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Running head: CULTURAL IMMERSION AND AGENCY ASSESSMENT 1

Cultural Immersion and Agency Assessment: Mexican American Immigrants

Rota L. Knott

Wilmington University
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Cultural Immersion and Agency Assessment: Mexican American Immigrants

On a daily basis, the news media is filled with stories about Mexican American

immigrants. Some stories detail the United States’ efforts to curb immigration from Mexico by

building a wall to separate the two countries, deport illegal immigrants, and restrict the rights of

those who are already in the country. Others tell the tales of those who have immigrated to the

United States legally and achieved the American dream, of the Dreamers or children of

immigrants who were born in the United States, or of illegal immigrants who crossed the border

years ago and built a life here.

All of those stories, along with many more, help to color the view of Mexican American

immigrants for those of us from different cultures. My cultural immersion experiences and site

work agency assessment were strong reminders to me that we are all the same at heart.

History of Mexican American Immigrants

Many parts of what is now the United States once belonged to Mexico, including

California, New Mexico, and Texas. In the early days of our country, many Mexican citizens

returned to their home country following annexation of territories into the United States (Young,

2015). Others remained and made their homes in the young country. “Beginning around the

1890s, new industries in the U.S. Southwest—especially mining and agriculture—attracted

Mexican migrant laborers” (Young, 2015). Many of those who remained in the United States

lived in concentrated areas in California, New York, Texas, Florida, New Jersey, and Illinois

(Gaffney, 2007). That began to change about 20 years ago as Mexican Americans, who account

for three of every ten foreign-born residents, moved to new destinations in the United States

(Gaffney, 2007).
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According to Gaffney (2007), the height of Mexican American immigration occurred

during the “Undocumented Era” between 1970 and 1980. A shift in immigration patterns

occurred in 1986 when the first immigration reform bill was passed to sanction employers hiring

undocumented workers and to provide amnesty for Mexican workers (Gaffney, 2007). Those

changes prompted am expansion in immigration to other states, including Maryland.

During the 1990s, a series of legislative actions and border enforcement measures put the

spotlight on Mexican American immigration. As a result, immigration patterns changed again

and Mexican immigrants began to travel covertly through the desert to reach the United States

(Gaffney, 2007). Despite increased enforcement activities, that pattern of illegal travel across the

border remains in place today.

In Maryland, Mexican Americans began to arrive in larger numbers in the 1990s. On the

geographically isolated Delmarva Peninsula, which includes Somerset County, Maryland, there

was little racial diversity at the time aside from highly segregated Caucasian and African

American groups (Gaffney, 2007). Mexican immigrants came here to work in the poultry

industry and on farms. “In the first years of their arrival, tensions arose between long-time

Delmarva residents and immigrants, and the social and linguistic isolation of the newcomers led

to several problems that affected the community as a whole” (Gaffney, 2007).

Currently, 10 percent of the residents of Maryland identify as Hispanic, 59 percent as

Caucasian, and about 30 percent as African American. In Somerset County, only about 4 percent

of residents identify as Hispanic, 54 percent as Caucasian, and 42 percent as African American.

Immersion Experiences

To learn more about Mexican Americans, I participated in two cultural immersion

experiences, one indirect and one direct. I selected viewing a film and conducting an interview
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with a Mexican American immigrant as ways to gain insight into the overall culture and

individual experiences of members of the population.

Indirect experience

The independent film Mi Familia, or My Family, is a story of bridges -- bridges from one

side of a city to another and from one generation of a family to the next (Nava, 1995). Directed

by Gregory Nava and released by New Line Cinema in 1995, the film spans three generations of

the Sanchez family as the members struggle to preserve their cultural history while toiling to

achieve the American dream. Recounted by the eldest brother, Paco, in an extended Mexican

American family, the film opens with a visual of the bridge connecting East Los Angeles to Los

Angeles. The family, led by patriarch Jose and matriarch Maria, lives in the Hispanic populated

East Los Angeles, a bridge – and a world - away from the Americanized Los Angeles, where

Mexican Americans work as garners, nannies, or house cleaners.

Paco crossed the border on foot and entered the United States as a young man. “In those

days the border was just a line in the dirt,” the narrator says in the film (Nava, 1995). He married

Maria and they had several children. During the Great Depression, the government rounded up

anyone who appeared to by Mexican, even if they were born in the United States, including

Maria, because Mexicans were thought to be responsible for taking away the jobs of “real

Americans.” A sentiment that is still expressed by some today.

