United States Africa Command

Public Affairs Office

16 September 2010

USAFRICOM - related news stories

TOP NEWS RELATED TO U.S. AFRICA COMMAND AND AFRICA

Pentagon nominates new Africa Command leader (Associated Press)

(Pan Africa) The Army general leading the Pentagon's review on ending the ban on
gays in the military has been nominated to head U.S. Africa Command.

The forgotten heroes of World War II (CNN)

(Uganda) More than 500,000 African troops served with British forces in WW II.

In Congo, U.S. Soft Power Encounters Obstacles (War is Boring - Blog)

(Congo) Working with the Americans might help reform the FARDC. But in the
meantime, the American military's major partner in a difficult soft-power mission in
Congo is a potential liability when it comes to winning hearts and minds.

FAA Chief of Staff, U.S. Army Africa Commander Discuss Military Cooperation
(Angola Press)
(Angola) The chief of Staff of the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA), gen. Francisco Furtado
and the US Army Africa commander, gen. David Hogg, Tuesday in Luanda, discussed
the reinforcement of military cooperation between the two countries.

Sudan rejects U.S. referendum incentives (Reuters)

(Sudan) A package of incentives offered by Washington to ensure the smooth holding
of a referendum on whether south Sudan should secede from the north amounts to
interference in Sudan's affairs, a ruling party official said on Wednesday.

US envoy urges tight security in Gulf of Guinea (AFP)

(Pan Africa) The US Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs William Fitzgerald
on Wednesday called on Nigeria and regional countries to tighten security in the oil-
rich Gulf of Guinea.

The Blurring Line Between Militaries and Health Workers (The Atlantic)
(Pan Africa) Whether by providing basic care during a labor strike or building a clinic
in Afghanistan, the military use in administering health services is likely to become
only more common.
Somalia battles measure success in meters (CNN)
(Somalia) With Somalia’s now attacking abroad and the expansion of Ugandan and
Burundian peacekeepers on the ground, the situation is shifting as much as the front
lines.

Nigerian President to Run in Election (Wall Street Journal)

(Nigeria) President Goodluck Jonathan on Wednesday announced his intention to run
in January's presidential election, ending months of uncertainty and setting the stage for
a standoff with powerful Muslim Nigerians opposed to his candidacy.

France Refuses Extradition for Rwandan Genocide Suspect (Voice of America)

(Rwanda) A French court has rejected a Rwandan government request to extradite a
doctor accused of taking part in the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

UN News Service Africa Briefs

Full Articles on UN Website
 UN measures to protect civilians in eastern DR Congo bearing fruit
 UN-supported project aims to boost Eritrea’s traditional fisheries catch
 Security Council renews mandate of UN mission to Liberia
 UNESCO chief calls on Ugandan authorities to punish journalist’s killers
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UPCOMING EVENTS OF INTEREST:

WHEN/WHERE: Tuesday, September 21, 2:00 p.m., U.S. Institute of Peace

WHAT: Civil Society in Darfur: The Missing Peace
WHO: Theodore Murphy, Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue; Jérôme Tubiana,
Independent researcher; Jon Temin, Moderator,U.S. Institute of Peace
Info: http://www.usip.org/events/civil-society-in-darfur-the-missing-peace

WHEN/WHERE: Thursday, September 23, 9:00 a.m.

WHAT: Breakfast Briefing with The Honorable Robert P. Jackson, New Ambassador of
the United States to Cameroon
WHO: Business Council for International Understanding with Chevron Corporation
Info: http://www.bciu.org/wip01/online_event_invitation.asp?
continent=0&country=0&currentorpast=current&eventsorprograms=events&IDNumbe
r=1431&ProgramIDNumber=0&Keycode=8031275
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FULL ARTICLE TEXT

Pentagon nominates new Africa Command leader (Associated Press)

WASHINGTON — The Army general leading the Pentagon's review on ending the ban
on gays in the military has been nominated to head U.S. Africa Command.
If confirmed, Gen. Carter Ham would be only the second officer to head the nascent
command, which has struggled to gain a foothold on the sprawling continent that
houses some of the world's growing terror threats.

Launched in Oct. 2008, Africa Command is the newest of the military's six regional
headquarters and is based in Stuttgart, Germany. The Pentagon abandoned efforts to
base the command on the continent after it hit resistance among the African nations,
and instead posted about two dozen liaison officers at embassies.

