Romania Nova II / V ELFE

Universidade Federal de Alagoas

November, 20-24, 2006

Morphosyntactic and lexical-semantic properties of re in Argentinian Spanish

Laura Kornfeld (lkornfel@ungs.edu.ar)

Inés Kuguel (ikuguel@ungs.edu.ar)
Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento
(Buenos Aires, Argentina)

1. Introduction

● re is mainly an intensifier and evaluative element. Within AP, AdvP, SP (cf. 1), it is common
in several geographical varieties of Spanish, especially in America. However, it is much more
extended in Argentinian (and Uruguayan) Spanish (particularly among the young), where it is
also used in verbal, clausal and nominal domains (cf. 2-4).
(1) a. re lindo / re grande / re viejo
RE nice / RE big / RE old
‘very nice’ / ‘very big’ / ‘very old’

b. re claramente / re lejos / re bien

RE clearly / RE far away / RE well
‘very clearly’ / ‘very far away’ / ‘very well’

c. re desde lejos / re de entre casa / re de moda

RE from far away / RE casual / RE in fashion
‘from very far away’ / ‘very casual’ / ‘very fashionable’

(2) a. re construyó la casa / re llegó

RE built-he the house / RE arrived-he
‘He built the house completely’ / ‘He absolutely arrived’

b. re viajó a Europa / lo re besa

RE travelled-he to Europe / him RE kisses-he
‘He travelled to Europe many times’ / ‘She kisses him repeatedly’

c. re trabaja / re juega / re esperó / re durmió

RE works-he / RE plays-he / RE waited-he / RE slept-he
‘He works/ plays very often/ for a long time’ / ‘He waited/ slept for a long time’

d. se re enoja / le re teme
SE RE gets-he angry / him RE fears-he
‘He gets very angry’ / ‘He fears him a lot’

e. re llega / re termina los tallarines

RE arrives-he / RE finishes-he the pasta
‘He will certainly arrive’ / ‘He will certainly finish the pasta’

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(3) Re que lo hago para quedar bien.
RE that it do-I to give a good impression.
‘I certainly do it to give a good impression.’

(4) a. Consiguió el re auto. / Dijo una re mentira.

got-he the RE car. / told-he a RE lie.
‘He got a very good car.’ / ‘She told a very big lie.’

b. Es un re amigo / re médico
is-he a RE friend / RE doctor
‘He is a very good friend / doctor’

c. Tiene re confianza / re plata

has-he RE faith / RE money
‘He has a lot of faith / money

d. re campeón / re viajero
RE champion / RE traveller
‘a great champion / traveller’

e. re siesta / re trabajo
RE nap / RE job
‘a long nap’ / ‘a great job’

● As it usually happens with evaluative elements, re is basically used in a colloquial register

(Di Tullio & Masullo 1996). The diachronic origin of this element might be found in the re
that, adjoined to verbs, indicates the repetition of an action (rehacer [re-do], reescribir [re-
write]).
The main empirical aim of this work is to offer a systematized view of an element that might
appear marginal in the Spanish grammar due to its dialectal or chronolectal nature, and give a
formal explanation of its behaviour.

● The morphological, syntactic and semantic properties displayed by re turn it into an ideal
element to work on the several interfaces of grammar and, as a consequence, to question some
aspects related to its architecture. In particular, the data we are going to present here support
the “deconstructive” conceptions of the relation between lexicon, morphology and syntax, as
claimed by the Distributed Morphology (DM), as opposed to the most traditional lexicalist
theories.
One of the theoretic aims of this work is to discuss a series of aspects concerning the
interfaces between syntax and morphology and between syntax and the lexicon. Some of
these aspects are the status of word classes, the properties of functional categories, and the
possibility of syntax to access lexical-semantic information within the lexical entry.

