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Asians as Stereotypes and Students: Misperceptions That Persist

Author(s): Albert H. Yee


Source: Educational Psychology Review, Vol. 4, No. 1 (March 1992), pp. 95-132
Published by: Springer
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Educational Psychology Review, Vol. 4, No. 1, 1992

Asians as Stereotypes and Students:


Misperceptions That Persist
Albert H. Yee1

Although Asian Americans today are lauded as a "model minority" and Asian
students are praised as "whiz kids, " racial prejudice toward Asians is as true
today as it was in the past. American stereotypes of Asians appear characterized
by persistent perceptual homogeneity and attitude-behavior inconsistencies.
This review aims to: (a) display and analyze the basic stereotype toward Asians,
(b) hypothesize an explanation for the basic Asian stereotype, (c) examine the
Asian student stereotype by analyzing three factors commonly used to account
for the achievement of Asian students, and (d) provide suggestions for research.
Arguments for Asians' inherited advantages in IQ and cognitive abilities appear
to be questionable. However, the factor of family encouragement and support
as well as the work ethic and drive for education factor are found to be ad
vantageous and disadvantageous to achievement, depending on how they are
applied. The article discusses homogeneity-heterogeneity of perceptions, atti
tude-behavior consistency, achievement motivation, parent-child social inter
action, mental health, and counseling needs relative to Asian students.
KEY WORDS: achievement motivation; Asian Americans; Asian students; attitudes; stereo
types.

INTRODUCTION

With no end in sight, American education has been besieged b


criticism since the early 1980s (e.g., Broder, 1990). Amid the negativis
however, one bright spot stands out: the achievement of Asian Americ
(AA) students (Vernon, 1982; Brand, 1987). U.S. News & World Rep
(Lord and Linnon, 1988) acclaimed the predominance of AA Westi

'Social and Behavioral Sciences Division, Marist College, Poughkeepsie, New Yo


12601-1387.

95

1040-726X/92/0300-0095S06.50/0 © 1992 Plenum Publishing Corporation

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96 Yee

house awardees by the article, "What Puts the Whiz in Whiz Kids?"
David P. Gardner, who chaired the National Commission on Excellence
in Education that produced A Nation at Risk (President's Commission,
1983) believes that Asian diligence in studies and rigid school standards
show how America's educational problems can be overcome (Gardner,
1987). As an example, the Air Force Academy valedictorian in 1987, Ho
ang Nhu Tran, is at Harvard Medical School after attending Oxford as
a Rhodes scholar. Hoang's fame comes from his sterling achievement as
a student since coming to the U.S. as a Vietnamese refugee who could
hardly speak English.
This review will show that perceptions of Asian students are stereo
typic and that they are part and parcel of a general or basic Asian stereo
type. The review (a) explicates the Asian stereotype with illustrations from
education and other sources, (b) hypothesizes an explanation for the basic
stereotype that could account for most of the common variance in percep
tions of Asians, (c) analyzes the Asian student stereotype as a specific mani
festation of the basic Asian stereotype, and (d) suggests research for
educational psychologists and others.

ATTITUDES AND STEREOTYPES DIRECTED TOWARD


ASIANS

Model Minority

Asian Americans (AAs) have received abundant recognition an


praise as a model minority for the nation. President Ronald Reagan s
in 1984 that Asian and Pacific Americans (A/PAs) "preserve (the Ame
can) dream by living up to the bedrock values" of the U.S. and that t
do so by upholding "the sacred worth of human life, religious faith, c
munity spirit and the responsibility of parents and schools to be teach
of tolerance, hard work, fiscal responsibility, cooperation, and lo
(Takaki, 1989, pp. 474-475). Titles of the many news articles on AAs a
model minority reflect unabashed enthusiasm, e.g., "If You'r
Smart . . . How Come You're Not Japanese?" (National Review, April 1
1991), "America's Super Minority" (Fortune, November 26, 1986), "
Triumph of Asian-Americans: America's Greatest Success Story" (New
public, July 15 & 22, 1985). Even the August 1991 issue of the Americ
Psychologist included four commentaries on why AA students achiev
well. In addition, in signing a proclamation declaring May 1990 as the
tion's first A/PA Heritage Month, President George Bush said,

