380235 EUS

Education and Urban Society

Citizenship Literacy 43(3) 296­–312

© The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission: http://www.
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DOI: 10.1177/0013124510380235
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Students in Malaysia

Fatt Hee Tie1 and Yan Piaw Chua1

Abstract
The purpose of this study is to investigate the citizenship literacy of second-
ary school students in Malaysia. Citizenship literacy was examined from two
perspectives, namely, the level of knowledge; and secondly, the perception of
selected aspects of citizenship. A questionnaire was developed to elicit the
response of the subjects. A total of 4,040 sixteen year old secondary school
students participated in the study. The Crammer’s V Correlation Coefficient
was used to analyze the relationship between citizenship literacy and the se-
lected variables. A similar analysis was conducted to determine the relation-
ship between the perceptions of the subjects and the variables.

Keywords
citizenship literacy, social justice, educational policy

Informed and discriminative citizenship is essential to effective participation

in the democratic processes of governance (O’Brien & Kohlmeier, 2003). In
developed countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia,
education for citizenship to meet the responsibilities of a growing complex
world has become a key concern for educational policy makers. According to
Gilbert (1996), the increase in the number of reports, curriculum guidelines,

1
Institute of Principalship Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur

Corresponding Author:
Fatt Hee Tie, Level 2, Block C, UM City Campus, Jalan Tun Ismail, 50480 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Email: tiefh@um.edu.my

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 297

and school programs on citizenship in many countries provides strong

evidence for this concern. These include Parliamentary inquiries and national
curriculum statements produced in the United Kingdom (Commission on
Citizenship, 1990; National Curriculum Council, 1990) as well as guidelines
and statements of national standards for education for citizenship in the
United States (Bahmueller, 1991; Center for Civic Education, 1994) and
Parliamentary inquiries in Australia (Civics Expert Group, 1994; Senate
Standing Committee, 1989, 1991). These initiatives reflects how various
nation states seek to revitalize education for citizenship to deal with the
possible threat and potential loss of identity and cohesiveness effected by
globalization and the influence of the communications revolution.
Education strived to develop wise and active citizens who are able to make
sound political decisions and ensure the continuation and growth of democ-
racy (Rothstein & Jacobsen, 2007). Citizens who possess the knowledge,
skills, and correct attitude are able to participate fully in society and, as a
result, promote and sustain the legitimacy of the present democratic system
of government. Contemporary global change necessitates increased political
participation, which can be enhanced by renewed interest in education for
citizenship. The failure of education for citizenship due to an inability to
relate to the major concerns and experiences of young people can be resolved
by ensuring that citizenship relates to developing an identity and a sense of
what is important (Gilbert, 1996). It is within the context of the responsibility
of the school to prepare students to be active citizens in the future. In many
countries, the school curriculum has now focused more on education for citi-
zenship (Birzea, 2000; Cairns, 1999; Kymlicka & Norman, 2000; Sears,
Clarke, & Hughes, 1999). This is due to the risk associated with the state and
health of democracy when educational planners neglect citizenship and left it
aside from being one of the fundamental purposes of education. Consequently,
this would reduce students’ enthusiasm for active participation in the demo-
cratic process.
There appears to be a better understanding of the democratic process and
knowledge of the rights of the individual in line with globalization and
developments in information technology. This is further driven by the imple-
mentation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
(Franklin, 2002). The convention has laid down a minimum comprehensive
set of civil, economic, social, and cultural rights that children should enjoy.
The extensive range of rights includes the right to protection against neglect
and exploitation and rights to privacy, freedom of association, expression,
and thought, as well as participation. Although many countries have ratified

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298 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

