Préface

This second volume covers the history of Our struggle from the time We
presented Ethiopia's appeal to the League of Nations in Geneva on Sene
23, 1928 [June 30, 1936], through the period when We returned to
Ethiopia and began to be involved in the continuing modernization of
Our country, up to the signing of a treaty with Our friend and ally, the
British government, on Ter 23, 1934 (Jan 31,1942]. It describes the war
of politics We waged, and the severe personal trials and difficulties that
We encountered during Our exile in Britain. ln addition, it explains, more
or less, to what extent the correspondence We had with Our patriots
contributed to Our struggle.

Nine months after the beginning of World War II, We saw the dawn of
Our freedom approaching, and We left Britain for the Sudan at the end of
Sene 1932 [June 1940], to drive the enemy out of Our country.
Described in this book are the details of how We gathered together Our
exiled loyal citizens to support Our effort and spent six months
organizing Our milllary forces in collaboration with the British; and how
We entered Ethiopia and, with the help of Our ally, launched a campaign,
broke the forces of the enemy, gained victory and restored freedom.
After the defeat of the enemy and Our retum to the capital, We
encountered some intricate problems with the British authorities in East
Africa. However, without losing patience and hope, We persevered
through the problems , We faced, above all placing Our confidence in
God and His fair Judgement, Our steadfast struggle eventually bore fruit,
and We emerged victorious Even so, Our conscience has never been
diverted by self-glorification and hypocrisy from believing that this
victory was God's provision.

To recapitulate...when We appealed to the Geneva assembly and

reminded the nations of the world that, "If Europe considers the matter
as if it were over, it has to take into account the fate that awaits itself,"
not a few people saw [our plea] as a trivial matter. Nevertheless, when
the righteous Judge stood up to dispense Justice, each government
regretted the result that befell it.

The world also witnessed the limits of the power of all aggressors.

Halle Sellassie 1

King of Kings

CHAPTER 1

THE DEBATE AND THE RESOLUTION AT GENEVA

-MUSSOLINI'S SPEECH AGAINST THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF

NATlONS

-THE DECISION TO MAKE OUR RESIDENCE AT BATH-

-THE ADMINISTRATION OF OUR GOVERNMENT FROM GORE

We were present at the sixteenth general assembly of the League of Nations of Sene
23, 1928 [June 30, 1936], to explain the fascist invasion of Our country and the
atrocities perpetrated on the people.

The next day Sene 24th [July 1], while the assembly continued its deliberations, all the
small nations that had placed confidence in the protection the League was supposed
to provide, were displeased at the backsliding exhibited in the treatment of Ethiopia's
case, and sorne delegates openly criticized the League for deserting its fundamental
objective.

The Swedish envoy detailed the failure the League suffered as the result of i'ts
inability to save Ethiopia and présented the opinion of the Swedish public.

The Iris envoy, Mr. de Valera, on his part, expressed his bitter grief.

The envoy of New Zealand, Sir James Parr, voiced his painful feelings of despair,
proposed placing heavy sanctions on Italy, and explained at length New Zealand's
readiness to go along with other members of the League in this respect, should the
majority decide as such.

The Chinese envoy, Dr. Wellington Koo, pointed out that the League helped foment the
present crisis because it had refrained from condemning Japan.

The Iranian envoy also indicated that no treaty could be operational unless a spirit of
truth prevailed in the assembly.

The Spanish envoy added that it was not the weakness of the Covenant per se that
had failed to save Ethiopia; (it) was good in and of itself. What proved to be bad was,
he exclaimed, the means adopted to enforce the covenant.

The Soviet envoy Monsieur Maxim Litvinov" criticized the League for failing to impose
sanctions soon after Ethiopia and Italy found themselves in conflict [and] before the
situation escalated into serious trouble. He added that a few countries had imposed
the proposed sanctions, but with no visible result. Since the League had earned the
confidence of even- non-member countries, had the sanctions been strong from the
outset, any aggressor would have been deterred. However, the handling of the
sanctions was not comprehensive enough, and created the present problem. He
reminded all member countries that, even now, in view of Article 16, they should
realize the obligations by which they were bound and, beyond imposing sanctions,
should provide military assistance.

The South African envoy, Mr. Charles Te Water stressed that: "the sanctions which
were imposed on the aggressor state should not be lifted" and ,stated that it was not
enough to pass resolutions conceming the relations between governments. We
should be able to demonstrate our courage by translating them into practice. If...we
violate the resolutions we pass and do not put them into practice, "would not It be
better for the member countries to glve up their collective efforts altogether,"he
added.,

The English envoy, Sir Anthony Eden, said, Yesterday we listened to the majestic
speech of the Emperor of Ethiopia. The speech did not fail to move the hearts of each
one of us. Surely, we had Imposed economic and financial sanctions on the
aggressor; but It did not work. Only military force can alter the situation in Ethiopia at
this moment, but i do not think the current international situation will aIlow us to use
military force, All the same, we have seen that the sanctions did not work, and it is
better to lift them. For the time being, I need only to remind the League not to
recognize Italy's victory.

The Canadian envoy Mr, Vincent Massey stated that Canada had imposed the
proposed sanctions on Italy.,.but suggested that the economic sanctions be lifted
since they were not strong enough, and since their continuation would not be of any
value in bringing about the desired result.

The Austrian envoy, Mr. Emeric Pflügl, the arch-supporter of the fascist government
said, " ltaly is a country inspired by the principles of the League; it is also the herald
of the sanctified good news of civilization" The Hungarian envoy voiced similar
collaborative opinions.

The economic sanctions bore' no fruit because Britain and France feared that [strict
imposition] would spur Italy into joining Hitler, the man who had armed Nazi Germany
and who had begun harrassing European democracies. Thus, the economic sanctions
were imposed half-heartedly and timidly. One peculiar problem was that, if England
used its navy to impose an oil embargo, such .an action was presumed to lead to
misunderstandings with America over the freedom of sea traffic. For this and other
reasons, it remained impossible to stop Italy's aggression.

We, on Our part, prepared two draft resolutions to be presented by Our delegates to
the assembly, and delivered them to the General Secretary of the League via the
leader of our delegation, Dejazmatch Nasibu Zamanuel:

- Ist If a country were to be subdued and occupled by force of arms, let not the
government of the occupier be recognized;

- 2nd. Since in accordance with article 16 of the Charter of the League of Nations,
Ethiopia was entitled' to receive assistance, let the assembly, in consultation with
the finance committee of the League, and in agreement with the capacity which the
Ethiopian government claims to have, support and approve a loan of ten million
pounds to Uthiopia under the guarantee of the member states.

That same day the French envoy presented a draft resolution containing such ideas as
lifting the economic sanctions and accepting the annexation of Ethiopia to Italy as "a
fait accompli".

The next morning these resolutions were presented to the general assembly [which,]
without discussion or objection, upon the recommendation of the president, referred
the matter to a committee which was scheduled to meet in the evening. Àfter the
committee had deliberated, the communique which came out the next moming
disclosed that the suggestions of the French envoy had been criticized by the small
nations, and, since the sentence which ostensibly recognized Ethiopia's annexation
by Italy weakened article 16, modification was suggested.

The committee did not complete its assignment and was instructed to meet on
Saturday, Sene 27 [July 4] at 9 AM., [shortly before] the Generai Assembly was
scheduled to meet at 2 P.M" Our envoys opposed the tight schedule in order to avoid
hasty decisions. According to the standing regulations of the assembly, notice should
have been given before any decision was to be taken.

As We leamed from our delegates, a decislon was made to call upon each country to
vote on the recommendation submitted to the delegates, and it was felt that all were
inclined to betray Ethiopla...On the issue of lifting the sanctions, MexIco opposed the
details of the draft resolutlon and walked out of the meeting The countries
present...were called...in alphabetical order to cast their votes...forty-four...voted in
support of the lifting of the sanctions, Ethiopia opposed, and four countries abstained.
The president of the committee announced that the proposal of the general committee,
ie. that Ethiopia already had been annexed to Italy, was rejected owing to lack of
support. Then he reported that the ten million pounds loan that We requested had
been voted upon, and twenty-three countries opposed, one country supported, and
twenty-five countries abstained. The first Geneva judgment ended in thls manner, and
the next meeting was scheduled for September 21, 1936

Mussolini on his part, gave the following long speech about the
sanctions that had been imposed on Italy:

"The fact that the whole world conspired against italy was an
irrational act. And there is something that those who live in Britain
should know. That is the fact that the so-called League of Nations
is an empty and defunct machine when it cormes to the dispute
between Ethiopia and Italy.Italy's glorious deed will be recorded
only when the dispute between italy and Ethiopia is settled outside
the confusion of the League of Nations. I have dismantled the
government of Ethiopia. The representatives of a vanquished
country should not be present in the Geneva assembly. We have
not forgotten that the League levied an unprecedented punishment
on the iIalian people. We will not forget it in the future. It [the
League] intended to decimate the people, the households, and
children by starvation. It also attempted in vain to obstruct the
efforts of our military, which was on a civilizing mission. It did not
succeed, however...[since] the League.. was confronted by the
formidable unity of the Italian people, which is ready to sacrifice
anything and is able to fight even against fifty-two countries.
Hereafter, it should not be necessary to involve the League of
Nations in the remaining political efforts to bring peace. ln 1935
A.D. we concluded an agreement with France. While an expansion
of the agreement along the path of genuine friendship was being
considered, the issue of sanctions came about. We were a bit
disappointed at the sanctions. When this happened the winter was
just beginning. The winter passed. Spring came. Our victory came
with the spring. Yet the sanctions remained strictly in force. Two
months after we entered Addis Abeba, the sanctions were still in
force. France was still referring to the old records of the League
and continued to believe that the previous government of the Lion
of Judah was alive. However, except in the records of the League,
the truth is that, due to our victory, the emperor's government has
expired."

I leave the reader to Judge what the consequences of Mussolini's threat

might have entailed, had not God, in His kindness, changed the situation.
At the time the possibility for peace hinged upon the guarantee of
Collective Security as provided in the regulations and procedures of the
League. Mussolini however, invaded Ethiopia and began to jeer at and
insult the League of Nations, saying its charter and procedures were
useless pieces of paper and that the League was a worthless forum for
bickering. As the result of these abusive and inflammatory words, many
countries began to shiver visibly.

After this, We retumed to London from Geneva. We received the

necessary assistance from the people and authorities of England who
showed Us hospitality during Our hard times ....Deciding to make Our
residence at Bath, We bought a house called Fairfield and, with renewed
vigor, continued Our struggle.

A number of English people provided Us with sound friendship. in Our

diplomatie struggle by condemning the aggressor. Even earlier, in 1928
E.C. [1935-36], when Pierre Laval [then the French premier] made a
clandestine agreement with Mussolini on matters which...involved
Ethiopia. they had expressed their friendship. It is a matter of recent
memory that many English people rejected the idea which the former
British foreign Secretary Samuel Hoare proposed with Laval to stop the
war, because they thought the terms were not only favorable and
rewarding for the aggressor, but also supportive of the atrocities it had
perpetrated. Later, the majority of the people did not hold back from
supporting and sympathizing with Us in our struggle.

Initially, an organization named the "Abyssinia Association" was set up

and began functioning to make financial contributions to Ethiopian
refugees in order to help them in their daily needs. Under the editorship
of Mrs. Sylvia Pankhurst, a weekly newspaper entitled New Times and
Ethiopia News was established and published every Saturday. This
newspaper helped Us loudly to voice Ethiopia's woes and to capture a
worldwide audience; its service was so great that We would never forget
the good deeds of Mrs. Sylvia Pankhurst.

When We went to England and lived there, We relied on God and

counted on the assistance of the English people and did not need any
protector for Our life. Our faith in God was firm, and Our belief remained
certain that one day, in His righteous judgement, He would bestow
victory on Us. Although We were the leader of 15 million people, to
achieve the goal of Our mission, We used to appear in various places
where many people were gathered to explain about the yoke of misery
that had fallen on my country and people.

While, on the one hand, We were doing things such as this, on the other
hand, We had to transmit instructions to Ethiopia regarding the
administration of Our govemment. When We left Ethiopia, We had
ordered Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik to go to Gore to maintain order and to
manage the work of Our government, and he had already started his
work. After We reached England. however, on learning that Ras Imru
was in Gore, We appointed him as Our chief representative and
commander of the army, and Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik as Prime Minister
to lead the country, and sent the following instruction to both of them.
To Ras Imru:

As We informed you in our previous letter, if We, in God's provision,

secure money and arms, We believe that Our objectives will be
rehabilitated. Nevertheless, at all times, be it during peace or war, as a
leader is necessary in Western Ethiopia and in the lands not yet occupied
by the Italians, you will be Our chief representative and commander of
the army. We authorize you to use the revenue from the area according
to your discretion, and let the proclamation be announced soon and the
work be started immediately. Set up the twelve ministries [of
government] to start the work. To assist you in this work, Fitawrari
Tafesse [Habte Mikail], Kenyazmatch Belhu, Azaj Kebbedde, and Ato
Daba Biru have been sent out. Assign people like Gerazmatch Mesfin
Kelemewor [and] Blata Deressa to be in charge of the ministries. This is
only a suggestion because We do not have the list of ail the noblemen
and the workers currently with you, so do whatever seems useful to you.
However, let Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik be the Prime Minister and lead the
work. We have sent a similar letter to him.

