intelligence is a single trait or a
multi-trait ability. Distinct clusters are called factors. If vocabulary, verbal
comprehension and verbal analogy items all correlate highly with each
other, they form a factor that we may label „verbal ability.‰ Researchers use
factor analysis to establish which mental abilities are related to high
intelligence test performance. Among them are:
(i) Charles Spearman (1863ă1945), the first prominent factor analyst,

found that all the test items he examined correlated with one another.
Thus, he suggested each item is influenced by a shared general
intelligence, called the g factor. Spearman (1927) observed that people
who are bright in one area are usually bright in other areas as well. In
other words, they tend to be generally intelligent. He deduced that g
represents the abstract reasoning capacity which best predicts
cognitive performance in normal conditions.
However, he also noticed that cognitive functioning often varies.

Children who excel at most tasks may perform poorly on a specific
test, such as verbal analogies or musical aptitude. Spearman thus
recommends that cognitive functioning has two aspects ă g or general
ability and s or special abilities, each of which is measured by a
particular test.
(ii) Louis Thurstone and his wife, Thelma G. Thurstone, (1941) factor-
analysed 50 mental tests administered to eighth-graders and college
students. They found that seven separate, unrelated factors exist.
They called these factors primary mental abilities: spatial ability,
perceptual speed, numerical reasoning, verbal meaning, word
fluency, memory and inductive reasoning.
Then, they concluded that these abilities really make up SpearmanÊs

idea of g, but a single IQ score obscured more than it revealed. A
profile showing relative strengths and weaknesses on the seven
primary abilities would provide a more accurate picture of a personÊs
mental ability. Spearman and Thurstone eventually resolved their
differences, each supporting the otherÊs perspective.
(c) Later Multicomponent Theories of Intelligence

Current test designers combine both Spearman and Thurstone approaches
and come up with hierarchical models of mental abilities. At the peak is g,
which is present in all factors. The factors are assessed using subtests

(groups of related items). Subtest scores reveal a childÊs strengths and

weaknesses which are merged to form the total intelligence. Existing
theorists have expanded the factor-analytic research as follow:
(i) Joy Paul Guilford (1897ă1987) proposed model of intellect. By

classifying cognitive tasks, he came up with three major dimensions:
 Five kinds of content (what we must think about);
 Six kinds of operations (the kind of thinking we are asked to

perform); and
 Six kinds of products (the kind of answer that is required).
GuilfordÊs model thus permits 180 possible combinations of

intellectual (5  6  6 = 180) or primary mental abilities.
(ii) The two most influential extensions of factor-analytic research are

those of Raymond Cattell and John Horn, each offers a unique,
multifaceted perspective on intelligence. Cattell and Horn suggest
that SpearmanÊs g factor and ThurstoneÊs primary mental abilities can
be reduced to two major dimensions of intellect (Horn & Noll, 1997):
 Fluid intelligence is an instinctive ability to solve novel and

abstract problems, such as an ability to recognise relationships
among otherwise meaningless geometric figures. It relies on basic
information processing skills, the ability to detect relationships
among stimuli, information processing speed and capacity of
working memory; and
 Crystallised intelligence is the ability to solve problems that

depend on knowledge acquired in school, accumulated knowledge
and other life experiences, good judgment and mastery of social
customs, such as vocabulary, general information and numerical
abilities.
Fluid intelligence which is assumed to be influenced more by

conditions in the brain and less by culture, often works with
crystallised intelligence to support effective reasoning, abstraction and
problem solving (Horn & Noll, 1997).
(d) A Recent Hierarchical Model

Psychometricians today prefer hierarchical models of intelligence which
consists of:

(i) A general ability factor at the peak of the hierarchy which affects our
performance on countless cognitive tests; and
(ii) Some specialised ability factors (similar to ThurstoneÊs primary

mental abilities) that affect how well we do in specific intellectual
domains.
The hierarchical models depict intelligence as both an overarching general

mental ability and a number of more specific abilities that each pertains to a
particular intellectual domain.
The most elaborate of these hierarchical models, based on analyses of

hundreds of studies of mental abilities conducted over the past 50 years, is
John CarrollÊs three-stratum theory of intelligence. Carroll (1993) represents
intelligence as a pyramid, with g at the top; eight broad intellectual abilities
(including fluid intelligence, crystallised intelligence, general memory and
learning, broad visual perception, broad auditory perception, broad
retrieval ability, broad cognitive speediness and processing speed) at the
second level; and the specific level at the bottom level.
Unfortunately, none of the psychometric theories of intelligence fully captures

what it means to be intelligent (Neisser et al., 1996). Let us now examine two
alternative viewpoints that should help us to appreciate some of the limitations
of todayÊs intelligence tests.
9.1.2 Combining Psychometric and Information –

Processing Approaches
Some theorists (instead of searching for the factors that underlie intelligence)
proposed that there are different types of intelligence. Two such modern
theorists are Robert Sternberg and Howard Gardner.
To overcome the weaknesses of factor analysis, investigators merge psychometric

and information processing approaches. They run componential analyses of the
test scores and seek links between components of information processing and
mental functioning.
Processing speed, based on reaction time on varied mental tasks is linked to

intelligence and advances in mental test performance. Those whose brains are
capable of processing data rapidly, have better intellectual skills. They have
rapid, robust ERPs (EEG brain waves in response to stimulation), swift mental

processing and higher test scores. The fMRI scores for high scorers show lower
metabolic rate of the cerebral cortex, implying that they need less mental energy
for thinking (Fink & Benedek, 2014).
Other factors, such as flexible attention, memory and thinking strategies are also
vital in calculating IQ. These explains some of the links between response speed
and test performance. In fact, measures of working memory capacity correlate
well with mental test scores ă especially fluid measures ă in both school-aged
children and adults.
Children who use effective strategies gain more knowledge and retrieve it
promptly, permitting them to do better on tests. Similarly, let us recall from
Topic 5 that working memory resources depend on effective attention skills, such
as cognitive inhibition (preventing unrelated data from interfering on the task) as
well as sustained and selective attention. These attention skills are thus good
predictors of IQ.
(a) SternbergÊs Triarchic Theory of Intelligence: The Big Three

Robert Sternberg admitted that he never did well on traditional intelligence
tests, but he asserts that GardnerÊs „multiple intelligences‰ reflect „multiple
talents‰ rather than true intelligence. He came up with his own theory,
which uses the information processing approach to explain intelligence.
Sternberg maintained that intelligence test scores do not predict abilities in

the real-world circumstances, such as job performance. Instead, implicit
knowledge is more action-oriented and productive. Sternberg (2011)
insisted that testing both academic and practical intelligence yields better
predictions about real-world performance than testing either kind alone.
In 2003, Robert Sternberg expands the componential approach into a

complete theory that views intelligence as a product of inner and outer
strengths. It comprises a systematic analysis of the cognitive processes used
in acquiring knowledge and using it to solve problems. He proposed a
triarchic theory of intelligence that emphasises three components of
intelligent behaviour:
(i) The Componential (or Information Processing) Intelligence

Componential intelligence refers to the analytical abilities related to
success on traditional IQ and achievement tests. It includes the
cognitive processes by which we size up the problems, plan strategies
to solve them and monitor our cognitive activities until we reach our
goals. Some of us process data faster and more efficiently than others.
Improvements in cognitive tests results may be viewed as vital
aspects of intelligence.

(ii) The Contextual Intelligence

Contextual intelligence refers to practical skills or common sense.
People with contextual intelligence are „street smart‰ survivors who
adjust well to their environment or shape the environment so that
they can succeed or find a new environment. They do well, despite
adverse circumstances.
What is viewed as intelligent may vary by culture, subculture or

historical time. Forty years ago, performing mental arithmetic
operations quickly and accurately was considered intelligent. A
person with the same flawless arithmetic skills today may be ignored
as we rely on calculators to perform these calculations.
(iii) The Experiential Intelligence

Experiential intelligence refers to creative thinking and problem
solving. People with high experiential intelligence are able to solve
unusual problems and handle unexpected challenges. They are also
extremely creative in completing automatised routine tasks more
accurately and efficiently.
It is vital to know how familiar specific test items are to examinees in order
to test their intelligence fairly. If the items on an intelligence test (such as a
puzzle) are familiar to members of a cultural group but novel to members
of another, the first group will do better than the second. So, there is a
cultural bias in the test. A valid comparison of the test scores of people from
diverse cultural backgrounds requires the test items to be equally familiar
(or unfamiliar) to all test takers.
In sum, SternbergÊs triarchic theory provides us with a rich view of the

nature of intelligence. Let us take an example; in order to determine how
intelligent Limah, Lechmere and Li Hua, we have to consider:
(i) The context in which the test is performed (the culture, era and
cohort);
(ii) Their familiarity with the tasks; and
(iii) The information processing skills that reveal how each person tackles
the tasks.
(b) GardnerÊs Theory of Multiple Intelligences

Howard Gardner is another theorist who criticised the psychometricians
for portraying intelligence with a single score, the g factor. While it is too
soon to discard the g factor, we certainly underrate the talents of many

individuals by depicting their „intelligence‰ with a single test score. The

core knowledge perspective and information processing skills underlie
GardnerÊs nine independent intelligences (see Table 9.1).
Table 9.1: Multiple Intelligences
Intelligence Typical Strengths Location in the Brain

Linguistic Sensitivity to the sounds, rhythms and Left hemisphere,
meaning of words, structure and temporal and frontal
functions of language. lobes.
Logical- Sensitivity to abstract symbol systems, Left parietal lobes,
mathematical quantitative, logical or numerical adjacent temporal,
patterns; ability to handle long chains of occipital association
logical reasoning and thinking. areas, frontal system.
Musical Ability to produce and appreciate Right anterior
pitch, rhythm, tone, melody, emotional temporal and frontal
aspects of music and aesthetic quality of lobes.
the forms of musical expressiveness.
Spatial Ability to perceive visual-spatial Right hemisphere,
relationships, to transform these parietal posterior,
perceptions and to re-create aspects of occipital lobe
visual experience in the absence of the
relevant stimuli.
Bodily Ability to handle objects skilfully and Cerebral motor strip,
kinaesthetic use body control and manual dexterity Thalamus, basal
to express oneself or achieve goals as ganglia, Cerebellum.
exemplified by athletes and carpenters.
Interpersonal Sensitive and respond appropriately to Frontal lobes.
behaviour, moods, desires, motives,
intentions and temperaments of others.
Intrapersonal Sensitive to inner states, complex Frontal lobes.
feelings, personal strengths, weaknesses
and to use them to guide oneÊs own
behaviours desire and behave
adaptively.
Naturalist Sensitive to, recognise and can classify Left parietal lobe.
all varieties of animals, organisms,
minerals and plants.
Spiritual/ Sensitive to issues on life, death and Possibly in the right
existential other aspects of the human existence. temporal lobe.