Africom, as it's called, has had to convince African leaders that the U.S. is there to assist
the countries, and is not planning to build military bases there. The U.S. military
currently has a base at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti.

Over the past two years, the command has worked to set up training programs,
promote development and stability, and establish stronger military ties with the
countries and island nations.

Over the same time, U.S. officials have growing more concerned about terrorist groups
training and plotting attacks in North and East Africa, including al-Shabab in Somalia.

Ham is currently the commander of U.S. Army Europe. He served as director of

operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and commanded the troops in northern Iraq
from Jan. 2004 to Feb. 2005. His nomination to head Africom requires Senate
confirmation.

Defense Secretary Robert Gates asked Ham and Pentagon General Counsel Jeh Johnson
to head a working group on the impact that openly gay service could have on the
military. Their report is not expected until the end of the year.
--------------------
The forgotten heroes of World War II (CNN)

(Uganda) At the age of 19, Christopher Kagwa was taken from his home in Uganda,
East Africa, to fight in a distant war he knew nothing about.

More than 70 years later, the memories of fighting for the British Colonial Government
in World War II are still fresh.

Sgt. Kagwa, formerly of the King's African Rifles, is one of Uganda's few living veterans
of the world's bloodiest conflict.

He told CNN: "We were very scared of the white men. We didn't know anything about
them, all we used to hear about was King George, and that made us really frightened
when they said they'd come for us and take us to where they are.
"In the year 1939 we were told King George was going to come for us in a few days to
go fight in Germany against Hitler and Mussolini, so after a few days a truck came
calling us.

"When it came we got in and were taken to the barracks. In the barracks we did not
even know what a gun looked like let alone how to fire one. We were totally ignorant,
but they still took us to the frontline."

In his book, Fighting For Britain: African Soldiers in the Second World War, historian
David Killingray says more than half a million African troops served with the British
forces between 1939 and 1945 -- 289,530 of them with the King's African Rifles from
Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya and Malawi.

He describes it as the largest single movement of African men overseas since the slave
trade. Their contribution is often forgotten by the wider world.

Sgt Kagwa and his friend Masulum Museker, along with thousands of their
countrymen, were taken overseas and spent time in the jungles of Burma.

He said: "The frontline was scary but we had been trained how to run, how to load our
guns with magazines, and also when inside a tank how to fire and operate it. So that
made us confident and we fought bravely.

"We were better than the British, we were beating the Germans like how you beat a goat
in your garden, as well as the Italians.

"The Italians used to have small bombs that looked like cigarette paper, and white men
used to go and pick it up, but for us we never picked it up. When we went there to fight
we said we're going there to die, so you fight like it's your last day."

Many of those Kagwa fought alongside, including his own brother, did not make it
home. They are remembered in the war cemetery in the village of Jinja.

He said: "It pains us a lot when we come here and see the graves and the names.
People's bodies were never repatriated, instead they have numbers, because soldiers
were each given numbers, so it was the numbers that came.

"So each number had a name of the person as well as their nationality. So if you were
from Kenya, your number would be taken back to Kenya, Tanganyika (present day
Tanzania) to there, and for Ugandans here."

Kagwa still wears the medals he received for his part in the conflict. He was honored by
Queen Elizabeth in 2007 and is regarded as a hero in his home village of Kabwangasi.
His 16-year-old grandson told CNN: "I'm proud of him because he made history, and
people are proud of him."
--------------------
In Congo, U.S. Soft Power Encounters Obstacles (War is Boring - Blog)

KINSHASA, Congo -- The local residents had been waiting for hours, and there was no
guarantee they'd get in to the poorly lit room where administrators from the Forces
Armées de la République Democratique du Congo (FARDC) were busy filling out
paperwork. The U.S. Army and the FARDC were trying to register the Congolese
civilians for a free health clinic that would take place the following week. The clinic,
administered by military medical personnel from both countries, would be one of the
culminating events of a two-week, U.S.-led exercise meant to improve the FARDC's
medical capabilities -- all part of the "soft power" strategy advanced by U.S. Africa
Command, based in Germany.