Hamle 12, 1928 A.D. [July 19, 1936)

To Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik:

As We informed you in detail in the other letter We had written you, We

have made a point to be present at the September assembly [of the
League of Nations), and have begun preparations to secure arms and
loans from Europe. ln Western Ethiopia, which the enemy has not yet
occupied, We have ordered Ras Imru to be Our chief representative, and
you to take up the work of the Prime Minister, and together with him do
whatever is in your capacity for the liberation of Ethiopia, for our flag,
and our religion; and envisage ways in which the enemy may be stricken
and Ethiopia's independence restored.

Hamle 12, 1928 A.D. [July 19, 1936)

What was in Our mind was to be present at the League of Nations

assembly, which was to be held in the month of September to speak
about

Ethiopia; then, after securing arms and financial assistance, proceed to

join Our army at Gore to continue the struggle. Thus, We sent Our
messengers, Fekade Sellassie Herui, Our Lord Chamberlain Kenyazmatch
Belhu Degefu, the sons of Azaj Workineh, Benyamin and Yoseph, to hand
over Our message to Ras Imru and others. Fekade Sellassie Herui came
back to Us with their reply and later returned to Gore. The rest remained
there We wanted Ras Getachew Abate with Ato Ephraim Tewoldemedhin,
to enter Ethiopia through Gambela and join Our army; we gave him [the
ras] a passport and money and he left. However, he remained in Cairo
for a while, making all sorts of excuses, and eventually deserted Us and
defected to the Italian side. Although greatly disappointed, Our trusty
Ato Ephraim, however, retumed to Us and resumed his service.

CHAPTER 2

A PRESS CONFERENCE HELD AT BATH

--THE BROADCAST WE MADE ON RADIO TO THE PEOPLE OF THE WORLD

--OUR CONVERSATION WITH THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY

More than the war, it was actually Fascist propaganda that subdued the
conscience of Europeans. Designed to misinform the public, it alleged
that Ethiopia had accepted the enemy's overlordship--an assertion which
We consistently refuted. ln the month of July of the same year [1936],
We granted a press conference to Sylvia Pankhurst. We used the
occasion to counter the allegation mentioned earlier and to explain the
real situation in the country. To listeners and to all those who follow
developments in Ethiopia, We reported the following:

If I had no trust in the League of Nations, but above all, if I was not
faithful to my country, I would have found it expedient to accept
whatever [Italy] offered me. I had no wish to betray the confidence
entrusted to me by the Ethiopian people, nor did I want to jeopardize
their well-being. I rejected whatever gifts, material benefits or political
positions that were offered to me to enhance my personal well-being."
My faith lies in the justness and power of the Almighty God.

I have had twenty years of experience with which to realize what it

means to be a leader of a nation and commander of an army.

On the basis of such knowledge and experience, the man I personally

appointed to lead the country is Ras Imru. Now, at a time when I am not
inside the country, I consider his presence in Ethiopia as my own
presence. I came [to Europe] with a mission..[which] has not yet been
fulfilled. I have the duty to take back with me to Ethiopia something
tangible. By retuming to Ethiopia empty handed, and without the
necessary assistance for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the
country, I would shatter the hopes and aspirations of my people.

Without arms and ammunition it is impossible to conduct a patriotic, or

any other type, of war. A general or anybody who has been in a position
of leadership should accept this as fact.

The difficulty that derived from being technically backward is [also] a

problem to reckon with. ln addition, the mountainous nature of the
country's topography has created communication problems. Such a
situation has made the availability of radio stations absolutely essential
for the prosecution of'the war. .

Fascist propaganda misinformed and confused world opinion We, on Our

part, therefore left no stone untumed and spared no effort from
presenting Ethiopia's true position and wishes. On Pagume 3, 1928, ie,
on Tuesday, September 8, 1936, We made the following address to the
international community from Our Legation in London:

It is evident that world public opinion has been in part duped by

fascism's boastful claims [of] complete control over Ethiopia and that its
followers and adherents [there] are continuously increasing. Anyone can
see that there is nothing to the claim lt is baseless propaganda. On the
basis of factual information that came from Ethiopia, it can be asserted
that two-thirds of the country is outside [of] ItaIian military control.
Even that part of the country that the Italian army occupies 'can only be
defended by the air force and by the expanded use of..mustard gas...

ln addition to destroying human life with its aerial bombing, ItaIy aIso
distributes leaflets from the air, warning that mass death and
destruction will follow...it claims that the Imperial Ethiopian government
does not exist and presents me to the public as if I have abandoned my
responsibilities and mission. By means of such sinister acts, it
consistently strives to mislead and misinform the people.

As has been explained to the League of Nations, the provlsional

Ethiopian government functions [and). as is well known, controls
western Ethiopia entirely. Even if the government faces numerous
problems because of the lack of funds, it continues to operate under the
leadership of Ras Imru and Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik and enjoys the
support of Many individuals. This fact has been affirmed. Our
membership in the League of Nations and the relations We have with
other countries are still maintained.

What Ethiopia seeks now is untrammeled justice as weil as peace. On

Our part, We Continue to remind all those nations, which have an
obligation to maintain Ethiopia's sovereignty, not to abandon their
responsibility. Truth cannot be effaced or hidden. Those who try to
conceal the sufferings being visited on my people by vicious and self-
serving propaganda, should know that they will never win When I
appealed to the peoples of the world, I did so with firm faith and
conviction, believing that they would translate their emotion of truth and
justice into practice and help the Ethiopian people free IIself from the
yoke of the invader.

When We paid a courtesy call to the Archbishop of Canterbury, after

exchanging greetings, We appealed to Him to use His good offices with
the [British] government and help Us in every way'he could. The
following is what transpired.

The Archbishop: "1 am sorry that 1 have not been able to do anything.
Nevertheless, it is a great honor for me to receive Your Majesty. A while
ago, I was looking at a photograph taken when you visited this country
as Ras Tafari. Your present fate, compared to the hope we had then for
Ethiopia, upsets us deeply. The faith we had in the Ras Tafari of those
years, when considered in terms of the admirable things that Your
Majesty achieved, reveals that our hope was not unjustified. Who knows,
the hope we cherished in the past, may once agaÎn be rekindled "

On Our part, we saÎd: "If you continue to have the good will you had for
Ras Tafari, you have it also for Emperor Haile Sellassie, and as you still
have the photographs of Ras Tafari, permit me to send you Emperor
Haile Sellassie's photograph as weiL"

. His Grace replied: "That will, indeed, make me happy. It will remind me
of the times of hope 1 had. 1 would like to reiterate this to you once
again. The good will 1 had for Ethiopians in the past has not changed. 1
am totally convinced that the Italians attained victory by cruel and
heinous methods."

We remarked: "Since Your Grace has raised the subject, let me say that
it is precisely the purpose of my visit. The reason for leaving Our country
and the crimes being committed daily against Our people even after Our
exile, are not, 1 trust, unknown to you. We seek God's guidance in Our
search for true justice...In this task, We beg you not to forget Us in your
prayers."

He said: "Up to now 1 have not forgotten, and 1 will not forget in the
future. But nevertheless, have you received documentary proof that
attests to what the Italians are doing to the people?"

Our reply was: "We have plenty. But We cannot reveal the names of
those who report to Us. We have given them Our word We know that the
Italians are out to exterminate Our race. We also know that they are
fighting us through the use of poison gas. Your Grace has no
representative in Ethiopia. But nevertheless, all those governments that
have representatives in Ethiopia can attest to that."
He said: "If you have such proof would it not be better to present it to
the League of Nations?"

To which We responded: "We have not slackened in continuously

presenting Our case to the League of Nations. But no one listens to Us.
We have submitted to the League of Nations what Ras Imru reported to
Us from Gore. God will not simply overlook the blood that has been
shed."

Having said that, We also brought to [the archbishop's] attention the

fact that even prisoners of war had not been spared by the Italians.

He said..."1 intend to secure an appointment to see [Mr. Eden] in order

to bring this situation to his attention. 1 will do so, not only because
Your Majesty raised it with me, but also because it pricks my conscience.
1 am going to inform him of the Italian objective to exterminate your
race and after having investigated the truth about the use of poison gas,
1 will suggest that he raise the matter with the Italian government's
representative."

"After We had requested this audience with you," 1 said, "we heard that
the Pope of Rome (Pie XI) had declared [the war's] legitimacy and
recognized the Italian occupation of Ethiopia. This has been reported by
the press."

The reaction of the Archbishop was as follows: "With regard to

thechurch in Rome, there is one thing that should not be forgotten, that
is all power is in the hands of Signor Mussolini. The truth has eluded the
Pope because of intense propaganda activities by the regime.

"1 have also been thinking about the refugees. 1 know that the
Abyssinian Refugee Fund has been established. 1 also know that this
organization has been created with a view to identify and to help the
truly needy refugees. Were there any who approached Your Majesty
seeking advice and requesting that the organization function under your
name?"

My reply was as follows: "There are people who approached Us and

asked to narne the organization after Us. Nevertheless, We have not
seen anything tangible that they have done up to now. The condition of
Our refugees continues to be a matter of deep concem to Us. 1 raised
this problem earlier with Mr. Eden. He promised me that he would
discuss it with the Colonial Office.

Finally, I brought to his attention the fact that We received an

unpleasant response from the Foreign Office."

The Archbishop asked: "Perhaps the Foreign Office is afraid that if the
refugees live nearby the country that is now under Italian control, they
will carry out agitational activities. However, and if necessary, could you
not have promised that they would not conduct such activities?"
To this, 1 answered: "Even if they want to, since all the roads are
blocked, they cannot do it. Let alone carry out agitational activities, they
cannot even conduct normal correspondence with farnily members. We
chose Kenya and Uganda [as havens for Ethiopian refugees] because
their climates are similar to [Ethiopia's]. If there are no places [for our
people] in these countries, We would be highly gratified if they could be
permitted to live in otherBritish colonies."

The Archbishop wanted to know the type of work [the refugees] were
engaged in previously. 1 informed him that they included high
government officials, elderly people, farmers, soldiers, school children,
who could eventually support themselves, and so on. Furthermore, 1
said, "We can provide you with more information in regard to this issue
and that of the refugees. We could also send you the details of the reply
We got from the Foreign Office. We request you to help Us identify the
genuine organizations in which We might put Our trust."

He suggested: "Send me ail the necessary documents. 1 will appeal to

Mr. Eden that the Foreign Office look into the matter once again."

After this, We begged him not to forget Us through his pray ers.

"It appears," he said, "that the wish of all the big powers is to see to it
that Ethiopia's case is forgotten. On my part, while 1 have no political
influence, 1 have the means of communicating with our officials. Hence,
1 will constantly remind them not to forget Your Majesty's case. So
much injustice and evil have been irrefutably committed. Yet, the fact
that it has not been possible to do something about it is a fact that will
continue to pain me for the rest of my life."

By so saying, he expressed his deep regrets to Us.

I responded to him: "For the last 3,000 years Ethiopia has been
struggling against paganism. Yet, it is a sad commentary that today it is
denied its own

CHAPTER III

A PROPOSAL T0 EXPEL ETHIOPIA FROM THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

-THE DEATH OF DEJAZMATCH NASIBU ZAMANUEL

--RELATIONS WITII OUR AUTHORITIES AT GORE

-- THE DEFENCE WE MADE AGAINST THE DIPLOMATIC PROBLEM THAT

RESULTED FROM THE OCCUPATION OF WESTERN ETHIOPIA
--THE READINESS OF SOME COUNTRIES T0 RECOGNIZE THE
OCCUPATION OF ETHIOPIA

-- THE OBJECTION OF THE SWISS GOVERNMENT T0 OUR REQUEST T0

RESIDE THERE

As if the blood they spilled in Ethiopia was not enough, the Italians were
working to get Ethiopia expelled from the League of Nations...Knowing
that the issue...would be raised at the Geneva assembly of Meskerem
1929 [September 1936], We left London for Geneva on Monday,
Meskerem 12, 1929 [September 20, 1936], accompanied by Ras Kassa,
Ato Wolde Giorgis Wolde Yohannes, Ato Taddesse Meshesha, Dr.
[Jacovus] Zervos and Abba Hanna'o Azaj Workineh had left earlier with
the report to be presented at the assembly, and spent the week working
on it with Ato Lorenzo Taezaz.

First of all, on Meskerem 13 [Sept. 23, 1936] the assembly decided that
the Credentials Committee should study the controversial matter as to
whether or not Ethiopia had the right to be in the assembly. On the same
day, a [sub]committee comprised of six countries was composed and
started its deliberations.