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Asian Students 97

Whatever their b
lion Americans s
respect for the l
cellence in educa

Kasindorf (198
to " . . . thrift
rosanct value
devoted to AA
able—and cert
is their excep
bitious Asian A
the traditiona
Pacific Islande
highest of al
whites at 9.2%
lation, Hawaii
mony (Hewitt
Descendants o
as a model mi
all Japanese B
the national n
remarkable ...
tigious, 16 per
ics professor
far more mot
liant ones, the
resented amo
affairs. Peru's
similation and
Successful des
ment and fou
found in Peru and other Latin American nations.

Attitude-Behavior Inconsistency and Perceptual Homogeneity

Ethnic studies of AAs (Daniels, 1989; Nee and Nee, 1973; Sue and
Kitano, 1973; Takaki, 1989) suggest a flip-flop, bad-good stereotypic nature
to perceptions (i.e., stereotypes of Asians turn positive or negative on key
attitudinal elements). This flip-flopping characteristic reflects perceptions
that Asians are homogeneous (i.e, "they're all the same") and that Asians
are of one extreme or the other (either positive or negative). For AAs,
this perceptual homogeneity and confusing flip-flop signals of others affect

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98 Yee

their identity and self-worth, (i.e., their being ingroup at times vs. their
being outgroup at other times creates frustrations over who they are and
what they represent [Tajfel, 1970; Wilder, 1985]). Inconsistency between
attitude and behavior regarding Asians was found in the famous study by
LaPiere (1934) that Atkinson et al. (1990, p. 706) called a classic. In that
study, a white professor and a young Chinese couple stopped and were
served at over 200 cafes, hotels, and motels as they traveled 10,000 miles
across the U.S. They were refused service on only one occasion. When the
same establishments were sent letters later asking if they would accept a
Chinese couple as guests, 92% of the 128 replies were negative.
Today's model minority and whiz kid stereotypes contrast sharply with
racism that began before the Chinese reached the U.S. in the mid-nine
teenth century. The flip-flopping (e.g., positive-negative valence), homoge
neity (i.e., perceiving all as one and the same), and attitude-behavior
contradictions (as in LaPiere, 1934) are reminiscent of observations by
Isaacs (1962, pp. 70-71) who wrote: "American images of the Chinese are
seen as a superior people and an inferior people: devilishly exasperating
heathens and wonderful humanists; wise sages and sadistic execution
ers .. . ." AA playwright, David H. Hwang (M. Butterfly) interprets the
racial dualism (Horn, 1988, p. 52) as:
. . . the Western view of the Asian is remarkably like sexist stereotypes of the
female: She is a lady—but also a dragon. And the racist attacks that Asians en
dure . . . likewise parallel the harassment of women: Such attacks are designed to
reduce women to sex objects . . . "and to make me feel like a pair of slanted eyes."

Hollywood has depicted Asians in contrasting stereotypic light. Ca


tering to the public's attitudes toward Asians, the American film industry
deliberately pursued "they're all-alike" outgroup, attitude-behavior incon
sistency themes (Chin, 1972, 1991; Weiss, 1970). While Asian males are
portrayed as negative stereotypes, Asian females (e.g., Suzy Wong) come
across as positive stereotypes in plots with white male leads. Dualism can
be seen in Charlie Chan and his Americanized sons; in Fu Manchu, an
evil threat to white women; and in Vietnam War films (e.g., The Deer
Hunter and Platoon) that depict young, innocent Americans' morals and
psychological nature transformed by a "world of corruption, drugs, gam
bling ..." and by "something sinister in Asia and the people there that
is beyond the capability of civilized Americans to comprehend" (Takaki,
1989, p. 481). Comics (e.g., Terry and the Pirates) also have mirrored the
same corruptive image of Asians. In all of this lies a keen example of
stereotype propaganda, much of which is directed at youth, that awaits scru
tiny by educational, cognitive, and social psychologists.