But outside the gate, scores of Congolese people still sat on curbs or milled around.
Some had been there for hours trying to get registered, with no luck. Their conditions
were either not severe enough, or too severe for clinic treatment -- or else they just
couldn't shove their way past the guard at the gate. It was late morning and the number
of people already registered was nearing the FARDC-imposed limit of 2,000 cases. Any
more than that and the medical staff could be overwhelmed, U.S. Army Maj. Junel
Jeffrey told World Politics Review. The disappointed Congolese muttered under their
breaths.

The U.S. Army had come to Congo in part to win hearts and minds. Turning away
patients meant possibly alienating the very people the Americans were hoping to
befriend. In underestimating the sheer depth of need in Congo, the Army could appear
fickle, even cruel. The sick and injured who responded to the advertisements offering
free medical care would instead discover that there wasn't nearly enough care to go
around.

The Congo soft-power mission, codenamed "Medflag," was not the first of its type to
run into problems. In the three years since U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates
publicly advocated for "strengthening our capacity to use soft power," the U.S. military
has repeatedly struggled with the logistical and public-relations challenges presented
by this new kind of operation.

In 2008, a U.S. Navy medical team in Nicaragua failed to inform thousands of waiting
patients about delays to clinic openings. The same team found it could not dispel the
widespread belief, based on accusations by Latin American leaders, that their ship
represented the vanguard of an American invasion. In Gabon, West Africa, a year later,
another Navy ship carrying doctors and engineers was too large to dock in the city of
Libreville's modest port.
Among the embittered Congolese turned away for treatment at Medflag, Moungi
Martin, a Kinshasa resident, was angry for a different reason. He praised the Americans
and the FARDC for trying to help everyday people, but wondered why more was not
done to address the root causes of the health problems the Congolese suffered from.
"The people are sick because they don't eat well," he said. "They don't eat well because
there is war in the agricultural areas."

But it's not the Congolese who are to blame for the war, Martin claimed. "It's the white
man." Martin said foreign powers sell arms to Congolese groups in an effort to
"destroy" Congo.

In fact, though foreign groups from Rwanda and Uganda contribute to the violence in
rural eastern Congo, the Congolese government is responsible for much of it, too. The
FARDC also shares the blame. The deeply corrupt Congolese army perpetrates at least
half the rapes in a country notorious for sexual violence, according to a 2008 article in
the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA).

Martin's argument, regardless of its merit, illustrates another obstacle, in addition to the
logistical ones, that American soft power faces in countries like Congo. Failing to
address concerns such as Martin's allows misconceptions about America and its
relations with Africa to continue or even worsen. But in the case of Congo, correcting
Martin's error could shed light on some uncomfortable facts about the U.S. Army's ally,
the FARDC. Either way, U.S. soft power has a perception problem.

Congo's current epidemic of sexual violence is a potential land mine for the U.S. Army's
well-meaning humanitarian outreach efforts. While the Americans have truly aimed to
improve both the Congolese military and the lives of their Congolese patients, in
affiliating with the FARDC they could be perceived as indirect accomplices to the
Congolese army's crimes.

Indeed, U.S. Africa Command, the Germany-based command overseeing Medflag, has
been careful to deflect attention away from the FARDC's history of sexual violence. The
command co-funded a study, published in JAMA in August, expanding the definition
of sex crimes in Congo. But the study's participants avoided gathering data in areas
controlled by the FARDC -- a point not lost on Africa Command's critics. Ciarán
Donnelly from the International Rescue Committee lamented that in the study, the
"FARDC are not listed among the reported perpetrators of sexual violence."

One of Medflag's stated goals is to improve the professionalism and accountability of

the FARDC by simply exposing them to highly trained and disciplined U.S. Army
soldiers and facilitating their productive interaction with Congolese civilians.
Ultimately, working with the Americans might help reform the FARDC. But in the
meantime, the American military's major partner in a difficult soft-power mission in
Congo is a potential liability when it comes to winning hearts and minds. That,
combined with the daunting logistics of providing free medical care far from home,
could undermine the U.S. military's goals in Congo.
--------------------
FAA Chief of Staff, U.S. Army Africa Commander Discuss Military Cooperation
(Angola Press)

Luanda — The chief of Staff of the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA), gen. Francisco
Furtado and the US Army Africa commander, gen. David Hogg, Tuesday in Luanda,
discussed the reinforcement of military cooperation between the two countries, Angop
learned.