Italy was not at the assembly. The French lawyer whom we had
assigned to discuss Ethiopia's membership on our behalf had been
prohibited by...[his] govemment from attending the meeting and was
absent. On our part we prepared and presented a document to the
committee explaining that we had transferred our govemment to
Gore...[from where it] was being directed...on Our behalf in accordance
with instructions...received from Us by telegrams and letters.

Italy and her supporters put forward a suggestion that no country

should retain its membership after its capital city had been occupied. On
the other hand they presented a forged document which purported [to
show] that the people of Ethiopia had contentedly accepted Italy's
governorship.

The committee, after a long discussion based on the evidence submitted

by both sides, resolved to accept Ethiopia's envoys and presented its
decision to assembly accepted the decision and forwarded it for a vote;
out of forty-nine envoys, thirty-nine supported Ethiopia, four objected,
and six abstained; and, as a result, a decision was made...[permitting
Us] to send envoys to the assembly.

The countries which opposed Ethiopia were Austria, Hungary, Albania,

and Ecuador. The six countries which abstained were Bulgaria, Panama,
Portugal, Siam, Switzerland and Venezuela...The main points presented
by the Credentials committee to the assembly were the following:
1st. [As decided] by a previous authority, Ethiopia's representatives had
the right to be at the assembly meeting.

2nd. Thereafter conditions changed. It was now difficult to ascertain

whether or not the previous recognition app!ied to the present
administration...[in Gore], or whether or not the emperor could
effectively exercise his authority.

3rd. No member of the committee questioned the legality of Ethiopia's

membership and its conformity with the regulations. Rather, there was
sorme discussion within the committee conceming the question of its
acceptability [as a sovereign authority].

4th. The committee cancelled as useless the motion that the case be
presented to the Hague court, since its decision would not be ready for
the present meeting.

5th. The committee unanimously agreed on the adequacy of Ethiopia's

credentials and that its delegates should attend the meeting.

6th. the committee's recommendations concemed the present meeting

and did not hold for future ones.

Our friends, who were happy at this decision, came over to the hotel
where we were staying to congratulate Us and express their heart-felt
love to Us and Our envoys. We also felt that We had surmounted one big
hurdle in retaining Our membership seat in the League, although Our
initial objective of acquiring mi!itary equipment and a loan of money had
failed.

..*

We retumed to London and continued to !ive in Bath. There we heard the

death of Our faithful servant Dejazmatch Nasibu Zamanuel on Tikimt 6,
1929 [Oct. 16, 1936] in Davos...Switzerland while undergoing treatment,
and [We] stayed at home to moum him. Immediately We sent Our
Foreign Minister Blatengeta Hemi Wolde Sellassie to Switzerland to
attend the funeral.

Our friends expressed their sympathy to Us by holding a public

gathering in the Chesterfield salon on Tuesday, Tikimt 10 [Oct 20],
praying in commemoration, standing for a moment of silence and
making speeches of condolence. Among them were people such as
Professor [Herbert Stanley] Jevons and Sir George Paish, the founders
of the Abyssinia Association.
Because the letters and telegram messages of Our patriots were not
reaching Us in a timely way, we found it very difficult to make known the
situation in Ethiopia in order to win the favor of world public opinion.
However, We continued to receive some written documents that assisted
in Our struggle, directly or indirectly. At a time when fascist propaganda
flooded the whole world, We received a telegram from Bitwoded Wolde
Sadik and Ras Imru [which] We passed on to the Secretary General of
the League of Nations. The words of the telegram were as follows:

To His Excellency Monsieur Joseph Avenol, General Secretary of the

League of Nations,

Geneva.

ln reference to the correspondence we made regarding the acceptance of

the delegates of Ethiopia at the assembly, We ask you to communicate
the following words to ail member countries.

Those whom We authorized to administer Our imperial territory in Our

absence have sent Us the following appeal to be forwarded to the
League of Nations.

Haile Sellassie Emperor

Gambela, October 16, 1936

We have received your Majesty's telegram of October 4th {Meskerem

26J. Having confidence in the League, the imperiaI government has been
accomplishing its dulies peacefully and diligently, and. indeed. it does
have Western Ethiopia under its control. Meanwhile, we have learnt that
the invading Italians, wilhout having any compassion, have sworn to
terrorize and literally annihilate the Ethiopian people by using planes
and to destroy the government resident in Western Ethiopia A huge
mililary force has started its way towards here. Without adequate money
and armament, we cannot resist the power of the enemy. Should the
peaceful and freedom loving people who have fully trusted the League
be left to total destruction at the hands of the atrocious invader? The
blood of our suffering people is crying out for justice to the Almighty God
and to the League of Nations. We believe that our lamentations will be
heard.' We'beg Your Majesty to request the League to view the struggle
of Ethiopia wilh a clear conscience and extend its help. We earnestly
request Your Majesty once again to appeal to the League.

Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik Ras lmru

 The Italians occupied Gore in the middle of Hidar 1929
[Nov. 1936], and continued to be successful both politically
and militarily. The province of Gore was very close to the
Sudanese border, and it was an opportune moment for Italy
to make her presence felt and to threaten British
authorities.

Italy's political advantage appeared to block the chances We

had to present Our case at the League, since Our claim was
that We had moved the seat of Our govemment to Gore and continued to
administer from there through Our representatives. Besides this, sorne
of Our officiais lost hope and submitted to the Italians. Our top military
leaders were killed, and Ras Imru was captured.

Politicians in Rome tended to believe that the occupation of Gore would

tempt London, Paris and Geneva [to] speed up the recognition of Italy's
suzerainty over Ethiopia. Their predictions came true..and many
countries gradually ratified Italy's overlordship. Germany and Italy were
in the vanguard to do so.

When Italy recognized the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, Japan in

turn recognized Italy's occupation of Ethiopia. Thus the two vanguard
invaders, Japan in China and Italy in Ethiopia, became mutual
supporters.

Speaking of these diplomatie maneuvers, Italian politicians confirmed

that Japan had been motivated to convert its legation in Addis Abeba to
a consulate and to recognize Italy's government of Ethiopia, above all, to
expand its trade to...Africa. Likewise, they indicated that Rome's
decision to locate a consulategeneral in the Manchurian capital was the
culmination of Italian interest in the "Far East," the development of
which she had been keenly following for some time.

Italy had hoped that the fate of Japan would be resolved in conjunction
with the situation in Europe. Rome and Tokyo were always at
loggerheads, as if giving truth to the myth that yellow and white people
would never get along.

Later, however, finding a common ground in the issue we mentioned

above, they were. able to put aside thelr mutual suspicions.

Following a conference in' Vienna between Italy, Austria and Bulgaria,

We heard in November 1936, that Austria and Hungary had repudiated
Ethiopia's independence and recognized Italy's occupation. Objecting to
this hasty measure taken against Us, we sent the following message to
the League of Nations through the Secretary General Mr. Avenol:

Peace be with you. 1 sincerely plead with you to make the followmg
known to members of the League. ln October 1935, when the
government of ltaly began invading the land of Ethiopia, the League of
Nations and its council announced that a member of the League had
been invaded and issued a communique referring to article 10 of the
charter which reads 'to respect and safeguard the boundaries of mem
bers of the League in an event of external assault' ln luly 1936, the
general assem bly stated that it would not recognize any kind of
occupation effected through the use of force.

Now, in .v)glation of the Covenant and the ~ecision of the League of

Nations, Austria and Hungary have announced their recognition of the
aggressor as the imperial government of Ethiopia. 1 denounee the
governments of Austria and Hungary for violating laws of international
relations and commltting a crime Once again, 1 reassert that Ethiopia
has an irrevocablc right to membcrship in the League of Nations. 1 also
state that my people and government arc fully confident that they [will]
regain our eountr)'s integrity and political independcncc. 1 await God's
judgement that the rule of force will perish as a result of its own
destructive actions. [ wou Id like to rem ind each member of the League
that, according to article 10 of the League's charter, each member has
promised to live in harmony and mutual respect, and that each member
has the responsibility to ab ide by its

promise No principle would relieve an invader of the responsibility it has

once entercd into.

ln a time when, due to the ltalian invasion, the rclationship between

countries based on mternational law and mutual trust has vanished, the
hope hinging on certam princip les and leadership in Europc has faded,
[and] war appears to be the loglcal consequence, each mem ber of the
League has to be obliged not to surrender to force nor recognize the
countries occupied by force. Abov'e ail, what should be clear about
Ethiopla is that the count~. was occupied brutally by looting, killing and
terrorizing the people.

Haile Sellassie 1 Herui Wolde Sellassie

Emperor Minister of Foreign Affairs

While the struggle in the political front was going on as such,

We heard that the King of Belgium, the Queen of the
Netherlands, the Kings of Sweden and Denmark as well as
the Duke of Luxembourg and the President of Finland, were
almost ready to recognize Italy's occupation, and sent each
one of them the following telegram:

I was aggrieved to learn that the signatories of the Oslo

agreement...are considering recognizing italy's occupation.
Although the League of Nations was not able to stop the
aggressor, it is beyond all doubt that its refusaI to recognize
the conquest and the claims of the invader has contributed in
some ways to peace.

The people of Ethiopia are still struggling against an alien

government. On behalf of my people I would like to remind
your government to abide by the intemational laws which it
has always respected.

The Signatories of the Oslo Agreement failed to agree on a

proposal sponsored by the Netherlands government which
called for a meeting with France and Britain in order to
discuss and eventually to recognize Italy's claim to Ethiopia.

In reply to Our telegram and in reference to this, the King of

Norway His Majesty Haakon notified Us that he had not
complied with the Dutch govemment's proposaI. Also, the
Queen of Holland, Her Majesty Wilhdmina, sent Us a
telegram expressing that her country maintains diplomatic
relations with Italy because, in princlple, it has an interest in
association with powerful govemments and seeks
cooperation with its neighbors. She claimed, however, to
have no intention of recognizing Italy's daim over Ethiopia.
Nevertheless, after a little while all [the Oslo signatories]
had entered into an obligation gradually to recognize Italy's
claim over Ethiopia Those countries who refused to recognlze
ltaly's occupation [and] respected Ethiopian lndependence
and the legitimacy of Our authority were:

lst; the govemment of the United States of America;

2nd, the govemment of the Republic of Mexico;

3rd, the govemment of the Soviet Union;

4th, the govemment of the New Zealand Union;

5th, the government of the Republic of China.

Apart from these, all of the European and Asian countries

one after the other recognized Italy's occupation.
 The Swiss government, which was host to the League of
Nations, rejected Our request to reside in Switzerland..We
did not want to magnify the issue because We thought that
[the decision] was the result of the current crisis.

However, when it seemed that the situation had reached a

stage where Ethiopia's independence would be destroyed by
[those] approving Italy's suzerainty, in a letter written on Tir
12, 1929 [Jan. 20, 1937], We made known to the League
that the same Swiss government which willingly permitted
the League to make its headquarters in Geneva, now used a
heavy rod to strike people [already] suffering fromthe agony
of martyrdom.

Believing that it would be convenient to pursue Our case at

the League if we resided in Switzerland, We submitted Our
request to the Swiss government. Through its Minister in
Paris, it was communicated to Us that the Swiss government
had rejected Our request, because the government needed to
foster good neighborliness and peaceful coexistence,
avoiding conflict. Moreover, the foreign minister Monsieur
[Guiseppe] Motta, who was ethnically Italian and had been
in the position for no less than twenty years, believed that a
great crisis would be created if We resided in Switzerland.
This person had often expressed in every possible way his
friendly attitude towards Italy.

Subsequently, the Federal Council of the Republic of Helvetia, breaking

all international agreements, decided to recognize Italy's suzerainty
over Ethiopia. As if the Ethiopian Consulate based in Bern had never
existed before, a letter signed by Monsieur Motta effectively blocked its
functions.

CHAPTER IV

ABOUT THE ATROCITIES INFLICTED ON OUR PEOPLE

--OUR MESSAGE TO CHURCHES

--THE SUPPORT GIVEN TO US BY NATIVES OF AFRICA LIVING lN

AMERICA
--OUR APPEAL TO THE GENEVA ASSEMBLY.

While Our people who were living outside the regions not yet
controlled by the enemy were struggling to protect their freedom,
it was clear that the majority of the population living within the
occupied territories did not wholeheartedly accept the government
of the aggressor The Italians, being the only source of news for
the outside world regarding the situation in Ethiopia, hid its reality
from the rest of the world That was an impediment to Us.

Nonetheless, without losing hope, We were working hard, using

every possible means to bring the issue of Our country to the
Geneva assembly and to the attention of the world by appearing at
a number of meetings. Following each development in Our country,
and explaining them in detail to whomever We met [and] through
the unceasing diplomatie activities We undertook, We were able to
win over many people.

Though We were disheartened by rumors that the British

government was prepared to recognize Italy's occupation, Our
knowledge of the fact that sorne Englishmen would still
sympathize with Us remained a great source of comfort to Us.

During Our secluded life, We often heard about the atrocities

committed against Our people. Their sufferings increased the
weight of Our sadness and made Us nervous. As the result, We
endured many sleepless nights.