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2. Morphophonological properties

The properties exhibited by re show the paradox in claiming a sharp distinction between
bound and free morphemes.
● The fact that re can adjoin to coordinated words (cf. example 5) constitutes the first
violation of the Lexical Integrity Principle (Scalise 1984) or the Strong Lexicalist Hypothesis
(cf. Scalise 1984 and also DiSciullo & Williams 1987): “Syntactic rules cannot refer to any
aspect of the internal structure of the word” (presumably based on Chomsky 1970) or,
according to Lapointe (1978): “Syntactic transformations can never operate at a
morphological level”.
(5) re [bueno e inteligente]
RE [kind and intelligent]
‘very kind and intelligent’

● Moreover, as can be seen in the examples of (6), re may change its relative position in the
phrase without modifying its meaning.
(6) a. lo re habíamos discutido
[We] it RE had discussed

b. lo habíamos re discutido
[We] it had RE discussed

c. ?re lo habíamos discutido

?[We] RE it had discussed
‘We had already discussed it a lot’

Not only the possibility of coordination but also the mobility in the phrase show that the scope
of re affects not only its “base” but also the whole phrase (cf. 7), which becomes a
problematic issue if re is classified as a derivative prefix –as it is generally done in grammars
(Varela & García 1999: 5026).
(7) un gato re [cazador de ratones]
a cat RE [hunter of mice]
‘a cat that is a great hunter of mice’

3. Syntactic and lexical properties

The interpretation and the properties of re vary according to the word category it adjoins to.
Next, we will review its behaviour with each category: adjectives, prepositions and adverbs,
first; then verbs and functional projections of the clause, and finally, nouns. As it will be
evident, the most interesting data rise from the combinations taking place exclusively in
Argentinian Spanish (i.e., verbal, sentence and nominal contexts).

3.1. Adjectives, adverbs and prepositions

With AP, AdvP and PP, re means ‘very’ and has the same combinatorial constraints as the free
morphemes used for degree modification in Spanish, such as muy [very], bastante

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[rather/quite], poco [few/a little]. This means that re combines with qualifying adjectives (8.a)
or adverbial and prepositional constructions that may receive degree modification (8.b-c).
(8) a. re lindo/ re grande (cf. muy lindo / muy grande)
RE nice / RE big (cf. very nice / very big)

b. re claramente / re lejos (cf. muy claramente / muy lejos)

RE clearly / RE far away (cf. very clearly / very far away)

c. re desde lejos/ re de entre casa (cf. muy desde lejos / muy de entre casa)
RE from far away / RE casual (cf. from very far away / very casual)

As a contrast, those expressions that cannot be complements of Degree Phrases are

incompatible with re (9.a-c).
(9) a. *buque re petrolero / *sintagma re nominal
ship RE oil / phrase RE nominal
‘very oil ship’; ‘very nominal phrase’

b. *re ayer / *re mañana / *re aparentemente / *re metodológicamente

RE yesterday / RE tomorrow / RE apparently / RE methodologically

c. *re en la casa / *re desde la ventana

RE in the house / RE from the window

● Besides, re can also combine with verbal participles that admit modification of Degree
Phrases (compare 10.a with 10.b).
(10) a. Fue re aplaudido / celebrado / comentado por el público/ por la crítica
[He] was RE clapped / appraised / commented | by the audience / by the critics
(cf. Fue muy aplaudido / celebrado / comentado por el público)
(cf. [He] was much clapped / appraised / commented by the audience)

b. *Fue re encontrado / perdido / conquistado / impreso / operado

[It] was RE found / lost / conquered / printed / operated …
(cf. *Fue muy encontrado / perdido / conquistado / impreso / operado)
(cf. [It] was very found / lost / conquered / printed / operated …)

● Furthermore, re is in complementary distribution with other degree elements:

(11) *re muy grande / *bastante re caro (cf. *muy bastante grande)
RE very big / RE rather expensive (cf. *very quite big)

From these examples, it can be inferred that, combined with A, Adv and P, re functions as the
head of a Degree Phrase. As it happens to other elements expressing degree, the phrase
projected by re lacks, in general, internal structure1.

1 With the possible exception of re poco [RE (very) few] / muy poco inteligente [very little intelligent].

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As regards the combination with other appreciative affixes, re is incompatible with
superlatives (12.a), but compatible with other suffixes of the same kind, such as diminutives
or augmentatives (12.b).
(12) a. *re lindísimo / * re bajísimo (cf. *muy lindísimo)
RE nicest / RE shortest (cf. very nicest)

b. re buenazo / re grandote / re chiquita (cf. muy grandote)

RE kind+[augmentative] / RE big+[augm] / RE small[diminutive] (cf. very big+
[augm])