At the end of the meeting, Gen. David Hogg, told Angop the meeting served to discuss
matters related to the English language training programme and the support his
country has been extending to FAA in the fight against Hiv/Aids and other illnesses.

Asked to comment on the current level of military cooperation between the two
countries, the source said one of the goals is to support and reinforce more and more
this cooperation. He said his country is ready to provide assistance as long as Angolan
authorities request for help with peacekeeping missions and military training, with
highlight to medical aid.

David Hogg, who is in Luanda since Monday, also said his coming to Angola has been
an opportunity for him to introduce himself personally to the chief of Staff of Angolan
Armed Forces.

The US Army Africa command is based in Italy. The meeting was witnessed by the
chief assistant of FAA Staff, gen. Geraldo Sachipengo Nunda, the chief of Staff of the
Land Forces, gen. Jorge Barros "Nguto", and the head of the Health Services of the
Armed Forces, Lieut-general Aires Africano.
--------------------
Sudan rejects U.S. referendum incentives (Reuters)

KHARTOUM – A package of incentives offered by Washington to ensure the smooth

holding of a referendum on whether south Sudan should secede from the north
amounts to interference in Sudan's affairs, a ruling party official said on Wednesday.

The U.S. State Department on Tuesday offered incentives including restoring full
diplomatic relations and allowing some non-oil trade and investment if Sudan held the
January 9, 2011 referendums on south Sudan and the disputed Abyei region on time
and agreed principles on post-referendum issues such as wealth sharing and the border
between north and south.
The package also holds out the threat of additional sanctions against Sudan if progress
is not made.

"Really this is threatening and giving a warning to the Sudanese government without
any reason," Rabie Abdelati, a Senior National Congress Party official, told Reuters.

"If somebody is saying they will do what's agreed upon there's no need to say to him I
am warning you."

He said the NCP was committed to holding the referendums on time so threats were
not necessary.

"This shows intervention in the domestic affairs of a country," Abdelati said.

Abdelati said Khartoum was confused by Washington's policy on Sudan, saying it

heard conflicting voices from the administration.

U.S. Sudan envoy Scott Gration is often criticized by Sudan activists in the United States
for being too soft on Khartoum, a policy they say has yielded no tangible results with
disputed and flawed April elections and little progress toward democratic
transformation.

"We feel that some institutions in the USA don't have the same view and the same trend
toward Sudan," Abdelati said. "That is why up to now for us the stance of the U.S.
administration is not clear."

He said U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton showed a tougher line than others
including Gration.

"This shows a conflict in the center of decision making in the USA especially about
Sudan -- we don't receive one message with one color," said Abdelati.

Preparations for the simultaneous referendums on south Sudan, which most analysts
expect to result in secession, and the oil-producing Abyei region on whether to join the
south or north, have been delayed by years of bickering between north and south over
implementing the 2005 accord which ended the country's long-running civil war.

The referendums are the climax of the deal which was supposed to share wealth and
power and transform Sudan into a democracy.
--------------------
US envoy urges tight security in Gulf of Guinea (AFP)
LAGOS – The US Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs William Fitzgerald on
Wednesday called on Nigeria and regional countries to tighten security in the oil-rich
Gulf of Guinea.

"Nigeria and west Africa have to strengthen security in the Gulf of Guinea," Fitzgerald
told reporters in a conference call on a US-Nigeria bi-national panel on security.

Senior US officials and governors from Nigeria's oil-producing Niger Delta attended the
talks in Washington this week.

Nigeria is the United States' fifth largest source of crude.

The OPEC member country and Washington launched a "strategic partnership" deal in
April to bolster bilateral ties on energy, regional security and good governance, making
Nigeria the first African nation to be afforded such a status under the Barack Obama
administration.

The security panel is expected to help enhance stability and maritime security in the
Gulf of Guinea region.

Fitzgerald said Washington would train coast guards for the Gulf of Guinea and
contribute to the development of the volatile Niger Delta which was wracked with
violent attacks by armed gangs for almost four years until last year's government
amnesty offer for the rebels.

He said the United States was happy that relative peace and stability had returned to
the region after more than 20,000 former militants laid down their arms.

