The Positive Functions of Poverty'

Herbert
J.Gans
ColumbiaUniversity
and CenterforPolicy Research

Mertonianfunctional analysisis appliedto explainthepersistence of

poverty,and fifteenfunctions whichpovertyand the poor perform
fortherestof Americansociety,particularly the affluent,
are identi-
fiedand described.Functionalalternativeswhichwould substitute
for these functionsand make povertyunnecessaryare suggested,
but the most importantalternativesare themselvesdysfunctional
fortheaffluent,sincetheyrequiresomeredistribution of incomeand
power.A functionalanalysisof povertythuscomesto manyof the
same conclusionsas radicalsociologicalanalysis,demonstrating anew
Merton'sassertionthat functionalism need not be conservativein
ideologicaloutlookor implication.

Over 20 years ago, Merton (1949, p. 71), analyzingthe persistenceof

the urban political machine,wrotethat because "we should ordinarily
. . . expect persistentsocial patternsand social structuresto perform
positivefunctionswhichare at the timenot adequatelyfulfilled by other
existingpatternsand structures . . . perhapsthispubliclymalignedorga-
nizationis, underpresentconditions,satisfyingbasic latent functions."
He pointedout how the machineprovidedcentralauthorityto get things
done when a decentralizedlocal government could not act, humanized
the servicesof the impersonalbureaucracyfor fearfulcitizens,offered
concretehelp (rather than law or justice) to the poor, and otherwise
performed servicesneeded or demandedby manypeople but considered
unconventional or even illegal by formalpublic agencies.
This paper is not concernedwith the politicalmachine,however,but
withpoverty,a social phenomenon whichis as malignedas and farmore
persistentthan the machine.Consequently, theremay be some meritin
applyingfunctionalanalysisto poverty,to ask whetherit too has posi-
tive functionsthat explainits persistence.Since functionalanalysishas
itselftaken on a malignedstatus among some Americansociologists,a

1 Earlier versionsof this paper were presentedat a Vassar College conferenceon the
war on povertyin 1964, at the 7th World Congressof Sociology in 1971, and in Social
Policy 2 (July-August1971): 20-24. The presentpaper will appear in a forthcoming
book on povertyand stratification, edited by S. M. Lipset and S. M. Miller, for the
AmericanAcademy of Arts and Sciences. I am indebted to Peter Marris, Robert K.
Merton, and S. M. Miller for helpful commentson earlier drafts of this paper.

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 AmericanJournalof Sociology

secondarypurposeof thispaper is to ask whetherit is still a usefulap-

proach.2

II

Merton(1949, p. 50) definedfunctionsas "those observedconsequences

whichmake for the adaptationor adjustmentof a given system; and
dysfunctions, those observedconsequenceswhich lessen the adaptation
or adjustmentof the system."This definition does not specifythe nature
or scope of the system,but elsewherein his classic paper "Manifestand
Latent Functions,"Mertonindicatedthat social systemwas not a syn-
onymfor society,and that systemsvary in size, requiringa functional
analysis"to considera rangeof unitsforwhichthe item (or social phe-
nomenonH.G.) has designatedconsequences:individualsin diversesta-
tuses,subgroups,the largersocial systemand culturalsystems"(1949,
p. 51).
In discussingthe functionsof poverty,I shall identifyfunctionsfor
groupsand aggregates;specifically, interestgroups,socioeconomic classes,
and otherpopulationaggregates,for example,those with shared values
or similarstatuses.This definitional approachis based on the assumption
thatalmosteverysocial system-and of courseeverysociety-is composed
of groupsor aggregateswith different interestsand values, so that, as
Mertonputit (1949, p. 51), "itemsmaybe functional forsomeindividuals
and subgroupsand dysfunctionalfor others." Indeed, frequentlyone
group's functionsare anothergroup's dysfunctions.3 For example,the
political machine analyzed by Merton was functional for the working
class and businessinterestsof the citybut dysfunctional manymiddle
for
class and reforminterests.Consequently,functionsare definedas those
observedconsequenceswhichare positiveas judged by the values of the
groupunderanalysis; dysfunctions, as thosewhichare negativeby these
values.4Because functionsbenefitthe groupin questionand dysfunctions