the convention, most of the provisions have yet to be fully realized. This is
attributed to the lack of awareness of the law affecting children and, in par-
ticular, adolescents. However, it is vital for adolescents to possess a suffi-
cient level of citizenship literacy to prevent any form of abuse of their rights.
Furthermore, an informed opinion of various aspects of citizenship such as
the law and government policy contributes to citizenship that is more
effective.
There is a need to maintain a minimum, necessary, right for students in
terms of the availability of legal provisions, protection, and encouragement
to participate in the affairs of the country in future. In this regard, the enact-
ment of certain laws and regulations has a national purpose such as the pro-
tection of a nation’s sovereignty. An example in Malaysia is the law making
it compulsory for all citizens to carry an identity card. The legislation enacted
this with the primary purpose of maintaining national security. On the other
hand, it is ironical that the centralization of education and the imposition of
national curricula have been deemed less likely to promote children’s partici-
pation rights (Franklin, 2002). In this context, the limitation may occur in the
Malaysian system of education due in part to the school curriculum, which
has in the past 5 years provided little emphasis to citizenship education. The
emergence of a new paradigm concerning the protection and maintenance of
the legal rights of adolescents is not likely to happen when the level of citi-
zenship literacy is inadequate.
The result of a decline in civic education in Malaysia during the 1980s to
1990s has serious implications in terms of the preparation of students for
future citizenship. The general assumption that students are well informed of
the law and aware of the current political situation may, therefore, be flawed.
In addition, there is a dearth of research on the citizenship literacy of 16-year-
old students in Malaysia. Although measures have been undertaken to rein-
troduce civic education into the curriculum and reverse the decline of civic
engagement, greater commitment is needed to promote compliance with vari-
ous legislations and enhance the level of literacy on citizenship. Certain mea-
sures must be taken to monitor and ensure that the Malaysian students are
well informed of the various rules and regulations that govern their daily life.
This is necessary as Malaysia has accepted the obligations and ratified the
provisions encapsulated in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child. The government’s decision to participate in this international ini-
tiative has led to an increase in interest and concern over student’s knowledge
on citizenship and civics from the perspective of the law, political status, and
social and welfare needs of the individual.

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 299

Review of Literature
Citizenship literacy or knowledge on civics and government is inextricably
linked to the state of citizenship and civic education. Cogan (2000) opined
that citizenship and civic education that are usually taught in the school his-
tory focus on developing knowledge of the function of the government and
other institutions, the rights and duties of citizens, and the development of
national identity. This was succinctly reported by McConnell, who, citing the
National Assessment of Educational Progress Report Card in Civics, revealed
that about 25% of students in the United States could achieve a proficiency in
their knowledge of civics and government. The result is worrisome as the
nation valued and cherished the ideals of democracy (McConnell, 2007).
In the United States, a study among 2,366 students who have completed
12th grade showed that the students were not prepared for effective citizen-
ship (Kahne, Middaugh, & Croddy, 2007). The findings showed that a high
percentage of the students reported that they intended to vote during an elec-
tion. However, they were less informed about the voting process. The
researchers also reported that about 50% of the students were not able to
identify the function of the Supreme Court and that there was limited com-
mitment to be politically involved. In addition, the U.S. Center for Civic
Education observed that there was a low voting rate among Americans, with
“widespread disengagement” and a “lackadaisical acceptance of their own
apathy and inertia” (Bahmueller, 1991). In a subsequent study, Peter Levine
(cited in Morin, 2002, p. 24) expressed that the

anemic showing of young Americans at the polls in 2000 is particularly

depressing because the overall turnout increased to 54.7% from 54.2%
in 1996. Even more ominous is the fact that the long-term decline in
political participation among the young has occurred when other evi-
dence suggest just the opposite should be happening.

In addition, O’Brien and Kohlmeier (2003) also observed that 18- to 25-year-
olds demonstrated a low voter turnout and lack of participation in civic life.
In a study on school effects and civic knowledge in 27 countries, Fabrega-
Lacoa (2004) reported that the variability in civic knowledge that was attrib-
uted to the school was larger than that found in subjects such as mathematics
and science. Student background and experiences accounted for more of the
variability in civics achievement, compared to other school variables. In
addition, the results of the study showed that the less developed countries do
not have school effects larger than family background effects.

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300 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