We heard that, in December of 1936 [Tahsas 1929], the Italians

killed the sons of Prince Ras Kassa, Dejazmatch Wondbewossen
Dejazmatch Aberra,and Dejazmatch Asfa Wossen, that they
captured Ras Imru in February [1937], and that Ras Desta Demtew
and Dejazmatch Beyene Merid were captured and killed.
Dejazmatch Gebre Mariarn died in battle, and especially We were
bitterly disheartened on hearing about the merciless carnage of
the people of Addis Abeba on account of the attempted
assassination of Graziani on February 19, 1937 [Yekatit 12, 1929],
when a bomb was thrown at him.

We sent the following message to all churches:

The whole world knows the bad luck that befell Ethiopia
while she was a member of the League of Nations, in which I
had placed full confidence. I asked time and again that the
League's obligation and agreements be honored, but, until
now, no aid has been given to my people. Yet I will not lose
hope about the return of my country's independence because
I believe that in the end, God's judgment will eventually visit
the weak and the mighty alike, according to what each
deserves...Until such a time I will toil patiently for the
benefit of my people. .

I trust that the members of the World Council of Churches

have the ability to pressure the aggressor and ease the
problems that have confronted my people, who are now
working to stop the atrocities being inflicted on them
through acts of war. To that effect, I submit this appeal to
the World Council of Churches. The world has already been
saddened by the news of the massacre of Many thousands of
the people of Addis Abeba in retaliation for the bomb thrown
at General Graziani in February. Such an atrocity and blood
letting, which should not have taken place during this epoch,
was a deliberate and premeditated act. All entrances the city
were cIosed and all those who attempted to escape were
annihilated...

This brutal crime is the worst...of the various atrocious acts

for which Italian authorities are responsible. Besides the
massacre mentioned above, I believe that the Italian
government is responsible for the following barbaric acts:

1st. Although Italian soldiers have killed Many thousands of

men, women and children at different times and places, they
have gone unpunished for it.

2nd. People of different towns and villages have been

arrested and beaten to death on the pretext that Ethiopian
soldiers were nearby. The most vicious of such acts is the
recent...[execution] of 600 peasants in Nakamte.

3rd. At various times several thousands of people were

summarily kilIed for allegedly possessing arms and assisting
banditry.

4th. The torture of prisoners [and] burning at the stake

those who defied Italian authority...

5th. The beating of Ras Desta and other military officers after
capture.

6th. The transfer of unmarried women and those women

whose husbands have disappeared to concentration camps
as prostitutes...

Besides what has been listed above, there have been

committed a number of sacrilegious acts... against the
religion and the spiritual practices of my people...[and] of
the Ethiopian church. These are stated below:
 !st. Priests and mullahs were among the Ethiopians who
were surrounded and murdered after the attempted
assassination of General Qraziani.

2nd. Relatives were' denied the bodies of those killed during

the February massacre and could not perform Christian
funeral rites; rather they [Italians] stacked the bodies and
burned them like waste.

3rd. the deliberate arson of the St. George Church in Addis

Abeba and other churches.

-- 4th. the public. execution of Bishop Petros in Addis Abeba

last July because of his refusaI to submit to the Italians and
to excommunicate those Ethiopians who refused to
surrender...

5th. the transport to Rome of an ancient and historic obelisk

which a previous emperor erected 1600 years ago.

All these and other atrocious acts too numerous to list here,
have been committed at will by a government which, in the
name of civilization, defeated my country with the use of a
poison gas. After having gallantly resisted the enemy, my
people grew weary and were vanquished. They became
objects of the enemy's vengeance and of the satisfaction of
its whim. The majority of the military officers died. As
happened several times, many others were beaten to death
after being captured. These actions were done in violation of
the rights of prisoners of war. I beseech the leaders and
members of the World Council of Churches to denounce the
iniquities perpetrated on my people. I aIso solicit your
prayers for the ending of the despicable atrocities being
committed on the orders and silent consent of the Italian
govemment.

The horrifying crimes done against Our people by the fascist italians,
beyond surprising the world, motivated many of Our friends to join Us
in Our struggle.

As it turns out, a genuine friend is tested in times of crisis, and the

heavy challenge We encountered has enabled Us to distinguish
between a friend and foe. We cannot afford passing without
mentioning the substantial support and political agitation which
millions of Americans, particularly black Americans, have made. There
was a big organization named "Union of African Natives Association"
founded to help Ethiopia.
 The organization established a newspaper called The Voice of Ethiopia
and granted Us substantial support. The followlng instances explain
the types of support this organization had given Us.

[1]

To His Majesty Haile Sellassie I

Fairfield, Bath EngIand

We black Americans express to Your Majesty our sympathy at the

recent audacious massacre of the loyal people of Ethiopia and pray

for your majesty's well-being and Ethiopia's victory.

P. M. H. Savory, M.D.,"

Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Union of African Natives

Association

[2]

February 4, 1937

To the President of the United States

The White House Washington D.C.

Dear Your Excellency the President,

ln connection with the streamlined massacre of Ethiopians as the

result of the bombing incident in Addis Abeba, the executive
committee of the Union of African Natives Association, after
holding an emergency meeting, has instructed me to send you a
telegram as you are the president of 13 million black Americans,
to request you to be involved in the matter in person so that you
may preclude similar massacres of Ethiopians from happening
again.

Respectfully,

P. M' H. Savory, M.D.,

Chairman of the Executive Committee.of the Union of the African

Natives Association
[3]

To the President of the United States

The White House Washington D. C.

Dear Your Excellency the President,

ln the presence of ail its members, the conference of the Union of

African Natives Association has decided and given instructions to
send this telegram to Your Excellency. Under the pretext of the
bombing incident in Addis Abeba the fascist govemment has
detained about two thousand Ethiopians under a state of
emergency with the intention of exterminating them. We
beseech you to use your office which has earned you worldwide
popularity for your im partial attitude and your well-known
sense of justice, to oppose the fascist government, if not in the
name of the United States of America, then as a personal act. Up
to now 1400 people have been killed. While such barbaric acts
are being committed by the brutal regime, the rest of the world
has remained a passive and bewildered spectator. Sa far no word
of opposition has been heard. Although all of us are citizens of
America, we feel strongly and pitifully about what is being done
to the people of the continent whence our ancestors came. We
solicit Your Excellency's support because of the fact that we have
such a close relationship and racial affiliation, and knowing that
there has never been an American president as compassionate
and as benevolent in attitude toward mankind as Your
Excellency.

Since we have great confidence in Your Excellency, we believe

that it may restrain the fascist government if you send some kind
of message to the ltalian ambassador in Washington.

We wouId like to bring to your attention that the black race has
shown or has been enabled to show remarkable progress during
your administration.

...we have shown that blacks have souls and minds like
everybody else and have worked with those who have free and
good attitudes toward mankind. When one section of mankind
destroys the othe'r, it is not unusual for the Union of African
Natives Association, the social body which represents all our
people ranging from minors to seniors, to submit this appeal...

We, the thirteen million Black Americans, wholeheartedly believe

that Your Excellency is the only one who can save the lives of
2,000 innocent people who have been condemned to death for a
crime they have not committed.
 We wou Id like to express to Your Excellency that all churches
are praying for the well-being and long life of Your Excellency.

Respectfully,

. William Lloyd Imes 0.0., president,"

The Union of African Natives Association

[4]

To the Lord of Canterbury,

Lord Archbishop, London, England

Pax Vobiscum:

Thousands of believers meeting in different places under the

sponsorship of the Union of African Natives Association condemn
the brutal act of the Italian fascists for spilling in vain the blood
of Ethiopian Christians who are fighting a just war for the
independence of their country. The association also expresses its
deepest regret over your silence as a tepresentative and Vicar of
Christ while heinous crimes are being inflicted on Ethiopia. .

Respectfully,

William Lloyd Imes D.D..,

president, Union of African Natives Association.

[5]

To the Prime Minister of Britain,

10 Downing Street,

London, England.

Dear Excellency,

It is obvious that the people of Ethiopia, who are loyal to their

emperor and comprise 14 million of Africa's population, are in a
dangerous situation. This happened as a consequence of the
reprisais which ensued after a bomb was thrown at Graziani. The
news from Rome and Addis Abeba holds that the fascist plan is
to exterminate the Ethiopians altogether. We were deeply
 disheartened at this. 14,000 people were shot dead in cold
blood. Your Excellency is aware of the situation.

Many thousands of church members congregated in different

places by the Union of African Natives Association have
condemned

the fascist brutalities and resolved in favor of the dispatch of this

telegram.

We appeal in the name of God and for the sake of humanity to

world public opinion to stop the fascists from their brutal killings
of the Christian people of Ethiopia.

We appeal to youf/excellency, in particular, to ail your

opposition to the wanton extermination of a people who are
heroically fighting to safeguard the independence of their
country. To continue to inflict incessant and brazen crimes
against black people is an obstacle to world peace and progress.

We appeal to you to be prepared time and again to help and save

Ethiopians. Please earn the immortal gratitude of the natives of
Africa during this times of darkness and agony.

Respectfully,

William Lloyd Imes D.D..,

president, Union African Natives Association.

* . .-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------------

We cited a few of these letters as examples in order to remember

those to whom We were indebted, even though many others took part
in Our struggle. On Thursday March 16, 1937 [Megabit 9,1929] the
dean of Winchester Church in England offered a prayer of
commemoration in Our presence in order to express his sympathy to
Us. ln his pray ers he mentioned the names of our fallen nobles in the
following order Fitawrari Alemayehu Goshu killed at Wel Wel,
Dejazmatch Afework Woldesemait of the Ogaden, Ras Mulugeta
Yigezu, Dejazmatch Wondirad Difabachew, Fitawrari Ashenafi, Azaj
Beyene Serawitu,Dejazmatch Mengesha Vilma, Bitwoded Makonnen
Demisew, Dejazmatch Beyene Wondimagegnehu, Dejazmatch
Meshesha Wolde, Dejazmatch Balcha Safo, Abuna Petros, Dejazmatch
Fikremariam, Dejazmatch Wondbewossen Kassa, Dejazmatch Aberra
Kassa, Dejazmatch Asfa Wossen Kassa, Dejazmatch Gebre Mariam
Gari, Dejazmatch Beyene Merid, and Ras Desta Damtew. He also
Damtew. He also raised in prayer the names of John Melly, Gerald
Burgoyneand Everett Colson, who, though non-belligerants, lost their
lives while helping Ethiopia. .

We subsequently felt that it was our duty to protest the Yekatit 12

massacre, whether or not the Geneva assembly gave (my statement)
due consideration:

The Lion of Judah

Haile Sellassie 1

Elect of God, Emperor of Ethiopia

His Excellency Monsieur Joseph Avenol

General Secretary of the League of Nations

Geneva

I ask Your Excellency's good offices to pass the following to all

members of the League of Nations.

First. ln violation of the Covenant of the League of Nations, from

the pitiful day on which barbarous Italy invaded my country...the
ill-fated people of Ethiopia have suffered from countless
atrocities...brutality and misery. Today, those who died in battle
are luckier than those who are suffering from recurrent torture
at the hands of the brutal enemy.

As the result of Our deep sorrow, I appealed to the League of

Nations and to the whole world about our misery and despair.
Nevertheless, until now our voices have not been heard. The
nations have blocked their ears to our lamentations...However,
hope has not vanished from our hearts. Had you been aware of
the brutalities of our attackers, you would have given us a fair
judgment.

Today, the invader has doubled its barbarie acts. Outraged by

the prolonged opposition...the Italian government aggressively
has continued its brutal policy of exterminating a people who
depended on the promise of the charter to protect their freedom
and to gain the good will of the world; and, who believed that
international agreements would be respected.
I have not cited individual acts of brutality. I have restrained
myself from accusing anybody without having undeniable and
concrete evidence, preferring to verify what I have heard.

Second. I present my case to the League of Nations and to the

whole world about three savage acts committed in Addis Abeba
and its vicinity in February 1937. These...comprised:

Isl. the merciless executions of Ras Desta, Dejazmatch Beyene

and thousands of other nobles, who were killed after being
captured in the battlefield.

2nd. the three-day massacre of Many thousands of people

following the assassination attempt on Marshal Graziani.

3rd. A London newspaper has estimated at 6,000 the number of

Ethiopian people who were deliberately massacred. Permit me to
attest that the number reported to me is much higher than this
estimate.

All these atrocities were done in violation of the international

rules...governing warfare on land as defined in the fourth section
of The Hague Treaty of 1907 about conventional warfare. The
signatories of the Hague treaty, out of their enthusiasm for
supporting the ever expanding obligations of modernization and
the concomitant interest of mankind, resolved..clearly to spell
out...and specify the laws (regarding warfare). Consequently,
along with the customs of the civilized nations, natural human
laws and according to the pressure of world public conscience,
they declared that all people and belligerent nations should be
governed by international law.

Third. The nobles who were captured on the battlefield were

killed...immediately. This constitutes an unjust execution which
violates article four of the Hague treaty of 1907. Prisoners of war
are in the custody of the enemy government and are not the
property of the men or soldiers who captured them. Other than
the money, weapons, horses and documents given them for
military purposes, prisoners should retain all personal articles.
They.deserve to be treated in a humane and compassionate way.