"Whoever wins the next election has to worry about the Niger Delta -- to continue the
amnesty, to continue with the training of ex-militants and to ensure that the people get
adequate fund for development," he added.

The Niger Delta violence played havoc with Nigeria's crude output, reducing it to
between 700,000 and 800,000 barrels a day from over two million before the crisis, said
Fitzgerald.

Production has now rebound to more than two million barrels a day.

He said US officials would visit the Niger Delta to assess the situation and work directly
with the local communities on developmental projects.

"The security situation has improved. We have to get over there to see things for
ourselves," he said.
--------------------
The Blurring Line Between Militaries and Health Workers (The Atlantic)

This August, only weeks after South Africa hosted the World Cup to show off itself and
its remarkable post-apartheid progress, the country was brought to a state of national
emergency by a three-week long strike by 1.3 million public sector workers. Though the
labor dispute behind the strikes amounted to a relatively minor 1.1 percent pay increase
and R200 ($18) monthly housing allowance, it brought much of the country to a halt,
including the all-important health sector. With everything from research hospitals to
rural clinics crippled or closed entirely, and with South Africa still struggling against
one of the world's worst HIV epidemics, the human cost of the strike could have been
far worse.

Thankfully, the South African military stepped in, providing health services nationwide
and allowing me to observe something I have long studied: what it means when the
military plays doctor. Whether a military intervenes to provide necessary humanitarian
aid, or whether it incorporates health services in pursuit of a larger security goal, this
intersection of soldier and doctor was on full display in South Africa.

My first encounter with the labor dispute strike was outside Durban's Addington
Hospital. The hospital is within sight of the former location of the FIFA World Cup Fan
Zone, where thousands of spectators, including myself, watched the games. Weeks
before, thousands of World Cup visitors had ambled past the hospital along Durban's
waterfront. This time, a crowd of workers clustered outside the hospital's entrance.

These striking health workers, represented by the trade union federation, were the
forerunner of the countrywide strike that started less than a week later. Unlike
American protests, South African demonstrations look more like a cross between a
tailgate party and a street festival. Instead of marching in circles, protesters dance and
sing to show their grievances. Less than two weeks later, the strikes spread nationwide
and brought the entire country, including hospitals like Addington, to its knees.

The strike devastated the government-run health system, which provides health
services to all but the small minority able to afford private insurance. Nurses and
orderlies abandoned patients into the care of non-striking doctors and hospital security
guards. Hundreds of newborns were left in intensive care units. Strikers wielding
whips stalked the halls in one Durban hospital, chasing health workers from their posts.
Nurses refusing to strike were subject to threats, kidnappings, and violence. By the
second week, government hospitals were almost completely abandoned and patients
left to fend for themselves. Patients with HIV/AIDS avoided coming to hospitals to
collect their medication out of fear for their safety. Outside Addington Hospital, police
fired rubber bullets at protesters blocking patients and non-striking workers from
entering the building.
Facing a collapsed health system, the South African government turned to its military.
During the first week, over one thousand military doctors, nurses, and other health
workers deployed to hospitals throughout the country. By the end of the strike, 4700
military health professionals were serving in 73 hospitals across eight of South Africa's
nine provinces. Additional soldiers provided security and even stood in for striking
hospital janitors. While it replaced only a fraction of the civilian health system the
military was able to keep at least some hospital doors open. This mission is not a new
one for the South African military. Twice in the last four years, South African Military
Health Service personnel deployed to maintain essential health services during health
worker strikes.

South Africa is not alone in using the military as a stopgap health system during labor
crises. Sierra Leone, Zimbabwe, Guatemala, and Nigeria have all relied on their
militaries to provide medical care when health workers went on strike. The military is
an appealing health provider of last resort for two reasons. First, military health services
are uniquely equipped to provide health care during crises. Military medical personnel
have access to their own pool of supporting services including security, transportation,
and maintenance. This capacity can be critical during general strikes, when the civilian
sector is crippled and many of the services regularly provided by private businesses
and civil service workers are shuttered. Second, it is almost universally illegal for
military personnel to go on strike. The simple fact is that in major strikes like the one
last month in South Africa, the military becomes the only fully staffed health care
service available to governments.