Howard GardnerÊs theory of multiple intelligences defines intelligence in

terms of distinct sets of processing operations that permit individuals to
solve problems, create products and discover new knowledge in a wide
range of culturally valued activities (Gardner, 2000).
According to Gardner, every type of intelligence is unique and linked to

specific areas of the brain. Injury to a precise area of the brain typically
affects only a specific ability (linguistic or spatial), while others are
unharmed. GardnerÊs ideas influence the study of the development of
creativity and special talents.
Gardner also reflected on how abilities and skills are valued across
different cultures and eras. Diverse cultures ascribe divergent meaning to
the types of intelligence. For example, linguistic and logical-mathematical
intelligences are prized in the Western cultures while intrapersonal-
interpersonal intelligences are highly respected in Eastern cultures.
SELF-CHECK 9.1
1. Discuss how researchers use componential analyses to merge
psychometric and information processing approaches in their
attempt to overcome the weaknesses of factor analyses.
2. To what extent have they succeeded in explaining intelligence?
9.2 HOW IS INTELLIGENCE MEASURED?

With the birth of the first IQ test by Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon in 1905,
then came other intelligence tests. This topic merely discusses selected tests,
which include the Bayley scales of infant development, the Stanford-Binet
intelligence scales and the Weschler scales. Other tests, such as Kaufman brief
intelligence test and McCarthy scales of childrenÊs abilities are not reviewed in
this topic.

9.2.1 Bayley Scales of Infant Development

Efforts have been made to assess infant „intelligence‰ by computing the rate at
which babies attain the key developmental milestones. The most widely used test
for babies is the Bayley scales of infant development.
Its revised version, Bayley scales of infant and toddler development (Bayley-III)
is designed for babies aged one to 42 months (Bayley, 2005). It has three parts:
(a) The motor scale (assesses such motor capabilities as grasping a cube,
throwing a ball or drinking from a cup);
(b) The mental scale (includes adaptive behaviours, such as categorising

objects, seeking a hidden toy and following directions); and
(c) The infant behavioural record (a rating of the childÊs behaviour on

dimensions, such as goal directedness, fearfulness and social responsivity).
On the basis of the first two scores, the infant is given a developmental quotient
(DQ), rather than an IQ. The DQ summarises how well or poorly the infant
performs, compared to other infants of the same age. DQs are useful for
monitoring babiesÊ developmental progress and for detecting mild or severe
mental disorders.
However, they do not predict later IQ. The kinds of abilities infant scales and
IQ tests tap are different. Infant scales are intended to assess sensory, motor,
language and social skills. IQ tests (like WISC) stress on abstract abilities, such as
verbal reasoning, concept formation and problem solving. So, to expect DQ to
predict IQ is like expecting a babyÊs height to predict his future weight. In other
words, they measure different things.
Information processing theorists have discovered that certain measures of infant

attention and memory are much better at predicting IQ during the preschool and
grade school years than are the Bayley scales. Three traits seem notably
favourable and they are:
(a) Visual reaction time or how fast babies look when shown an object;
(b) The rate at which they habituate to recurring stimuli; and
(c) Preference for novelty or the extent to which they prefer novel stimuli to
familiar ones.

Measures of these traits taken during the first four to eight months of life have an
average correlation of .45 with IQ in childhood. Visual reaction time relates more
to later measures of performance IQ, while other measures link more to verbal
IQ.
9.2.2 The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales

In 1916, Lewis M. Terman, a psychology professor at Stanford University,
published a full revision of the BinetăSimon scale. He adapted the items for
American children, added new items and established new norms. Within two
and half years, Terman tested four million children using the new Stanford-Binet
intelligence scale. Terman improved SternÊs formula by multiplying the result by
100 as follows:
Mental age
IQ   100
Chronological age
A five-year-old who has a mental age of a seven-year-old has an IQ in the gifted

category:
7
 100  IQ of 140 (gifted IQ)
5
The Stanford-Binet intelligence scales, fifth edition (SB5), revised in 2003 is an

individually administered IQ test for those aged two to 23. It has 10 subtests
which are combined to produce five factor indices (such as, fluid reasoning,
knowledge, quantitative reasoning, visual-spatial processing and working
memory), two domain scores (such as, verbal IQ and non-verbal IQ) and a full
scale IQ reflecting overall intellectual ability.
9.2.3 The Wechsler Scales

David Wechsler thinks that the Stanford-Binet test was laden with items that
require verbal skills. It is thus biased against children who are not proficient in
English or those who have reading or hearing difficulties.
In 1939, Wechsler designed the first intelligence test, WechslerăBellevue

intelligence scale, for those aged 16 and older. This test has been revised and
renamed as the Wechsler adult intelligence scale (WAIS-R). The test contains
both verbal and non-verbal subtests, which yield verbal and performance IQ
scores, as well as a full IQ score.

In 1949, Wechsler constructed the Wechsler intelligence scale for children (WISC)
aged six to 16. The current version, Wechsler intelligence scale for children-IV
(WISC-IV) has been revised and renormed in 2003 to compensate for the Flynn
Effect. The Wechsler preschool and primary scale of intelligence-III (WPPSI-III) is
designed for children between ages three and eight.
One advantage of the Wechsler scales is their ability to identify intellectual

strengths in verbal and performance areas. Items on the performance subtests
include the ability to assemble puzzles, solve mazes, reproduce geometric
designs with colour blocks and rearrange sets of pictures into a meaningful story.
Wechsler also believed that differences in a personÊs scores on the various verbal
and performance subtests could be used for diagnostic purposes.
The Wechsler scales soon became popular. Not only did the new performance
subscales allow children from all backgrounds to display their intellectual
strengths, but also the tests were also sensitive to inconsistencies in mental skills
that may be early signs of neurological problems or learning disorders. The
distribution of IQ scores for these scales is shown in Figure 9.3.
Figure 9.3: Distribution of IQ scores
The average IQ test score for everyone in the same age group is 100. On the
Wechsler intelligence tests, about 50 per cent of the scores are in the average
range, between 90 and 110. About 68 per cent of the scores fall between 85 and
115, and about 95% fall between 70 and 130. Last but not least, about two per cent
of the scores are above 130 (superior) and about 2% falls below 70 (mental
retardation).

9.3 GIFTEDNESS, CREATIVITY AND SAVANT

SYNDROME
IQ tests measure more conventional thought, characterised by convergent
thinking which consists of solving precisely defined, logical problems which has
a correct answer. How does creative thinking differ from conventional thought?
According to Guilford who studied creativity extensively, creative people are

highly divergent in their thinking. They are able to produce multiple fresh ideas,
answers or solutions to a problem for which there is no agreed-on solution. They
are flexible, able to switch swiftly and smoothly from one set of ideas to another.
They are fluent and able to formulate an abundance of ideas.
9.3.1 Who are the Gifted?

In the early 1920s, the term gifted was used to describe the intellectually superior
ă those with IQs in the top 2 to 3% of the population. Today, the giftedness has
expanded to include both the remarkably creative and those who excel in the
visual or performing arts.
By tradition, the gifted were assigned either to acceleration or enrichment

programmes. Acceleration supports their progress at a rate that matches their
ability. They may skip a grade, advance through subject matter at a faster rate
or enter college early. Enrichment programmes expand their knowledge by
providing them special courses, such as foreign language or music appreciation,
or special experiences intended to promote advanced thinking skills.
9.3.2 Terman’s Study of the Gifted

In 1921, Lewis M. Terman launched a classic longitudinal study on 1,528 gifted
students. Tested on the Stanford-Binet, 857 males and 671 females participants,
had IQs ranging from 135 to 200, with an average of 151. Terman assumed the
Stanford-Binet measured innate intelligence and that IQ was fixed at birth.
The purpose of the project is to collect as much information as possible about

the abilities and personal characteristics of these „gifted‰ children. He followed
up on them every few years for the rest of their lives to see what they are

accomplishing at each stage. TermanÊs early findings put an end to a number of

myths about mentally superior people (Terman & Oden, 1959). Compared to
their less mentally gifted peers, the gifted participants are found to be:
(a) Excelled in intellectual, physical, emotional, social and moral abilities;
(b) Better adjusted both personally and socially. They enjoyed better mental
health and were healthier;
(c) Earned more academic degrees; and
(d) Achieved higher occupational status and earned higher salaries.
Terman concluded that „there is no law of compensation whereby the intellectual

superiority of the gifted is offset by inferiorities along non-intellectual lines.‰
TermanÊs study continues until most of the participants in their 80s and
concludes that „an unusual mind, a vigorous body and a relatively well-adjusted
personality are not at all incompatible.‰
These gifted children are exceptional in many respects other than intelligence.
They walked and talked much earlier than most toddlers. Their health was
above average. In school, they were better adjusted and more matured than their
less intelligent peers. They were as popular as their classmates and had good
leadership skills. Nonetheless, very high-IQ children are also more likely as to
feel lonely, dejected and to even try to conceal their abilities to gain peer
acceptance.
What becomes of gifted children as adults? Most of them remain outstanding

in many ways. Their occupational accomplishments are impressive. By middle
age, 88% are working in professional or semi-professional jobs. As a group they
had taken out more than 200 patents and written some 2,000 scientific reports,
100 books, 375 plays or short stories and more than 300 essays, sketches,
magazine articles and critiques.
The most well-adjusted and successful participants had highly educated parents
who offered them lots of love and intellectual stimulation. The least successful
ones are likely to have experienced troubled family ties, divorced parents and
less social encouragement. Thus, even children with superior IQs rely on high
quality home environment for successful future outcomes and accomplishments.

What about the other end of the IQ continuum? Do mentally retarded

individuals have much hope of succeeding in life or achieving happiness? About
3% of school-aged children are classified as mentally retarded, with limited
adaptive behaviours, self-care and social skills. Severely retarded individuals
with IQs lower than 55 often have deficits caused by Down syndrome, diseases
or injuries.
More widespread are mildly retarded individuals (IQs of 55 to 70) who usually
display deficits revealing a mix of low inborn capacity and a monotonous
childhood environment. Mildly retarded children can engage in academic and
practical training at school. As adults, they can work and live self-sufficiently or
with occasional help.
Generally, the mentally retarded adults have less fortunate life outcomes in
middle age than the non-retarded groups. About 80% of the retarded men are
employed in semi-skilled or unskilled jobs. They had lower incomes, less
adequate housing, lower social skills and more reliance on others.
9.3.3 What is Creativity?

Let us look at the components of creativity and how to strengthen them in
children. But first, let us find out its definition.
Creativity is the ability to generate unique, useful product that others have not
thought of (Sternberg & Kaufman, 2011).
Decisions on creativity consider not only the uniqueness and quality of the
product but also the process of attaining it. Typically, generating a creative
product involves hard work. Instead of adhering to conventions, it merges
formerly incongruent ideas.
Creativity produces inventions, scientific findings, movements in art or social

programmes vital for social advancement. Therefore, it is essential to identify
its components and foster them from young. Conceptions of creativity have
transformed in the past two decades. An appreciation that intelligence is more
than mental abilities that forecast school achievement has stretched perceptions
of giftedness to include creativity.