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Asian Students 99

Basic Nature of the Asian Stereotype and How It Developed

In the nineteenth century, literature portrayed the mind and natur


of Asians as peculiarly alien, insidious, and inscrutable (Barth, 196
Takaki, 1989, pp. 104-108). For example, consider Bret Harte (The Luck
of Roaring Camp and Other Sketches, 1870), who popularized the express
"heathen Chinee." Consider also the views of missionaries (e.g., Doolitt
1895) and politicians (Gossett, 1963, pp. 289-291). The "Yellow Peril" ep
thet encapsulated the fearsome perceptions of Asians as alien economi
enemies. According to Miller (1969, p. 201), the most significant factor
the establishment of a history of negative attitudes toward the Chinese
"the unfavorable image of the Chinese that preceded them to the Uni
States" that was spread by traders, missionaries, and diplomats. Beginni
in the 1860s, white workers west of the Rockies fomented fear and hostility
that Chinese workers would put them out of work and steal their resources.
Fredrickson (1981, p. 225) said such fears were used to promote endur
agitation and to institute more "unionism and working-class politics ..
gitimacy and influence" in the West than elsewhere in the U.S.
Fear of Asians as economic threats has permeated the negative att
tudes toward Asians. Sandmeyer (1939, p. 65) quotes an 1877 manifesto
of the Workingman's Party in California: "We declare that white men, a
women, and boys, and girls, cannot live as the people of the great repu
should live and compete with the single Chinese coolie in the labor ma
ket." In a classic study of racism, Fredrickson (1981) found that econom
competition was the root cause for white workers' mobilization against t
Chinese on xenophobia and racial grounds in the nineteenth century. H
wrote that the racial attacks on the Chinese were "perhaps the most s
cessful labor-based political movement in American history" (p. 225).
Studying ethnic collective action arising from competition betwee
ethnic groups across the U.S. in the years 1877 to 1898, Olzak (1986) tra
the large number and magnitude of "conflict events" or attacks against
Chinese. Out of 49 attacks documented for all groups, the greatest numb
(32, or over 65%) were directed against the Chinese and were the most
virulent. This compared with eight against blacks. According to Portes
Mannings (1986), Japanese immigrants were first accepted in California
cheap agricultural labor during the period 1890 to 1908. However, "nativ
hostilities crystallized . . . when the Japanese immigrants shifted from wage
labor to independent ownership and small-scale farming" (p. 54). As a
sult, white farmers clamored for political protection from Japanese "unfair"
competition and, in 1913, California passed its first Alien Land Law.
At their peak in 1880, the Chinese represented only .002% of the
U.S. population. Lyman (1970) wrote that in the first 50 years of their r

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100 Yee

dence in America the Chinese suffered one of the most outrageous attacks
on a people that has ever been perpetrated. Designed to end Chinese com
petition by barring immigration, and extended later to include other Asians,
the exclusion laws were overthrown by the U.S. Supreme Court or by leg
islation decades later; but the human damage the laws brought can never
be overcome. However, open-minded individuals countered the public
mood by defending the Chinese and by attacking discrimination on the
basis of a people's ability and willingness to work effectively. As Mark
Twain (Clemens, 1880, p. 391) wrote:
Of course there was a large Chinese population ... it is the case with every town
and city on the Pacific coast. They are a harmless race when white men either let
them alone or treat them no worse than dogs; in fact, they are almost entirely
harmless anyhow, for they seldom think of resenting the vilest insults or the cruelest
injuries. They are quiet, peaceable, tractable, free from drunkenness, and they are
as industrious as the day is long. A disorderly Chinaman is rare, and a lazy one
does not exist. So long as a Chinaman has strength to use his hand he needs no
support from anybody; white men often complain of want of work, but a Chinaman
offers no such complaint; he always manages to find something to do. He is a great
convenience to everybody—even to the worst class of white men, for he bears the
most of their sins, suffering fines for their petty thefts, imprisonment for their rob
beries, and death for their murders. Any white man can swear a Chinaman's life
away in the courts, but no Chinaman can testify against a white man.