Worldwide, in times of crisis, countries are increasingly turning to their militaries to be

health workers and emergency services of last resort. During Pakistan's devastating
floods, the Pakistani military and not the civilian government had the most prominent
role in the disaster relief effort. The Pakistani Army, the only group that could safely
access many affected areas, delivered thousands of tons of supplies and rescued over
100,000 stranded people . After Katrina, U.S. Army, Air Force, Navy, Marine Corps, and
Coast Guard personnel played a critical role in the government's response. Coast Guard
helicopters lifted tens of thousands of Americans to safety, Air Force teams set up
numerous field hospitals, and the navy stationed a hospital ship off the Gulf Coast. This
'softer' military role is becoming particularly common in international disaster relief.

The U.S. military has provided medical care and humanitarian assistance after almost
every major natural disaster of this decade, including the 2004 tsunami and the
earthquake in Haiti. It's not just the United States using its military for international
disaster relief: Canada, Israel, Mexico, and the Netherlands all sent military units to
assist after Hurricane Katrina.

The growing role of militaries in health provision and disaster relief is not without
opponents. Humanitarians worry the trend will lead to the politicization of aid, while
defense establishments fear it will turn militaries into little more than armed Peace
Corps. But these concerns misunderstand what's causing the shifting military role. The
spread of globalization, democracy, and human rights over the last century has changed
how states treat armed conflicts and health crises, which have become more
intertwined. In the age of terrorism and insurgencies, humanitarian disasters are more
likely to turn violent; and military campaigns, such as the U.S. missions in Iraq and
Afghanistan, tend to focus less on killing the enemy and more on winning over the local
population, as militaries find that healing people is cheaper, more likely to win over
locals, and less likely to inspire backlash.

Even non-state military actors such as Hezbollah and Lashkar-e-Taiba have taken to
providing health services to achieve their military goals. Whether by providing basic
care during a labor strike or building a clinic in Afghanistan, the military use in
administering health services is likely to become only more common.
--------------------
Somalia battles measure success in meters (CNN)

Mogadishu, Somalia (CNN) -- In a city where brutal fighting is the norm, it is easy to
glaze over reports of a surge in Mogadishu's violence this summer. But with the
country's insurgents now attacking abroad and the expansion of Ugandan and
Burundian peacekeepers on the ground, the situation is shifting as much as the front
lines.

Soldiers from the African Union peacekeeping mission AMISOM are pushing deeper
into the city from what until now has been little more than a few blocks controlled by
the weak Transitional Federal Government (TFG.)

For years they have been battling to contain Islamist insurgents Al-Shabaab, an al
Qaeda-linked group which controls much of central and southern Somalia.

Modest gains are hard fought, with the AU taking previously Al-Shabaab-held areas
house by house. At one new outpost on a rooftop, Maj. Anthony Lukwago Mbusi's men
were shelling Al-Shabaab positions as they cleared a few houses they took two days
ago.

"We are making a mop-up operation within the buildings here and thereafter -- after
they have moved into those tall buildings there," he said, pointing across the street.
"AMISOM forces will move into those tall buildings, so that we can continue pushing
these people out, flushing them out of the near region."

New outposts now stretch up the city's coastline to major hotels and the ancient port,
with the old U.N. base -- abandoned in the mid '90s -- within sight.

The insurgents have put up a fierce resistance and TFG troops on the very front line
have suffered heavy losses and casualties
When we see them (foreign fighters), we kill them, also we get intelligence

The Muslim holy month of Ramadan saw a fresh offensive by Al-Shabaab. They
attacked and killed government troops as well as AU peacekeepers through mortar
attacks, suicide bombs and roadside bombs. In August, they attacked a hotel in
Mogadishu killing more than 30 people including six parliamentarians.

In July, Islamist insurgents launched their first attack abroad -- with suicide bombings
in Uganda's capital killing 76 people as they watched the World Cup final. During the
tournament Al-Shabaab had banned watching or playing football, calling it un-Islamic
and warning they would execute any fans caught around TVs.

The Kampala bombings sent a shock wave through Uganda, and President Yoweri
Museveni requested a change in the peacekeepers' mandate, allowing them to take on a
more offensive role against Al-Shabaab. This was rejected, but a small amount of
additional troops were sent to Mogadishu.