The film’s primary themes are those of family, community, and the conflict that occurs

between of generations as a result of assimilation and acculturation. While Paco finds dignity in

working across the bridge in Los Angeles, his sons do not. During one particularly poignant

scene, one son, Memo, brings home his Caucasian fiancée and her parents to meet his family.
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Memo is embarrassed by his family, denies his family history, and even refuses to acknowledge

his real name, opting instead to be called “Bill,” the Americanized version of Memo.

Throughout Mi Familia, the family grows, as children marry and have families of their

own, and shrinks as others die or move away. Despite the trials and tribulations, the spirit of each

family members remains in the Sanchez home. Paco and Maria close the film, saying “We have

had a very good life” (Nava, 1995).

Direct experience

Javier is a Mexican American immigrant who I met at the gym where I go for boxing

lessons. I conducted a one-on-one interview with Javier on Sunday, March 18, 2018 about his

experiences coming to the United States more than 20 years ago as an illegal immigrant and his

recent success in securing legal entrance to the country.

Similar to many native-born Mexicans who travel to the United States, Javier left his

homeland at age 19 with a group of friends seeking a better life. I asked Javier how he got to the

United States, and he simply said “through the desert.” When I asked him to elaborate, Javiar

explained that he entered the United States illegally in 1997 traveling from his home in Durango,

Mexico, crossing the border on foot with little fanfare, and entering Texas. Two of his party

dropped out along the way through Mexico, one who turned back and one who simply

disappeared in the night. After crossing the border, Javier and his group were picked up by

friends and transported across country. Javier knew no English when he moved to the United

States and taught himself the language largely by watching television shows.

Within a few hours of arriving in Maryland, Javier was offered work in the construction

industry starting the next day, and he continues to work in that field. While talking about work, I

was surprised to learn from Javier there are significant prejudices by Mexicans against Puerto
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Ricans and other Latin American Hispanics, as well as African Americans. As Kiser (2015, p.

205) states “Groups that might superficially seem to be homogeneous are often surprisingly

diverse. Hispanic or Latino people, for example, may appear to have similar backgrounds, but

this is in fact a very diverse group.”

With a disable wife and two teenaged daughters, all of whom are American citizens,

Javier decided last year to return to Mexico and follow the appropriate process to legally reenter

the United States. He said he wanted to “do the right thing” so he could support his daughters are

they go to college, and to be able to do many of the things that those who are citizens take for

granted, such as being able to buy a house. Javier said he dreaded returning to his hometown in

Mexico because it is a very poor and violent community. He spent six months in Mexico,

working in construction and earning just a fraction of what he is paid by his regular employer in

the United States, but was finally able to return home to Maryland in January.

In addition to his immediate family, Javier has a close network of family and friends in

Maryland. His mother and two brothers, as well as several of the men with whom he travelled

from Mexico, all live and work together in the community. They are devout Catholics, and

religion factors into all facets of daily life.

Summary and Synthesis

My cultural immersion experiences provided me with opportunities to learn more about

the Mexican American immigrant population, confirmed some information that I had gleaned

over the years from indirect sources, and dispelled many myths about this cultural group. Getting

a first-hand account of his experiences from a Mexican American immigrant helped improve my

understanding of the culture, its values, and the lens through which those outside the culture

view it. My immersion experiences helped to dispelled several stereotypes of Mexican


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Americans, such as that they want to “steal” jobs from American citizens and want free services

but don’t want to pay taxes. I had the opportunity to speak first hand with an illegal immigrant

who wants to live in the United States legally and build a future without having to hide in the

shadows.

However, I was surprised to also learn that within the overall Hispanic population there is

an intra-group variation as Mexican Americans do not necessarily respect or get along with

individuals from certain other Latin American cultures. There is also an uneasiness when dealing

with individuals from other cultures because those people may not understand Mexican

American culture and values. Therefore, many Mexican Americans still try to avoid interaction

with the human services system.

Assessing the Field Work Agency

My filed work agency for my capstone project is the Somerset County Local

Management Board, Inc., a 501(c)3 organization located on the Eastern Shore of Maryland

(Somerset County Local Management Board, Inc. [SCLMB], 2018). The organization, where I

also work full-time as its executive director, provides a variety of programs to address the needs

in living of at-risk children, youths, and families in Somerset County (SCLMB, 2018). There are

many visible and invisible elements of the culture at the SCLMB that may affect its ability to

work with the Mexican American population.