2 The paper also has the latent function,as S. M. Miller has suggested,of contributing
to the long debate over the functionalanalysis of social stratificationpresentedby
Davis and Moore (1945).
3Probably one of the few instancesin which a phenomenonhas the same function
for two groups with different interestsis when the survival of the systemin which
both participateis at stake. Thus, a wage increase can be functionalfor labor and
dysfunctionalfor management(and consumers),but if the wage increase endangers
the firm'ssurvival,it is dysfunctionalfor labor as well. This assumes, however,that
the firm'ssurvival is valued by the workers,which may not always be the case,
for example, when jobs are available elsewhere.
4 Merton (1949, p. 50) originallydescribed functionsand dysfunctionsin terms of
encouragingor hinderingadaptation or adjustmentto a system,althoughsubsequently
he has writtenthat "dysfunctionrefersto the particularinadequacies of-a particular
part of the systemfor a designatedrequirement"(1961, p. 732). Since adaptation and

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 PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
hurtit, I shall also describefunctionsand dysfunctions in the language
of economicplanningand systemsanalysisas benefitsand costs.5
Identifying functions
and dysfunctions forgroupsand aggregatesrather
thansystemsreducesthepossibilitythatwhatis functional forone group
in a multigroupsystemwill be seen as being functionalfor the whole
system,makingit more difficult, for example,to suggestthat a given
phenomenon is functionalfor a corporationor politicalregimewhen it
may in factonlybe functionalfortheirofficers or leaders.Also, thisap-
proachprecludesreachinga prioriconclusionsabout two otherimportant
empiricalquestionsraised by Merton (1949, pp. 32-36), whetherany
phenomenon is everfunctionalor dysfunctional foran entiresociety,and,
if functional, whetherit is thereforeindispensableto that society.
In a modernheterogeneous society,few phenomenaare functionalor
dysfunctional forthe societyas a whole,and most resultin benefitsto
some groupsand costs to others.Given the level of differentiation in
modernsociety,I am even skepticalwhetherone can empirically identify
a social systemcalled society.Societyexists,of course,but it is closerto
being a very large aggregate,and when sociologiststalk about society
as a system,theyoftenreallymean the nation,a systemwhich,among
otherthings,sets up boundariesand otherdistinguishing characteristics
betweensocietalaggregates.
I wouldalso arguethatno social phenomenon is indispenssable;
it may
be too powerfulor too highlyvalued to be eliminated,but in most in-
stances,one can suggestwhat Mertoncalls "functionalalternatives"or
equivalentsfora socialphenomena, thatis, othersocialpatternsor policies
whichachievethe same functions but avoid the dysfunctions.

III

viewof Americanpovertyis so dedicatedto identifying

The conventional
of poverty,both for the poor and the nation,that at
the dysfunctions

adjustmentto a systemcan have conservativeideological implications,Merton's later

formulationand my own definitionalapproach make it easier to use functionalanalysis
as an ideologicallyneutral or at least ideologicallyvariable method, insofar as the
researchercan decide for himselfwhetherhe supportsthe values of the group under
analysis.
5 It should be noted, however, that there are no absolute benefitsand costs just as
there are no absolute functionsand dysfunctions;not only are one group's benefits
oftenanothergroup's costs,but every group definesbenefitsby its own manifestand
latent values, and a social scientist or planner who has determinedthat certain
phenomenaprovide beneficialconsequencesfor a group may findthat the group thinks
otherwise.For example, during the 1960s, advocates of racial integrationdiscovered
that a significantportion of the black communityno longer consideredit a benefit
but saw it ratheras a policy to assimilateblacks into white society and to decimate
the political power of the black community.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
firstglanceit seemsinconceivableto suggestthatpovertycould be func-
tionalforanyone.Of course,theslumlordand theloan sharkare widely
knownto profitfromthe existenceof poverty;but theyare popularly
viewedas evil men,and theiractivitiesare, at least in part,dysfunctional
forthe poor. However,whatis less oftenrecognized, at least in the con-
ventionalwisdom,is that povertyalso makes possible the existenceor
expansion of "respectable"professionsand occupations,for example,
penology,criminology, social work, and public health. More recently,
thepoorhave providedjobs forprofessional and paraprofessional "poverty
warriors,"as well as journalistsand social scientists,
thisauthorincluded,
whohave suppliedtheinformation demandedwhenpubliccuriosityabout
thepoordevelopedin the 1960s.
Clearly,then,povertyand the poor may well servea numberof func-
tionsformanynonpoorgroupsin Americansociety,and I shall describe
15 sets of such functions-economic, social, cultural,and political-that
seem to me mostsignificant.
First,the existenceof povertymakes sure that "dirtywork"is done.
Everyeconomyhas such work:physicallydirtyor dangerous,temporary,
dead-endand underpaid,undignified, and menial jobs. These jobs can
be filledby payinghigherwages than for"clean" work,or by requiring
people who have no otherchoiceto do the dirtyworkand at low wages.
In America,povertyfunctionsto providea low-wagelabor pool that is
willing-or, rather,unable to be unwilling-to performdirtywork at
low cost. Indeed, this functionis so importantthat in some Southern
states,welfarepaymentshave been cut offduringthe summermonths
when the poor are needed to workin the fields.Moreover,the debate
about welfare--andabout proposed substitutessuch as the negative
incometax and the FamilyAssistancePlan-has emphasizedthe impact
of incomegrantson workincentive,with opponentsoftenarguingthat
such grantswould reduce the incentiveof-actually, the pressureon-
thepoor to carryout the neededdirtyworkif thewages therefore are no
larger than the income grant. Furthermore, many economicactivities
whichinvolvedirtyworkdependheavilyon the poor; restaurants, hos-
pitals,parts of the garmentindustry,and industrialagriculture, among
others,could not persistin theirpresentformwithouttheirdependence
on the substandardwages whichtheypay to theiremployees.
Second, the poor subsidize,directlyand indirectly,many activities
that benefitthe affluent.6 For one thing,theyhave long supportedboth
6Of course, the poor do not actually subsidize the affluent.Rather, by being forced
to work forlow wages, theyenable the affluentto use the moneysaved in this fashion
for other purposes. The concept of subsidy used here thus assumes belief in a "just
wage."