Though the role of 12,000 Chinese in building the transcontinental


railroad from 1863 to 1869 is well known, the human aspects of that history
have not been aired. While the Chinese labored across the Sierra Nevadas,
Irish counterparts worked westward across the plains for the Union Pacific.
Profiting by the number of miles they laid, the railroad barons pushed their
crews, which made racial comparisons impossible to avoid. With at least
one contest to see which side could lay the most track in one day, the
Chinese won hands down. Noting that the Irish were better paid, the Chi
nese went on strike to get a better deal but were unsuccessful (Yu, 1969).
This raises the question of why employers were not blamed for the stand
ards they forced Asians to accept? Charles Crocker, who headed the Cen
tral Pacific construction, was disappointed when he first saw the Chinese
because he thought them too frail and slight of build. However, as he
worked with them he soon reversed his opinion and was ridiculed later as
"Chinaman Crocker" for opposing the Chinese exclusion laws, though he
did not favor citizenship for them.
After the rails were completed, unemployment became a serious
problem and racial prejudice rose steadily. Discrimination prior to that was
evident as can be seen in the famous "last spike" photo which does not
include a Chinese. What would have happened if the Chinese and Irish
had been working as mixed crews for both railroad companies? Because
some Irish did work with the Chinese and their relations were tolerant,

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Asian Students 101

ways could have presumably been found to ameliorate discrimination. Tra


ditionally, however, one immigrant group seeking entry into American s
ciety was pitted against another at the lowest strata; in this case, race mad
the competition more intense. Takaki (1989, p. Ill) says that when d
pression in the late 1800's created class tensions between the capitalists
and white labor, the capitalists placated the workers by scapegoating th
Asians.
During World War II, Americans knew so little about the Japanese
that about 119,00 Japanese Americans (JAs) were abruptly uprooted from
their homes and work in California, Oregon, and Washington and were
interned in remote, military camps for the duration. Not until the 1980s
was the tragic action declared unconstitutional and a "grave injustice."
President Reagan and Congress offered the nation's apologies in 1988 when
$20,000 were granted for damages to each relocated survivor (Kitano and
Daniels, 1988, pp. 61-65).
Also during WW II, the U.S. Government asked anthropologist Ruth
Benedict to write a cultural analysis of the Japanese even though she had
never been in Asia. The first line of her classic text says it all: "The Japa
nese were the most alien enemy the United States had ever fought in an
all-out struggle." Coverage of Asians in textbooks and social studies classes
also has been persistently negligent. In a content analysis of 300 social stud
ies textbooks used by elementary and secondary schools in the U.S., Yee
(1973, p. 107) found that "Textbook references to China and the Chinese
in past and present American life reveal an interesting pattern of neglect
and stereotyping." About 75% of the 300 texts made no mention at all of
Asians; of the 76 texts that did, only token, stereotypic representation was
given. Americans have not been well-educated about Asia.
During the same war with the Axis powers, the JA 442nd Regimental
Combat Team won recognition for valor and successes in Europe and re
ceived more military decorations and individual medals than any other unit
in the history of the U.S. armed forces. During the Watergate hearings in
1973, a White House witness angered by the questioning singled-out Hawaii
Senator Daniel K. Inouye by damning him as "that no-good Jap!" The
Senator was then and still is one of the most respected members of the
Senate. He had also lost an arm fighting with the 442nd. Airing his frus
tration, the man who tried to smear Inouye exposed the prejudicial in
group-outgroup attitudes of many Americans. Despite the nation's
pluralistic and democratic values, many people simply cannot accept even
the best AAs fully into the ingroup category.
Economic tensions today between the U.S. and Japan over trade re
lations highlight the deep misunderstandings that existed long before WW
II. Awanohara (1990a) and Smith (1990) show how government and busi

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102 Yee

ness antagonists of both nations mislead themselves with stereotypic think


ing. Translations of The Japan That Can Say No, a book by Shintaro Ishi
hara, a Japanese legislator, incensed Washington, D.C. from 1989 to 1990.
Smith (1990, p. 58), quotes from it:
American racial prejudice is based on the cultural belief that the modern era is
the creation of the white race . . . Western fear of Japan is more likely to be ac
companied by awe of its achievements, its discipline, and the quality of its crafts
manship. Looking at IQ scores, some Americans conclude that, as a people, the
Japanese are simply smarter.