The psychometric approach is too confined to accurately estimate real creative

feats. It taps only divergent thinking which comes up with numerous and unique
possible solutions when solving a task. It differs from convergent thinking which
reaches one correct answer and is emphasised on in intelligence tests. Tests of
divergent thinking are considered a psychometric approach to creativity because
their scores can be compared to the norms of equivalent samples.
Plucker et al. (2004) proposes that „creativity is the interaction among aptitude,
process and environment by which an individual or group produces a
perceptible product that is both novel and useful as defined within a social
context.‰
(a) A Multifaceted View for Creativity

Recent multifaceted approaches look at a wide assortment of resources that
are essential to induce creative ventures and produce an innovation.
Creativity is neither inborn nor the rare possession of a select few. Many
people can cultivate it to a certain extent. It is possible to reach its pinnacle
when nurtured from an early age.
One prominent multifaceted approach is that of Robert Sternberg and Todd

LubartÊs investment theory of creativity. According to Sternberg and Lubart
(1995), engaging on a novel venture increases the odds of inventing a
creative, highly prized product. The capacity to create depends on our
cognitive, personality, motivational and environmental resources. All
must be present to catalyse creativity, though strength in one (such as
perseverance) can make up for a weakness in another (like an unsupportive
environment). The following components must transpire in order for
creativity to generate an innovation:
(i) Cognitive/Intellectual Resources

Creative work requires a range of high-level cognitive skills. It
involves an ability to identify problems, detect a gap in existing
knowledge, a need for a new product or a deficiency in present
processes. Once a problem is identified, we need the ability to define
it, to transform it from a vague to a clearly specified state.
Creativity involves alternating between divergent and convergent

thinking. In confining the alternatives, creative individuals rely on
insight processes, merge and reorganise features in unexpected but
suitable ways. At an early age, childrenÊs opportunities to engage in
reflecting on competing ideas and selecting the most promising are
vital. School-age childrenÊs ability to judge can be boosted by
coaching them on skills to evaluate the originality of ideas.

Extensive knowledge is essential for creative innovation in any field.

Expertise in a specific area is accumulated over many years through
systematic learning and practice. Although expertise alone is not
enough, true creative achievements are rooted in this trait. Benjamin
Bloom and his colleagues scrutinises 120 people with distinguished
creative contributions in six fields. All of them have undisputed
expertise based on superior training and persistent willpower.
(ii) Personality Resources

Certain personality characteristics foster the cognitive components of
creativity, ensuring that they are applied to best advantage. These
characteristics are:
 Innovative style of thinking: Ability to see things in new

ways. They prefer loosely structured activities connected to an
innovative problem finding rather than tightly defined tasks.
 Perseverance: Working towards creative goals brings periods

when pieces of the problem do not fit together ă prompting many
children and adults to give up or pursue the first (but not the best)
solution. Creativity requires patience and persistence in facing
obstacles.
Creative endeavour requires perseverance. Thomas A. Edison,

who held 1,093 patents asserted that his impressive creations
were accomplished by two per cent brilliance and 98 per cent
perspiration. Albert Einstein published 248 papers and persevered
for 10 years on his theory of relativity.
 Tolerance of ambiguity: Creative people are receptive to

experience and will consider even seemingly illogical thoughts
that uncreative people may reject. Creative people are more
tolerant and progressive in their views and visions. They are
naturally inquisitive and fascinated with their environment.
They are unruffled by ambiguity and composed when tackling
inconsistent and opposing facts. In the initial stages of creative
work, their pursuit is more of discovery, not certainty. Thus, they
are not uptight about loose or dead ends. Rather, they persist
beyond failures and blind alleys, until they triumph.
 Willingness to take risks: Creativity requires a willingness to

deviate from the crowd, to undertake challenges when outcomes
are uncertain.

 Courage of convictions: Creative people are independent thinkers,

with high self-esteem and strong conviction. They spend long
hours working alone on projects in their field of expertise. They
are non-conformists and unconventional. They are not easily
wavered by the resistance which range from confusion to hostility.
(iii) Motivation Resources

Motivation for creativity is task-focused rather than goal-focused.
They are driven by the desire to complete their task with excellence.
Their attention on the task is not distracted by extrinsic rewards such
as grades. In one study, school-aged girls produced more creative
collages when they were not competing for any prizes.
Extrinsic rewards can be beneficial to creativity. Coaching children

to engage in divergent thinking on a task and rewarding them for
unique ideas increases the incidence of originality (Collins & Amabile,
1999). A sporadic reward for creativity has some social value and can
inspire children to embark on innovative ventures.
Nonetheless, creative people have profound intrinsic motivation.

They are often carried away with the eagerness, enthusiasm and
gratification of their work, whether it is inventing, designing works of
art or generating scientific knowledge. For them, the pure excitement
of the creation process is in itself sufficient incentive.
(vi) Environmental Resources

High creativity is typically expressed as talent. Talented children
usually have parents and teachers who promote their extraordinary
gifts. Studies on talented children and creative adults often reveal a
family life focused on the childÊs needs. They have loving, caring
parents who provide a stimulating home life, promote their childÊs
development and portray models of effort and high attainment.
These parents have reasonable expectations, but not pushy or
overambitious. They arrange for attentive teachers when the child is
young and for more proficient teachers as the childÊs talent develops.
Many gifted children and adolescents are socially isolated. This is

partly due to their highly driven, exceptional and autonomous styles
which leave them ahead of their peers and partly due to their
preference for solitude which is essential to advance their talents.
Compared with their normal peers, gifted youths, especially girls,
report more emotional and social difficulties including low self-
esteem and depression.

(b) The Creative Process

Where does creativity originate? Most creative ideas emerge after
incubating for some time. True creativity „is an accomplishment born of
intensive study, long reflection, persistence and interest.‰ Wallas (1926)
proposes four basic stages in the creative problem-solving process. These
are explained in Figure 9.4.
Four Basic Stages in the Creative Problem-Solving Process

   
Preparation Incubation Illumination Translation
Searching for Letting the problem Being suddenly Transforming the
information that „sit‰ while the struck by the right new insight into
may help solve relevant solution. useful action.
the problem. information is
digested.
Figure 9.4: Four basic stages in the creative problem-solving process

Source: Wallas (1926)
Take note that the incubation stage is possibly the most crucial part of the
process. It occurs below our conscious level.
9.3.4 Measuring Creativity: Are There Reliable

Measures?
The Torrance tests of critical thinking (TTCT) based on GuilfordÊs divergent
thinking work, measures creativity with both verbal and figural forms that each
have a form A and a form B that can be used alternately (Torrence, 1981).
The figural forms have three subtests which are explained in Table 9.2.
Table 9.2: Three Subtests in Figural Forms
Subtest Description
Picture A participant uses a basic shape and expands on it to create a picture.
construction
Picture A participant is asked to finish and title incomplete drawings.
completion
Lines/circles A participant is asked to modify many different series of lines or circles
(depending on the edition).

As for the verbal forms, there are seven subtests which are further explained in
Table 9.3.
Table 9.3: Seven Subtests in Verbal Forms
Subtest Description
Asking A participant asks as many questions as he or she can about a given
picture.
Guessing A participant postulates as many possible causes for a pictured action.
causes
Guessing A participant postulates as many possible consequences for a pictured
consequences action.
Product A participant is asked to make changes to improve a toy.
improvement
Unusual uses A participant is asked to think of many different possible uses for an
ordinary item.
Unusual A participant asks as many questions as possible about an ordinary
questions item.
Just suppose A participant is asked to „just suppose‰ that an improbable situation
has happened (a made-up example might be, „What if elephants could
talk?‰) and then list the various ramifications.
Tests designed to measure creativity emphasise novel or original approaches to

arriving at solutions for open-ended problems or to producing artistic works.
One creativity test, the unusual uses test requires respondents to name as many
uses as possible for an ordinary object (such as a brick). Another creativity
measure is the consequences test. In this test, test takers are asked to list as many
consequences as they can that would be likely to follow some basic change in the
world (such as, the force of gravity being reduced by 50%).
To measure creative ability, Mednick and Mednick (1967) create the remote
associates test (RAT). They argue that the essence of creativity consists of the
creative thinkerÊs ability to fit together ideas that to the non-creative thinker
might appear remote or unrelated.

9.3.5 Savant Syndrome: A Different Form of

Creativity
Have you ever heard about savant syndrome? What does it mean?
Savant syndrome is a term which describes a person with a mental disability

who exhibits prodigious talents beyond the normal range.
The most impressive examples of savant syndrome appear in people with very
low level of general intelligence but display amazing mental feats or excellent
skills in specific areas, such as rapid computation.
Savant syndrome is a curious combination of retardation and genius. In 1978,

Rimland sampled 5,400 children with autism and found that about 10 per cent of
them are savants, whereas only 1 per cent of non-autistic population are savants.
Idiot savants had special abilities which include music, mental calculation and
realistic drawing (Rimland, 1978).
Savant skills usually appear in six areas of intellectual functions:
(a) Calendar estimating;
(b) Mathematical computation;
(c) Art (drawing or sculpting);
(d) Musical abilities (typically piano with perfect pitch);
(e) Mechanical abilities; and
(f) Spatial skills.
Other rarely reported skills include map memorising, visual measurement,

extrasensory perception, abnormally heightened sensory discrimination and
unusual language abilities. Let us take a look at some examples of savant
syndrome:
(a) Arthur is an idiot savant. He is a handsome, impassive eight-year-old. His

eyes gaze blankly into space, without seeing anything. He can multiply
multi-digit numbers in his head faster than you could do it on a calculator
and he never makes a mistake. When being asked „6,427 times 4,234?‰
Arthur can give an immediate answer slowly but without hesitation,
„27 million, 211 thousand and 918.‰ (Rimland, 1978).

(b) Another idiot savant is Alonzo Clemons who is not able to speak in
complete sentences. He cannot read or count. At 40 years, he has the mental
ability of a six-year-old. He lives in a facility for the retarded near Denver.
Alonzo creates bronze sculptures. Four months after his first show, he sold
$30,000 worth of his work through a Denver art gallery.
(c) Leslie Lemke has a savant syndrome. He has cerebral palsy, blind and
mentally retarded. He could not speak until adulthood. However, he can
repeat perfectly on the piano any musical piece he has heard just once. He
can also imitate songs in German or Italian flawlessly, even though his
ability to speak is still crude.
(d) Arnold is an autistic savant with an IQ of 80. Arnold is employed at

a Goodwill store, doing assembly work. He reads and understands
books on electronics and uses the theories to build electronic devices. He
understands the concepts of electronics, astronomy, music, navigation and
mechanics.
(e) Daniel Tammet is an English writer and translator and is the most studied
autistic savant as he is the only savant who can describe what he sees in his
head. For example, he revealed that each number up to 10,000 has its own
unique shape, colour, texture and feel. His 2006 memoir, Born on a Blue
Day, about his life with Asperger savant syndrome, was named a „best
book for young adults‰ in 2008 by the American Library Association.
TammetÊs books which include Embracing the Wide Sky and Thinking in
Numbers have been published in 20 languages. He was elected a Fellow of
the Royal Society of Arts in 2012.
Explanations of savant syndrome include eidetic imagery, inherited skills,

concrete thinking and inability to think abstractly, compensation and
reinforcement, and left brain injury with right brain compensation. Newer
findings on savants indicate damage in the left anterior temporal lobe (an area of
the brain which processes sensory input), recognising objects and forming visual
memories.
This finding suggests that the most credible explanation for savant syndrome
is a left brain damage from prenatal, peri-natal or postnatal central nervous
system damage with migratory right brain compensation. Along with this is a
corresponding damage to higher level, cognitive (cortico-limbic) memory
circuitry with compensatory take-over of lower level and habit (cortical-striatal)
memory. This accounts for the linking of predominately right brain skills with
habit memory a characteristic of savant syndrome.