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 PositiveFunctionsof Poverty

the consumptionand investmentactivitiesof the private economyby

virtueof the low wages whichtheyreceive.This was openlyrecognized
at the beginningof the IndustrialRevolution,when a French writer
quoted by T. H. Marshall (forthcoming, p. 7) pointed out that "to
assure and maintainthe prosperitiesof our industries,it is necessary
that the workersshould never acquire wealth." Examples of this kind
of subsidizationabound even today; for example,domesticssubsidize
theuppermiddleand upperclasses,makinglifeeasierfortheiremployers
and freeingaffluent womenfor a varietyof professional, cultural,civic,
or social activities.In addition,as BarrySchwartzpointedout (personal
communication), the low incomeof the poor enables the rich to divert
a higherproportion of theirincometo savingsand investment, and thus
to fuel economicgrowth.This, in turn,can producehigherincomesfor
everybody, includingthe poor, althoughit does not necessarilyimprove
the positionof the poor in the socioeconomic since the benefits
hierarchy,
of economicgrowthare also distributed unequally.
At the same time,the poor subsidizethe governmental economy.Be-
cause local propertyand sales taxes and the ungraduatedincometaxes
levied by manystates are regressive,the poor pay a higherpercentage
of theirincomein taxes than the restof the population,thussubsidizing
the manystate and local governmental programsthat servemoreaffluent
taxpayers.7In addition,the poor supportmedicalinnovationas patients
in teachingand researchhospitals,and as guineapigs in medicalexperi-
ments,subsidizingthe moreaffluent patientswho alone can affordthese
innovationsonce they are incorporated into medicalpractice.
Third,povertycreatesjobs for a numberof occupationsand profes-
sions which serve the poor, or shield the rest of the populationfrom
them.As alreadynoted,penologywould be minisculewithoutthe poor,
as wouldthepolice,sincethe poorprovidethe majorityof their"clients."
Other activitieswhichflourishbecause of the existenceof povertyare
the numbersgame, the sale of heroin and cheap wines and liquors,
pentecostalministers,faith healers, prostitutes,pawn shops, and the
peacetimearmy, which recruitsits enlistedmen mainly fromamong
the poor.
Fourth,the poor buy goods whichothersdo not want and thus pro-
longtheireconomicusefulness, suchas day-oldbread,fruitand vegetables
whichwould otherwisehave to be thrownout, second-handclothes,and
deteriorating automobilesand buildings.They also provideincomesfor

7Pechman (1969) and Herriottand Miller (1971) found that the poor pay a higher
proportion of their income in taxes than any other part of the population: 50%
among people earning $2,000 or less according to the latter study.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