In Australia, the findings share a similar concern. The Australian Senate

research on active and informed citizenship reported a similar finding of
“confusion, cynicism, indifference, and unwillingness to become involved in
the formal political process” (Senate Standing Committee, 1989).
Citizenship involves three components: the civil or legal, the political, and
the social. Adolescents, who are disengaged from the democratic processes
while at school, tend to live citizenship in a passive manner (Scott, 2002). The
group has been labeled as “failed” citizens, as they responded to the demo-
cratic processes with cynicism and disaffection. Richardson and Blades (2006)
described three groups of citizens: (1) “ignorant of the basic information
required to function as a citizens, (2) alienated from politically participating in
their societies, and (3) agnostic because they supposedly do not believe in the
values that support democratic citizenship,” whereas “the Civics Expert Group
in Australia used the phrase ‘civic deficit’ to describe the idea of pervasive
ignorance among that nation’s citizenry.” Both researchers also reported that
there is a high level of ignorance of knowledge on government and national
history in the United Kingdom and Canada. In a study among students from
four European countries, and the United States, Hahn (1998) reported a high
level of citizen disengagement from politics that concurs with the findings of
Torney-Purta, Schwille, and Amadeo (1999) and the British Advisory Group
on Citizenship (1998; cited in Richardson and Blades, 2006, p. 16).
A sense of urgency to reform citizenship education has emerged among
policy makers, governments, social and welfare practitioners, and academics
(Franklin, 2002). Adolescents, especially students, tend to be increasingly
excluded from the public sphere as a consequence of government policy.
Legislators may even initiate measures to prevent students from going out
late at night with the purpose of ensuring their safety. This prohibition is per-
ceived as a threat to individual liberty and freedom. Adults tend to have a
strong sense of mistrust for adolescents, as they perceive them to be “posi-
tioned outside of the democratic structures by their very nature as children”
(Morrow, 2002). Such “blanket” policies are decided using the top-down
approach, with a severe lack of feedback from the adolescents. There is mini-
mal effort to articulate adolescents’ concern over issues that affect them, such
as the use of new mechanisms to protecting students’ interests. Although citi-
zenship is “lived “in civic education, one has to be reminded that the “best
interests” of the students should remain the primary consideration in all
actions concerning them.
Hahn (1998) observed that growing political apathy and cynicism among
citizens have partly driven new democracies to revamp their educational sys-
tems in order to instill democratic values in youth. There is growing concern

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 301

over young people’s lack of interest in civic involvement (Crace, 2000). This
was observed by Scott, who felt that “the well-rehearsed themes of youthful
innocence, ignorance, cynicism, and distrust are being blended discursively
to produce a new myth—that of ‘politically apathetic youth’” (p. 299). Scott’s
depiction of youth as “politically apathetic” arises from his observation that
some among the youth population perceived politicians and the protocol of
politics to be broadly irrelevant. This is demonstrated by the rise in apathy
among youth—a predictable response given the existing state (Scott, 2002).
Furthermore, this may be the reason why some adults vote less or not at all. He
noted that a significant number of children, like their parents, no longer live
within or experience a culture of clear party allegiance or voting. On the other
hand, Franklin (1986) disagreed with Scott when he succeeded in proving that
many children show an early interest in political affairs. Unfortunately, the
capacity for participation is limited. Education is vital in introducing youth to
democratic ideals that allow them to exercise their rights effectively in the
near future. It is important to develop an understanding of contemporary dem-
ocratic processes among youth to overcome the growing cynicism and distrust
in the political institution and process due to a lack of understanding in the
system of government. In addition, teachers in the United States, England, and
Hong Kong shared a strong consensus that civics education played a signifi-
cant role in the political development of students (Zaman, 2006).
In Malaysia, civics was an integral part of the curriculum in the 1960s and
1970s (Lim, 2007). The civics curriculum incorporated various elements of
citizenship, different aspects of national ideology, the federal constitution,
the government, and the political process. It provided students the content,
skills, and dispositions for democratic decision making in a multiethnic
society. However, in 1983, a new subject, “moral education,” replaced civics.
After 22 years, the Ministry of Education decided to introduce civics and
citizenship beginning in Year 4 at the primary school level and Form 1 at the
secondary school level in 2005. The subject is aimed at enhancing students’
awareness of their roles and responsibilities in society and the relationships
between the individual and society, family, culture, and the nation.
There is a paucity of research on what students actually know about demo-
cratic citizenship. Research on student’s citizenship literacy is essential
before developing and implementing educational reforms. In Asia, Heater
(2004) expressed that civic cohesion is essential for the proper functioning of
citizenship and nation-building. An enhanced citizenship education program
allows the development of informed, active, and loyal citizens that, in turn,
ensures the state’s survival amidst the global social, economic, and political
changes and minimizes civic lethargy.