9.3.6 Promoting Creativity in the Classroom

Can you recall the geniuses in Lewis TermanÊs research? Not a single one of them
has produced an invention or win a Nobel Prize. Not all geniuses are creative.
Thus, extraordinary intelligence is essential but not enough for high creativity.
Creativity is not limited to special people who are born gifted with talent and
ingenuity. Everyone has the potential to be creative. Daniel Tammet claims that
savant abilities are „an outgrowth‰ of „natural, instinctive ways of thinking
about numbers and words‰, that normal brains can be taught to develop (Wilson,
2009).
Psychologists suggest to stimulate creativity, capable youths can be place in

programmes where they can work together with similar peers, take intellectual
risks, acquire skills relevant to their talents and reflect on ideas without being
rushed to the next assignment.
In classrooms where knowledge acquisition is stressed over using knowledge

originally, childrenÊs thinking tends to be fixed on churning out precise answers.
Brilliant students who are not sufficiently challenged, occasionally lose their
drive to excel.
Some societies, such as the Asian cultures, view academic achievements as a

symbol of accomplishment. They are so obsessed with scholastic feats that they
stifle the development of creativity. They tend to stress on mastery of knowledge
and analytical skills over creating unique ideas.
There is some evidence that creative abilities can be learnt or at least improved.
In interventions meant to foster creative expression in high school art classes in
Beijing, students were asked to make collages. One group was given a broad
direction to be creative, a second group was given precise directions on how to
be creative („fold or tear materials ⁄‰) and a control group with no creativity
directions.
Students in the first two creative groups produce collages that were more
creative than those produced by students in the control group (Niu & Liu, 2009).
Students in the precise-direction group performed best, implying that a brief
guidance in how to take a creative approach can boost artistic novelty.
Some pedagogical contexts are more conducive for high creativity than others.
For example, children from Montessori schools perform high on all creativity
measures, across all grades and gender. The types of creative potential that may
be most encouraged in the Montessori school context are creative writing and
idea generation based on abstract stimuli (Besançon, Lubart & Barbot, 2013).
Another pedagogical approach is to directly teach creative thinking skills.

This approach has been developed with divergent thinking exercises and the
creative problem-solving programme. A number of domain-specific, content-
related programmes have been developed to introduce creative thinking at
elementary and secondary school levels in specific ways (Lynch & Harris, 2001).
Programmes that foster creativity in visual arts, dance, science and technology,
mathematics and other domains exist. The efficacy of these educational activities
and their potential to foster creative giftedness in a specific domain or across
domains, remain to be examined in future research. Such an approach could
help to optimise childrenÊs creative potential in their specific areas of creative
potential, in the context of alternative pedagogies, as well as for children in the
traditional school system, who seemed to need such programmes most.
GardnerÊs theory of multiple intelligences has inspired numerous model

programmes that furnish students with enrichment in diverse disciplines. Any
child capable of high level, creative feats can manifest it. Meaningful activities
tapping specific intelligences function as contexts for assessing strengths and
weaknesses as well as teaching new knowledge and original thinking (Gardner,
2000). For example, intelligence through sculpting, designing or assembling
objects.
These programmes discover „prodigies‰ who previously had been considered

unexceptional or even at risk for school failure (Kornhaber, 2004). Thus, they may
be very useful in identifying talented low-SES, ethnic minority children who are
often underrepresented in school programmes for the gifted (McBee, 2006).
ACTIVITY 9.1
Conduct an investigation on the Montessori programme. Examine its

philosophy and describe aspects of the programme that is conducive in
fostering childrenÊs creativity at the following developmental period:
(a) Toddlerhood;
(b) Preschoolers; and
(c) School-age.

 Presently, there is still no clear consensus about what intelligence is. Different
theorists have their own ideas about which traits (and how many of them) are
core aspects of intelligence.
 Jean Piaget defined intelligence as „adaptive thinking or action.‰
 When experts were asked to provide a one-sentence definition of what

intelligence meant to them, almost all their definitions pinpointed on „the
ability to think abstractly or to solve problems effectively.‰
 In 1905, Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon published the BinetăSimon

Intelligence Scale. In 1908, it was revised by age-graded all test items and
adding the concept of mental retardation and mental superiority.
 In 1912, William Stern devises a simple formula for calculating an index of

intelligence. He divides a childÊs mental age by his or her chronological age.
 In 1927, Charles Spearman two aspects of cognitive functioning, a g factor or

general intelligence (the abstract reasoning capacity that predicts cognitive
performance in normal conditions) and s factor or a specific intelligence (such
as verbal analogies or musical aptitude).
 Thurstone and Thurstone find that seven separate, unrelated factors in

intelligence they called primary mental abilities which comprise of spatial
ability, perceptual speed, numerical reasoning, verbal meaning, word fluency,
memory and inductive reasoning.
 Joy Paul Guilford comes up with a model of intellect which has 180 basic
mental abilities generated from three major dimensions (five content  six
operations  six products).
 Cattell and Horn suggest that SpearmanÊs g factor and ThurstoneÊs primary
mental abilities can be reduced to two major dimensions of intellect ă fluid
intelligence and crystallised intelligence.
 John CarrollÊs three-stratum theory of intelligence depicts intelligence as

both an overarching general (g) mental ability and a number of more specific
abilities that each pertains to a particular intellectual domain.

 Robert SternbergÊs triarchic theory of intelligence comprises of componential

(or information processing) component, contextual (or street smart) component
and experiential component (ability to solve unusual problems and handle
unexpected challenges).
 Howard GardnerÊs theory of multiple intelligences comprises linguistic,

logical-mathematical, musical, spatial, bodily kinaesthetic, interpersonal,
intrapersonal, naturalist and spiritual/existential intelligences.
 Intelligence can be measured by using selected tests, which include the

Bayley scales of infant development, the Stanford-Binet intelligence scales
and the Weschler scales.
 The most widely used test for babies is the Bayley scales of infant
development. Designed for babies aged one to 42 months, it has three parts;
motor scale, mental scale and infant behaviour.
 In 1916, Lewis Terman, published the Stanford-Binet intelligence scale for

ages two to 23 years. It has four subscales ă verbal reasoning, quantitative
reasoning, abstract visual reasoning and short-term memory.
 David Wechsler established three IQ tests ă Wechsler adult intelligence scale

(WAIS-R), Wechsler intelligence scale for children (WISC) and Wechsler
preschool and primary scale of intelligence-III (WPPSI-III).
 Robert Sternberg and Todd LubartÊs investment theory of creativity

established that the capacity to create depends on our cognitive, personality,
motivational and environmental resources.
 In the early 1920s, the term gifted was used to describe the intellectually
superior ă those with IQs in the top two to three per cent of the population.
Today, the giftedness has expanded to include both the remarkably creative
and those who excel in the visual or performing arts.
 In 1921, Lewis Terman launched a classic longitudinal study on 1,528 gifted

students and concludes that they are exceptional in many respects other than
intelligence.
 Creativity is the ability to generate unique, useful product that others have
not thought of (Sternberg & Kaufman, 2011).

 The Torrance tests of critical thinking measures creativity with both verbal
(seven subtests) and figural (three subtests) forms.
 Savant syndrome refers to a person with a mental disability, displaying

amazing mental feats or excellent skills in specific areas, usually in six areas
of intellectual functions ă calendar estimating, mathematical computation,
art, musical abilities, mechanical abilities and spatial skills. It is a curious
combination of retardation and genius.
Bayley scales of infant development Musical

BinetÊs singular component approach Naturalist
Bodily kinaesthetic Primary mental abilities
Componential intelligence Primary mental abilities
Consequences test Processing speed
Contextual intelligence Psychometric view
Creativity Remote associates test (RAT)
Crystallised intelligence s factor
Experiential intelligence Savant syndrome
Figural form Spatial
Fluid intelligence Specialised ability factors
g factor Spiritual/Existential
General ability factor Stanford-Binet intelligence scales
Giftedness Torrance tests of critical thinking
(TTCT)
Intelligence
Triarchic theory
Interpersonal
Unusual uses test
Intrapersonal
Verbal form
Linguistic
Weschler scales
Logical-mathematical
Model of intellect

Besançon, M., Lubart, T., & Barbot, B. (2013). Creative giftedness and educational
opportunities. Educational & Child Psychology, 30(2), 79ă88.
Carroll, J. B. (1993). Human cognitive abilities: A survey of factor analytic studies.

New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Collins, M. A., & Amabile, T. M. (1999). Motivation and creativity. In R. J.

Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of creativity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Fink, A., & Benedek, M. (2014). The creative brain: Brain correlates underlying
the generation of original ideas. In O. Vartanian, A. S. Bristol, & J. C.
Kaufman (Eds.), Neuroscience of creativity. Cambridge, UK: MIT Press.
Gardner, H. (2000). The disciplined mind: Beyond facts and standardized tests,
the K-12 education that every child deserves. New York, NY: Penguin
Putnam.
Horn, J. L., & Noll, J. (1997). Human cognitive capabilities: Gf-Gc theory. In D. P.
Flanagan, J. L. Genshaft, & P. L. Harrison (Eds.), Contemporary intellectual
assessment: Theories, tests and issues. New York, NY: Guilford.
Kornhaber, M. L. (2004). Using multiple intelligences to overcome cultural

barriers to identification for gifted education. In D. Boothe & J. C. Stanley
(Eds.), In the eyes of the beholder: Critical issues for diversity in gifted
education (pp. 215ă225). Waco, TX: Prufrock Press.
Lynch, M. D., & Harris, C. R. (2001). Fostering creativity in children, K-8: Theory
and practice. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
McBee, M. T. (2006). A descriptive analysis of referral sources for gifted

identification screening by race and socioeconomic status. Journal of
Secondary Gifted Education, 17, 103ă111.
Mednick, S. A., & Mednick, M. T. (1967). ExaminerÊs manual, remote associates

test: College and adult Forms 1 and 2. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Neisser, U., Boodoo, G., Bouchard, T. J., Boykin, A. W., Brody, N., Ceci, S. J.,
Halpern, D. F., Loehlin, J. C., Perloff, R., Sternberg, R. J., & Urbina, S. (1996).
Intelligence: Knowns and unknowns. American Psychologist, 51(2), 77.