Confirming Ishihara's point on IQ and education, Seligman's (1991, p. 25)


article in the conservative National Review noted that "Blaming the schools
is very much the fashion in (U.S.) business these days." The attitudes of
Americans and Asians toward each other reflect their common prevailing
ignorance.
Thus, the Asian stereotype looms large today in frustrations with Ja
pan's trade barriers and its balance of payments surplus. The Japanese,
on the other hand, criticize America's budget deficit and low savings rate
which reinforce their stereotypic view of Americans as "cry-babies." "Ja
pan-bashing" is increasingly popular among U.S. business and congres
sional leaders. Many feel that "Japan's behaviour is . . . different; Japan
is neither capitalist nor a democracy as these terms are understood, and
the Japanese people are quite unlike Western individuals . . . (thus) the
US should treat the Japanese 'as they are'" (Awanohara 1990a, p. 28).
Assessing the temper of attitudes in Japan and the U.S., Horvat (1990)
says that "the Japanese have replaced the Russians as the people Ameri
cans fear most while a majority of Japanese . . . have little respect for
Americans either as a people or as a nation." As Asiaweek's editorial
(March 9, 1990, p. 15) commented: "It would be a tragic shame if Amer
ica, whose ideals have been a torchlight to so much of Asia and the world,
nominates Japan as the new Common Danger: Fu Manchu reborn." Ac
tually, acrimony between the U.S. and Japan overlooks their close symbi
otic relations. As Rowley (1990) points out, "The strident and crude
criticism of Japan's trade policies among US legislators fails to acknow
ledge the debt ... to Tokyo's accommodating financial policies." A NY
Times/CBS News Poll (Oreskes, 1990), previously conducted in 1985 and
1989, revealed "a real erosion in the popular mood about Japan." Results
of interviews conducted by the poll support the notion of a generalized
Asian stereotype with comments such as: "I just think they're cunning peo
ple." According to Congressman Les AuCoin of Portland, Oregon, it is
not unusual for people to express resentment against Asians at town hall
meetings, such as "about valedictorians in graduating classes being those
non-Americans, by which they mean Asians." A recurrent feature of the

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Asian Students 103

stereotyping of Asians in the U.S. is the coupling of education with trade


and economic concerns.
Indicating how stereotypes distort behavior, many Americans believe
that Japanese workers are low-wage drones, though the truth is they have
higher average wages and endure higher costs of living than Americans.
On the other hand, besides America's preference for Japan's quality prod
ucts, Japanese methods, such as factory quality groups and egalitarian man
agement-worker relations, have been viewed positively and have been
adopted in the U.S. Americans also perceive Asians as inveterate worka
holics (Renard, 1986). On the positive side, the perception is consistent
with American values for energy, endeavor, and persistence; whereas on
the negative side Asians are still perceived as outsiders, unmitigated "rate
busters" (Roethlisberger and Dickson, 1939), and economic-livelihood
threats.

A clear example of such attitudes is the 1982 brutal murder of a young


Chinese, Vincent Chin, in Detroit by two auto workers who mistook him
to be Japanese and thus responsible for their unemployment. One held
him helpless while the other shattered his skull with a baseball bat. Though
the evidence was unequivocal, the two were allowed to plead guilty to man
slaughter and were each fined $3,780 and sentenced to 3 years' probation
(Takaki, 1989, pp. 481-484).

How Attitudes Translate into Behavior

According to Krech et al. (1962), stability or persistence of attitu


depends on consistent attitude systems (i.e., cognitive, affective, and a
tendency components mutually supporting each other). Krech et al.
believed that inconsistency or dissonance among attitude components
to dissipate an attitude or lead to the formation of another attitude m
cohesive and integral as a system. Exhibiting flip-flopping contrasts,
tudes toward Asians that rotate from one extreme in valence to another
raise the question, "Can cognitive and affective components be that ac
commodating?" Wicker (1969), however, found that inconsistency between
attitude and overt behavior is common and that the two correlate weakly
at .30. Wicker suggested that personal and situational factors complicate
attitude-behavior relationships (i.e., conflicting motives and face-to-face vs.
private behavior).
Brigham (1971) questioned whether attitude-behavior inconsistency in
stereotypes was really harmful or not, a point I would refute mainly on
the basis of the preceding review. It is highly probable that attitudes toward
Asians remain basically prejudicial and racist in affect, lack cognitive mul