doctors,lawyers,teachers,and otherswho are too old, poorlytrained,

or incompetent to attractmoreaffluent clients.
In addition,thepoorperform a numberof social and culturalfunctions:
Fifth,the poor can be identifiedand punishedas alleged or real devi-
antsin orderto upholdthelegitimacy of dominantnorms(Macarov 1970,
pp. 31-33). The defendersof the desirability of hard work,thrift,hon-
esty, and monogamyneed people who can be accused of being lazy,
spendthrift, dishonest,and promiscuousto justifythese norms; and as
Erikson (1964) and othersfollowingDurkheimhave pointedout, the
normsthemselvesare best legitimatedby discoveringviolations.
Whetherthe poor actually violate these norms more than affluent
people is still open to question. The workingpoor work harder and
longerthan high-status jobholders,and poor housewivesmust do more
houseworkto keep theirslum apartmentsclean than theirmiddle-class
peers in standardhousing.The proportionof cheatersamong welfare
recipientsis quite low and considerablylower than among incometax-
payers.8Violentcrimeis higheramongthe poor,but the affluent commit
a varietyof white-collarcrimes,and several studies of self-reported
delinquencyhave concludedthat middle-classyoungstersare sometimes
as delinquentas thepoor.However,thepoorare morelikelyto be caught
whenparticipating in deviantacts and, once caught,to be punishedmore
oftenthan middle-classtransgressors. Moreover,they lack the political
and culturalpower to correctthe stereotypesthat affluent people hold
of them,and thus continueto be thoughtof as lazy, spendthrift, etc.,
whateverthe empiricalevidence,by those who need living proof that
deviance does not pay.9 The actually or allegedlydeviant poor have
traditionallybeen describedas undeserving and, in morerecentterminol-
ogy,culturallydeprivedor pathological.
Sixth,anothergroupof poor,describedas deservingbecause theyare
disabledor suffering frombad luck, providethe rest of the population
withdifferent emotionalsatisfactions;theyevoke compassion,pity,and
charity,thusallowingthosewhohelp themto feelthattheyare altruistic,
moral,and practicingthe Judeo-Christian ethic.The deservingpoor also
enable othersto feel fortunatefor being spared the deprivationsthat
come withpoverty.10
8 Most officialinvestigationsof welfare cheating have concluded that less than 5%
of recipientsare on the rolls illegally,while it has been estimatedthat about a third
of the population cheats in filingincome tax returns.
9AIthough this paper deals with the functionsof poverty for other groups,poverty
has often been described as a motivatingor character-building device for the poor
themselves;and economic conservativeshave argued that by generatingthe incentive
to work, povertyencouragesthe poor to escape poverty.For an argumentthat work
incentiveis more enhanced by income than lack of it, see Gans (1971, p. 96).
10 One psychiatrist(Chernus 1967) has even proposed the fantastichypothesisthat

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 PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
Seventh,as a converseof the fifthfunctiondescribedpreviously,the
poorofferaffluent peoplevicariousparticipation in the uninhibitedsexual,
alcoholic,and narcoticbehaviorin whichmanypoor people are alleged
to indulge,and which,being freedfromthe constraints of affluenceand
respectability, they are often thoughtto enjoy more than the middle
classes. One of the popularbeliefsabout welfarerecipientsis that many
are on a permanent sex-filled vacation.Althoughit may be truethat the
poorare moregivento uninhibited behavior,studiesby Rainwater(1970)
and otherobserversof the lowerclass indicatethat such behavioris as
oftenmotivatedby despairas by lack of inhibition, and that it results
less in pleasurethanin a compulsiveescape fromgrimreality.However,
whetherthe poor actuallyhave moresex and enjoy it morethan affluent
people is irrelevant;as long as the latterbelieve it to be so, theycan
share it vicariouslyand perhapsenviouslywhen instancesare reported
in fictional,journalistic,or sociologicaland anthropologicalformats.
Eighth,povertyhelps to guaranteethe status of those who are not
poor.In a stratified society,wheresocial mobilityis an especiallyimpor-
tant goal and class boundariesare fuzzy,people need to know quite
urgentlywheretheystand. As a result,the poor functionas a reliable
and relativelypermanentmeasuringrod for status comparison,particu-
larlyforthe workingclass, whichmustfindand maintainstatusdistinc-
tions betweenitselfand the poor, much as the aristocracymust find
ways of distinguishing itselffromthe nouveauriche.
Ninth, the poor also assist in the upward mobilityof the nonpoor,
for, as Goode has pointed out (1967, p. 5), "the privileged . . . try sys-
tematicallyto preventthe talentof the less privilegedfrombeingrecog-
nized or developed."By beingdeniededucationalopportunities or being
stereotypedas stupid or unteachable,the poor thus enable others to
obtain the betterjobs. Also, an unknown number of people have moved
themselvesor theirchildrenup in the socioeconomichierarchythrough
theincomesearnedfromthe provisionof goodsand servicesin the slums:
by becomingpolicemenand teachers,owning"Mom and Pop" stores,
or workingin the variousracketsthatflourish in the slums.
In fact,membersof almosteveryimmigrant grouphave financedtheir
upwardmobilityby providingretail goods and services,housing,enter-
tainment,gambling,narcotics,etc., to later arrivalsin America (or in
the city), most recentlyto blacks, Mexicans,and Puerto Ricans. Other
Americans, of bothEuropeanand nativeorigin,have financedtheirentry
into the upper middle and upper classes by owningor managingthe
thatservethepoor,as wellas thelegal but not respect-
illegalinstitutions
able ones,such as slumhousing.
the rich and the poor are engaged in a sadomasochisticrelationship,the latter being
supportedfinanciallyby the formerso that they can gratifytheirsadistic needs.

