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Review of African Political Economy
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436 Review of African Political Economy
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Briefings: Nigeria: Conservation, 'Traditional' Knowledge & the Commons 437
tional and African bourgeoisie compris- fect annual burning of forests well inside
ing multinational corporation manag- Park boundaries for farming and graz-
ers, officials of the nation-state, and ing. Continuing destruction of high for-
national companies are pushing privati- est, river courses and endemic species
sation for profit of African lands, forests, habitats caused many conservationists
inland rivers and coastal waters. Their and the DFID-supported Cross River
predatory actions are resisted from time State Community Forestry Project in the
to time by an increasingly differentiated 1990s to question the effectiveness of
subaltern class of direct producers (min- Parks as the primary tool for biodiversity
ers, farmers, fisherfolk, hunter-gatherers, maintenance; they argued that effective
pastoralists) whose livelihoods - nay conservation begins (and ends) with full
survival - depend on continuing access community participation. However, de-
under customary tenure to a commons velopment practitioners and national
that in villages relatively close to access elites keen to promote tenure privatisa-
roads logging companies, farmers and tion have criticised Nigeria's Land Use
traffickers in non-timber forest products Decree (1978) which placed all land
are 'mining' to death. under the 'trusteeship' of state gover-
nors; in their view, the Decree is 'holding
Alarmed at rapid species and habitat back' urban and rural 'development', by
loss, international NGOs such as the which they mean clearance of commu-
World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) UK nity and family held land for urban
collaborated in the late 1980s with the projects and agro-industrial plantations
Federal Military Government of Nigeria producing cash crops as rubber, palm oil
to enclose large tracts of forest commons and sugar cane which they claim (sur-
for perpetual protection - i.e. zero exploi- prisingly) can 'feed the nation'. Now
tation. These lands were gazetted as bourgeois advocates of privatisation are
National Parks, which prohibited local pressing for the 1978 decree to be abol-
people from exercising their customary ished, so an open market in land will be
tenurial rights to hunt, farm and harvest established everywhere; they believe all
products in the forest as their ancestors the country's lands presently exploited
had done for generations. In effect, the by rural communities as a commons
Federal Government's Parks were a state- under customary tenure should be 'freed
administered 'commons' superimposed up' (commodified) so they can be pur-
over customary lands, but one that can- chased for a 'market' price by those with
celled villagers' 'traditional' rights of the wherewithal to invest in 'develop-
access, exploitation and management; ment' which will 'grow the economy'.
perhaps conservationists hoped that Note that early in 2005, notwithstanding
these state 'commons' would provide a local concerns and some opposition, the
bulwark against market forces pushing Kwara state governor in central Nigeria
for the privatisation of customary land 'leased' 16,000 hectares for 25 years of
rights? allegedly 'empty' common land to four
Zimbabwean (white) farmers supported
Yet tropical forest degradation by illegal by 50 black Zimbabwean farm hands
loggers in cahoots with community, state and 2,000 head of cattle, with which to
and federal elites extends to forests offi- establish large-scale dairy farming inte-
cially protected as National Parks. State grated with soybean, maize and rice
elites feel free to send in their tractors and cultivation (UNIRI, 22 March 2005).