Niu, W. H., & Liu, D. (2009). Enhancing creativity: A comparison between effects
of an indicative instruction „to be creative‰ and a more elaborate heuristic
instruction on Chinese student creativity. Psychology of Aesthetics
Creativity and the Arts, 3(2), 93ă98.
Plucker, J. A., Beghetto, R. A., & Dow, G. T. (2004). Why isnÊt creativity more
important to educational psychologists? Potentials, pitfalls, and future
directions in creativity research. Educational Psychologist, 39, 83ă96.
Rimland, B. (1978). Savant capabilities of autistic children and their cognitive

implications. In G. Serban (Ed.), Cognitive deficits associated with mental
illness. New York, NY: Bruner-Mazel.
Sternberg, R. J., & Lubart, T. I. (1995). Defying the crowd: Cultivating creativity in
a culture of conformity. New York, NY: Free Press.
Sternberg, R. J., & Kaufman, S. B. (Eds.) (2011). The Cambridge handbook of

intelligence. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Terman, L. M., & Oden, M. (1959). The gifted group at mid-life: Thirty-five yearsÊ
follow-up of the superior child. Genetic Studies of Genius (vol. V). Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press.
Thurstone, L., & Thurstone, T. G. (1941). Factorial studies of intelligence.

Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Torrance, E. P. (1981). Empirical validation of criterion referenced indicators of

creative ability through a longitudinal study. Creative Child and Adult
Quarterly, 6, 136ă140.
Wallas, G. (1926). The art of thought. London, England: Jonathan Cape.
Wilson, P. (2009). A savvy savant finds his voice. The Australian (31 January).
Retrieved at http://www.theaustralian.com.au/archive/news/a-savvy-
savant-finds-his-voice/story-e6frg6to-1111118714550

Topic  Working on
10 Representation
Skills
LEARNING OUTCOMES
1. Identify five components of language;
2. Evaluate major theories of language development;
3. Discuss the different stages of language development and how it
differs among different age groups;
4. Categorise brain specialisation on language; and
5. Analyse how other factors affect a childÊs linguistic competence
and cognitive development.
 INTRODUCTION
Let us begin this topic with a scenario.
While driving home from school, Ryan insists that his mother turns
up the radioÊs volume as his favourite song comes on. As the chorus
comes on, he sings at the top of his lungs, „Raging night; Energised
my sight; No, not now; Thoughts in my brain; Crashing the train;
Now on fire.‰

TOPIC 10 WORKING ON REPRESENTATION SKILLS  259
However, this is the actual version of the chorus for that particular
song:
Raging through the dead of the night

Energised with no end in sight
No, nothing can stop me now
Thoughts are ripping out of my brain
Crashing through like a nuclear train
My mind is on fire now.
Ryan was likely substituting the unfamiliar words for those that made
sense to him. He was faithfully trying to reproduce what he had
heard. For most of us this is the main use of language ă to allow us to
understand what others mean and make sense of the world around
us.
Thus, this topic discusses the acquisition of language and thought. It describes
how children develop the skills to represent objects and events in their
environment. This topic also examines how children attain the competency to
communicate. Let us start the lesson.
10.1 LANGUAGE AND THOUGHT

Humans are unique from other organisms in their creation and use of language.
We are able to convey complex information through the expression of several
words. We learn to generate thousands of meaningful auditory patterns and
combine them based on a set of rules to produce an infinite number of messages.
Language is an inventive tool, one we may use to express our ideas, desires and
emotions and interpretations of what we have seen, heard and experienced. It is
the most significant means of preserving and passing on knowledge, values and
beliefs. It affects our development as it mediates our activities, relationships and
thinking.
What children say in a situation is not simply a repetition of what they have
heard or said before. They may come up with new phrases on the spot and
mention topics that have nothing to do with the ongoing conversation or
situation.

260  TOPIC 10 WORKING ON REPRESENTATION SKILLS
Three and four-year-olds are able to converse quite well with each other as long
as their statements follow the rules and social conventions of the language they
are speaking.
Language may be among the most complex bodies of knowledge that we acquire
in our life. However, children from all cultures come to understand and use
language very early in life. In fact, some infants are able to talk before they can
walk.
10.1.1 Five Components of Language

What does a child have to learn in order to master their native language?
After years of research, linguists have identified that the following are needed
for linguistics proficiency ă phonology, morphology, semantics, syntax and
pragmatics. These five components are further explained as follows:
(a) Phonology refers to the basic units of sounds that are used in language.
Each language uses sounds that humans are capable of generating. No
two languages have precisely the same phonologies. Children learn to
discriminate, produce and combine the sounds of their native language in
order to create speech. At first, a child may recognise their name, familiar
objects and later, oftenheard phrases.
Let us consider the sentence, „His car did not stop at our house.‰ If you
heard this read aloud and heard, „Hiskardid nots top atour ouse,‰ you
would have difficulties understanding the sentence.
(b) Morphology is how words are formed from sounds. These rules include
rules for forming past tenses of verbs by adding „ăed‰ and forming plurals
by adding „ăs.‰ It specifies how combinations of sounds form meaningful
words.
(c) Semantics refers to meanings expressed in words and sentences. As for

morphemes, they are meaningful units of language and are divided into
two types; free morphemes and bound morphemes. Free morphemes may
stand alone as words (such as cat) while bound morphemes cannot stand
alone but change meaning when attached to a free morpheme (for example,
adding the bound morpheme „ăs‰ to the word „cat‰ means the person is
referring to more than one cat). Children learn that these morphemes
convey meaning and may be combined to form larger complex meanings.
This is necessary for them to comprehend otherÊs speech and be understood
when they speak.

(d) Syntax refers to rules that specify how words are combined to form
meaningful phrases and sentences. For example:
(i) David chicken ate.
(ii) David ate chicken.
(iii) Chicken ate David.
In the beginning, children learn that the first sentence violates the rules of
the English sentence structure. This order of words may be acceptable in
other languages, such as French. The second and third sentences contain
the same words but have different meanings. This shows how meaning
may interact with sentence structure to give the entire sentence a meaning.
Children must master syntax before they can speak fluently or fully
understand a language.
(e) Pragmatics of language is how a language may be used to communicate

effectively. Imagine explaining a new game to a two-year old. You cannot
speak to the toddler as if he is an adult. Instead, you must adjust your
speech to meet the linguistic capabilities of the toddler if you hope to be
understood.
This includes the sociolinguistic knowledge that dictates how you should
speak in particular contexts. Toddlers often are not fully aware of this and
may say „I want a cookie!‰ instead of „May I have a cookie, please?‰ when
they want a cookie. Children eventually learn to be social editors and take
into account where they are with whom they are speaking and what their
listener already knows, needs and wants to hear.
Finally, in order to become an effective communicator they must not only master
these five aspects, but also be able to interpret and use non-verbal signals (facial
expressions, intonation, gestures and others). This is to help clarify the meaning
of verbal messages and is a means of communicating in its own right.

10.1.2 Theories of Language Development

How are children able to learn such a complex symbol system so quickly? Some
infants are able to use words to refer to objects before they can even walk. By the
age of five, they know most of the syntactical structures of their native language
though they have yet to have any formal grammar lessons. The following are
some theories of language development:
(a) The empiricist perspective expresses that language is obviously learnt.

Japanese children learn Japanese and French children learn French. On
the other hand, deaf children of hearing parents may learn few formal
communication skills unless they learn sign language.
Other theorists point out that children all over the world display similar
linguistic achievements at about the same age. They begin to babble by four
to six months old, say their first meaningful word at 12 to 13 months and
begin to combine words by the time they are two years of age. By the age of
four or five, they are able to understand the meaning of thousands of words
and may construct a wide array of grammatical sentences.
(b) Linguistic universals suggest that language acquisition is biologically

programmed. It involves highly specialised linguistic processing capabilities
that operate most efficiently in early childhood. A childÊs ability to learn
a language may depend on the childÊs biological predispositions, his
cognitive development and the characteristics of his linguistic environment.
When children learn a language they are most likely to imitate what
they hear; these are then reinforced when they use proper grammar and
corrected when they say things wrong.
Skinner (1957) argued that children learn to speak properly because they
are reinforced for grammatically correct speech. Adults are responsible for
shaping a childÊs speech by reinforcing the babbling that resembles words.
This improves the chances of the words being repeated and shaped into
sounds that will cause further reinforcement (attention or approval) until
the child learns to combine words into their own primitive sentences.
Their linguistic knowledge may also be acquired by carefully listening to

and imitating the language of those older than them. Based on this,
caregivers may teach language by modelling and reinforcing grammatical
speech. This is why children tend to speak like their parents and in turn
acquire the regional accent.

Young children are more likely to acquire and use the proper names for
toys when reinforced to do so by receiving the toys to play with. Children
whose parents encourage their child to converse by asking questions and
making requests are more linguistically advanced than their peers whose
parents are less conversational.
However, there are some criticisms regarding to this theory. Research has
shown that parents are less likely to shape grammar as they are more likely
to approve the truth value (semantics) rather than syntax. For example, a
child points at a picture of a cow. Parents would more likely approve of the
statement „She cow‰ (grammatically incorrect but true), rather than „ThatÊs
a dog‰ (grammatically correct but untrue). Also, children are not able to
imitate adults precisely. They may say „Door broken‰ rather than „The
door is broken.‰
(c) The nativist perspective suggests that human beings are biologically
programmed to acquire language. Noam Chomsky (1993) has argued that
even the simplest of languages are too complex to be either taught by
parents or discovered through trial and error.
Nativists see language acquisition as something that is natural and almost

automatic. Choamsky proposed that humans are equipped with a language
acquisition device (LAD). It is an inborn linguistic processor that is
activated by verbal input. It contains a universal grammar, knowledge of
rules that are common to all languages. This makes it possible for children
to acquire language regardless to what language they are exposed to. They
acquire enough vocabulary to combine words into new phrases and are
able to understand most of what they hear.
We do not have an innate knowledge of knowledge but instead we have the

inborn language making capacity (LMC) which is a set of cognitive and
perceptual abilities, specialised for language learning.
Mechanisms such as LAD and LMC allow children to process linguistic

input. Children will make inferences based on phonological regularities,
semantic relations and rules of syntax that characterise what language
they are listening to. These inferences are used to construct language for
themselves and guide children on how to communicate. Young children
often make inaccurate inferences due to their limited linguistic database.
However, with more input, they will eventually improve the accuracy of
their linguistic expression.