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Tenth, just as the poor contributeto the economicviabilityof a
numberof businessesand professions(see function3 above), theyalso
add to the social viabilityof noneconomicgroups.For one thing,they
help to keep the aristocracybusy,thusjustifying its continuedexistence.
"Society"uses the poor as clientsof settlement housesand charitybene-
fits; indeed,it musthave the poor to practiceits public-mindedness so
as to demonstrate its superiorityover the nouveauxricheswho devote
themselves to conspicuousconsumption. The poor play a similarfunction
for philanthropic enterprisesat other levels of the socioeconomichier-
archy,includingthemass of middle-classcivicorganizations and women's
clubsengagedin volunteerworkand fundraising in almosteveryAmerican
community.Doing good among the poor has traditionallyhelped the
churchto finda methodof expressingreligioussentiments in action; in
recentyears,militantchurchactivityamongand forthepoorhas enabled
the churchto hold on to its moreliberaland radicalmemberswho might
otherwisehave droppedout of organizedreligionaltogether.
Eleventh, the poor performseveral cultural functions.They have
played an unsungrole in the creationof "civilization,"havingsupplied
theconstruction labor formanyof themonuments whichare oftenidenti-
fiedas the noblestexpressionsand examplesof civilization,forexample,
the Egyptianpyramids,Greek temples,and medievalchurches."lMore-
over, theyhave helped to create a goodlyshare of the surpluscapital
thatfundstheartistsand intellectuals who make culture,and particularly
"high" culture,possiblein the firstplace.
Twelfth,the "low" culturecreatedforor by the poor is oftenadopted
by the moreaffluent. The richcollectartifactsfromextinctfolkcultures
(althoughnot only frompoor ones), and almostall Americanslistento
the jazz, blues,spirituals,and countrymusicwhichoriginatedamongthe
Southernpoor-as well as rock,whichwas derivedfromsimilarsources.
The protestof thepoorsometimesbecomesliterature;in 1970, forexam-
ple, poetrywrittenby ghettochildrenbecame popular in sophisticated
literarycircles.The pooralso serveas cultureheroesand literarysubjects,
particularly,of course,for the Left,but the hobo, cowboy,hipster,and
themythicalprostitute witha heartof gold have performed thisfunction
fora varietyof groups.
Finally,the poor carryout a numberof importantpoliticalfunctions:
Thirteenth,thepoorserveas symbolicconstituencies and opponentsfor
several political groups. For example,parts of the revolutionary Left
could not existwithoutthe poor,particularly now that the working class
can no longerbe perceivedas the vanguardof the revolution. Conversely,

11 Althoughthis is not a contemporaryfunctionof povertyin America,it should be

noted that today these monumentsserve to attract and gratifyAmerican tourists.

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 PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
political groupsof conservativebent need the "welfarechiselers"and
otherswho"live offthetaxpayer'shard-earned money"in orderto justify
theirdemandsforreductionsin welfarepaymentsand tax relief.More-
over,the role of the poor in upholdingdominantnorms(see function5
above) also has a significant politicalfunction.An economybased on the
ideologyof laissez fairerequiresa deprivedpopulationwhichis allegedly
unwillingto work; not only does the alleged moral inferiority of the
poor reducethe moralpressureon the presentpoliticaleconomyto elimi-
nate poverty,but redistributive alternativescan be made to look quite
unattractive if thosewho will benefitfromthemmost can be described
as lazy, spendthrift, dishonest,and promiscuous. Thus, conservatives and
classical liberalswould findit difficult to justifymanyof theirpolitical
beliefswithoutthe poor; but thenso wouldmodernliberalsand socialists
who seek to eliminatepoverty.
Fourteenth, the poor,beingpowerless,can be made to absorbthe eco-
nomic and political costs of change and growthin Americansociety.
During the 19thcentury,theydid the backbreakingworkthat built the
cities; today,theyare pushedout of theirneighborhoods to make room
for "progress."Urban renewalprojects to hold middle-classtaxpayers
and storesin the city and expresswaysto enable suburbanitesto com-
mutedowntownhave typicallybeen locatedin poor neighborhoods, since
no othergroupwillallowitselfto be displaced.For muchthesame reason,
urbanuniversities, hospitals,and civic centersalso expandinto land oc-
cupiedby thepoor.The majorcostsof the industrialization of agriculture
in Americahave been borneby the poor, who are pushedoffthe land
withoutrecompense, just as in earliercenturiesin Europe,theybore the
bruntof the transformation of agrariansocietiesinto industrialones.
The poor have also paid a large share of the humancost of the growth
of Americanpower overseas,for theyhave providedmany of the foot
soldiersforVietnamand otherwars.
Fifteenth,the poor have played an importantrole in shaping the
Americanpoliticalprocess; because theyvote and participateless than
othergroups,the politicalsystemhas oftenbeen freeto ignorethem.This
has not only made Americanpoliticsmorecentristthan would otherwise
be the case, but it has also added to the stabilityof the politicalprocess.
If the 15% of the populationbelow the federal"povertyline" partici-
pated fullyin the politicalprocess,theywould almostcertainlydemand
betterjobs and higherincomes,whichwould requireincomeredistribu-
tionand would thus generatefurther politicalconflictbetweenthe haves
and the have-nots.Moreover,when the poor do participate,theyoften
providethe Democratswitha captive constituency, for theycan rarely
supportRepublicans,lack partiesof theirown, and thus have no other
place to go politically.This, in turn,has enabledthe Democratsto count