Article three of the treaty forbids the execution or wounding of

.an enemy who has surrendered and has rendered himself
defenseless by handing over his weapons.

These punishments were premeditated acts of atrocity. The

government in Rome did all of these in public in order to confirm
its policy of the politics of terror.

ln December 1936 the three sons of Ras Kassa, Dejazmatch

Aberra, Dejazmatch Wondbewossen and Dejazmatch Asfa
Wossen were killed in coId blood so as to terrorize the Ethiopian
people. These nobles were entitled to the fair and compassionate
treatment which the Hague treaty and civilized nations granted
,to any fighter exposed to such situations as a result of war.

Fourth. On the day an assassination was attempted on Graziani's

life, an instruction was issued by the ItaIian authorities
to...carry out horrible acts of extermination. Many Ethiopians
were killed without investigation or trial. This was a measure of
revenge taken against innocent people and was by no means a
lawful act of punishment. Italian military force encircled the area
of the incident. All Ethiopians found therein were killed. Among
those killed were Many Christian and Muslim leaders.

Fifth. From the day of the incident onwards Italian authorities

embarked on a plan of terror and summary executions which
lasted three days. Aided by armed civilians, soldiers...were
ordered to kill all Ethiopian men, women and children. I have
evidence of this horrifying and ugly act. Carrying rifles, pistols,
grenades, knives and clubs distributed for this purpose, "black
shirt" soldiers and workers went through the city's districts
killing whomever they found, including women and children.
Others, who carried flame throwers, burned down thatch-roofed
and other houses, killing all those who tried to escape. These
atrocities were not done amid the riot of battlefield fighting
[but]...were done..on the orders and with the full knowledge of
Italian authorities, Those who were sacrificed were not armed
men. They were innocent men, women and children, whom the
occupying country, Italy, in accordance with international law,
should have protected, The massacre of February 1937 will leave
on the Italian aggressors a [stigma of] perpetuai shame.

Sixth. These are some of the brutal deeds committed against the
ill-fated Ethiopian people. On behalf of my people who suffered
from this wicked assault and the ensuing sadness, I submit my
case to the League of Nations and the entire world.

Dear members of the League, you are aware of the plague that
has befallen my people. Is there not anything that you can do to
stop .the- destruction of humanity? Do you remember your
promise to the Ethiopian people, which I am asking you to honor
today? Will you simply sit back and watch while defenseless
people are being wiped out? Can you remain indifferent to the
heinous brutality which has befallen my people and has dragged
Europe into horrible Misery, while its perpetrator is planning new
barbarisms? Are you going to forget us forever? What kind of
crime have we committed that led you to reject us? Was your
conscience not moved when' we' were experiencing all these
trials? ,
 I hereby request' that a special commission be formed to
investigate and report the brutal crimes that the 'government of
Italy has perpetrated on Ethiopia.

Written at Bath on March 25, 1937 [Megabit 6, 1929].

Haile Sellassie 1 Herui Wolde Sellassie

Emperor Minister of Foreign Affairs

CHAPTER 5

OUR LIFE AT BATH AND THE CHAPEL WE SET UP AT THE FAIRFIELD

RESIDENCE .

Many people used to visit Us at Our home called Fairfield. The house had
many rooms and was chilly. The view through its front windows always
reminded Us of the hills of Harer. We never went to the theater or any
other place of entertainment. Our only recreation was the time We spent
chatting with Our children. We stayed awake late in the night reading
books and writing the history of Our life. The books We read mostly
included diplomatic histories and the biographies of patriotic leaders
such as Napoleon, Abraham Lincoln and...[works] about the Christian
church.

Our life in Bath was very hard. We had financial problems. The media
had reported that We had taken enough money when We left Our
country, but it was completely untrue. The fact that We were in serious
financial trouble in those days was an obvious fact. Hoping that We
would soon retum to Our country with the help of the League of Nations,
We took an amount We thought was sufficient for a certain period of
time, and even that was soon finished as We used it to help the exiles.

When We first arrived in England, a British film company had invited Us

to take part in a film called "Flight by Night," but We refused. The Texas
Centennial Exhibition offered 100,000 dollars if We were prepared to
appear in their show for two weeks and an additional 50,000 dollars if
the show was extended to a month. Although We were aware that this
would have helped Us with the problems We were facing then, We did
not accept the proposal.

A private association headed by an Englishman called Sir Norman Angell

was organized to help the Ethiopian exiles and had assisted Us greatly
by forming a fund raising committee. Even though the aid was
insufficient to aid Our devastated country, it did help Our exiled people.
ln particular We remember the 100,000 dollar donation of the British
Red Cross Assoclationto Our refugees.

The money We invested in the British Cable and Wireless Company,

hoping to use it when the need arose, and all the money We should have
received from different sources, was blocked. We asked the Cable and
Wireless company mentioned above for the money We had deposited
while We were in Our country, but the company refused to pay Us back
on the pretext that Ethiopia was under Italy's control and the situation
remained uncertain. We consequently hired a lawyer and sued the
company. The [courts] made Us wait for many months to hear the
decision, only to tell Us that the money would be given neither to Us nor
the company, but instead would remain in the hands of the British
government until the case between Us and Italy was settled. Since We
were the ones who sued, We were made to pay all the court fees. We
appealed, but the matter remained undecided. Nevertheless, many right-
minded Englishmen made contributions to Us and Our exiles so that We
could persevere. ln particular the organization established under the
name "Abyssinia Society" worked hard at [fund-raising].

This organization prepared and sent around a written memorandum to

coordinate all those who wanted to help Ethiopia:

We call the attention of our readers to the fund appeal for the Emperor of
Ethiopia set up some weeks earlier. The imperor is a true Christian and a great
man. His patience and pride during times of triaL.deserve the honor and
appreciation of all people. The Emperor is the personification of a heavily
oppressed people who trusted the League of Nations and the British government in
particular.

The emperor's people were exterminated by the Italians, and his country was
occupied Currently, while the Emperor is exhausting himself opposing the
occupation, the British government is prepared to renounce the intemational status
of his country because of its interests in Europe.

The Emperor's money and income have been plundered by the Italians...[and] his
money in Europe has been exhausted in [pursuing] a lawsuit. If Italy's claims are
recognized, the money will be transferred to the Italian govemment. The Emperor
has a number of former officials who have placed their trust in him. ln addition,
he has his family with him. ln the midst of all these troubles he faces financial
problems. Therefore, in order to keep alive the political interests of his country
and to cope with the heavy responsibility of supporting his staff and dependents,
he hereby requests his friends in this country to extend their help and
encouragement.

The Abyssinia Society, by permission of the Emperor, has opened the 'Ethiopian
Emperor's Fund', and those who want to express their sympathy [and] support [by
making] a contribution, can send it to this...fund. All gifts should be sent to the
Abyssinia Society office and cheques made payable to the Ethiopian Emperor's
Appeal Fund.

We used the money obtained in this way for Our own support and for
those of the exiles in London, Jerusalem, and Egypt. We thus, more or
less, maintained a meager existence.

--------------------------------------------------------------

When We were in Addis Abeba, We had the practice of rising

early in the morning at 5:00 A.M. to go to church for prayer.
Since there was no Orthodox Church or chapel at Fairfield,
where We could go and pray to God, the practice was
discontinued, although in a time of stress, We should have
strengthened Our habit of prayer.

After suffering a great deal from not having a Chapel, we

sent [on Jan. 20, 1937] the following letter to Etchege Gebre
Giorgis in Jerusalem.

To His Holiness Etchege Gebre Giorgis.

How are you? Thanks be to God We are weil. So far We

have been thinking of you. We, on our side, have the
intention to attend the assembly [of the League] in
person if they permit Us, but if they do not, We will
send Our delegation since this is vital to Our objective.
Finding it necessary to follow the matter from here, We
have decided to stay...in England, and wait for the
judgement of Our Creator to resolve Ethiopia's crisis.

Until the grace of God permits and bids Us farewell to

come to Jerusalem, so that We may overcome the
problems of worship that We have encountered, and so
that Our growing children do not go astray from the
foundation of Our religion, I have sent Abba Hanna to
you so that he may return with one tabot, five monks,
the things necessary for the worship services and a
Bible. Discuss the matter with Aleka Gerimal and have
the things sent to Us before the beginning of Lent.
There might be a need to send priests to those exiled in
foreign lands. While awaiting further instructions from
Us, select monks who are willing to minister to the
exiles.

Accordingly, the monks sent to Us from Jerusalem,

Abba Gebre lyesus, Abba Gebre Mariam, Abba Haile
Bruke * and Abba Marcos [Agazh yellew], arrived in
Bath on Miazia 21 [April 28], with the Tabot of the
 Saviour of the World. The tabot was taken to the
prepared gallery on Sunday, Miazia 24 [May 1], and it
was consecrated on Easter day according to Our
country's customs. From that time on, We practiced
Our church's rituals...in accordance with Our Tradition.

Note de l'éditeur

* Haile Sellassie charged him to bring the Tabot of Medhane Alem to Bath from Addis Abeba,
where he helped Abba Hanna to establish the Church of Medhane Alem in Exile. Already ill
from tuberculosis, Abba Haile's condition worsened, and, in 1947, he went for trealment to
Harer's TB sanitarium, where he died. His body was retumed to Addis Abeba for a burial
attended by the imperial family in the graveyard at Medhane Alem Kechenay.

( Interview with Amanuel Abraham, Addis Abeba, 9 November 1992; interview with Dejaz, Zewde
Gebre Sellassie, Addis Abeba, 11 November 1992; Church of Medhane Alem, File N. l,
"Personnel," p. 29. I wish to thank Deacon Abebe Tessema of Medhane Alem Church for his
courtesy and cooperation.)

CHAPTER 6

THE MESSAGE WE SENT TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ON THE B.B.C.

While We were in England We befriended many people and in December 1937, on Christmas day,
received more than I,OOO...1etters and many Christmas greeting cards from America. The
Americans asked Us to make a radio speechin order to identify Our supporters and thank them all.
Thus, with Ato Wolde Giorgis Wolde Yohannes and Ato Ephraim Tewolde Medhin, We left
Paddington Station by taxi for the B.B.C. studios. On Our way the taxi had a collision in which We
fractured Our knee bone and suffered great pain.

We were in such pain that several in the party pleaded with Us to abandon the broadcast and retum
home. We refused, however, to go back before We had fulfilled Our objective, and, enduring the
pain, We continued Our trip to the radio station. There We delivered the speech expected of Us.

Soon after We fini shed the program, We telephoned a physician living in a district known as
Harley Street to get treatment, but We were told that he was not at home. Then We telephoned to the
home of Our friend Sir Sydney Barton,107 but no one was there either.

Sir Sydney Barton had been the British Minister Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Ethiopia
before the Italian invasion. He worked relentlessly to make the problems and hardships We faced a
matter of great concem for the British govemment and exerted much effort to get the Foreign Office
to help Us.
While still suffering from the pain of the accident, We left the radio station for The Hospital for
Sick Children on Great Ormond Street, where Our daughter Princess Tsehai108 was practicing
nursing. The hospital had earlier invited Us to celebrate Christmas with them, and so as to delight
Our daughter and honor the invitation, We endured the pain and attended the party.

The full text of the speech We broadcast that day to the American people was as follows:

I am very pleased to send you words of m y best wishes for your happiness,
progress and peace, on this blessed day for m ankind, from the capital of Great
Britain, which is renowned for its hospitality. Let peace reign in your hearts,
am ong your fam ilies, in the unity of your governm ents, and in your relations with
other peoples of the world. There is no greater day of gratitude and joy for
Christians than celebrating the birthday of Our Saviour Jesus Christ. On this day
of happiness, every Christian, by m editating on [Jesus's] life and the work He
accom plished for all of us, tends to forget the trials he faces and the sadness
that breaks his heart. At the sam e tim e everyone is inclined to m inim ize the
trials and sorrows of his own, his kindred, and friends and forgives those who
have grieved him . Since Our childhood, Our innerm ost thoughts have been
overwhelm ed by the m ysterious deep spirit of the divine infant's birth, which is
not only expressive but also glorious and inscrutable. Likewise, no m atter what
one's reputation, whether one's accom plishm ent is great or hum ble, tiresom e or
fruitless, in the journey of life, the m ystery of Bethlehem dom inates our spirit.

W ith the birth of the Son of God, an unprecedented, an unrepeatable, and a long -
anticipated phenom enon occurred. He' was born in a stable instead of a palace,
in a m anger instead of a crib. The hearts of the W ise m en were struck by fear
and wonder due to His M ajestic Hum bleness. The kings prostrated them selves
before Him and worshipped Him . "Peace be to those who have good will". This
becam e the first m essage.

W hen He sacrificed him self at Golgotha for the atonem ent of our sin, He prayed
with His last breath for the forgiveness of those who had tortured Him saying,
'Father, forgive them for they know not what they do'. Sham e on those of us who
are Christians and do not follow the way of the Savior of the W orld, whose life
was filled with kindness, hum ility, and m artyrdom ! If we lived by the laws he
gave us and were worthy of being called Christian, peace would have reigned on
this earth.