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302 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

Purpose of the Study

The research seeks to analyze the citizenship literacy of 16-year-old urban
secondary school students in Malaysia. Citizenship literacy was examined
from two perspectives: (1) in terms of the level of knowledge, and (2) the
perception of selected aspects of citizenship. It was analyzed according to
four main variables: gender, parental income, father’s level of education, and
mother’s level of education.
The study seeks to examine specifically the following:

a. Students’ level of literacy on selected aspects of citizenship;

b. The relationship between citizenship literacy and the four variables:
gender, parental income, father’s, and mother’s level of education;
c. Students’ perception of selected aspects of citizenship;
d. The relationship between students’ perceptions of selected aspects
of citizenship literacy and the four variables: gender, parental in-
come, father’s level of education, and mother’s level of education.

Method
The study was conducted among a group of secondary school students aged
16 years. A total of 4,040 students participated in the study. A questionnaire
was designed to measure citizenship literacy in terms of knowledge and
understanding of some key principles related to citizenship in Malaysia. The
questionnaire consists of two parts: (1) the knowledge of the students on
selected aspects of citizenship, and (2) the perceptions of the students on
selected aspects of citizenship. Knowledge of citizenship was assessed in
terms of aspects on individual rights, the election process, and the legislative
process. Perceptions include opinions and views on aspects concerning free-
dom of the press, politics, and right to express opinions.

Findings
Students’ Citizenship Literacy

Table 1 shows the percentage of correct responses for selected aspects of

citizenship literacy. The results showed that 77.4% of the participants
were able to provide a correct response to the item, “Members of
Parliament are immune from prosecution when they expressed their opin-
ions during Parliamentary sessions.” In Malaysia, Members of Parliament

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 303

Table 1. Percentage of Correct Responses for Citizenship Literacy

Item % n
Members of Parliament are immune from 77.4 3409
prosecution
A two-third majority is required to amend the 71.5 3149
constitution
It is an offence not to carry an identity card 53.0 2336
while outside the house
A Bill passed by Parliament must be approved 42.3 1865
by the King before it is enacted as law
Parliament consists of the upper and lower house 41.6 1830
Individuals aged eighteen have the right to vote 36.8 1619
The legal system provides equal treatment to all 28.2 1242
Elections in Malaysia are held every five years 27.2 1197
A juvenile aged below 18 can be tried in a 26.4 1162
criminal court
A guard in a building can retain the identity card 21.1 929
of visitors
The police can enter a house to search without 9.2 404
the permission of the court

enjoyed immunity when they expressed opinions freely during Parliament

proceedings. On the other hand, a large majority of the participants
(71.5%) were correct when they indicated that the Federal Constitution
can only be amended with the support of two third of the Members of
Parliament. However, only 53.0% of the participants were able to state
that individuals who do not carry an identity card while out of the house
commit an offence. The law in Malaysia makes it mandatory for one to be
in the possession of an identity card while he or she is outside the house,
due to security reasons. Less than half of the participants (42.3%) were
correct in responding to the item, “A bill passed by Parliament must be
approved by the King before it can be enacted.” About 41.6% were correct
in stating that “Parliament consists of the upper and lower house.” In
terms of voting during the election, individuals who are aged 21 years and
older have the right to vote. About 36.8% were correct when they dis-
agreed with the item, “Individuals aged 18 have the right to vote.”
When we asked the participants whether a security guard at a building has
the right to ask for and retain a visitor’s identity card, only 21.2% of them

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304 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

were able to provide a correct response. The law states that no one has the
right to retain the identity card of another individual. Thus, the majority of the
participants did not respond correctly to this item. On the other hand, the
police can enter a house to conduct a search only after obtaining the permis-
sion from the court. Unfortunately, only 9.2% of the participants were able to
answer the item correctly.