The fact that children all over the world reach certain linguistic milestones
at the same age seems to support this theory. Animals are able to
communicate with each other, but this holds no resemblance to our abstract
rule-bound system. Even with training, apes are only able to communicate
at the level of a two year old child.
10.1.3 Brain Specialisation and Language

As discussed in earlier topics, the brainÊs major function centres in the left
cerebral hemisphere. If one of these areas is damaged it may result in aphasia ă a
loss of one or more language functions such as:
(a) Injuries to BrocaÊs area (near the frontal lobe of the left hemisphere) may
affect speech production rather than comprehension. They may speak with
great effort in brief meaningful phrases but leave out words such as „is‰,
„and‰ and „the‰. They may say „Eat steak‰ to mean „IÊll eat the steak.‰
(b) Injuries to WernickeÊs area (on the temporal lobe of the left hemisphere)
may affect understanding of speech, yet those affected may speak fairly
well although what they say makes little sense. They may say something
like, „That foozle needs to eat so I will put some in,‰ when they mean „The
cat is hungry so I will feed it.‰
The following Figure 10.1 shows you the BrocaÊs area and WernickeÊs area inside
the brain.
Figure 10.1: A view of the left hemisphere of the brain highlighting BrocaÊs and
WernickeÊs area
Source: en.wikipedia.org

The left hemisphere is sensitive to some aspects of language from birth. Speech
sounds may create electrical activity from the left side of an infantÊs brain. Music
and non-speech sounds would create greater activity from the right cerebral
hemisphere. Newborns are prewired for speech perception and are prepared to
analyse speech-like sounds.
Erik Lenneberg (1967) proposed sensitive-period hypothesis whereby language

should be most easily acquired between birth and puberty. During this period,
the lateralised brain is increasingly specialised for linguistic functions. This is
based on observations where child aphasics often recover lost language functions
without any special therapy, whereas adults would require therapeutic
intervention to do the same.
During this sensitive period, it may be easier to learn a second language. Native
speakers of Korean or Chinese were tested on their mastery of English grammar.
Those who began learning English between three and seven years of age were as
proficient as native speakers were. Those who began after puberty (particularly
after 15 years of age) performed poorly.
There are also differences in early and late second language learners in the
organisation of the brain. Speaking either of their two languages activates the
same area of the brain if they learnt it before puberty. For those who acquired it
after puberty, it is found that different areas of the brain are activated. This
implies that learning language is easier in early life as the cognitive system is
well suited for this task.
The interactionist viewpoint expresses that language development results from a

complex interplay between biological maturation, cognitive development and
their linguistic environment along with the childÊs attempts to communicate with
his or her companions.
Interactionist believe that young children all over the world talk alike because
they are a member of the same species and share many common experiences. The
brain matures slowly and predisposes children to develop similar ideas at the
same age which they express in their own speech.
An infantÊs first words focus on objects they have manipulated or on actions they
have performed. They understand their experiences through their sensorimotor
schemes. They will talk about whatever cognitive understanding they learn at the
moment. Words like „gone‰ or „oh oh‰ are used while playing games like „peek-
a-boo.‰

Parents may also correct the childÊs grammatically incorrect sentence through
expansion. For example, when the child says „kitty eat‰, the parent responds
„Yes, the kitty is eating.‰ Another way is to recast the sentence into new
grammatical forms. In response to the same comment they may say „Yes, the
kitty is hungry.‰ This improves the chances of the child picking up new
grammatical forms. Parents can also extend the conversation (topic extension) by
carrying on without revising what the child says.
Grammatical speech is likely to be used out of social necessity to allow others to

understand exactly what they mean. There is a strong relationship between the
number of words acquired and the grammatical complexity of their speech.
Since languageÊs main function is as a means of communication, it develops

through social interactions between a child and their companions. Before infants
learn to speak, they are taught how to take turns in conversation (even if all they
do is laugh or babble).
Parents will create a supportive learning environment to allow them to get used
to the rules of language. They may ask „WhatÊs this?‰ or „What is the kitty
doing?‰ while reading a picture book. This itself provides them with basic
conversation skills including taking turns, understanding that things have names
and there are proper ways to ask questions and give answers.
Listening to a conversation or exposure to speech on its own may not improve

language learning. They require social interactions and active use of the
language. Dutch-speaking children who watched German language television
did not acquire German vocabulary or grammar (Snow et al., 1976).
Hearing children of deaf parents will have a normal pattern of language

development as long as they spend five to 10 hours in the company of a
hearing/speaking adult who converses with them.
ACTIVITY 10.1
There are several theories on how language was developed. Discuss the
following:
(a) Nativist perspective; and
(b) Interactionist viewpoint.

10.2 STAGES OF LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT

Our next discussion on childrenÊs language development includes its five stages;
(a) Prelinguistic phase,
(b) Holophrase phase,
(c) Telegraphic phase,
(d) Preschool and
(e) Middle childhood and adolescent periods.
10.2.1 Prelinguistic Period

Children are said to be in the prelinguistic phase of language from the first 10 to
13 months of life. They are unlikely to speak their first meaningful word during
this period. However, they are still quite responsive to language from the day
they are born.
When newborns are spoken to, they will often open their eyes, gaze at the
speaker and even make sounds. By the third day, they are able to recognise their
motherÊs voice and will show preference to female strangers. They will also
prefer the sound patterns of the language their mother speaks compared to those
of a foreign language. The ability to discriminate non-speech and speech-like
sounds are either innate or acquired during the first few days and weeks of life.
Adults tend to speak to infants in a high tone that attracts their attention. They
vary their tone of voice to communicate different messages to infants. Rising
intonations are used to recapture the attention of a baby who looks away ă „Look
at daddy!‰ Falling intonations are often used to comfort or to elicit positive affect
such as smiles and bright eyes when the baby appears sad. Babies recognise that
these tones have meanings and will often make sounds in response to them.
After six months, infants begin to get used to the rhythm of a language. This is
how they segment what they hear into phrases and words. By seven months of
age, infants can detect phrase units and seem to prefer listening to speech that
contains natural breaks and pauses. They now prefer to listen to speech samples
that match the speech patterns of the language of their caregiver.

By the time the infant is two months old, they are able to make vowel-like noises
such as cooing ă „oohs‰ and „aahs.‰ They are more likely to coo when they are
content and after being fed. By the time they are four to six months old, they are
able to babble, where they make vocalisations that sound like words but convey
no meaning ă „maaama‰ or „papapa‰. For the first six months, even deaf infants
are capable of the same vocalisations. This suggests that early babbling is
influenced by the maturation of the brain and muscles controlling verbal
articulation.
By the end of the first year, the infantÊs babbling may match the tonal qualities of
the language they hear and they begin to sound as if they are speaking that
language. In fact, babies learn the tune before they learn the words. Certain
sounds are reserved for certain situations. They may make the „mmmmm‰
sound while making requests and „aaaaah‰ sound when manipulating objects.
By now infants are aware that certain speech sounds have meanings and are
about ready to talk.
By the time an infant is seven to eight months old, they learn to take turns while
speaking. They will wait for the person they are speaking to stop talking before
they respond. This may have come about because parents will usually say
something to the baby, wait for them to respond (smile, cough, burp, coo or
babble) and address the baby again.
They may also learn turn-taking through nose touching, playing or sharing toys.
Infants respond better to organised social games than disorganised social games
by four months of age. By nine months, they are able to understand when the
rules are not followed in a game. They may make sounds when an adult does not
take their turn. They may make sounds urging the adult to continue by offering a
toy or they may proceed with the game and look at the adult again to make their
move.
By eight to ten months, infants are able to use gestures and other non-verbal
responses (facial expressions) when communicating. There are two preverbal
gestures:
(a) Declarative ă Where an infant will direct another personÊs attention to an

object by pointing or touching it; and
(b) Imperative ă Where the infant tries to convince others to do something like
pulling on a parentÊs clothes when they want to be picked up.
By the time they are able to speak, young children will supplement their speech
with gestures or intonational cues to make sure they are understood. For
example, pointing at a cat that passes by and yelling „Kitty!‰

Although they are very responsive to speech, studies show that preverbal infants
understand only a few words, if any. In one study, 11 and 13-month-old infants
were asked to look at an object familiar to them. The mothers were out of sight so
they were unable to give non-verbal cues. Only the 13-month-old babies who
understood the meaning of the words would look at the mentioned object over
other objects. The 11-month-old babies were likely to gaze at other stimuli as they
were to look at the mentioned object.
Receptive language (comprehension) often occurs before productive language

(expression) as 12 to 17-month-old babies seem to understand the meaning of
words long before they use them.
Parents may practice the following strategies to encourage early language

learning:
(a) Respond to the infantÊs coos and babbles with words and speech sounds.
This familiarises them with words and allows them to experience turn-
taking;
(b) Establish joint attention and comment on what the infant sees;
(c) Play social games such as „peek-a-boo‰ or „pat-a-cake‰;
(d) Engage in frequent conversation with the infant as this may foster early
language development and later academic success;
(e) Expand (or add on) the sentence when a child speaks; and
(f) Read to children often and engage them in dialogues about the books.
10.2.2 Holophrase Period

Do you know that the first stage of meaningful speech is the holophrase period?
But what do holophrases mean?
Holophrases are single words that seem to represent an entire sentenceÊs

worth of meaning.
By the middle of the second year, infants are able to make their own simplified
versions of adult words ă such as „appo‰ for the word „apple.‰ These
mispronunciations occur across languages suggesting that this may be due to
biological constraints, namely an immature vocal tract.

This does not mean that all toddlers sound alike even if they are exposed to the
same language. This is because articulating phonemes and combining them into
words is a vocal-motor skill.
By four to five years of age, young children are able to pronounce most words in
nearly the same way that adults do. As their vocal tract matures, they have more
chances to decipher phonemic combinations and make fewer errors.
Children will have a vocabulary spurt or naming explosion at 18 to 24 months of

age where they may add from 10 to 20 new words a week. A typical two-year-old
may produce nearly 200 words and understand a far greater number.
The first 50 words they learn are often objects (including familiar people). These
tend to be objects that can be manipulated (toys or clothes) or objects that are able
to move on their own (animals or vehicles). A toddlerÊs first words may also refer
to familiar actions (run or play). It appears what infants mainly talk about is
understood through their own or othersÊ sensorimotor activities.
Infants may display different styles of communicating too. The referential style is
when the words they use are mainly those that refer to other people or objects.
The expressive style is when their vocabularies contain more personal or social
words such as please, thank you, do not and stop it.
More children fall into the referential style compared to the expressive style.
Referential children think words are meant for naming objects whereas
expressive children may use their words for more social interactions and to call
attention to their own or othersÊ feelings.
Culture may also play a role, as American mothers are more likely to use
language to teach children how to interact with objects. Japanese mothers tend to
emphasise on social routines and consideration for others. For example, when
referring to the family pet, an American mother may say „Look at the kitty
playing,‰ whereas a Japanese mother may say „Give the kitty some love.‰
Children from Asian cultures such as Japan, China and Korea are more likely to
acquire personal or social words as they emphasise more on interpersonal
harmony.
Children are able to apply the fast-mapping process to quickly acquire and retain
words after they have heard it applied on a small number of occasions.