Agency’s Community

The SCLMB’s office is located within a Somerset County government building that also

houses the behavioral and environmental health agencies, aging office, mosquito control, child

advocacy center, and recreation gymnasium. It is an odd assortment of services that are

essentially all located in the building because the county had nowhere else to put them.
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The area is rural and is located ten minutes away from both of the county’s

municipalities. Aside from the county government building, there are few other businesses and

services in the community. A gas station and convenience store, a dollar store, and a church, are

the only other facilities nearby. The area is not walkable as there are no sidewalks close by.

Access

Access to the SCLMB’s office is extremely restricted as the building is located in the

center of the rural county with little else nearby. The office is placed in the back of the building

and there is no exterior signage to indicate how to access it. For those who enter the front door of

the building there is no interior signage to indicate which way to go to find the SCLMB office.

The Mexican American population does not live near the SCLMB office and would need

to cross ethnic and cultural boundaries to access our building. Public transportation is available

from the municipalities of Princess Anne and Crisfield to the county building, but the bus only

runs on a limited schedule. Additionally, I am the only individual who works for the SCLMB

who speaks any Spanish, so there would be a language barrier.

Receptivity

The county building in which the SCLMB office is housed looks like a typical

government building with neutral colors and sparse furniture. The building primarily houses the

county health department and the SCLMB has a small office space within the building. There are

a few chairs in the lobby as a waiting area and inspirational posters decorate the walls. Literature

and materials on a variety of topics are provided in the lobby, but they are not provided in any

language other than English.

The atmosphere does not seem welcoming to Mexican Americans who may visit the

building. Visitors generally have a difficult time determining which office belongs to which
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agency because signage is poor. There is no signage in Spanish language. Sometimes health

department staff even forgets to unlock the front door to the building and visitors get trapped

outside.

Administration and Staff Training

There is no funding specifically designated to support the training and hiring of culturally

diverse staff members. Currently all three staff members at the SCLMB are Caucasian. The

Board of Directors is composed of Caucasian and African American members; no Hispanics sit

on the board. While site staff for specific programs, such as afterschool, is more culturally

diverse and includes African American employees, there are no Mexican American or other

Hispanic employees in the SCLMB’s programs.

Staff has not received cultural sensitivity training related specifically to the Mexican

American or any other Hispanic populations. Staff members have participated in general cultural

sensitivity trainings that are available online as part of professional development activities.

Funding

Funding to cover both the administrative and program costs of the SCLMB is entirely

derived from grants. The funder of each grant, whether government, philanthropic, or corporate,

clearly specifies how the funding can be used. In each case, the grants target identified needs of

certain populations. Largely our grant funds target services for at-risk children, youths, and their

families who are African American.

The SCLMB does not currently provide printed or online materials related to the

organization or its programs in Spanish language. We do distribute a Spanish language flyer for

our afterschool program each year as part of the registration process.

Staff Sensitivity
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I have not seen any of the SCLMB’s employees being judgmental or disrespectful to any

members of the Mexican American population. However, I believe there is apathy on the

organization’s part with regard to inclusion for this population. "Power differentials between

professionals and clients can be emphasized in a number of subtle and not-so-subtle ways in day-

to-day agency interactions” (Kiser, p. 2170). I think the SCLMB could do more to increase

staff’s sensitivity to the unique needs and experiences of the Mexican Americans in order to

encourage them to participate in programs.

Agency Programs and Services

While the SCLMB serves hundreds of individuals in our programs, few are Mexican

American. The SCLMB’s program design, implementation, and evaluation generally does not

take into consideration cultural constructs. Programs are developed to address broad identified

needs in the community.

Effort

There have not been any targeted efforts to reach Mexican Americans, specifically, to

participate in any of the SCLMB’s programs. However, both of our afterschool sites have

reached out to all Hispanic families at community events and have distributed literature through

the school system at the beginning of the school year. Also, materials are available in Spanish,

but since the grants weren't crafted to target that demographic or English Language Learners

students, the SCLMB has never developed a policy to reach out to them.