The Relationship Between Citizenship Literacy

and Selected Variables
The result was analyzed using the SPSS statistical package. Since the scales
of the variables involved are nominal, Cramer’s V correlation coefficient test
was used to further analyze the relationship between citizenship literacy and
selected variables. The analysis is presented in Table 2.
Table 2 shows the relationship between citizenship literacy and the vari-
ables of gender, parental income, father’s education level, and mother’s edu-
cation level. The analysis showed that there is a significant relationship
between gender and the item, “A two-third majority in Parliament is required
to amend the Constitution,” χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 63.59, p < .01. The Cramer V
correlation coefficient of .12 shows a very weak strength in the relationship
between the two variables. The findings also show a significant relationship
between gender and the item that “Individuals aged eighteen have a right to
vote,” χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 90.14, p < .01. The Cramer V correlation coefficient
of .14 shows a very weak strength in the relationship between the two vari-
ables. The results indicate that gender is a factor of the two items, “A two-
third majority in Parliament is required to amend the Constitution,” and
“Individuals aged eighteen have a right to vote,” respectively.
The analysis also shows a relationship between parental income and the
item, “Members of Parliament are immune from prosecution,” χ2(1, N =
4,404) = 32.67, p < .01. The Cramer V correlation coefficient of .09 shows a
very weak strength in the relationship between the two variables. It indicates
that parental income is a factor that influenced the participant’s perspective
on the immunity of Members of Parliament from prosecution.
There was a significant relationship between father’s education level and
the item, “Members of Parliament are immune from prosecution,” χ2(1, N =
4,404) = 28.83, p < .01. The Cramer V correlation coefficient of .08 shows a
very weak strength in the relationship between the two variables. It means
that the participant’s perspective on parliamentary immunity is significantly
influenced by father’s education level, although the correlation is weak.

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 305

Table 2. Relationship Between Citizenship Literacy and Selected Variables

Parental” Father’s Mother’s

Gender income education education

Relationship χ2 V p χ2 V p χ2 V p χ2 V p

Immunity 6.74 .04 .01 32.67 .09 .00* 28.83 .08 .00* 12.81 .05 .00*
Amendment 63.59 .12 .00* 106.777 .16 .00* 62.36 .12 .00* 50.27 .11 .00*
Identity card outside 0.01 .00 .94 13.17 .06 .00* 9.88 .05 .01 9.28 .05 .01
Approval 0.03 .00 .88 59.89 .12 .00* 46.33 .10 .00* 10.80 .05 .01
Parliament 3.65 .03 .06 22.37 .07 .00* 18.35 .07 .00* 4.74 .03 .09
Right to vote 90.14 .14 .00* 17.35 .06 .00* 21.79 .07 .00* 9.01 .05 .01
Equal treatment 34.00 .09 .00* 22.59 .07 .00* 4.63 .03 .11 13.63 .06 .00*
Elections 17.34 .06 .00* 11.63 .05 .01 0.42 .01 .81 7.80 .04 .01
Criminal court 8.06 .04 .01 4.86 .03 .18 9.20 .05 .01 14.64 .06 .00*
Guard 15.81 .06 .00* 39.58 .09 .00* 20.06 .07 .00* 1.53 .02 .47
Police entry 13.41 .06 .00* 40.10 .09 .00* 4.44 .03 .10 8.62 .04 .02

Note:   V = Cramer’s V correlation coefficient.

*p < .01.

There was also a significant relationship between mother’s educational

level and the item, “Members of Parliament are immune from prosecution.”
The Cramer V correlation coefficient of .05 shows a very weak strength in the
relationship between the two variables, χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 12.81, p < .01. The
results show that mother’s education level is a factor that influenced the par-
ticipant’s perspective on parliamentary immunity.

Students’ Perception of Selected Aspects of Citizenship

Table 3 shows the percentage of responses for the students’ perceptions of
selected aspects of citizenship. When asked whether they would vote dur-
ing an election, 89.5% of the participants agree that they will do so when
they are eligible. About 88.5% of the participants agree with the item that
students should undergo compulsory urine testing for abuse of drugs.
Furthermore, 77.6% agree that measures to control youth from going out
late at night are good.
Conversely, 41.9% agreed that politicians are not interested in issues
concerning youth. The finding concur with O’Brien and Kohlmeier’s
(2003) results, who found that part of the reason for the lack of political
participation among the youth is based on the belief that politicians do not

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306 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

Table 3. Percentage of Responses for Perceptions on Citizenship

Item % n
I will vote when eligible 89.5 3941
Students should undergo compulsory urine test for 88.5 3898
drug abuse
Measures to control youth from going out late at night 77.6 3417
are good
Youth that commit serious crime should be punished 68.9 3036
like adults
Legal system provide equal rights for women similar to men 67.7 2981
Youths do not have the opportunity to voice opinions 56.4 2486
Newspapers are free to report on any issues 55.4 2440
Trials for those who are guilty is a waste of time 49.3 2170
Politicians are not interested in issues concerning youth 41.9 1847
I am interested in taking part in politics 35.9 1580
The death penalty should be abolished 23.3 1025

address their needs. The findings also showed that 35.9% of the partici-
pants agreed that they were interested in taking part in politics. In response
to the item on abolition of the death penalty, about 23.3% agreed that it
should be abolished.