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104 Yee

tiplexity, and are resistant to change (i.e., are not conducive to education
and assimilation). Attitudes that prejudiciously treat (censor) Asians as ho
mogeneous, foreign, different, and hardworking could create stereotypes
with alternating positive and negative contrasts. I see gyrating polarization
affecting AAs that occur with shifts in U.S. sociopolitical and economic
developments (e.g., recession) and in U.S. relations with and developments
in Asian societies (e.g., Tiananmen massacre and Japan's Gulf War role).
Research by Lee and Ottati (in press) on Sino-American stereotypes found
that perceptions of homogeneity vs. heterogeneity in target groups, such
as Asians, are "evaluatively consistent with their overall attitude . . . .The
overall picture to emerge from this study is one that stresses the multifaced
nature of stereotypic inferences" (p. 27). Lee and Ottati's work, therefore,
refutes the notion (e.g., Brigham, 1971) that stereotypes are simple, unob
trusive phenomena.
Turning these speculations back to the preceding review of how
Asians have been stereotyped, I sense that American attitudes toward
Asians are heavily loaded with assessments of them as aliens and competi
tors. Asians have been treated as and have, in response, perceived them
selves as distinct from the assimilative, "melting pot" immigrants from
Europe. In work and other competitive arenas, reactions to outsiders are
typically adversarial, which racial and ethnic prejudice can prolong. AA
history shows that prejudice toward Asians has become hardened and per
petuated through stereotyping which can be related to fears of them as
foreign rivals. This view relates well with research on the "Marginal Man"
caught between cultures (Krech et al., 1962, pp. 498-500) and on AA eco
nomic coping behavior (Nee and Sanders, 1985). Therefore, it is hypothesized
that American attitudes toward Asians carry strong evaluations of Asians as
alien competitors, perhaps of two forms—exemplary and pernicious. In the
latter form, the actors' self-worth and self-gain, whether in manufacturing
autos or in education, are seen to be threatened by outsiders who show
signs of surpassing them and usurping their well-being or access to such.
In the former, the actors probably do not feel threatened by Asians as
competitors. This would explain why the media and public leaders will
praise AA students on merit, whereas many non-Asian students and their
parents probably act differently. One example is the Central Pacific execu
tives who valued the Chinese rail workers and the Union Pacific workers
who disdained competition with the Asians. Another is the very positive
attitudes of American workers at Japanese auto plants in Kentucky as com
pared to the anti-Japanese attitudes of workers and executives at U.S.
owned plants in Michigan. I postulate that this working hypothesis identifies
the chief feature of the basic Asian stereotype and serves to explain and
perhaps predict how it works.

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Asian Students 105

THE ASIAN ISSUE IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Revolted by racism, especially after the murder of Vincent Ch


have set aside traditional passivity and are becoming politically act
outspoken (Awanohara, 1990b, 1991; Jaschik, 1988; Johnson, 1986
aware than their elders of their rights and of how U.S. institutions fu
AAs still seek the American Dream (Hsu, 1971) but realize that the
be their own best advocates. AAs have accused leading universitie
criminatory admission practices (e.g., Greene, 1987; Biemiller, 19
1988, pp. 89-148; Oxnam, 1986). In response, AA admissions po
Harvard and UCLA were reviewed by the Office for Civil Rights
U.S. Education Department (Moore, 1989).
With a 1989-1990 enrollment of over 27% AAs, UC-Berkel
under pressure from AA activists throughout the 1980s for admis
teria which allegedly diminished Asian competitiveness and inhibit
admission to graduate programs (Lyons, 1989; Springer, 1987). Syn
columnist George F. Will (1989) wrote: "Yes, the 'Yellow Peril'
this time dressed in the language of liberalism. We have been here
with the 'Jewish question' ... it is lunatic to punish Asian-Americ
nation's model minority, for their passion to excel."
Though acknowledging the validity of AA fears, Schwartz (1
20), also addressed the rising backlash: "Asian-Americans could ev
come victims of their own success in higher education, as schools
whether the 'overrepresented' Asian students should be subject to
in order to keep other minorities and even whites from being sq
out ..." He referred to a standing UCLA pun that the school's
stand for "United Caucasians Lost Among Asians." According to S
(1987, p. 46), "With a mix of awe and animosity, students in the
area joke that MIT stands for Made in Taiwan." Takaki (1989, pp.
suggests such attitudes reflect a new American "jeremiad": the
though perhaps reluctant and futile, to return to traditional values of
industry, competitiveness, thrift, and so forth that Asians are see
emplify today.
Thus, Asian students in higher education often confront stere
complexities and repercussions that are not well understood. On
hand, as Asians are highly praised for academic achievements, th
to assume that effort and merit will further their progress and acc
On the other hand, AA students may find evidence to believe th
crimination still hinders them. However, basing their case primari
demic merit, which they assume elite universities will honor, As
"super students" come up against other commitments—alumni-re
missions, "equal opportunity" to overcome other minorities' socia