3.2. Verbs and clauses

● In the verbal domain, re brings about the study of quantification, together with
intensification. Quantification has been studied by Bosque & Masullo (1996) in adverbs such
as mucho [much/a lot] or bastante [rather/quite]. These authors claim that the interpretation
of these adverbs depends on the properties of the verb they combine with: thus llueve mucho
[it rains a lot] (= llueve mucha agua [it rains a lot of water]) is different from duerme mucho
[he sleeps a lot] (= duerme mucho tiempo [he sleeps a lot of time]).
● According to our analysis, the interpretation of re as well as its relation with functional
projections in the verbal and clausal domains will be basically determined by the aspectual
nature of the verb (Aktionsart). In this way, depending on the telicity of events, re may be
interpreted as an iterative element (cf. examples 13.a), as an intensifier of the perfective
aspect of the verb (cf. examples 13.b) or as a durative marker (cf. 13.c).
(13) a. re come comida china / re viajó a Europa
RE eats-she Chinese food / RE travelled-she to Europe
‘She eats Chinese food very often’ / ‘She travelled to Europe many times’

b. re llegó / re construyó la casa

RE arrived-he / RE built-he the house
‘He arrived a long time ago’ / ‘He built the house completely’

c. re trabaja / re juega
RE works-he / RE plays-he
‘He works/ plays for a long time’

● Regardless of the aspectual nature of the verb, re can always be given a modal epistemic
interpretation (cf. 14.a-b)
(14) a. re llega / re termina los tallarines
RE arrives-he / RE finishes-he the pasta
‘He will certainly arrive’ / ‘He will certainly finish the pasta’

b. re que lo hago para quedar bien

RE that it do-I to give a good impression.
‘I certainly do it to give a good impression.’

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3.2.1 Aspectual interpretation of re
Together with verbs, re is generally associated to an AspP projection, in which the semantic
interpretation will depend on the telicity of the verb it adjoins to.

● In combination with telic verbs (which cannot be modified by quantifiers such as mucho or
bastante), re is understood as an intensifier of the perfective aspect expressed by the
morphological category of the verb. In these cases, re stresses the fact that the event has
reached its culmination.

(15) se re terminó / se re durmió / se re olvidó / re llegó / re construyó la casa

SE RE finished-it / SE RE slept-he / RE forgot-he / RE arrived-he / RE built-he the house
‘He finished completely’/ ‘He fell deeply asleep’ / ‘He completely forgot’ / ‘He arrived a
long time ago’ / ‘He built the house completely’

When the verb is originally atelic, but it is bound by a complement or an adjunct, re gets an
iterative value (‘often’, ‘many times’); the same applies to semelfactive verbs (cf. examples
16):

(16) re come comida china / re viajó a Europa / lo re besa / re pestañea

RE eats-she food Chinese / RE travelled-he to Europe / him RE kisses-she / RE blinks-he
‘She eats Chinese food very often’ / ‘He travelled to Europe many times’ / ‘She kisses him
repeatedly’ / ‘She blinks repeatedly’

● Together with atelic unergative verbs, re has a durative interpretation with the meaning of
‘for a long time’. Thus, with unergative verbs in present, as in (17a), the durative meaning
alternates with the iterative interpretation previously mentioned (‘he works / plays often’). In
the case of (17.b), where the verb is in the simple past, the durative reading seems to be the
only possible one.
(17) a. re trabaja / re juega
RE works-he / RE plays-he
‘He works/ plays very often OR for a long time’

b. re trabajó / re jugó / re esperó / re durmió

RE worked-he / RE played-he / RE waited-he / RE slept-he
‘He worked / played / waited/ slept for a long time’

Although this durative interpretation is presented here as being aspectual interpretation, the
possible paraphrase ‘a long time’ shows that it can be considered as a border case between
time and aspect.

● Bivalent transitive verbs, that admit the absence of a direct object, which is usually a
cognate object (e.g. Comió verduras con gusto [He ate vegetables with pleasure] / Comió con
gusto [He ate with pleasure]), behave in a different way from unergative verbs. In these cases,
the durative aspect of re is not quantified in terms of time but in terms of a quantity
concerning the cognate object (cf. 18)2:
2 This is a similar case to the one Bosque & Masullo (1996) call “argument quantification”, from examples such
as come mucho [he eats a lot] or corre bastante [he runs quite a lot]. However, in the case of re, it is evident that
this element does not satisfy an argument, since it doesn’t answer to What? but to How much? Moreover, re can
never replace the complement with pure transitive verbs (*re mató [*He RE killed], *re puso en la mesa [*He RE
put on the table]), which in the case of mucho is sometimes possible (cf. *mató mucho [*He RE killed a lot] vs.