M en were supposed to be the equals of the living angels who unceasingly sang
praises before the eternal God. Had this been so, peoples of the world would not
have been divided along lines of enm ity. ln truth there is no legitim ate reason or
good cause which justifies war. W as it not this fundam ental spirit which dwelt in
Am erican statesm en and their brothers in other parts of the world that enabled
them to write the new international principles according to the laws of Our
Savior The principles were intended to avoid the calam ities of war and to bring
together the big and sm all nations of the world as one fam ily and settle disputes
that m ight arise between them through appropriate law and justice.

W ell, there is not m uch to do about that! Although the toils of wise people m ay
earn them respect, it is a fact of life that the spirit of the wicked continues to
cast its shadow on this world The arrogant are seen visibly leading their people
into crim e and destruction. The laws of the League of Nations are constantly
violated and wars and acts of aggression repeatedly take place, and in regard to
this, your honorable president told you recently that the principles of (the
Covenent of the League of Nations ), which were m eant to assure the peace and
safety of all peoples, were tram pled on, and the forum of peace was
consequently disrupted. The respectable idea on which (the league) was founded
was m ade an object of m ockery. The two -thousand-year-old Christian Civilization
was threatened with destruction. If this happens, there will be a return to the
days of barbarism , when the m ighty could realize their aspirations at will. So
that the spirit of the cursed will not gain predom inance over the hum an race
whom Christ redeem ed with his blood, all peace loving people should cooperate
to stand firm in order to preserve and prom ote lawfulness and peace.

W ar is not the only m eans to stop war. M en of goodwill, who fully recognize their
duties, should be able, with the assistance of all free m en, to prevent war and
help rehabilitate all those who were debilitated and dam aged by war, in order to
protect this precious diam ond, . "Peace".

People of Am erica! I wish you a M erry Christm as. I plead with you to rem em ber
in your prayers aIl those weak and endangered peoples who look to the flags of
the free nations with confidence, hoping to discern the star which will announce
their peace and future security.

CHAPTER 7

ITALY'S PEACE PROPOSAL

--CONVERSATION WITH THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY

--COUNSEL FROM OUR FRIENDS AND ADVISERS

As the carnage in Ethiopia worsened, and reports about it mounted, Our

friends attempted...to find ways to stop it or, at least, to reduce its
magnitude. The realization of Italy's determination to wipe out
Ethiopians completely as a race, prompted offers of negotiation from
several quarters.

Even before the Italians had occupied Gore, the first [scheme came]
from the Abyssinia Association through Professor Stanley Jevons, who
offered his suggestion...to put Western Ethiopia under a mandate of the
League of Nations..The notion was based on the idea of a man named
Professor Gilbert Murray, who approached the Abyssinia Association and
proposed that the best way to discuss the question of Ethiopia's freedom
[would be to obtain] the acquiescence of the emperor to the
administration of the country as a mandate.

Italy on her part offered the following proposaI. To the north, all of
Tigray was to be ceded to Italy. Axum and Aseb to be left to Us; in the
east, We were to be given Harer, ceding the surrounding borderland to
the British and French ln the south, Baie, Arsi and all the lands between
Lake Zwai and Lake Marghereta [Lake Abaya] and all the territories in
the west were to be handed over to Italy, while the rest of the country
was to be confirmed for Us. The sovereignty over all territories was to be
given to Us, but We were to employ administrators and advisors from
Italy. Italy tried to tempt Us with this arrangement in exchange for
several million lire but was unsuccessful.

Moreover, while We were in exile, Mussolini sent an emissary with a

message:

I have heard of Your Majesty's financial predicament. I am

willing to buy you a palace in a country of your choice and in
addition, to give a million guineas to you so that together
with your family, you can live in peace for the rest of your
life off the interest of the original deposit. It is because of
you that I am unable to obtain recognition for Italy's claim
on Elhiopla. Sign a statement and release your claim over
Elhiopia in favor of me.

We replied, " I lefl my country not to sell it but to seek justice for my
people and my country. The history of Ethiopia will not be despoiled by a
guinea stained with the blood of Ethiopians"

He proposed this idea in March 1937. A year later [Mussolini] made

another proposition, saying, " offer you one million pounds and a portion
of your country. If you accept the basic idea, we will not be bickering on
the division of the territories amongst ourselves; we will work the
matter out.

We rejected this offer outright, underscoring that We came to seek

justice from a League comprised of fifty-three states and would await
their sincere judgment; and the matter was concluded.

----------------------------------

Based on these kinds of dealings, rumors spread that We and Italy were
close to agreement. The matter was even raised in the British
Parliament, where the Archbishop of Canterbury... testified thal Ethiopia
would not compromise her territory for the sake of reconciliation ln
response We sent the archbishop the following words:

I am aware that, on May 27 [Ginbot 19] Your Grace was

moved by Christian sympathy..to deliver good words before
the House of Lords, reflecting your sympathy and concern
about my counltry and myself...

The fact that, before, during, and after the war, I was
committed to reaching a negotiated settlement conforming
to the interests of my people, is not hidden from the
knowledge of Your Grace.

Knowing that a settlement based on patience and goodwill is

more enduring than one dictated by force, and bearing the
great responsibility that my people bestowed upon me, I
have done whatever I could to avoid anything that
intensified animosity and brought peace efforts to a
deadlock. Being aware of the danger that might befall them
in an event of the failure of such efforts, my people followed
me with confidence and trust and without presenting any
obstacle. I recount all this to you not because I regretted
anything that I have done to this point... I never acted
spontaneously but made choices and took actions after
seriously pondering and carefully selecting what I deemed
best. I leave the final judgment to history and the
consciousness of the world.

My people and I believe that the Almighty God, who cares

about the loss of one bird, is even more concerned about the
decimation of an entire people. ln this we take comfort. For
me, in particular, who follows the unfolding situation as an
outside spectator, this conviction gives me an additional
encouragement. The atrocities perpetrated on Ethiopia have
disturbed the conscience of the world, especially that of the
English people, who have graciously given me hospitality. I
have always known that the love for justice is in the minds of
the English people. Now I have found confirmation of this
fact [in) the recent debate in the House of Lords on Ethiopia,
in which Italy's actions were condemned as unlawful.

I have had several occasions to talk to Lord Halifax [then

Minister of Foreign AfTairs). He has assured me that the
British government would support any agreement
that...serves the interest and honor of my people. I recognize
that the support of a great govemment and people who love
justice is very important; I therefore valued the words of
Lord Halifax.

I do not want to be a tool which the Italians can use to solve

their problems and destroy my people s' interests. I can not
permit anything to happen that assists them in making my
people eternal prisoners in soul as well as body. Since
ancient times, Roman rule has not been reputed for its
clemency. It would be presumptuous to remind Your Grace of
the rule of the Roman church.

I have not found the language and words of the fascist

government to be alluring but, rather, repugnant. If I were
apathetic, I would have been ready to ignore the past and to
start negotiations all over again. However, since I have to be
concemed about the well-being of a people, I have to
 compare and contrast what is bound to happen in the future
with the experiences of the past.

I know that there are some people who believe that the
fascist govemment will relinquish Ethiopia when the
problems become too great for them to manage. What are
these problems?

The first problem [for Rome] is that Italy's claim over

Ethiopia remains unrecognized. This problem seems close to
resolution. The [Italians') second problem is financial. If
recognition is granted, it is doubtful that the money situation
would be a problem. The only formidable problem is the
indomitable spirit of the Ethiopian people. If Italy's claim to
Ethiopia is recognized, it will be allowed to do whatever
pleases it, even separating souls from bodies; so what else
remains to be considered a problem? Does not recognizing
Italy's claim amount to legitimizing the atrocities
perpetrated against the people?The Italians have not made a
secret of what they are doing in Ethiopia. It is clear that they
sought the land, not the people; they have shown this in
practice.

There were those who believed that, when faced with

difficulties, Mussolini wouId seek reconciliation, and they
likewise readily assumed that I might begin to compromise if
I ran into problems. I worry that my friends might be misled
by such things. Moreover, when I learn about the plight of
Ethiopian exiles, whom I consider as my family, the future
becomes completely dark and bleak, causing me infinite
agony and anxiety.

I spell ail of this out to make clear that I will not accept any
agreement that wouId not compensate...the people upon
whom heinous crimes were committed. I am concemed more
for the freedom of my soul than for the misery of my body.
Indeed my people feel likewise. I beg my friends not to
forget this. The sympathy that the British people has shown
for Ethiopia is boundless, and the leaders of this generous
people should know that I am prepared seriously to consider
any reconciliation that wouId be just for my people.

. . .,

[We also received] advice from people who presented themselves as

friends. They started by saying that Your Majesty's people are being
exterminated, their misery continues. Make some kind of compromise
and save them; let the British government mediate between Your
Majesty and Mussolini.

We tried to do everything possible, lest later, if things went bad, We

regretted those things left untried. Much effort was expended at trying
to reconcile with Italy However, since Italy's intention was based on
arranging with Us to purchase Ethiopia, all anticipation of a way out
through reconciliation vanished.

Other ideas were received from different sectors:

Let Italy rule Ethiopia under a mandate. The people would be

happy if Your Majesty returned to Ethiopia. It is good to
accept Italy's rule of Ethiopia under a mandate for the time
being so that it would be possible to expel Italy at a
convenient time afterwards. If Italy becomes the ruler of
Ethiopia it will be possible to expel her after the people have
been civilized.

However, these were not acceptable on Our part.

Naturally, governments act to advance their own interests. We had to

think strategically so that We would not be forced to commit an
irreversible mistake; or be accused of complicity in activities or
destructive crimes which would complicate Our problems. We acted in
this way so that others would not be able to say We deserved everything
that happened to Us.

No government considered that it might encounter a similar fate down

the road. They therefore changed their minds daily, wavered in their
thoughts continually, and did things about which they were not sure and
confident. There was no advice We could rely upon as being a salvation
for my people.

---------------------------------

...We can not pass without mentioning the names of our chief officiaIs
and expatriate intellectuals who remained around Us, to counsel Us
during Our diplomatic struggle abroad and in Our duel of wits at the
League of Nations. Amongst Our followers, those who helped Us in
political affairs were Blatengeta Herui Wolde Sellassie, Dr. Martin
Workineh, Ato Wolde Giorgis Wolde Yohannes, Ato Lorenzo Taezaz and
Ato Ephraim Tewoldemedhin. Our minister in Paris Blatengeta Wolde
Mariam Ayele, betrayed Us and defected to the Italians; in his place the
Secretary of Our legation, Ato Aklilu Habtewold, served Us as acting
Chargé d'Affaires.

Among the foreign lawyers, the prominent ones were Professor Jeze, the
Englishmen Professor [J.L.] Brierly and ,Mister Raestad, formerly a
foreign minister of Norway and later a senator, an Englishman called
Professor Stanley Jevons, Professor Rolland [Baron Edouard Rolin-
Jaequemyns], a Belgian citizen, and others. Typical of the kind of advice
Our assistants used to give Us, We cite the following from Professor Jèze
as an example:
Deauville, Nehase 17, 1929 [August 13, 1937]

To His Majesty Haile Sellassie 1

Emperor of Ethiopia.

Your Majesty,

1. When Lorenzo came to me to seek advice at Your

Majesty's instruction, I was already about to write Your
Majesty offering my ideas about the forthcoming meeting of
the League of Nations. I have been grappling for a long time
with the questions Ato Lorenzo presented to me. Since I am
a prisoner of a profound love and sincere commitment to
Your Majesty as a person and to Ethiopia, I am cIosely
following every development at the League of Nations that
benefits, directly or indirectly, the Imperial Government and
the Emperor of Ethiopia.

2. A few months ago I had a meeting with Professor Jevons.

And lately he sent me a letter requesting my advice on a
forthcoming debate in the League of Nations. l advised him
to drop what was to be done at the League of Nations. He
understood the reason for that [and] I have no doubt that he
has presented my views to Your Majesty. The advice I gave
him is that which I have repeatedly brought to Your
Majesty's attention. It is not the best and most conducive
time to present this idea to the League of Nations.

3. On August 14 and 15, some French newspapers

summarized a news item carried by the Sunday Referee of
London and printed a statement which indicated that
Mussolini had come to Bath to ask Your Majesty to retum to
Ethiopia under Italy's protection. The papers also reported
that you rejected any negoiiations unless they were
undertaken through the League.

Ato Taezaz could not confirm to me the authenticity of the

article written in the Sunday Referee about Italy's request to
Your Majesty. If talks have begun with the current French
govemment...it is vitally important that I get confirmation
and precise information about this matter.