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 AmericanJournalof Sociology

on the votes of the poor, allowingthe party to be more responsiveto

voterswho mightotherwiseswitchto the Republicans,in recentyears,
forexample,the whiteworkingclass.

IV
I have describedfifteen of the moreimportantfunctionswhichthe poor
carryout in Americansociety,enoughto supportthe functionalist thesis
that povertysurvivesin part because it is usefulto a numberof groups
in society.This analysis is not intendedto suggestthat because it is
functional,povertyshould persist,or that it must persist.Whetherit
shouldpersistis a normativequestion; whetherit must,an analyticand
empiricalone, but the answerto both dependsin part on whetherthe
dysfunctions of povertyoutweighthe functions.Obviously,povertyhas
manydysfunctions, mainlyforthe poor themselves but also forthe more
affluent. For example,theirsocial orderis upset by the pathology,crime,
politicalprotest,and disruption emanatingfromthe poor,and the income
of the affluentis affected
by the taxes thatmustbe leviedto protecttheir
socialorder.Whetherthedysfunctions outweighthefunctions is a question
that clearlydeservesstudy.
It is, however,possibleto suggestalternativesformanyof thefunctions
of thepoor.Thus,society'sdirtywork(function1) couldbe donewithout
poverty,some by automatingit, the restby payingthe workerswho do
it decentwages,whichwould help considerablyto cleanse that kind of
work.Nor is it necessaryfor the poor to subsidizethe activitiesthey
supportthroughtheirlow-wagejobs (function2), for,like dirtywork,
manyof theseactivitiesare essentialenoughto persistevenif wageswere
raised. In both instances,however,costs would be drivenup, resulting
in higherpricesto thecustomersand clientsof dirtyworkand subsidized
activity,withobviousdysfunctional consequencesformoreaffluent people.
Alternativeroles for the professionalswho flourishbecause of the
poor (function3) are easy to suggest.Social workerscould counselthe
affluent, as mostpreferto do anyway,and the police could devotethem-
to
selves traffic and organizedcrime.Fewerpenologistswouldbe employ-
able,however,and pentecostalreligionwouldprobablynotsurvivewithout
thepoor.Nor wouldpartsof thesecond-and third-hand market(function
4), althougheven affluent people sometimesbuy used goods. Otherroles
would have to be foundfor badly trainedor incompetent professionals
now relegatedto servingthe poor,and someoneelse would have to pay
theirsalaries.
Alternatives forthedeviance-connected social functions(functions5-7)
can be foundmoreeasily and cheaplythan for the economicfunctions.