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(18) a. re come → come mucha comida
[He] RE eats → [He] eats a lot of food

b. re corre → corre mucho trayecto

[He] RE runs → [He] runs a lot of way

Finally, the non aspectual interpretations of re in the VP come about with verbs denoting
states, which naturally block not only the durative and iterative readings but also the other
interpretations previously mentioned. Such is the case of the psychological verbs of (19):

(19) lo re quiere / le re teme / lo re preocupa / se re enoja

him RE loves-she / him RE fears-she / him RE worries-it / SE RE gets-he angry
‘She loves him very much’; ‘She fears him a lot’; ‘It worries him too much’; ‘He gets
very angry’

It can be noticed from the paraphrases that in these cases re is interpreted as an adjunct of
manner or quantity.

3.2.2 Modal interpretation of re

The combination of re with all kind of verbs, regardless of its telicity or other grammatical
properties, yields its interpretation as an epistemic modalizer that may be paraphrased as
‘certainly’. This interpretation prevails en the case of telic verbs without a perfective aspect
(cf. 20.a), whereas in the other cases re must be stressed with a particular intonation in order
to rule the aspectual readings out (cf. 20.b):

(20) a. re llega / re termina los tallarines

RE arrives-he / RE finishes-he the pasta
‘He will certainly arrive / finish the pasta’

b. RE sabe / RE trabaja
RE knows-he / RE works-he
‘He certainly knows / works’

The epistemic interpretation also occurs if que [that] appears as the head of the
Complementizer Phrase (cf. 21).
(21) a. re que no
RE that not
‘Certainly not’
b. re que lo hago para quedar bien
RE that it do-I to give a good impression
‘I certainly do it to give a good impression’
c. re que no leí un solo comentario
RE that not read-I a single comment
‘I certainly haven’t read a single comment’
3.3. Nouns

puso mucho en la mesa [He put a lot on the table]). This might be explained by the pronominal nature of mucho.

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Within the DP, the interpretation of re depends on the syntactic-semantic properties of the
noun: with countable nouns it has an evaluative meaning, equivalent to ‘great’, ‘big’ or ‘good’
(cf. 22.a-b), whereas with mass nouns re only occurs in idiomatic expression with light verbs
and bare nouns, and it means ‘a lot of’ (cf. 22.c):

(22) a. Consiguió el re auto / la re compu / un re árbol / un re café / un re libro

got-he the RE car / the RE computer / a RE tree / a RE coffee / a RE book
‘He got a very good car / computer / a big tree / a great coffee / book’

b. Es un re amigo / re médico / re padre / re profesional

is-he a RE friend / RE doctor / RE father / RE professional
‘He is a very good friend / doctor / father / professional’

c. Tiene re cancha / re confianza / re plata / re tristeza / re alegría / re miedo

has-he got RE ability / RE faith / RE money / RE sadness / RE happiness / RE fear
‘He is very skilful’ ‘He has a lot of money / faith’ ‘He is very sad / happy / afraid’

● The fact that the noun with re can’t be used either as subject or as direct object is evidence
of its lack of referential value:
(23) a. *El re hombre me dijo...
* The RE man told me...

b. *Se lo dio a un re médico

*[She] gave it to a RE doctor

i) Count nouns
In combination with count nouns re gets an evaluative interpretation and can be paraphrased
as ‘great’; in the case of artifacts (auto [car], compu [computer], idea [idea], mentira [lie]) its
equivalent is ‘good’; with natural class nouns (árbol [tree]) it refers to size:

(24) a. Consiguió el re auto / la re compu / Tiene una re idea / Dijo una re mentira
got-he the RE car / the RE computer / has-she a RE idea / told-he a RE lie
‘He got a great car / computer’; ‘She has a great idea’; ‘He told a great lie’

b. Tiene un re árbol / un re perro

has-he a RE tree / a RE dog
‘He has a big tree / dog’

So, in the case of artifacts it stresses the function of the entity denoted by the noun; that is, in
terms of Pustejovsky (1995), in these cases, re binds the telic role. When there is no telic role
because the denoted entity is of a natural type, re binds the formal role instead (size, length,
width, etc.)
A special case within count nouns consists of those nouns with a human interpretation. In
those cases re can only be combined with nouns that allow selective binding of its telic role.
Thus, it can adjoin nouns denoting trades and professions, where it evaluates a person from
the point of view of its profession. Besides, re can also combine with relational nouns3:
3 When the noun (human) does not allow binding or coercion of the telic role, then it cannot combine with re:
*un re peatón/ fumador/ esquimal [*a RE (=good) pedestrian/ smoker/ Eskimo] vs. un re paciente/ conductor/