In the future, the agency should create and implement a concerted effort to reach

Mexican Americans and encourage their participation in programs. Perhaps the SCLMB can

modify current goals within its new afterschool program grant applications for fiscal year 2019

in order to draw in more Mexican American families. If the grant parameters change, the
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SCLMB will need to make the necessary adjustments at the sites to accommodate it, including

hiring Spanish-speaking staff members.

Quality

The Mexican American population in the programs has never been large. In the past, the

SCLMB have had Mexican American students in the program, however their representation in

the program has dropped off in the past two years. While there has been no specific effort to

determine the reason for the drop-off, a translator who works for a different agency in the

community told said the Mexican American families felt their children were not getting the

attention they needed at the afterschool sites. She said they felt the programs were “baby sitting”

for African American families, and that Mexican American children were not really welcome.

I believe cultural sensitivity training is needed for staff at the afterschool program sites to

address this issue. "Recognizing the commonalities between you and the people you serve will

enable you to relate more genuinely, empathically, and effectively with clients from all

backgrounds” (Kiser, p. 206).

Effectiveness

The SCLMB’s programs have not been effective in engaging Mexican American clients.

I took a close look at our largest service, afterschool programs, and the participation of the

Mexican American population in those activities. The program primarily targets African

Americans as these are the students in the cohort and they are defined as the targeted

demographic in the grant since the program's inception in 2013. This means that we give priority

to African Americans who are receiving free and reduced meals services and have scored below

grade levels for reading. Once those criteria are met, then other demographics are considered.
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Both sites easily meet these targeted goals. There are a few program participants who are multi-

racial, but they primarily identify as African American.

Efficiency

The SCLMB functions as a coordinating agency for a variety of programs and services. It

works with a cross-sector partnership to develop, implement, and evaluate programs for children-

youths, and families regardless of culture. The organization’s Board of Directors is composed of

representatives from a variety of human services agencies in order to help map services and

guide programming efficiencies. The SCLMB also invites a variety of agency and organizational

partners to serve on its steering committee and participates as a member of a other community-

based coalitions to facilitate cooperation and eliminate duplication of services.

NOHS Ethical Standards for Human Services Professionals

Standard 11 of the National Organization for Human Services’ Ethical Standards for

Human Services Professionals (2015) states that “Human service professionals are

knowledgeable about their cultures and communities within which they practice. They are aware

of multiculturalism in society and its impact on the community as well as individuals within the

community. They respect the cultures and beliefs of individuals and groups.”

I believe the SCLMB, its programs, and even myself, have quite a ways to go to meet the

full intent of Standard 11. Somerset County is a small community, so I feel that we do have

knowledge about the cultures of individuals who live there. However, we can improve on

providing the supports necessary to fully engage individuals of all cultures in our programs and

services. In fact, some of our programs seem to be negatively perceived by Mexican Americans,

who do not feel respected or engaged. We need to change that through increased cultural

diversity and awareness.


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Final Thoughts

My cultural immersion experiences and site work agency assessment were strong

reminders to me that we are all the same at heart. "Although cultural competence involves

focusing on cultural differences, it is essential not to lose sight of those universal human qualities

that transcend culture as well” (Kiser, p. 206). While we share many of the same values and

experiences, they are shaped by our different cultural groups. As human services professionals, it

is our responsibility to ensure we are culturally aware, sensitive, and inclusive.


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References

Gaffney, A.S. (2007). Don’t hassle me, I’m local: The integration of Latin American settlers in

the Delmarva Peninsula. San Diego, CA: The Center for Comparative Immigration

Studies. Retrieved from https://ccis.ucsd.edu/_files/wp152.pdf

Kiser, P.M. (2016). Developing cultural competence. In The Human services internship: Getting

the most from your experience (4th ed., pp. 199-226). Boston, MA: Cenage Learning.

National Organization for Human Services. (2015). Ethical standards for human services

professionals. Retrieved from http://www.nationalhumanservices.org/ethical-standards-

for-hs-professionals

Somerset County Local Management Board, Inc. (2018). Retrieved from www.sclmb.org.

Thomas, A. (producer), & Nava. G. (Director). (1995). Mi Familia [Motion Picture]. United

States: New Line Cinema.

United States Census Bureau. (2018). Somerset County. Retrieved from

https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/MD,somersetcountymaryland/PST045216

Young, J. (2015). How Mexican immigration to the U.S. has evolved. The John W. Kluge Center

at the Library of Congress. Retrieved from http://time.com/3742067/history-mexican-

immigration/

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