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 PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
Othergroupsare alreadyavailable to serveas deviantsto uphold tradi-
tional morality,for example,entertainers, hippies,and most recently,
adolescentsin general.These same groupsare also available as alleged
or real orgiaststo providevicariousparticipation in sexual fantasies.The
blindand disabledfunctionas objects of pity and charity,and the poor
may therefore not even be neededforfunctions5-7.
The statusand mobilityfunctions of the poor (functions8 and 9) are
far moredifficult to substitute,however.In a hierarchicalsociety,some
peoplemustbe definedas inferior to everyoneelse withrespectto a variety
of attributes,and the poor performthis functionmore adequatelythan
others.They could,however,perform it withoutbeingas poverty-stricken
as theyare, and one can conceiveof a stratification systemin whichthe
peoplebelowthe federal"povertyline" wouldreceive75% of the median
incomeratherthan 40% or less, as is now the case-even thoughthey
wouldstillbe last in the peckingorder.'2Needless to say, such a reduc-
tion of economicinequalitywould also require income redistribution.
Giventheoppositionto incomeredistribution amongmoreaffluent people,
however,it seems unlikelythat the status functionsof povertycan be
replaced,and they-togetherwith the economicfunctionsof the poor,
whichare equally expensiveto replace-may turnout to be the major
obstaclesto the eliminationof poverty.
The role of the poor in the upwardmobilityof othergroupscould be
maintained withouttheirbeingso lowin income.However,if theirincomes
wereraisedabove subsistencelevels,theywouldbeginto generatecapital
so thattheirownentrepreneurs couldsupplythemwithgoodsand services,
thus competingwith and perhapsrejecting"outside" suppliers.Indeed,
this is already happeningin a numberof ghettoes,where blacks are
replacingwhitestoreowners.
Similarly,if the poor weremoreaffluent, theywouldmake less willing
clients for upper- and middle-classphilanthropicand religiousgroups
(function10), althoughas long as theyare economicallyand otherwise
unequal, this functionneed not disappear altogether.Moreover,some
wouldstill use the settlement housesand otherphilanthropic institutions
to pursueindividualupwardmobility,as theydo now.
The culturalfunctions(11 and 12) may not need to be replaced.In
America,the labor unions have rarelyallowed the poor to help build
culturalmonuments anyway,and thereis sufficient surpluscapital from
othersourcesto subsidizethe unprofitable componentsof high culture.
12In 1971, the median familyincome in the United States was about $10,000, and
the federalpovertyline for a familyof four was set at just about $4,000. Of course,
most of the poor were earning less than 40% of the median, and about a third of
them,less than 20% of the median.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

Similarly,other deviant groups are available to innovatein popular

cultureand supply new cultureheroes,for example,the hippies and
membersof othercounter-cultures.
Some of the political functionsof the poor would, however,be as
difficultto replaceas theireconomicand status functions. Althoughthe
poor could probablycontinueto serve as symbolicconstituencies and
opponents(function13) if theirincomeswereraisedwhiletheyremained
unequal in otherrespects,increasesin incomeare generallyaccompanied
by increasesin poweras well. Consequently, once they were no longer
so poor,people would be likelyto resistpayingthe costs of growthand
change (function14); and it is difficult to findalternativegroupswho
can be displaced for urban renewal and technological"progress."Of
course,it is possibleto designcity-rebuildingand highwayprojectswhich
properlyreimbursethe displaced people, but such projectswould then
becomeconsiderably moreexpensive,thusraisingthe priceforthosenow
benefiting fromurbanrenewaland expressways. manymight
Alternatively,
neverbe built,thusreducingthe comfortand convenienceof thosebene-
ficiaries.Similarly,if the poor were subjectedto less economicpressure,
theywouldprobablybe less willingto servein the army,exceptat con-
siderablyhigherpay, in whichcase war would become yet more costly
and thus less popular politically.Alternatively, more servicemenwould
have to be recruitedfromthe middleand upperclasses,but in that case
warwouldalso becomeless popular.
The politicalstabilizingand "centering"roleof the poor (function15)
probablycannotbe substitutedforat all, since no othergroupis willing
to be disenfranchised or likelyenoughto remainapatheticso as to reduce
the fragilityof the politicalsystem.Moreover,if the poor were given
higherincomes,theywouldprobablybecomemoreactivepolitically,thus
addingtheirdemandsformoreto thoseof othergroupsalreadyputting
pressureon the politicalallocatorsof resources.The poor mightcontinue
to remainloyal to the Democraticparty,but like othermoderate-income
voters,theycouldalso be attractedto the Republicansor to thirdparties.
Whileimproving theeconomicstatusof thepresently poorwouldnotneces-
sarilydrivethe politicalsystemfar to the left,it wouldenlargethe con-
stituenciesnow demandinghigherwages and morepublic funds.It is of
coursepossibleto add new powerlessgroupswho do not vote or otherwise
participateto the politicalmix and can thus serve as "ballast" in the
polity,forexample,by encouragingthe importof new poor immigrants
fromEurope and elsewhere,except that the labor unionsare probably
strongenoughto veto such a policy.
In sum,then,severalof themostimportant functionsof thepoorcannot
be replacedwithalternatives, while some could be replaced,but almost

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 PositiveFunctionsof Poverty
alwaysonlyat highercoststo otherpeople,particularly moreaffluentones.
Consequently,a functionalanalysismust concludethat povertypersists
many
not onlybecauseit satisfiesa numberof functionsbut also b1ecause
alternatives
of thefunctional for
to povertywould be quite dysfunctional
the moreaffluentmembersof society.13