Therefore, I beg Your Majesty to send someone to explain

what is going on. I doubt if Mr. Mussolini wouId come up
with a reconciliatory idea The duce's life style has always
been pretentious. While claiming that he has founded an
empire for Italy, bestowing the tilte of Emperor of Ethiopia
on Victor Emmanuel [III, r. 1900-1946] and demanding the
letters of credentials of ambassadors sent to Rome be
addressed to the King of Italy and Emperor of Ethiopia, is it
likely that he would recognize Your Majesty as Emperor of
Ethiopia, forsaking all the glory and pride he has earned in
this way? If there are people who might come to Your
Majesty as envoys of Monsieur Mussolini, it would be
supremely wise and cautious, before beginning any
negotiations, for Your Majesty to make sure that they are
authorized with the right credentials

It is necessary to guard against people bent on deception

who come to Bath as envoys but present their own agenda.
These kinds of people wouId be ruinous to Your Majesty's
plans. I am sure that Your Majesty's usual wisdom and care
will outwit them. If this is not handled with caution, and a
mistake is made, it wouId result in irreversible damage to
the Imperial Government of Ethiopia.

4. Does this appear as though I am saying Your Majesty

should stay out of negotiating for reconciliation, even with
properly authorized messengers?

My committed loyalty to Ethiopia's cause forces me to

suggest that Your Majesty should not reject all negotiations.
Before giving any clear-cut response, it is necessary to
scrutinize and understand the proffered terms. Now may be
the time for Your Majesty to make a sacrifice, to save what
can be saved and be prepared for what is to come in the
years ahead.

Strict objectivity will help us to examine the present

situation and to decide what is best for Ethiopia...It is
incumbent upon us to do what is right and real and to desist
from wishful thinking. Your Majesty does not have the power
to expel the Italians from Ethiopia. At this moment there is
no govemment to help Your Majesty in this matter. These are
the facts which should be borne in mind .

5. What is good for Ethiopia should be consided soberly,

without emotion. Two possibilities are apparent.

The first one is that the European problem, connected with

the incident in Spain and the problem with Japan, may lead
to the outbreak of a full-fledged war. The war is going to be
between Italy on one side, and France and England on the
other. If this should happen, it would require Your Majesty
being asked to retum to Ethiopia to help rally the people of
Ethiopia against Italy. The British and French governments
would also help you. The fate of the Imperial Ethiopian
government wouId then be closely linked with the victory of
the British and French goverments. It is in anticipation of
such a turn of events that I aIways advise Your Majesty to
guard against uttering words that may cause the British or
French governments to withdraw their cooperation and
hinder them from working in concert with Your Majesty.

Is a world war going to break out? I am unable to imagine it

now. More than ever before, Britain and France are
desperately searching for peace. Although dangerous
situations that could lead to an outbreak of a world war have
developed one after the other, both the British and French
peoples have united to prevent a world war that would
destroy European civilization.

The second possibility is that war May not erupt. If so, wouId
France and Britain want to cooperate with Italy about
Ethiopia? This is difficult to predict.

Without doubt [peace] would be to Italy's advantage since

she is engulfed by problems. She has expended a fortune on
the war in Ethiopia. She still spends a lot of money to
maintain her soldiers there. To exploit the country efficiently,
she needs considerable capital. But (in banking circles) she
has become untrustworthy. For this reason, she wants to
settle the Ethiopian matter quickly. For you to reach an
agreement [with Italy] would dishearten Ethiopian officials.
At the same time it would pave the way for Italy to get
financial aid from abroad. This is the reason why the Italian
press is constantly telling the world that the Ethiopian affair
will be over soon.

However, do France and Britain derive any advantage from

settling the Ethiopian matter in this way?

Italy's friendship with Spain is bound to increase the burden

on Italy as the European situation worsens. It is not in the
interest of Britain and France to ease Italy's burden at this
juncture. Ethiopia is [now] just like a mouse trap for the
Italians. Many thousands of Italians have already gone into
the trap. ln case war starts...they are going to be prisoners of
war.

If Britain, France and ltaly achieve a rapprochement, it

wouId be harmful for Ethiopia; thus Your Majesty should
take great care not to say or do anything that would help
draw these governments together.

6. These days there is fear that France and Britain might

recognize Italy's claim over Ethiopia. If they do, it will deal a
final blow to the League of Nations, which has already been
rendered shaky. Italy yeams for legal recognition but she
would be pleased to gain any recognition short of that. It
would be enough for Italy if the French and British
govemments simply say that the Ethiopian state has
vanished due to Italy's occupation.
Currently some governments are discussing the idea that the
legal viability of a state is determined by the existence of an
executive. A state is not something that exists as an idea. It
is something that is concretely visible. Looking at what took
place a year ago, the real govemment of Ethiopia was not on
the ground in Ethiopia. When any state is hindered by
obstacles, and the nature of the impediments is clearly
visible, is it not justifiable to conclude that the government is
no longer in existence? Moreover, the longer the obstacle
persists, the fewer the chances for the state to revive, [and]
the greater the likelihood to assume that the...state was
obliterated. Next, the state itself becomes non-existent.
There is then no need to have a decree that gives legal
recognition to a govemment that has destroyed another
government and country by means of force. This logic holds
the greatest danger for Ethiopia.

France and Britain have vested interests in Ethiopia. The

Italian occupation does not render these interests null and
void. It is incumbent upon France and Britain to safeguard
their interests. Unless they negotiate with the Italians...there
is no way that they can safeguard their interests. If the
Italian occupation of Ethiopia is allowed to stand, the hope
for the retum of the Ethiopian government vanishes, and
Britain and France may be forced to give legal recognition to
Italy's coercive occupation or do something that amounts to
giving legal recognition. As time passes.. effective
occupation of another country prompts legal recognition.
There are two ways of averting this: through force or
negotiation with Italy.

As there is no possibility of force at the moment, this idea is

eliminated. What is left therefore is negotiation with Italy.
That is why I suggested that it is not wise to ignore Italy's
peace proposals without examining them closely.

7.. Is the danger mentioned above likely to occur in the near

future? Is there any chance that, at the forthcoming
assembly of the League in September 1937, [italian Ethiopia]
will be given legal recognition and the matter closed? I do
not think so. At the moment the case has become a matter of
concern for many of the smaller countries. Since they are
afraid that the same thing might happen to them down the
road, they will oppose the idea of making a hasty decision.
The bigger nations are well aware of this So they will forego
the kind of actions that will foment opposition. Had italy not
depleted her money and strength and if she was not involved
in the unending European situation, It would have been wise
for her to leave everything to time so that her deeds would
be accepted and her position strengthened. However, she is
in a hurry. Italy needs the legal recognition of the British and
French governments or, at least, acknowledgment that the
Ethiopian state is no longer a credible governmenl. Except
for the two big governments, Italy is not concerned about
what others may do

At the last meeting of the League, the proposal of Poland,

which had been inspired by Italy, failed because all member
states did not accept it. ln fact It caused all the smaller
nations to rebel. Mexico in particular strongly opposed it, and
many countries backed her stand. France and Britaln avoided
involvement but showed no interest in pleasing Italy. Is their
attitude going to change at the forthcoming conference? The
reasons that restrained them in the past will in the future
stop them from belng acitvely involved. Therefore, since
Rome's friends in the League will try hard to justify Italy's
effecitve occupation or to establish that Ethlopia's statehood
has vanlshed, I think Your Majesty should be cautious not to
provide them with any pretext that would serve this purpose.

Therefore, the advice I give Your Majesty now is to do what

you did a few months ago. That is not to send an envoy to
the Geneva conference of September 1937. If an envoy is
sent it will inevitably raise the issue of representation. It will
entail the question of probing whether or not the Ethiopian
state is credible and legaIly in existence. It is important not
to provide any reason that would make [the League]
investigate this matter.

ln the absence of an envoy, it is important, just as it was last

May, to send an unequivocal letter that wouId require the
League to guarantee the rights and freedom that the people
of Ethiopia deserve...under section 10 of its charter and to
respect the agreement it freely entered into. If Your Majesty
accepts this idea, I am prepared, when the time comes, to
help draft the letter to the League under your instruction.

8. Ato Taezaz had asked my advice about what Your Majesty

should do for the Ethiopian exiles. Since the situation...is an
issue of helping kinsmen, it is understandably a matter of
concern and worry; I do not know how they are currently
maintained, and I am not sure about how soon the matter
should be raised. If the information I have received is
correct, I have heard that there are taIks going on between
the French and British govemments and the Ethiopian
Legations in Paris and London. The passports that these
Legations are issuing to the exiles are to be accepted by the
British and French officials. I have also heard that the
protection [diplomatic immunity] granted to them by the
French and British governments has not been revoked. I am
sure that many other countries would also accept the
passports issued by the Ethiopian Legation in Paris and
London without question. If this is so, have the Ethiopian
exiles faced any difficulties travelling from one country to
another? Have they been deprived of any of the help given to
other foreigners? Your Majesty alone knows if any power has
refused to accept the passports issued by the Legations in
Paris and London.

9. Ato Taezaz asked me what wou Id happen, if in the end,

Your Majesty were to retum to Ethiopia.

ln July 1936, when we met in Geneva, I strongly urged Your

Majesty to retum to Ethiopia. At that time Your Majesty's
officers and soldiers were campaigning in Gore. Today the
whole situation has changed Gore has also been occupied by
the Italians. I strongly advise against Your Majesty's return
to Ethiopia without the financial and military support of the
British and French governments.

Undoubtedly, even now Ethiopian officials are resisting the

Italian invasion. But the resistance consists of only sporadic
and isolated gunfire. There is nothing that might be regarded
as outright war. Your Majesty's retum to Ethiopia wouId not
improve the situation or augment the magnitude of the
fighting. With shortages of money, weapons and munitions,
the Ethiopian people cannot defeat the Italians. Your
Majesty's presence in Ethiopia wouId pr vide the Italians a
pretext to kill everybody. There would be another round of
massacres. Apart from this the Italians would gather all their
air force together to seek out and destroy the area where
Your Majesty is said to be found. They would wipe out Your
Majesty's few remaining soldiers. They regard Your Majesty's
disappearance [from the scene] as relief from a frightening
and feared enemy and would do everything in their power to
destroy Your Majesty. If this happened, it would dishearten
all the Ethiopian peoples and officials and destroy all ideas
and future plans for Ethiopia. But if Your Majesty is alive in
Europe and able to launch a vigorous opposition against the
crimes committed between 1935 and 1936, the continued
[international] antipathy toward Italy will make it harder for
her to get recognition. As I have explained to Your Majesty
and according to the evidence to secured, neither France nor
Britain would allow Your Majesty through their territories on
Your route to Ethiopia. They suspect that, if they did this,
Italy wouId undertake a strong retaliation that might result
in a clash between the nations of the world.

I think I have answered all the questions raised by Ato

Taezaz. Once again I wish to renew the assurances of my
highest consideration, friendship, and loyalty to Your
Majesty. I will be in Deuville until the end of August.

Gaston Jeze
...

The letter sent from Ato Lorenzo Taezaz: London,October 10,

1937

Your Majesty

I humbly bow before you and greet you in the name of the
Savior of the world

Contrary to everyone's prediction, Your Majesty's

government by the grace of God remains unerased in the
register of the League of Nations The future is also in hands
of God. The current international political situation and what
is likely to happen seems to be favorable for Ethiopia's
salvation.

The general 'impression' of the 18th Assembly seems to be in

Ethiopia's favor The European nations resent Hitler's and
Mussolini's politics. If a powerful country can forcefully take
over a country and destroy all boundaries, many of them feel
that the same thing may happen to themselves in the future
They had hoped that once Italy secured Ethiopia, she would
work in harmony to bring peace to Europe. However, before
the Ethiopian matter was resolved, Italy aligned with Spain
and started to encourage the atrocities Japan is perpetuating
in China as though it were appropriate. Many...[nations] do
not want to see the Ethiopian affair buried, saying, although
We cannot use force to oppose Italy, by upholding issues of
principle, We can make things difficult for her.

Three Latin American countries (headed by Uruguay), in an

attempt to please Italy, tried to gain acceptance for the
proposai Italy forwarded through the 6th political
commission, going around and pleading with each
delegation; but they did not get sufficient votes. This was
done in secret so that it would not be revealed in case they
did not get enough support. But the idea had been presented
to Monsieur Helium, and he was the one who exposed it. This
was counted as a small moral victory for us.

Meanwhile, many of the representatives liked the brochure

we issued...under the name of the Abyssinia Association
because it gave a brief account of the current situation in
Ethiopia. Coincidentally the reports in several newspapers
about the fighting in Dese, Mekele, Adwa, and to the south,
showed that, Italy's claims of wholly occupying Ethiopia
were untrue and affinned that the people had not ceased
putting up resistance; this worked out in our favor.

The following suggestions are some of the ideas I elicited

from various people with whom I discussed our future
actions and options.

First possibility: the League of Nations never condones

Ethiopia becoming an Italian colony. On the other hand, it
cannot force Italy out of Ethiopia. There is therefore a
suggestion to place Ethiopia under Italy's rule as a mandate
of the League of Nations. Your Majesty, on realizing that this
wouId be for the good of your country, would work
harmoniously with Italy and the League of Nations towards
Ethiopia's progress and development. If you do not want to
comply with these conditions and retum to your country, it is
suggested that you abdicate in favor of your son.