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106 Yee

vantages, and extracurricular activities, such as athletics. As tensions po


larize, stereotypes and racism emerge and become confrontational themes.
Thus, Asians find themselves locked in a struggle between being both win
ners as students and losers as ethnics at the same time. They feel that if
they were whites, there would be no issue raised about their acceptance
and numbers.

The consequences of this dilemma for AA students, according to


Hsia (1987-1988), unless relieved by institutional changes, are: (a) the
"Super Asian" myth will continue, (b) divisiveness among ethnic groups
will be exacerbated, and (c) Asians will become even more frustrated
and militant as more qualified and motivated AAs are denied access to
first-choice institutions. Although infrequent reports of a rising drop-out
rate, suicides, and other problems among AAs expose the model minority
myth, the positive reports, such as half of all U.S. graduate students over
all being Asians predominate (Awanohara, 1990b, p. 34; New York Times
News Service, 1990b; Ng, 1991a,b). Though U.S. institutions have pro
gressed far since their prejudiced handling of Jews in the past, the AA
question is far from being resolved and should be investigated and ex
plicated.

EXAMINING THE ASIAN STUDENT STEREOTYPE

The preceding review shows that stereotypic perceptions of


deserve serious study by educational psychologists. Stereotypes
behavior toward Asians and help determine the behavior of Asi
selves. In this section, I focus upon the Asian student stereotype
part and parcel of the basic stereotype analyzed above. Analysis
student stereotype will illustrate the basic Asian stereotype for
by showing the human multiplexities it denies and by providin
into the achievement and problems of Asian students. Three fa
commonly given to account for the academic achievement of A
dents: (a) cognitive and IQ superiority, (b) family encouragemen
cial support, and (c) work ethic and drive for educational sta
assess the validity of these three factors and, if found valid, try
they function in behavioral rather than in stereotypic terms. W
go beyond model minority assertions, I am, however, limited by
and demographics that tend to lump all AAs together, mix A
Polynesians together as A/PAs, and generalize from samples of
or few of the Asian groups.

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Asian Students 107

Table I. Compar
Verbal Quantitative

M SD M SD

GRE
Asian Americans 483 125 596 129
(N = 2715)
Whites 514 110 542 125
(N = 117,686)
SAT
Asian Americans 398 130 519 127
Whites 445 103 487 114

"GRE, 1982-1983 (Hsia, 1988


1988, p. 26); Chronicle (1991
though with improved AA sc

Are the Cognitive Abilit

Many infer inherited qu


the basic profile of Asian
sures, although their ver
Although AAs, many of w
in verbal aptitude, this d
guage other than English.
point. Recent moves to in
into the SAT show attenti
of A/PA was adapted in t
South Asia and the Pacific
increased from 1V2 millio
1980. A/PAs numbered ab
U.S. population. Most of t
it did in 1980. In Californ
of blacks, the number of
from 1981 to 1990. Altho
California listed 9 of 12
703,428 students as Asian
For people whose Englis
that the correlation betw
would be more positive if
inference gains credence
graders in which he teste
verbal and numerical reas