chain saw operators to fell and transport
out valuable tropical hardwood for sale Although Gareth Hardin argues that in
to eager buyers in Calabar (the capital of situations of population growth every
Cross River State) and Lagos. In 'man's' ('natural') maximisation of self-
addidtion, farmers and pastoralists ef- interest ensured that land held in com-
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438 Review of African Political Economy
mon is degraded, we examine some elites - hire village labour, largely women,
instances to the contrary of successful on piece rates so workers in each gang
forest commons management in the best compete to harvest more 'salad' (Gnetum
'bottom up' tradition of sustainable ex- africana) per day than others; villagers
ploitation that benefits collectivity. These fear that ever more intensive harvesting
communities are furthest from roads and is wiping out the plant. Commodification
markets, have very small village elites of labour and the commons is impinging
without strong ties to state politicians as on knowledge and conservation prac-
well as rich forest resources that are tices. Consider the following examples of
reflected in a vibrant environmental cultural modification:
knowledge; some villages have partner-
ships with local NGOs such as the Ten years ago a men's secret society
African Research Association and Rain- (Ekpe) masquerades in villages and
forest Resource and Documentation Cen- towns in Cross River State (Nigeria)
tre which work across Cross River State danced to the sound of drum beating
for preserving 'traditional' knowledge played by youth. Today's secret soci-
and more sustainable exploitation of the ety players rely on pop and jazz music
forest commons. Do these village com- blaring from radios. The radio is a
munities epitomise Andre Gunder foreign, modern technology that youth
Frank's ('dependency') theory (1969) that value because it puts them in touch
the looser the economic ties between with the outside world of innovation
'periphery' (settlement) and 'metropole' and modernity that they believe makes
(market town, state capital), the greater their village lifestyles seem backward
the satellite's prospects - assuming a and old-fashioned. Though radio
redistributive oriented government - for sends 'hip' messages, currently it is
more sustainable forest commons man- modifying rather than destroying in-
agement that relies on 'traditional' envi- stitutions that uphold the secret soci-
ronmental knowledge, reduces income ety as a respected, if not feared
inequality and resource conflict? apparatus of law and order which is
backed by sacred sanctions and sup-
In what follows we explore the role of ports sustainable exploitation, e.g. re-
'traditional' knowledge in empowering stricting access, opening and closing
successful community management of seasons, imposing taxes on outside
the forest commons. (By 'traditional' users.
knowledge we mean that body of local
wisdom, learning and understanding In tropical high forest villages on the
that interprets communities' collective Nigeria-Cameroon border, remote from
relations with, and impact on, their access roads and markets but depend-
forests in terms of customary law regu- ent for cash income on exploitation of
lating spiritual relations between people non-timber forest products as bush
and vitalising divinities.) mango (Irvingia gabonensis), men's se-
cret society members (Lakumbo) are
Cultural Modification still initiated into the secret knowl-
edge of plants, forests and gods that
Our enquiries suggest that traditional constitute the 'traditional' sacred
knowledge in remote forest villages of power of the ancestors over the living.
forest plants and habitats continues to Here, old men and some youth ex-
adapt to new challenges, notably a pressed concern that conversion of
shrinking natural resource base that is some community members (generally
increasingly penetrated by the cash women) to Pentecostal churches and
economy. For instance, local entrepre- economic 'development' are
neurs - perhaps working for city based trivialising a secret society, whose
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Briefings: Nigeria: Conservation, 'Traditional' Knowledge & the Commons 439
inner circle is feared for its spiritual genetic material, sometimes commission
powers of life and death, and still ethno-botanical research into plant medi-
largely responsible for 'law and order' cine. In cases known to us, on both sides
across the thickly forested villages of of the Nigeria-Cameroon border, conser-
this cross-border region. vation agency scientists and pharma-
ceutical companies seek to exploit for
Some herbalists known to us in a corporate gain knowledge that indig-
small north Cross River town (Obudu) enous peoples, mostly herbalists, have
are 'modernising' their practices. They built up over many generations.
refer to books compiled by overseas
plant scientists as they collaborate In general, multinational companies have
with local laboratory analysts, who little or no interest in the geographical
now carry out diagnoses for patients areas from which their laboratory speci-
before administering herbal (plant) mens have come, or in the owners of the
medicines in measured doses. We knowledge who saved them (companies)
note that this is an example of quanti- several years of expensive hit-and-miss
fication according to rational princi- research. The unprivileged position that
ples that are commodifying traditional 'traditional' knowledge occupies is one
knowledge. This is also an example of reason why the intellectual property
how researchers and scientists take rights of indigenous peoples are often
out the less measurable, more qualita- treated so lightly (c.f. Posey, 1990).