Relationship Between Perception of Aspects

of Citizenship and Selected Variables
Table 4 shows the relationship between perceptions of some aspects of citi-
zenship and the variables of gender, parental income, and father’s and
mother’s education level.
The analysis showed that there is s a significant relationship between gen-
der and the item, “Students should undergo compulsory urine test for drug
abuse,” χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 10.52, p < .01. The Cramer V correlation coeffi-
cient of .05 shows a very weak strength in the relationship between the two
variables. There was a significant relationship between parental income and
the item, “I will vote when I am eligible,” χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 32.86, p < .01.
The Cramer V correlation coefficient of .09 shows a very weak strength in the
relationship between the two variables. The results indicate that gender is
a factor of the item, “Students should undergo compulsory urine test for
drug abuse” and that parental income is factor of “I will vote when I am
eligible.”

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 307

Table 4. Relationship Between Perception of Aspects of Citizenship Literacy and

Selected Variables

Parental Father’s Mother’s

Gender income education education

Relationship χ2 V p χ2 V p χ2 V p χ2 V p

Vote 4.86 .03 .03 32.86 .09 .00* 12.31 .05 .00* 6.15 .04 .03
Urine test 10.52 .05 .00* 3.34 .03 .34 4.21 .03 .13 16.03 .06 .00*
Late nights 101.19 .15 .00* 0.65 .01 .89 6.07 .04 .03 7.80 .04 .01
Punishment 0.12 .01 .73 17.95 .06 .00* 12.10 .05 .00* 4.80 .03 .09
Legal system 112.65 .16 .00* 33.98 .09 .00* 16.35 .06 .00* 21.57 .07 .00*
Opinions 4.27 .03 .04 53.65 .11 .00* 8.42 .04 .50 6.82 .04 .05
Newspapers 6.80 .04 .01 0.88 .01 .83 6.86 .04 .31 3.40 .03 .21
Trial 33.38 .09 .00* 3.73 .03 .29 4.07 .03 .12 2.50 .02 .29
Politicians 0 .00 .97 6.45 .04 .09 2.34 .04 .02 3.10 .03 .18
Interest 56.24 .11 .00* 26.91 .08 .00* 11.63 .05 .00* 1.85 .02 .40
Death penalty 61.61 .12 .00* 30.69 .08 .00* 16.11 .06 .00* 8.52 .04 .02

Note: Cramer’s V correlation coefficient.

*p < .01.

There was a significant relationship between father’s education level and

the item, “I will vote when I am eligible,” χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 12.31, p < .01.
The Cramer V correlation coefficient of .05 shows a very weak strength in the
relationship between the two variables. It means that father’s education level
is a factor of “I will vote when I am eligible.”
Besides that, the data in Table 4 indicate that there was a significant rela-
tionship between mother’s education level and the item, “Students should
undergo compulsory urine test for drug abuse,” χ2(1, N = 4,404) = 16.03, p <
.01. The Cramer V correlation coefficient of .06 shows a very weak strength
in the relationship between the two variables. Although the correlation is
weak, the findings showed that the item, “Students should undergo compul-
sory urine test for drug abuse,” is significantly influenced by mother’s educa-
tion level.

Discussion
Most of the participants responded correctly to the items related to citizen-
ship literacy. However, Malaysian youth, particularly those aged 16 years or
so, do not seem to have sufficient knowledge of the compulsory requirement