I noted earlier that functionalanalysis had itselfbecome a maligned

phenomenon and that a secondarypurposeof this paper was to demon-
strateits continuedusefulness.One reason for its presentlylow status
is political; insofaras an analysisof functions, particularlylatentfunc-
tions,seems to justifywhat oughtto be condemned,it appears to lend
itself to the supportof conservativeideologicalpositions,althoughit
can also have radicalimplications whenit subvertsthe conventional wis-
dom. Still,as Mertonhas pointedout (1949, p. 43; 1961, pp. 736-37),
functionalanalysisper se is ideologicallyneutral,and "like otherforms
of sociologicalanalysis,it can be infusedwith any of a wide range of
sociologicalvalues" (1949, p. 40). This infusiondepends,of course,on
the purposes-and even the functions-ofthe functionalanalysis,foras
Wirth (1936, p. xvii) suggestedlong ago, "every assertionof a 'fact'
about the social worldtouchesthe interestsof someindividualor group,"
and even if functional analysesare conceivedand conductedin a neutral
manner,theyare rarelyinterpreted in an ideologicalvacuum.
In one sense,my analysisis, however,neutral; if one makesno judg-
mentas to whetherpovertyoughtto be eliminated-andif one can subse-
quentlyavoid beingaccused of acquiescingin poverty-thenthe analysis
suggestsonly that povertyexistsbecause it is usefulto manygroupsin
society.14If one favorsthe eliminationof poverty,however,then the
analysiscan have a varietyof politicalimplications, dependingin part
on how completelyit is carriedout.
If functional analysisonlyidentifiesthe functionsof social phenomena
withoutmentioning their dysfunctions,then it may, intentionallyor
otherwise,agree with or supportholders of conservativevalues. Thus,
to say thatthe poor perform for
manyfunctions the rich mightbe inter-
pretedor used to justifypoverty,just as Davis and Moore's argument

13 Or as Stein (1971, p. 171) puts it: "If the non-poormake the rules . . . antipoverty
effortswill only be made up to the point wherethe needs of the non-poorare satisfied,
rather than the needs of the poor."
14 Of course, even in this case the analysis need not be purely neutral,but can be
put to importantpolicy uses, for example, by indicatingmore effectively than moral
attacks on povertythe exact nature of the obstaclesthat must be overcomeif poverty
is to be eliminated.See also Merton (1961, pp. 709-12).

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
(1945) that social stratification
is functionalbecause it providessociety
withhighlytrainedprofessionals could be taken to justifyinequality.
Actually,the Davis and Moore analysis was conservativebecause it
was incomplete;it did not identifythe dysfunctions of inequalityand
failedto suggestfunctionalalternatives, as Tumin (1953) and Schwartz
(1955) have pointedout.15 Once a functionalanalysis is made more
completeby the additionof functionalalternatives, however,it can take
on a liberal and reformcast, because the alternativesoften provide
ameliorativepolicies that do not require any drastic change in the
existingsocial order.
Even so, to make functionalanalysis completerequiresyet another
step, an examinationof the functionalalternativesthemselves.My
analysis suggeststhat the alternativesfor povertyare themselvesdys-
functionalforthe affluent population,and it ultimatelycomes to a con-
clusionwhichis not verydifferent fromthat of radical sociologists.To
wit: that social phenomenawhichare functionalfor affluent groupsand
dysfunctional for poor ones persist; that when the eliminationof such
phenomenathroughfunctionalalternativesgeneratesdysfunctions for
theaffluent,theywillcontinueto persist;and thatphenomenalikepoverty
can be eliminatedonlywhentheyeitherbecomesuficientlydysfunctional
forthe affluent or whenthe poor can obtainenoughpowerto changethe
systemof social stratification.16

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(May), pp. 104-9.
Davis, K., and W. E. Moore. 1945. "Some Principles of Stratification."American
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Erikson, K. T. 1964. "Notes on the Sociology of Deviance." In The Other Side,
edited by Howard S. Becker. New York: Free Press.

15 Functional analysis can, of course, be conservativein value or have conservative

implicationsfor a numberof otherreasons,principallyin its overt or covert compari-
son of the advantagesof functionsand disadvantagesof dysfunctions,or in its attitudes
toward the groups that are benefitingand paying the costs. Thus, a conservatively
inclined policy researchercould conclude that the dysfunctionsof poverty far out-
numberthe functions,but still decide that the needs of the poor are simply not as
importantor worthyas those of other groups,or of the countryas a whole.
16On the possibilityof radical functionalanalysis,see Merton (1949, pp. 40-43) and
Gouldner (1970, p. 443). One difference
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mightthen decide that they ought to be intendedas well, so as to forestalla more
expensiveantipovertyeffortthat mightbe dysfunctionalfor the affluent.

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