Despite the AU's role remaining the same on paper, changes in their tactics this summer
have been notable, adding up to half-a-dozen new outposts in the city and clearing
some Al-Shabaab territory slowly. When quizzed on this, commanders say their new
positions are there to "secure" the old ones.

Three new outposts have been positioned around the presidential palace and
government area known as Villa Somalia. "We are now about 30 meters from Al-
Shabaab," announced the commander at the new outposts. He drove us down to the
front line where government soldiers were holding those precious few yards. He
pointed beyond the barriers to a tall white house: "That is Monopolio market. That is
where you will find foreigners."

Foreign fighters with jihadist experience elsewhere remain behind the scenes in the
battle for Mogadishu, says the AU. "When we are fighting here, the foreigners are a bit
in the rear," said the commander. Fighters from countries including Pakistan,
Afghanistan and Yemen give orders from front-line positions, he explained, holding
tactical meetings and organizing munitions.

Further up town, two crumbling hotels on the seafront were seized over the past few
months and are now the scene of intense fighting. Under heavy sniper fire from Al-
Shabaab, Capt. Keith Katuringi was most interested in discussing foreign fighters,
saying they come from as far as Chechnya. "We see them," he responded when I
questioned how his men could know where the insurgents are actually from. "When we
see them, we kill them. Also we get intelligence."
The source of that intelligence remains unexplained by the many military leaders who
speak about it. Intelligence-gathering drones can now be heard above Mogadishu
during the day and night. Most presume they are American. However, the Obama
administration strongly denies any involvement in advising local forces.

"The United States does not plan, does not direct, and does not coordinate the military
operations of the TFG, and we have not and will not be providing direct support for
any potential military offensives," Johnnie Carson, assistant secretary of state for Africa,
told reporters in March. "Further, we are not providing nor paying for military advisors
for the TFG. There is no desire to Americanize the conflict in Somalia."

Somalia's local government is headed by President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed,

previously a leader of the Union of Islamic Courts. Although Sheikh Ahmed is
considered a moderate, the UIC raised eyebrows in the West because other prominent
members were considered radicals.

At the African Union's main base in Mogadishu, both private security firms Dyncorp
and Bancroft are present, working with the AU and traveling with them in military
vehicles.

A New York Times article published last month reported that the CIA has stepped up
its anti-al Qaeda raids in Somalia, and referred to concerns that increased outsourcing
to private contractors risked reducing transparency in Washington.

Beyond the politics however, ordinary Somali's continue to suffer the brunt of this
summer's violence.

The U.N. announced that in the two weeks spanning the end of August and start of
September, more than 250 civilians had been killed in the crossfire in Mogadishu.

Children are particularly at risk in this conflict. Al-Shabaab is known to use child
soldiers. This summer, the spike in violence was accompanied by an increase in
kidnappings.

Shortly after I arrived in Mogadishu, reports reached the city of a mass kidnapping of
around 100 boys from a rural town. Over the next week, military commanders reported
children running towards AU posts firing AK-47s.

Capt. Keith's men experienced such attacks. He said they have no choice but shoot
them. "We have no choice," he said. "It's unfortunate but we have no choice."
--------------------
Nigerian President to Run in Election (Wall Street Journal)
LAGOS, Nigeria—President Goodluck Jonathan on Wednesday announced his
intention to run in January's presidential election, ending months of uncertainty and
setting the stage for a standoff with powerful Muslim Nigerians opposed to his
candidacy.

The announcement, made via Mr. Jonathan's Facebook page, followed months of
meetings to shore up support among Nigeria's political elites and head off potential rifts
that could lead to election violence.

Mr. Jonathan's bid to lead Africa's most populous country runs counter to political
convention. There's an unwritten agreement in Mr. Jonathan's ruling party, the People's
Democratic Party, that power will rotate between mostly Muslim northern Nigeria and
mostly Christian southern Nigeria every two terms.

Mr. Jonathan, a southerner, formally took over for former president Umaru Yar'Adua, a
northerner, when the latter died in May during his first term. He is now seeking to hold
onto the office at a time when gross domestic product is expected to grow more than 7%
this year, according to the finance minister, but the country is still dealing with
challenges such as power shortages, disgruntled oil companies and religious violence.
Mr. Jonathan has replaced several top officials ahead of party primaries in October.