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308 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

to carry one’s identity card while outside the house. The law mandates that
all citizens are required to carry their identity card for security reasons.
Educators need to ensure that students are taught on this specific aspect of
citizenship, as at present it is not covered in the syllabus. Parents usually
disseminate this information to their children. Similarly, literacy related to
constitutional amendment and parliamentary immunity appears to be at a low
level. This is probably due to a lack of exposure to the topic on the role of
the government and functions of parliament, as citizenship is not taught in
the school curriculum as a specific subject. Education policy makers should
provide more priority to and focus on citizenship literacy while planning the
curriculum, since voter turnout over the past 12 general elections was less
than 70%.
The male and female participants tend to differ significantly in their per-
ceptions toward the legal system. There was a significant relationship
between the items that state that the legal system provides equal treatment to
all irrespective of one’s racial background.
Generally, the responses of the participants with respect to perceptions
regarding citizenship seem to be positive, as most of them recorded an above-
average percentage in their perceptions. Most of the participants expressed
that they are willing to vote when they attain the eligible age. The result
seems to be encouraging, as political attitudes and behaviors of youth can be
a useful predictor toward adult civic participation (Miller & Kimmel, 1997
cited in Hahn, 1998).

Conclusion
In 1983, the Ministry of Education in Malaysia removed civics from the
school curriculum. However, after a lapse of 22 years, in 2005, the ministry
decided to reintroduce the subject into the school curriculum. The shift in
policy is significant, as the government recognized the vital contribution of
the subject in fostering national consciousness and democratic values among
its youth. Given the complex and multifarious nature of democratic partici-
pation, one needs to conduct further research before making policy and cur-
ricular recommendations related to the improvement of the citizenship
curriculum in school.
Schools play a vital role in helping students understand the fundamental
importance of active citizenship. It is important to ensure that students under-
stand the process of meaningful engagement as citizens since they are
bestowed certain legal rights and obligations by the state. The advent of
Internet technology has revolutionized citizenship and, consequently, posed

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Tie Fatt Hee and Yan Piaw Chua 309

new educational questions as the geographical and physical boundaries

between nation states blurred. Thus, a robust citizenship education curricu-
lum based on developing proper skills for facing the challenges faced by
democracy, such as global tension and conflicts, is vital. According to Parker
(1996, p. 11), “Democracy has not seriously been undertaken as a curriculum
project in this society,” as it suffered “too much lip service.” In this regard,
one may assume that it has become a truism that democracy that works can
meet the challenge of totalitarianism, with education for citizenship focusing
on what Gilbert (1996, p. 62) described as “concrete principles of rights and
the practices of political action.” With this emphasis, the effort will then
become consistent with the fundamental democratic principle of government
by the people, as laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
which asserts the right of citizens to participate in the government.
Both England and the United States are facing citizenship education pol-
icy reforms and challenges. In the United States, citizenship education is not
a national policy, and citizenship education is taught only in certain schools
(Homana & Barber, 2006). Although the citizenship curriculum is firmly set
out by the education planners (Qualifications and Curriculum Authority,
2006), a recent evaluation of citizenship education in the country suggested
that “programmes need to have a clear learning aim, purpose and intention”
(Nelson & Kerr, 2005). Awareness among educators and school leaders on
the significant role of citizenship education can be enhanced by organizing
thoughtful and respectful dialogue about issues concerning civic-related pro-
fessional development, official recognition and community acceptance of the
civic purpose of education, cooperating and collaborating in approaching
civic-related learning, establishing a meaningful learning of civic-related
knowledge, as well as engagement and interaction in civic service to the
community.
Besides that, schools should play a more active role in fostering the knowl-
edge, skills, and dispositions that young people need in order for them to
develop into socially responsible and politically aware individuals. In this
respect, the experience from Malaysia may serve as a useful guide to educa-
tors and curriculum planners in other countries. Citizenship literacy is an
integral component in the school curriculum and should not be removed and
subsequently put back into the curriculum after a long lapse of time because
a generation of individuals who are left out in the process eventually faced a
“civic deficit.” If nations are committed to fostering the effective democratic
process of governance, they have to avoid this deficit that ultimately disen-
gages and disconnects future citizens, resulting in cynicism among the youth
toward the democratic process. Clear and concise policies must be set out to

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310 Education and Urban Society 43(3)

define the objectives of the curriculum to allow a better understanding of the

democratic process. Education policy planners must realize the importance of
preserving the basic fundamental rights of future generation to avoid political
apathy by focusing on a more active civic engagement through citizenship
education.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.

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Bios
Fatt Hee Tie is an associate professor at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia. His research interests include education law, leadership, and school
governance.

Yan Piaw Chua is a senior lecturer at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia. His area of research includes educational leadership, memory and thinking
skills, and creativity.

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