Despite this ability, toddlers tend to attach meanings to words that differ from
what they mean to adults. Overextension is when they refer to a word for a wide
variety of objects or events ă using the word „doggie‰ for all four legged furry
animals. Underextension is the opposite of overextension where they would use
a general word to describe a smaller range of objects ă using the word „cake‰
only to describe „cheesecake‰.
Children may use processing constraints to narrow down what a new word
might mean. Object scope constraint is when they understand that a word is
assigned to a specific object rather than its attributes. For example a „hat‰ and a
„chair‰ are two different objects. They will display mutual exclusivity and almost
never call a „hat‰ a „chair.‰ For a word that may apply to the same object, they
will apply lexical contrast constraint. For example, a few types of cats can be
called a „kitty.‰ A tabby cat is a cat with specific features (stripes on their head,
shorter hair).
Syntactical bootstrapping is used to help children understand the meaning of

new verbs. Consider the following two sentences:
(a) The kitty is eating the bird (eating refers to a causative action).
(b) The kitty and the bird are eating (eating is a synchronised action).
When children hear one word or the other, they prefer to look at a video that
matches what they have heard. The verbÊs syntax provides important clues to
what it means.
The familiar verb may limit the possible referent of a noun. Let us assume that a
child knows what the word „eating‰ means. When he or she hears the sentence
„Ali is eating chicken‰, the child will map this name onto the meaty substance
that Ali is consuming rather than wondering if „chicken‰ refers to the carrots,
rice or other objects on the dining table.
10.2.3 Telegraphic Period

At about 18 to 24 months of age, young children are able to combine words into
simple sentences. They may say sentences such as „Mama sleep,‰ and „Kitty
drinks milk.‰ These early sentences are referred to as telegraphic speech similar
to telegrams; they contain only important content words such as nouns, verbs
and adjectives. They leave out the non-essentials such as articles, prepositions
and auxiliary verbs.

It is believed that children omit words due to their own processing and
production constraints. However, telegraphic speech is not as universal as
research had thought. Russian and Turkish children are able to produce short but
reasonably grammatical sentences from the beginning. These languages stress
more on small grammatical markers and have less rigid rules about word order
than other languages.
Since these early sentences are incomplete and the meanings are often
ambiguous, children will supplement these words with gestures and intonational
cues. Toddlers become quite sensitive to social and situational determinants of
effective communication. By two years of age, they are proficient at turn-taking
and learn they must stand close to a listener or raise their voice to compensate for
the distance.
Two to two and half-year-olds may consider what the person they are talking to
know (or does not know) when choosing a conversational topic or making
a request. They prefer to talk about events that the other person has not
experienced or do not know about. They may monitor the other personÊs
response to their message and clarify what they mean. For example, a child
requests for a toy duck and the adult responds, „You want the shoe?‰ They will
often repair this message by saying „I no want that! Want duck!‰
Young children also learn certain sociolinguistic expectations. They may learn
that they have to be polite to get what they want and begin to understand what is
considered polite and what is not. Parents may reinforce this through polite
social interactions. It is common for a parent to ask „What do you say after
someone gives you something?‰
In between the period of two and half to five years of age, children learn to
produce sentences that are complex and adult-like. Children learn to understand
more about grammar and the pragmatics of language and communication.
Grammatical morphemes are modifiers that give more precise meaning to our
sentences. Children learn that adding „ăs‰ allows you to pluralise sentences, „ă
ing‰ indicates present tense or „ăed‰ indicates past tense and to indicate location
through prepositional morphemes like „in‰ and „on.‰
Children may also overextend these grammatical morphemes in a phenomenon

known as overregularisation. They may say things like „I washed my hairs,‰ or
„It runned away.‰

Each language has rules for creating variations of the same sentence through
transformational grammar. The statement „I was eating fried rice‰ can be
modified in various ways (Schoneberger, 2002) and may produce:
(a) Questions („What was I eating?‰);
(b) Negative sentences („I was not eating fried rice‰);
(c) Imperatives („Eat the fried rice!‰);
(d) Relative clauses („I who hate spicy food, was eating fried rice‰); and
(e) Compound sentences („I was eating fried rice and Jill was eating noodles‰).
Children learn transformational rules step by step, as they learn to ask questions,
negate prepositions and create complex sentences. Two kinds of question can be
found in virtually all languages. Yes/no questions ask whether a statement was
true or false (for example, „Have you eaten?‰). „Whă„ questions are questions
that almost always begin with a „whă„ (such as who, what, where, when or
why). These will require responses that go beyond a simple yes or no.
A childÊs earliest questions are often statements transformed into yes/no

questions such as „Kitty eat?‰ Occasionally „whă„ words will be placed at the
beginning of telegraphic sentences („What kitty eat?‰). In the second phase of
question, they will learn to use the proper auxiliary or helping verbs („What is
kitty eating?‰).
ChildrenÊs negative sentences develop in steps. Children may begin by placing a

negative word in front of a statement they wish to negate („No shoe‰). These first
negatives may be ambiguous in meaning. „No shoe‰ may mean:
(a) „ThereÊs no shoe‰ (non-existence);
(b) „I donÊt want the shoe‰ (rejection); and
(c) „ThatÊs not a shoe‰ (denial).
Children eventually learn to clarify this ambiguity by adding a negative word

inside the sentence, in front of the word that it modifies („I not wear shoe‰ or
„That not shoe‰). Finally, children will learn to combine negative markers with
proper auxiliary verbs to form adult-like sentences.

By age three, children will begin to produce complex sentences. For example:
(a) Relative clauses modify nouns („ThatÊs the car we rode in‰);
(b) Conjunctions to join simple sentences („The kitty was stuck and I got him
out‰);
(c) Embedded sentences („The man who sent the box went home‰); and
(d) More intricate questions („Where did you say my doll was?‰).
Two to five-year-olds begin to understand and express relational contrasts

(big/little, before/after, and I/you). They may use it to express perceptual
differences; a four-year-old may refer to a 10-year-old as a big kid while they
refer to themselves as little. By age three, they may make functional judgments. A
five-year-old girl may decide that mummyÊs shoes are too „big‰ for her to wear.
Active sentences („The teacher called the girl‰) are easier for young children to
understand than passive sentences („The girl was called by the teacher‰). The
following Table 10.1 summarises the progress of language in telegraphic period.
Table 10.1: The Progress of Language Development (Birth to 30 Months Old)
Approximate
Typical Behaviour
Age
Birth Phoneme perception
Discriminates language from non-language sounds
Crying
Three months Cooing
Six months Babbling
Loss of ability to discriminate between non-native phonemes
Nine months First words
Twelve months Uses words to attract adultÊs attention
Eighteen months Vocabulary spurt
First two-word sentences (telegraphic speech)
Twenty four Correct responses to indirect request („Did you turn off the
months TV?‰)
Thirty months Creates indirect requests („YouÊre standing on my toys!‰)
Modifies speech to suit the listener
Early awareness of grammatical categories

10.2.4 Preschool Period

During the preschool period, children learn a few conversational skills that help
them communicate more effectively and help them accomplish things. Three-
year-olds are often aware of illocutionary intent where the real underlying
meaning may not correspond to the literal meaning. This may be used to a childÊs
advantage to turn a statement into a command. In the following statement, three-
year-old Nisa uses this to get herself a cookie from the babysitter:
Three to five-year-olds also learn to tailor their messages to their audience. For
example, a four-year-old may use simple short sentences when explaining
something to a two-year-old. When they are explaining something to an adult
they would use more complex sentence and tend to be more polite.

Referential communication skills refer to the ability to detect ambiguities in

anotherÊs speech and ask for clarification. Preschool children have difficulty
understanding ambiguous messages. They will focus on what they think the
speaker means rather than what the speaker actually means.
10.2.5 Middle Childhood and Adolescence

By the time they enter school, children will have obtained a lot of linguistic
competence in a remarkably brief period. They are able to produce bigger and
longer words, more complex sentences and begin to think about and manipulate
language in ways that was impossible before.
Children are able to use personal pronouns by ages five to eight. Children easily
understand complex passive sentences and conditional sentences („If you finish
homework early, you can play outside‰) by ages seven to nine.
ChildrenÊs knowledge of semantics and semantic relations will continue to

expand throughout their school years. By the age of six, children are able to
understand approximately 10,000 words. By the age of 10, children should be
able to comprehend 40,000 words.
However, they may not use all these words in their everyday speech and may
not have heard them in use before. They have gained morphological knowledge,
the knowledge of the meaning of morphemes that make up a word. This allows
them to analyse unfamiliar words such as „hopelessness‰ and quickly figure out
what they mean.
Through morphological knowledge, children may learn to understand sarcasm.

For example, a playmate may say, „Wow, this is so heavy‰, when they are able to
pick up an object the others find too heavy. The contradiction between the literal
meaning and what is implied along with sarcastic intonation allows them to
detect sarcasm in their friendÊs remark. The following Table 10.2 explains more
on the linguistic development based on ages.

Table 10.2: Stages of Linguistic Development
Age Phonology Semantics Grammar Pragmatics

Birth to  Coos  Prefers motherÊs  Notices  Establishes joint
one year  Babbles (in voice and sound structure of attention
sound and of native word  Engages in
intonation of language sequences vocal exchanges
native  Analyses speech  Sensitive to and turn-taking
language) stream for words clause and games
 Speech sounds and syllables phrase
organised into  Comprehends boundaries
phonemic words
categories of  Recognises
native familiar words
language
 Communicative
gestures
One to  Recognises  Says first words  Telegraphic  Engages in
two years correct  Vocabulary up to speech (two conversational
pronunciation several hundred word turn-taking and
 Simplifies words combinations) topic
word  Three-word maintenance
pronunciation sentences
appear, adds
grammatical
morphemes
Three to  Improved  Creates words to  Gradually  Additional
five years phonological fill in for words generalises conversational
awareness not yet mastered grammatical strategies
 Improved  Understands forms  Grasps
word metaphors  Adds illocutionary
pronunciation (based on grammatical intent
concrete, sensory morphemes in  Adjusts speech
comparisons) a regular order to listenerÊs
perspective and
social
expectations
 Asks to clarify
ambiguous
messages
 Produces
chronological
narratives

Six to ten  Extends  Understands the  Refines  Uses advanced

years phonological meaning of complex conversational
awareness to about 10,000 grammatical strategies
all phonemes words structures (the (shading)
in words  Acquires passive voice  Refines
 Masters meanings of new and infinitive understanding
syllable stress words from phrases) of illocutionary
patterns context intent
 Appreciates the  Communicates
multiple clearly in
meanings of demanding
words situations (on
(metaphors and the telephone)
humour)  Produces classic
narratives rich
in orienting
information
and evaluations
Eleven  Masters  Comprehends  Continues to  Improved
years to syllable stress over 40,000 refine complex ability to
adulthood patterns of words grammatical communicate
abstract words  Understands structures clearly and in
subtle, non- accord with
literal word social
meanings expectations in
(sarcasm, irony diverse
and proverbs) situations
Children also become better at semantic integrations where they may draw
linguistic inferences to understand more than what is actually said. For example,
a six or eight-year-old may hear, „Roger didnÊt see the rock, Roger fell off his
bicycle.‰ They may infer that Roger must have hit the rock and fell off this
bicycle.
Children will develop metalinguistic awareness, an ability to think about

language and to comment on its properties, by the age of four to five. They
display more phonological awareness (sand without the s sound is and) and
grammatical awareness (they are aware that „I be done‰ is incorrect).
Adolescents are able to further expand their vocabularies by adding abstract

words (such as „ironic‰) that they rarely hear or may have heard but do not
understand.