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(25) a. un re médico/ arquitecto
a RE doctor / architect
‘a very good doctor / architect

b. re madre4/ amigo/ hermano

a RE mother / friend / brother
‘a great mother / friend / brother’

ii) Mass nouns

In general, re cannot combine with mass nouns, since its interpretation as ‘good/big’ needs the
presence of the determiner (which explains the agrammaticality of 26.a). That is why, it can
only appear together with mass nouns when there is a determiner that turns the mass
interpretation into a count one (cf. 26.b).
(26) a. *Tomó re café / agua / *Compró re aceite
[He] drank RE coffee / water / *[He] bought RE oil

b. Toma un re café (= un buen café)

[He] drank a RE coffee (=a good coffee)
The exceptions are mass nouns that take part in collocations or idioms with light verbs (tener
[have], dar [give], hacer [do]):
(27) Tiene re cancha / re confianza / re plata / re tristeza / re alegría / re miedo
has-he RE ability / RE faith / RE money / RE sadness / RE happiness / RE fear
‘He is very skilful’; ‘He has a lot of money / faith’; ‘He is very sad / happy / afraid’

In these cases re adjoins the noun (that lacks referenciality) and can be paraphrased as ‘a lot
of’ (tiene re cancha [she has RE experience] → ‘tiene mucha cancha [she has a lot of
experience]’). What enables the combination with re is the fact that it is intensifying the
idiomatic expression as a whole and not only the bare noun; that is, it modifies the whole
event ‘tener cancha [have experience]’. Besides, re can be adjoined with the same meaning
either before or after the light verb: re tiene confianza, tiene re confianza.

● As for the adjunction to eventive nouns, re can modify functional projections below the DP,
such as AspP (cf. Resnik 2005). This is why the examples of (28.a) are interpreted with an
iterative meaning (‘many times champion’), whereas the examples of (28.b) have a durative
reading (‘a long walk’). However, in many cases, re does not modify the eventive value but is
interpreted by default as ‘big’ or ‘great’ (cf. 28.c).
(28) a. re campeón / re viajero / re ganador
RE champion / RE traveller / RE winner
‘a many times champion / winner’; ‘a frequent traveller’

b. re caminata / re siesta
nadador [a RE (=good) patient/ driver/ swimmer].
4 Very often, this type of N can also be A (by conversion). In those cases, re is interpreted as ‘very’: Es re
madre, re amigo, re maestro [she is RE (=very) mother/ friend/ teacher]. This is the same interpretation that re
receives with names of nationality: Es re gitano, re uruguayo [He is RE (=very) gipsy/ Uruguayan]. The
particular status of this kind of nouns in relation with adjectives has been discussed in Di Tullio & Kornfeld
(2005).

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 RE walk / RE nap
‘a long walk / nap’

c. re accidente / re caída / re trabajo / re crisis

RE accident / RE fall / RE work / RE crisis
‘a big accident / fall’; ‘a great work / crisis’

● Some data suggest that re cannot occur when the noun is modified by a complement (cf.
29).
(29) a. *leyó el/un re libro de Tolstoi / *vio la/una re película de W. Allen
[He] read the/a RE book by Tolstoi / [He] saw the/a RE movie by W. Allen

b. *un re músico jujeño

a RE musician from Jujuy

c. *una re casa verde

a RE green house

Nevertheless, in some cases modification seems possible (cf. 30).

(30) una re casa alpina / una re casa de campo / vio la re película de suspenso
a RE alpine house / a RE country house / saw-he the RE suspense movie
‘a big alpine house / country house’; ‘He saw a great thriller’
The difference between both groups of examples is the possibility in (30) of interpreting the
noun and its complement as a complex head. This suggests that re adjoins to Nº but not to NP
(as opposed to what happens with adjectives and verbs).