If there were a choice, the mandate would be given to

another country; however this option does not exist War
would be the last resort to dislodge Italy. Britain and France
do not want Italy's total destruction, because her strength is
vital to maintain the balance of power and European
security.

As it is impossible to develop the country without money,

Italy is said ready to accept a mandate for Ethiopia because
she needs to rule the country in tranquility in order to get
financial credit from other govemments.

This mandate should cover all of Ethiopia. If Your Majesty,

for the sake of retaining nominal freedom for Ethiopia, would
accept a small portion of the country and leave the rest to
IIaly, it would mean a permanent division of the country.
Rather it would be better to accept the mandate for a few
years, in order to take a course which would lead to the
restoration of Ethiopia's full independence when the right
time for such action arises. The Fascist government is
headed toward total destruction...The lifetime of one person
cannot be reasoned as more than one second compared to
Ethiopia's existence (as an entity). That is what they say.
Second possibility let Italy appropriate the portion of the
country which she intended to snatch at the beginning of the
war, and [let) the rest of the country proceed to the highest
stage of development in independence under the sovereignty
of Your Majesty and with the assistance of the League of
Nations. At a convenient time, IIaly would be made,
peacefully or by force, to retum those areas under
occupation. At all events, the main thing is to make sure that
Ethiopia's independence is not obliterated. If France and
Britain had the will, they could make IIaly comply without
recourse to war.

Third possibility: it is a good thing that the Ethiopian affair

was not buried at the last assembly; from now on Ethiopia
will not disappear. To begin with, the power of England has
now reached a stage where it can prevent IIaly's will from
taking effect; second, should war break out in Europe, Italy
would side with Germany, and France and Britain would
approach Your Majesty to retum to your country and support
them. If this happens, Ethiopia's fate becomes obvious
Britain and France will provide military assistance. ln retum,
they ask that the country be ruled peacefully in the future
and that their interests in Africa be promoted more than
others Ethiopia is expected to recognize this "collaboration"
with them and...show signs of friendship. Until all this
happens it is best for Your Majesty to keep your dignity and
wait patiently without showing any evidence of losing hope
and without entering into any futile agreement with Italy or
doing anything that might politically upset the British If Your
Majesty has any financial problems, you should inform the
British people, who provide for ordinary political refugees,
let alone a monarch who has sought refuge under their flag.

Above all Your Majesty should encourage the associations,

which were set up in various countries, to continue their
propaganda activities so that the Ethiopian case will not
disappear from world public opinion. It is also good to
encourage the newspaper called New Times and Ethiopia
News so that its work may continue in a more informed
manner and with greater diligence. It would also be helpful
[for NTEN] to have a section on Ethiopia among the
associations and within the League of Nations. This will help
to remind the members of the associations of Ethiopia's case,
whenever the League comes into session. [NTEN] should
have the authority to sponsor resolutions or change and
modify the resolutions sponsored by others.

At the moment it is unthinkable to ask the League for

assistance for the Ethiopian exiles. To begin with, no
government wouId vote in favor of providing help, not due to
unwillingness to assist, but each would prefer to keep silent
rather than to displease Italy. ln the second place, each
 would choose to keep quiet rather than to give Ethiopia's
enemies the chance to propose Ethiopia's
expulsion...[because its] govemment did not pay its
contribution to the League of Nations. Nevertheless it wouId
be good to inform the various private aid organizations,
established to help Ethiopia, of any problems that the exiles
are encountering.

Another thing I observed while in Geneva was that the

Muslim nations have resolved and joined ranks to preserve
their interests and independence. The govemments of
Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, and Arabia were able to forge
an alliance. The Europeans, who usually sought to make
them fight each other, are now enmeshed in serious troubles
and quietly acquiesced to their move. ln the future this
alliance will fill world history with its concern more for
Ethiopia than for Europe. These people look like us and are
our neighbors...Italy is working to foment disharmony and
hatred between Christians and Muslims, [and] I think it is
important to find ways and means to foil Italy's
intentions...in order to keep the question of Ethiopia's
independence from disappearing from the sight of the
Muslim govemments. I wouId think that if three Ethiopian
Muslim clerics could be found, it would be fruitful if they
were to travel between Egypt and Arabia campaigning for
Ethiopia's cause. If the money to be expended for this
purpose is not available, I think they themselves could find
ways of securing financial assistance from their friends,
provided that they really understand the cause they are
working for. With regard to your desire to have talks with
Mexico's envoy I have presented your request to him, and he
has shown his willingness to arrange a convenient time and
place.

Your humble servant, Lorenzo T aezaz

CHAPTER 8

MUSSOLINI'S THREAT TO THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA

--CHANGING BRITISH POLICY REGARDING THE ETHIOPIAN AFFAIR

-- THE GENERAL COMMENTS WE GAVE TO A DAILY NEWS REPORTER

The Italians worried that the straits leading into and out of the
Mediterranean sea might fall under the control of Britain and France.
Afraid that in the event of a war these democratic countries would close
the straits and block Italy's shipping, Rome sought equal status in the
control over the Mediterranean sea. She consequently
supported...[General Francisco Franco] in Spain, providing him with
weapons and men and by conducting some clandestine operations. If
Italy gained some kind of authority over the entrances into the
Mediterranean...the larger democratic governments would feel
threatened by a possible blockade in the event of a war, as the sea was
the only [easy] passage to their Asian and African colonies. Hence they
were forced to oppose Italy in their own interests. Nevertheless, in order
to avoid war... [Neville] Chamberlainl and Mr. Mussolini began a
correspondence to come to reconciliation at the expense of Ethiopia. The
British govemment suggested to Mussolini that it would recognize his
cIaim to Ethiopia if he stopped supporting Spain, which Mussolini
rejected.

Mussolini used force to find his way out of the intricate situation and to
alleviate his problems. His...submarines...harrassed ships moving about
on the sea. [Britain and France] understood [his goals] and called
Mussolini to a meeting in Nyon [on September 1O, 1937] to achieve
some kind of rapprochement; but, in the meantime, the Russians
charged that Italian "acts of piracy are responsible for the sinking of our
ships and we demand compensation." Mussolini's reply was that he
would "not come to Nyon as a litigant." Nevertheless other
governments, excepting Italy and Germany, met [at Nyon] for
discussions and agreed that French and British warships would
safeguard the Mediterranean Sea; and...that any submarine that
attacked ships...[there might] be sunk in retaliation. They also decided
that Italy should secure her own coastal waters and notified her of their
decision.

Italy on her part rejected the resolution on the grounds that she should
be made an equal partner in safeguarding the whole of the
Mediterranean...Italy felt encircled and her movements restrained.
Mussolini, therefore, went to meet Hitler to discuss future plans with the
German government. After his return from his trip he transmitted the
following speech to the British people:

Italy is an island molded out of the Mediterranean Sea. I am

addressing this subject to the British public who are listening
to us on the radio. The Mediterranean Sea is not only a
seaway for the British, but also the shortest route to her
colonial territories in the area.

When an Italian called [Luigi] Negrelli first thought of the

idea of digging the Suez canal, it was the British who
considered him crazy. If this seaway is a highway for others,
for Italians it is our lifeline. I repeat a hundred times, that
we have no intentions of blocking this seaway. We ask that
our...interest, to which we are entitled, be safeguarded. It is
necessary that...reasonable Englishmen should understand
that this position of ours is firm and inalterable. It is wrong
to think that the two countries or the European powers are
going to clash over this. ln any case, there is one way in
which we can come to an agreement. It would be in the
interest of all of us to reach a genuine agreement
immediately. If this is not done, and there is a desire to deny
the Italians access to the sea that once belonged to the
 Romans, the people of Italy wouId stand united and
wholeheartedly prepare for a \var unprecedented in
recorded history.

...

After this the political situation in England began changing, shifting, and
taking new directions. Mr. Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister since
Feb. 1930 [E.C. or 1937], began preaching to the British public,
emphasizing the necessity of concluding a peace treaty with Italy. Some
disagreements arose between the Prime Minister Mr. Chamberlain and
the Foreign office Secretary Mr. Anthony Eden, with regard to the
relations between Britain and countries governed by dictators. This
[divergence] resulted in Mr. Anthony Eden's resignation [on Feb. 20,
1938]...caused over the question of whether or not it was an appropriate
moment to undertake negotiations in order to reach an agreement
between Great Britain and Italy. Mr. Chamberlain was in favor of
immediate rapprochement, while Mr. Eden's views were very far from
this position.

After concluding an agreement with Italy ending the Spanish civil war,
Chamberlain openly announced that he would take the Ethiopian issue to
the Council of the League for a debate. Consequently, We dispatched the
following telegram to the General Secretary of the League of Nations
indicating that We would be sending envoys in order to discuss
Ethiopia's case from a position of equality :

I understand that the Ethiopian case will be on the agenda of

the May meeting of Council of the League of Nations. As
indicated in the League of Nation's charter, any member,
even though not a member of the council, has the right to be
present during council discussions when the meeting has to
do with the country in question. Therefore for the benefit of
my gallant people who are fighling for their freedom, I soon
will notify you of the names of the Ethiopian representatives
authorized to discuss Ethiopia's case both at the council
meeting and al the general assembly.

There were rumors coming from [all] directions that the rapprochement
between Chamberlain and Mussolini was intended to hand over Ethiopia
to the invaders. ln order to clarify the situation, we issued the following
statement from Bath on April IOth, 1938:

If, as some sources have indicated, the British govemment's

letter to the Secretary General of the League was sent to
ease the League's obligations that binds member nations so
as to grant recognition to the Italian occupation, We oppose
the decision in its entirety. It should be known thal this
decision has no connection whatsoever with the basic
charter of the League, particularly wilh the resolulion
approved by all members and passed by the General
 Assembly in July 1936 prohibiting the granting of recognition
to a country occupied by force.

Next, since We had determined to appear at the council meeting, several

politicians offered their opinions on the matter. For example while the
Manchester Guardian newspaper remarked that, "the presence of the
Emperor at the meeting again will probably create an amazing drama,"
the Daily Express on its part stated, "The Emperor has demonstrated in
many ways that he would push his case and fight for it up to the last
minute; the present decision to appear at the assembly will be another
testimony to that effect.

After this, the British delegation headed by Lord Halifax held an urgent
meeting and decided that "the presence of the Ethiopian representatives
at the assembly is appropriate and rightful." The reason why it reached
this decision, as far as We understood it, was that the British public was
not then supportive of the aim of its government.

------------------------------------------------

Earlier, in response to questions posed to Us by the Daily Mail reporter

called G. Ward Priee, We had explained in detail the unswerving
confidence We had in the League of Nations. The reporter's aim was to
confirm...[Our] confidence in the League of Nations...notwithstanding
Our failure to reach agreement [with Italy]...We replied as follows:

I have always taught and explained to my people the

benefits of accepting Western Civilization as it is or with
some modifications. Moreover, I have emphasized that
becoming a member of a farnily entails the responsibility of
respecting the rules and regulations of the farnily; and if
these are properly pursued, one should be entitled to the
benefits that the shared membership brings. I leave to your
judgment as to whether the fatal luck that has befallen my
people attests to the instruction I have given my people. I
made an effort to explain this belief to my people because I,
as an individual, had full confidence in the League of Nations.
A conspicuous proof of this is that I had not prepared any
alternative course, as I should have, in case the League
failed to save me.

After We submitted to the League of Nations the full

evidence of Italy's military preparations to invade Ethiopia,
We foolishly thought that We would receive the guarantee of
freedom and unity that the League was supposed to give all
its members. Nevertheless my own trust in the League did
not vanish. We continued to believe in what an American
president had said, 'We have learned that We can secure
victory by helping each other': and that support would grow
as time passed. I have observed that all those who stood up
 for the principle of non-violation of written agreements,
were prepared to put this belief into practice.

The reporter again asked, "During your long ordeal, has the British
government encouraged you in any way?"

We answered that "as a member of the League of Nations, Great Britain

has strengthened my belief in the League but, beyond this, has not given
me any help."

Again he asked: "The situation in Ethiopia has aggrieved Your Majesty If

Your Majesty advised those who, up to now, have not submitted to the
enemy, to yield, would it not save them from further agony?"

We answered, "Do you think that a people who have had three thousand
years of independence would give it up so easily?"

He asked again, "how much will the resistance and refusal to accept
Italy contribute toward victory?"

We answered ail his questions, saying, "Many war leaders ready to

defend Ethiopia's independence have emerged. We have the means of
communicating with them...We receive information on the general
situation and events in the country."

On March 8, 1938 talks were started between the governments of Italy

and Great Britain in order to solve long-standing problems and to
establish the relationship between the two countries on a lasting basis.
The talks went on throughout March to the beginning of April. At their
end...the Egyptian [Foreign] Minister arrived in Rome...[and] was
assured that no agreement that would affect [his]...govemment would
be concluded during the talks.

These talks led up to the agreement which was signed between the two
countries on April 16, 1938...and was written in English and ltalian. The
two versions were validated and put into force. The agreement
stipulated and delineated the trade interest areas between British
colonies and the area called Italian East Africa.