10.2.6 Further Development of Communication Skills

According to researchers, the ability to develop linguistic skills depends on
a number of factors. The words that young children are exposed to and the
opportunity to use them are connected to the quantity and quality of spoken
languages they experience. This in turn is connected to the economic differences
in families and their child-rearing environment. Two major factors that affect the
ability to develop linguistic skills are:
(a) Environment
Children who grow up in higher income homes were exposed to more
spoken language. Language competence (such as vocabulary and ability to
use language to interact) is not learnt through single exposure. It depends
on how many opportunities a child gets to communicate with those within
and outside his or her family during the crucial early years of language
learning.
Children with siblings will spend a fair amount of time conversing with
their siblings or listening to a sibling converse with a parent. They may
improve their communication skills in order to communicate with each
other.
Older siblings are less likely to adjust their speech when speaking to a
younger sibling compared to when speaking to parents. As a result
younger siblings may have comprehension problems. The older sibling is
more likely to monitor and repair his or her own ambiguous messages so
he or she can be understood. Older siblings are less likely to correctly
interpret a younger siblingÊs uninformative messages. In turn, they are
more likely to learn from their failures and attempt to speak in ways that
they will be understood.
Different cultures have different practices when it comes to exposing their

children to language. North American mothers are known to talk to their
babies from birth (some even before birth) and use their responses to
converse with their babies. Other cultures such as the Mayan of Mexico and
the Walpiri of Australia believe there is no point engaging in pre-linguistic
conversation and talk very little to their babies.
There are also cultures where adults believe it is important to actively teach
their children how to talk. The Kaluli of New Guinea believe that children
must be taught language just as they are taught how to behave. They begin
a speech activity called elema, where the mother would say the words that
she wants the child to repeat followed by the command „Elema.‰

(b) Bilingualism
Outside of America, most children grow up bilingual and are able to speak
two (or more) languages by the time they reach puberty. Studies have
shown that children exposed to two languages early on (before age three)
had little difficultly becoming fluent in both.
By three years of age, bilingual children are aware that the two languages
are interdependent systems and each is associated with particular contexts
in which it is to be spoken. By the time the child reaches four years of age,
they show normal proficiency in the language of their community as well
their second language depending on how much they were exposed to it.
For those who learned a second language sequentially (after the age of
three), it often took no more than a year to achieve proficiency in the second
language.
There have been positive cognitive consequences to bilingualism. Bilingual

children score similarly or higher than their monolingual peers on IQ test,
Piagetian conservation problems and general language proficiency.
Bilingual children also outperform monolinguals on measure of

metalinguistic awareness, especially when required to recognise the
correspondence between letters, words and their phonological components
or when required to detect grammatical errors. This metalinguistic
advantage may be because early on bilingual children learn that linguistic
representations are subjective. For example, the Malay word for „cat‰ is
„kucing‰, which neither looks nor sounds alike.
Bilingual children also do better at non-linguistic tasks that require selective

attention to overcome distractions. This may be because bilinguals are
well practiced at monitoring their surroundings and producing language
understood by their immediate companions while inhibiting the distracting
second language which will be irrelevant to the situation.
There are clear benefits to two-way bilingual education during preschool or

primary school. Studies were conducted on Mexican American immigrant
children taught in bilingual preschools. The children involved had strong
gains in English proficiency that would serve them well in public schools.
At the same time, they were still as proficient in Spanish as their peers who
stayed at home in a predominantly Spanish language environment.

ACTIVITY 10.2
Children have different levels of language development during
different stages of their lives. Explain the phonological development
during the following periods:
(a) Newborn to one year old;
(b) One to two years old;
(c) Three to five years old; and
(d) Six to 10 years old.
• Language is an inventive tool we use to express our ideas, desires and

emotions and interpretations of what we have seen, heard and experienced.
• Five components of language are phonology, morphology, semantics, syntax

and pragmatics.
• Phonology refers to the basic units of sounds that are used in language.
• Morphology is how words are formed from sounds.
• Semantics refers to meanings expressed in words and sentences.
• Syntax refers to rules that specify how words are combined to form
meaningful phrases and sentences.
• Pragmatics of language is how a language may be used to communicate

effectively.
• Major theories of language development consist of empiricist perspective,

linguistic universals and nativist perspective.
• The empiricist perspective expresses that language is obviously learnt.

• Linguistic universals suggest that language acquisition is biologically

programmed. A childÊs ability to learn a language may depend on the childÊs
biological predispositions, her cognitive development and the characteristics
of her linguistic environment.
• The nativist perspective suggests that human beings are biologically

programmed to acquire language.
• BrocaÊs area affects speech production rather than comprehension.
• WernickeÊs area affects understanding of speech, those with injuries to this

area may speak fairly well although what they say makes little sense.
• Sensitive-period hypothesis states language should be most easily acquired

between birth and puberty.
• Interactionist viewpoint expresses that language development results from a

complex interplay between biological maturation, cognitive development and
their linguistic environment along with the childÊs attempts to communicate
with his or her companions.
• There are five stages of language development namely (i) the prelinguistic
phase, (ii) the holophrase phase, (iii) the telegraphic phase, (iv) the preschool
and (v) the middle childhood and adolescent periods.
• Children are said to be in the prelinguistic phase of language from the first 10
to 13 months of life.
• They are unlikely to speak (they may coo or babble) but are still responsive to
speech (prefer mothers voice and may react to sounds). They will also learn
to take turns and gesture to communicate.
• The first stage of meaningful speech is the holophrase period. Holophrases

are single words that seem to represent an entire sentenceÊs worth of
meaning.
• Children will have a vocabulary spurt and learn to pronounce the same way
that adults do. Two common styles of communicating are referential (words
are used to refer to others) or expressive (personal or social words).

• At about 18 to 24 months of age children enter the telegraphic stage and are
able to combine words into simple sentences.
• Children are sensitive to sociolinguistic expectations and situational

determinants of effective communication. They learn to produce complex
adult-like sentences and apply grammatical morphemes. Overextension of
grammatical morphemes is known as overregularisation.
• Children also understand and are able to use transformational grammar and
relational contrasts.
• During the preschool period, children learn a few conversational skills that
help them communicate more effectively and help them accomplish things.
• Children at this stage understand illocutionary intent where the real

underlying meaning may not correspond to the literal meaning. They also
learn to tailor their message to their audience.
• By the time they enter school, children will have obtained a lot of linguistic
competence in a remarkably brief period. They are able to produce bigger
and longer words, more complex sentences and begin to think about and
manipulate language in ways that was impossible before.
• They gain morphological knowledge allowing them to analyse unfamiliar

words based on their knowledge of the meaning of the morphemes that make
up the word.
• Metalinguistic awareness is an ability to think about language and to

comment on its properties.
• Some other factors that affect linguistic development are the socio-economic
background, amount of siblings and culture.
• Children below the age of three easily pick up and become proficient in two
languages if they grow up in a bilingual environment.
• Bilingual children do better on IQ tests, Piagetian conservation problems,

general language proficiency, metalinguistic awareness and non-linguistic
tasks.

Bilingualism Overregularisation
BrocaÊs area Personal pronouns
Declarative gestures Phonology
Empiricist perspective Pragmatics
Environment Prelinguistic phase
Expressive style Preschool period
Fast-mapping Processing constraint
Holophrase Productive language
Imperative gestures Receptive language
Language acquisition device (LAD) Referential communication
Language making capacity (LMC) Referential style
Lexical contrast constraint Semantics
Linguistic universals Sensitive-period hypothesis
Metalinguistic awareness Sociolinguistic knowledge
Middle childhood and adolescene Syntax
Morphological knowledge Telegraphic period
Morphology Underextension
Nativist perspective Vocabulary spurt
Object scope constraint WernickeÊs area
Overextension

Berk, L. E. (2013). Child development (9th ed.). Boston, MA.: Pearson.
Chomsky, N. (1993) Language and thought. Wakefield, RI: Moyer Bell.
Lenneberg, E. H. (1967). Biological foundations of language. New York, NY: John

Wiley and Sons.
Schoneberger, T. (2002). A departure from cognitivism: Implications of

ChomskyÊs second revolution in linguistics. Analysis of Verbal Behavior,
17, 57ă73.
Skinner, B. F. (1957). Verbal behavior. Acton, MA: Copley Publishing Group.
Snow, C. E., Arlman-Rupp, A., Hassing, Y., Jobse, J., Joosten, J., & Vorster, J.
(1976). MothersÊ speech in three social classes. Journal of Psycholinguistic
Research, 5, 1ă20.

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Faculty of Education and Languages

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

Module Writer: Dr Rohani Abdullah

Moderator: Dr Azhar Md Adnan

Developed by: Centre for Instructional Design and Technology

First Edition, April 2015

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM), April 2015, HBEC1203

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

Topic 1 Introduction to Cognitive Development 1

Topic 2 Biological Bases of Cognitive Development 29

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Topic 3 Sociocultural Perspectives of Cognitive Development 58

Topic 4 Information-Processing Approach to Cognitive Development 87

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Topic 5 Role of Knowledge in Cognitive Development 116

Topic 6 Perceptual Development: Auditory and Visual Development 145

Topic 7 Development of Representation 174

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7.3 Memory Processes 190

Topic 8 Strategies in Enhancing Cognitive Development 204

Topic 9 Brainy Debate: Intelligence and Creativity 227

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9.3 Giftedness, Creativity and Savant Syndrome 241

Topic 10 Working on Representation Skills 258

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

COURSE GUIDE DESCRIPTION

As an open and distance learner, you should be acquainted with learning

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Table 1: Estimation of Time Accumulation of Study Hours

1. Apply theories, approaches and methods of enhancing cognitive

2. Practise theories, approaches and methods in pedagogy;

3. Relate cognitive development in children; and

4. Demonstrate positive skills that can influence childrenÊs cognitive

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Topic 1 gives an overview on concepts in cognitive development. The history of

Topic 2 describes how genetic inheritance is transmitted from generation to

Topic 3 analyses three theories namely PiagetÊs theory of cognitive development,

Topic 4 explains perspectives on the information processing system with

Topic 5 discusses the concept of growth and development of attention in

Topic 7 deliberates on the childrenÊs development of representation using theory

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Topic 8 discusses factors that influence cognitive development. In addition, this

Topic 9 explains the difference between intelligence, giftedness and creativity. It

Topic 10 discusses components of language and major theories of language

TEXT ARRANGEMENT GUIDE

Self-Check: This component of the module is inserted at strategic locations

Activity: Like Self-Check, the Activity component is also placed at various

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References: The References section is where a list of relevant and useful

Bjorklund, D. F. (2012). ChildrenÊs thinking: Developmental function and

Demetriou, A., & Raftopoulos, A. (Eds.). (2004). Cognitive developmental

Goswami, U. (Ed.). (2011). The Wiley-Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

Hunt, E. B. (2011). Human intelligence. New York, NY: Cambridge University

Sternberg, R. J., & Kaufman, S. B. (Eds.). (2011). The Cambridge handbook of

TAN SRI DR ABDULLAH SANUSI (TSDAS) DIGITAL

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What makes the difference in the achievements of these children? Is it because

Copyright © Open University Malaysia (OUM)

This module will help you to appreciate childrenÊs cognitive development. It is

The major theoretical viewpoints on cognitive development discussed in this