tive elements of traditional knowledge
and replace them with quantifiable A technical materially oriented approach
procedures that enable the practitioner to conservation is in line with quantifi-
to sell his knowledge in discrete blocks able (scientific) measurement of 'the so-
to patients who believe that 'scientific' cial good' in terms of increasing
herbal medicine is more likely to lead production of commodities (e.g. goods
to a cure. So traditional knowledge of sold in exchange for money). Thus, 'sci-
forest plants used in healing many entific' (rational, logical) techniques
afflictions is commodified, sold freely measure community progress towards
on the market for a price, while the conservation goals in quantifiable, meas-
original (customary) owners of the urable indicators of bio-diversity en-
knowledge receive little or no benefit. hancement, by for example, counting
annually the number of big mammals in
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440 Review of African Political Economy
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Tacit acceptance of private property re- servation, development and advocacy
gimes among some households in re- programmes so as to achieve more rapid
mote villages is evident in a popular scaling up of positive impacts that could
preoccupation with economic develop- reduce biodiversity destruction across
ment; for example, successful hunters, large forest and forest-edge blocks.
struggling small holder farmers and
some non-timber forest product harvest- Evidence from our field studies and
ers seek to strengthen market access for elsewhere in Cross River state as Ekuri in
bush meat, 'salad', 'wild honey' and the the south-west, demonstrates remote
like. Petty capitalism and materialistic communities' capacity for long term
perceptions of the forest as an obstacle to community forest management (Draper,
economic development (on account of 2004; Caldecott, 1996). Recently, the Ekuri
lack of roads, electricity and health cen- people resisted a timber company offer-
tres) are growing among a minority of ing them a road as bait for large-scale
(elite) households whose members en- timber exploitation. Again, in 2004, a
gage significantly more in farming and local advocacy NGO (Rainforest Re-
off-farm activities as trading between source and Documentation Centre,
village and city than in non-timber forest Calabar) mobilised community youth
product exploitation (Ifeka, 1998; Abua, and launched a successful campaign
2002; Development in Nigeria (DIN), that 'persuaded' the state government to
2003). These elites also claimed that land call in the hammers thus stopping all
cleared for cocoa farms was their indi- logging. This was to allow the Forestry
vidual property (they therefore saw them- Commission to establish sustainable log-
selves as converting commons into ging benchmarks.
private property), and they were mark-
edly less interested than the poor major-
Conclusion
ity in community customary rights to
forest and sustainable use of medicinal Our data show a marked contrast in
plants ( c.f. Okoth-Owiro, 1996; Francis, community capacity for, and commit-
1996). ment to, sustainable forest commons
management in two types of villages.
However, the poorest 60% of households First, in villages closest to roads and
(20% were female headed in some vil- markets, where socio-economic inequal-
lages) valued most conservation of non- ity and reliance on remittances like log-
timber forest products on which they ging and conversion of the forest into
depended for their annual income (DIN, farms is most marked, traditional en-
2003). Traditional knowledge of forest vironmental knowledge is fragmented,
plants, their multi-dimensional mean- and community capacity for effective
ings and uses, is strongest among the commons management is weakest. Sec-
poor majority including female headed ond, in villages furthest from access
households; transmission of such knowl- roads where inequality and remittance
edge from one generation to the next, its dependence is less, reliance on forest
use in day to day survival by exploiting resources is greater, traditional knowl-
non-timber forest products for subsist- edge is more pervasive and village au-
ence and sale, reflects poor households' thorities managing the commons may
very real dependence on the forest for resist capitalist interests as multina-
survival (c.f. Ambrose, 1994). The poor tional logging, pharmaceutical compa-
majority, especially women, are among nies and agro-industrial corporations
the strongest 'natural allies' of conserva- clearing forest for large scale mono-
tionists (Redford, 1993), and should be culture plantations (e.g. oil palm). How-
targeted by NGO networks and donors ever, the general trend is rising levels of
as primary beneficiaries of pro-poor con- intra- and inter-village conflict, small
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442 Review of African Political Economy
tive Approach' to the 9th International Ifeka, C. & S. Abua (1998), 'Indigenous
Congress of Ethno-Biology, University of Communities and Forest Resources', Draft
Kent, 13-17 June 2004. Report to ESCOR, London: ODA.