4. Conclusions

The aim of this work has been to show that the interpretation and the properties of re depend
on the category it combines with. We can observe an asymmetry between the combination of
re with A, Adv and P or with verbs and clauses, on one hand, and with N, on the other hand:
- with A, Adv, P, V and clauses re functions as a syntactically independent element associated
to functional projections; that is the reason why it can modify phrases (cf. 31.a-b);
- with N, it can only modify a head (cf. 31.c).
(31) a. re [lindo e inteligente]
RE [nice and intelligent]
‘very nice and intelligent’

b. Juan re [jugó y trabajó]

Juan RE played and worked
‘Juan played and worked a lot’

c. *re [auto y compu]

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 RE [car and computer]
‘great car and computer’

Another related property of re is that it can constitute independent utterances only when it
modifies A, Adv, P, verbs or clauses, but not with N:
(32) a. –¿Es lindo? –Re.
–Is it nice? –RE (Very [nice])

b. –¿Te gusta? –Re

–Do you like him? –RE (Very [much])

c. –¿Venís? –Re
–Are you coming? –RE (Of course)

d. –¿Tiene una casa? # –Re

–Does he have a house? # –RE (only when meaning ‘of course’)

● According to some Distributed Morphology views (cf. Marantz 2001, Embick & Halle in
press), this difference takes place because in the case of nouns re occupies a position closer to
a root (and therefore more “lexical”, like a prefix), whereas it is located in functional
projections that are more external to the root in the case of A, Adv, P, verbs and clauses:
- in the case of A, Adv and P, the functional projection to which re is related would be the
Degree Phrase; in the case of verbs and clauses, it would be the Aspect or the Complementizer
Phrase;
- in the case of nouns, the semantic features related to re (‘big’, ‘great’, ‘good’) don’t have a
proper functional projection where they can be placed.

● Our analysis of re gives evidence in favour of the idea of the DM about the epiphenomenic
nature of the difference between affixes, clitics and free morphemes. On one hand, re moves
in a similar way to free morphemes: its mobility is always greater than the one a clitic may
have (apart from the fact that re has an emphatic stress of its own) and sometimes even
greater than words with analogous meaning (such as muy [very]). On the other hand, from the
syntactic point of view, the status of re varies according to the category it combines with –
even though it is a unique lexical entry–, depending on whether it may be associated or not
with a functional category.

● A theoretic issue that is left for further analysis is the relation between the functional
categories and projections involved in the behaviour of re. What enables a unique element to
be associated alternatively to degree, aspect and modality or, more specifically, to different
grammatical notions as ‘intensity’, ‘iteration’, ‘duration’, ‘certainty’, etc.?

Apart from these theoretic issues, the analysis of re presented here may lead to a revision of
other empirical questions as the following ones:
● We have showed that the possibility of combination with a functional category in syntax
seems to determine the syntactic status of re. This can also be seen in non evaluative prefixes,

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such as inter, pro, pre, etc. (Kornfeld in press). Interestingly, it should be noticed that the
distribution of these prefixes is the opposite to re: the combination of inter with V and A is
more syntactically opaque than its combination with N (compare 33 with 31):
(33) a. *inter[nacional y provincial]
inter[national and provincial]

b. *inter[relacionar y cambiar]
inter[relate and change]

c. inter [escuelas y departamentos de historia]

inter [schools and history departments]

● The relations between functional projections from different domains (sentences, verbs,
adjectives, nouns) could be tested with other appreciative elements used as intensifiers in
Spanish:
(34) a. requete / recontra lindo
REQUETE / RECONTRA nice

b. requete/ recontra terminó

[He] REQUETE finished

c. requete /recontra llega

[He] REQUETE/ RECONTRA arrives

d. *requete/ recontra que no

REQUETE/ RECONTRA that not

e. *una requete /recontra casa

a REQUETE/ RECONTRA house

(35) a. súper grande / súper de moda

SUPER big / SUPER in fashion

b. un súper auto
a SUPER car

c. *tiene súper miedo

*[He] is SUPER afraid

d. ??súper trabaja
??[He] SUPER works

e. *súper terminó
[He] SUPER finished

f. *súper que viene

SUPER that [he] comes

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References
Bosque, I. & P. Masullo (1996) “On verbal quantification in Spanish”, in: Proceedings of
Third Workshop on the Syntax of Central Romance Languages, Girona, 9-63.
Chomsky, N. (1970) “Observaciones sobre la nominalización”, in: Sánchez de Zavala (comp.)
Semántica y sintaxis en lingüística transformatoria I. Madrid: Alianza, 1974, 133–187.
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