Mr. Jonathan said he would hold an official declaration ceremony this Saturday. An
aide to Mr. Jonathan confirmed the announcement.

"In presenting myself for service, I make no pretense that I have a magic wand that will
solve all of Nigeria's problems or that I am the most intelligent Nigerian," Mr. Jonathan
said in the statement on his Facebook page. "I do not want to win your affections by
giving you promises of things I would do in the future which others before me have
given and which have largely been unfulfilled. Rather, I would want you to judge me
by my records."

A spokesman for the president didn't respond to requests for comment.

Several powerful northern Nigerians, including former military ruler Ibrahim

Babangida and Atiku Abubakar, the former vice president, have spoken out against Mr.
Jonathan's candidacy before each announcing their own candidacies.

On Wednesday, Mr. Babangida held a public rally for supporters in the capital, Abuja.
Other northern candidates, including the chairman of the powerful national governors
forum, Bukola Saraki, and the former head of Nigerian's top anticorruption body, Nuhu
Ribadu, are expected to announce their presidential ambitions soon.
The aide to Mr. Jonathan played down any backlash from northern Nigerians. "He's
been doing all the necessary consultations," the aide said. "It's because of his confidence
in winning the election that he decided to run."

The ruling-party candidate has won every presidential election since Nigeria emerged
from military rule in 1999. Many analysts think the election is Mr. Jonathan's to lose.

"He has the power of the incumbency, and in Nigeria this is a very, very powerful
thing," said Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, the director of the Civil Society Legislative
Advocacy Centre, a watchdog group in Abuja.

Nigeria has held two successive elections deemed deeply flawed by internal and
external observers. For the coming election, registration of the expected 70 million
voters hasn't yet begun and the electronic registration machines to be used haven't been
ordered.
--------------------
France Refuses Extradition for Rwandan Genocide Suspect (Voice of America)

A French court has rejected a Rwandan government request to extradite a doctor

accused of taking part in the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

A judge in Versailles ruled Wednesday Eugene Rwamucyo could not receive a fair trial
in Rwanda. The judge decided to release him in France.

Rwamucyo's lawyer, Philippe Meilhac, told reporters the court decision was a "relief"
and called it a victory of law over politics.

Rwamucyo still faces a criminal investigation in Paris for genocide and crimes against
humanity. The case against him was brought by a Rwandan victims group.

Wednesday's ruling comes as France and Rwanda are working to repair fragile
relations. In March, French President Nicolas Sarkozy made a visit to Rwanda after a
three-year break in diplomatic ties.

A team of French investigators is currently in Kigali looking into the assassination of

Rwanda's and Burundi's presidents in a 1994 plane crash. The incident is widely
considered the trigger for the genocide.

A French finding in 2006 accusing President Paul Kagame, a former Tutsi rebel leader,
of ordering the assassination led Rwanda to break ties with France. Mr. Kagame
strongly denied the charge.

Rwanda's own investigation blamed Hutu extremists for the assassinations saying they
were trying to create an excuse for the genocide.
Another Rwandan doctor faces an extradition hearing in Bordeaux in October.

During the genocide, Hutu extremists killed an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and Hutu
moderates in the span of 100 days.
--------------------
UN News Service Africa Briefs
Full Articles on UN Website

UN measures to protect civilians in eastern DR Congo bearing fruit

15 September – The United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC) today reported that an operation designed to enhance the protection of civilians
in the eastern areas of the country has resulted in the arrests of some suspected human
rights abusers and a return of many internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes.

UN-supported project aims to boost Eritrea’s traditional fisheries catch

15 September – The United Nations agency helping poor rural people overcome
poverty is supporting efforts to boost Eritrea’s traditional fisheries sector while
conserving fish stocks and the marine ecosystem.

Security Council renews mandate of UN mission to Liberia

15 September – The Security Council today extended the mandate of the United Nations
Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) for another year and authorized the peacekeeping force to
provide support to the Government as it makes arrangements for presidential and
legislative elections next year.

UNESCO chief calls on Ugandan authorities to punish journalist’s killers

15 September – The head of the United Nations agency entrusted with defending press
freedom today called on the Ugandan authorities to do everything possible to bring to
justice the killers of a journalist who was attacked by an angry crowd while covering a
protest by dozens of motorcyclists.