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Briefings: Tajudeen's Thursday Postcard 443
Okoth-Owiro, A. (1996), 'Property Rights, itself. This is largely because Africa and
Medicinal Plants and Indigenous Knowledge' in
her momentous challenges has never
C. Juma & J. B. Ojwang (eds.), In Land We Trust.
lacked focus but has always been short-
Environment, Private Property and Constitutional
Change, London: Zed Books; Nairobi: Initiative changed, if not surcharged when it comes
Publishers. to concrete action to realise the often
declared good intentions - either de-
Omoluabi, A.C. (1994), 'Trade in Timber and
Non-Timber Forest Products in Cross River State clared by ourselves or by others to us.
of Nigeria', a report prepared for the Cross River
State Forestry Project (ODA Assisted) Forestry As someone who has been critical of the
Department Headquarters, Calabar.
Commission as an unnecessary project -
Posey, Darrell Addison (1990), 'Intellectual a waste of time / energy / money that
Property Rights and Just Compensation for could have been put to better use and a
Indigenous Knowledge: Challenges to Science,
diversion from what Africans are doing
Business and International Law', paper
presented to the Association for Applied
and want to do for themselves, there is
Anthropology, York. not much in the report to make me lose
my scepticism. It has actually triggered
Redford, K.H. & A.M. Stearman (1993), 'Forest
more questions.
dwelling native Amazonians and the con-
servation of biodiversity', Conservation Biology 7:
248-255. In its Description and Analysis of the
Problems it has nothing new to say and
Shepherd, G. (1988), 'The Reality of the
Commons: Answering Hardin from Somalia', modestly makes no pretence at doing so.
ODI Social Forestry Network, 1988, London. It is a good summary of what we already
know. Perhaps it is in some of its recom-
UN Integrated Regional Information Net-
works (UNIRI) (2005), 'Nigeria: Zimbabwean mendations that nuanced tactical, if not
Farmers Move on to New Pastures North of the strategic, shifts can be discerned. I say
Equator', Allafrica.com 22 March. tactical because both the analysis and
World Wide Fund for Nature (1990), 'Cross the suggested solutions are essentially
River National Park (Okwangwo Division) plan still within the same neo-liberal market-
for Developing the Park and its Support Zone', only ideological hegemony of these times.
Godalming: Panda House.
It is still seeking to adjust Africa to global
forces despite timid recognition in sec-
tions of the report that trade liberalisa-
tion, privatisation and donor-driven
market mantra have hugely contributed
to the collapse of infrastructure, societies
Tajudeen's Thursday and great deprivation in Africa. Just like
we had dubious notions of 'adjustment
Postcard
with a human face' to offer palliatives for
Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem the atrocities inflicted on victims of IMF/
World Bank SAP policies in the 1980s,
the Blair Commission may turn out to be
The British Prime Minister's Commis- offering us 'globalisation with some hu-
sion for Africa Report was published man faces'.
amidst fanfare, even bluster and brave
talks about 'new beginnings' and 'great But even here there are doubts as to the
windows of opportunity.' It never ceases concrete action that will follow the 100 or
to amaze me why we are supposed to so recommendations. I don't think any-
settle for windows when we have a body believes that all the recommenda-
whole continent full of gates, fields and tions will be acted upon but a number of
mountains of opportunities! The reac- key ones will remain the focus of action.
tion has generally been mixed whether They include an increase in Aid, Debt
in Africa or globally including Britain Cancellation, Trade Distortions that pre-
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