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108 Yee

reasoning in Chinese and English were nearly identical, the verbal mean
was 68.7 in English and 85.85 in Chinese. Support is also gained from analy
ses by the National Center for Education Statistics showing that although
the verbal ability of AAs with 5 or fewer years in the U.S. was low, AAs
with 6 or more years of residency had higher verbal and math scores than
whites (Hsia, 1988, p. 62).
Inherited IQ Advantages. Does superior intelligence explain the
Asian difference in quantitative reasoning? Are Asians as a "race" endowed
with IQ advantages? Lynn (1982) of Ulster University and his associates
(e.g., Lynn and Hampson, 1986) have claimed that the mean IQ score of
Asians is superior to whites. Lynn's references show that his view is not
new. Though differences did not exceed 1 SD, Lynn and Dziobon (1980)
suggested their results significantly showed:
the apparent robustness of the intelligence of the Japanese and Chinese across a
wide range of cultures. Whether they come from California or mainland Japan,
from Singapore, Hong Kong or the Hawaiian islands, samples of these populations
invariably obtain mean IQs either at or above the Caucasian mean (p. 96).

Some ridiculed Lynn when inspection of his work revealed that his con
clusions were based on nonstatistically significant differences, inconsisten
cies with translated tests, and so forth (Flynn, 1987; Sue and Okasaki,
1991).
Rushton (1991) rekindled the controversy at the 1989 annual meeting
of the American Association for the Advancement of Science with a paper
on the IQ superiority of Asians. Though his views have been widely criti
cized (e.g., Mealey, 1990), Rushton claims that Asians comprise the "most
intelligent race, with whites next and blacks last" (Wheeler, 1989). Rushton
argues that superiority in IQ arises from Asians: (a) having evolved more
recently than whites, (b) being more sexually restrained than other races,
(c) being slower to mature physically, (d) having a more "quiescent tem
perament" and being more law-abiding than others, and (e) having a more
advanced evolutionary strategy because Asians lived farther north.
The fundamental case for or against the assessment of multifaceted
behavior by racial groups pivots on the question of race as a valid construct
and scientific perspective. Unfortunately, psychological societies have
dodged this issue. Steps, however, are underway to overcome this problem
by establishing a profession-wide policy standard on race (Yee, 1991).
Treating this crucial point superficially in their rush to assess
Asian/black/white differences, race adherents in psychology are highly vul
nerable to criticism, such as by Fairchild (1991) and Weizmann et al. (1990).
More than 50 years ago, Anastasi (1937) discussed the dangers of over
generalizing test results. She used examples of studies which purported the
IQ superiority of Japanese children over whites. Such thinking falsely im

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Asian Students 109

plies, she wrote, "that one group is consistently poorer than another in
mental traits, or that certain behavioral processes are universally more
nificant, more valuable, or even more 'mental' than others" (p. 508).
Arguing against the genetic hypothesis regarding black/white IQ d
ferences, geneticists Bodmer and Cavalli-Sforza (1970) stated that minim
ing environmental effects was not justified and that many of the argument
for racial differences contradicted and exceeded genetic knowledge. A
leading advocate for the hypothesis, Jensen (1973) dismissed social dis
vantage as an explanation for the lesser achievement of blacks by argui
that the Chinese, Japanese, and Jews achieved at high rates despite bi
and social disadvantages. In fact, Jensen argued strongly that Asians poss
genetic IQ advantages. He wrote: "It is also interesting that Orientals (Ch
nese-Americans) who, as school age children, equal or exceed the white
population in the most heavily g loaded intelligence tests and in the mo
abstract scholastic subjects, ..." (p. 289). I believe that Jensen's (196
views would have been more helpful to educational psychology if he h
been more circumspect regarding demographics and nature/nurture int
actions. When discussing black/white differences, he did not include Asi
comparisons which would have helped to minimize polarization, at least
readers of his work. However, I should emphasize that Jensen has stat
his views in more probabilistic terms than have either Lynn or Rushton
Reviewing the 1970s dispute over racial effects on IQ, Yee (198
found that definitive research in genetics proves "that gene differences
tween individuals i/ifra-racially are far greater than gene differences b
tween races" (p. 16), and that while we can say "genetic differences
mental functions between individuals of the same and different groups exist
we have no biological evidence to support the notion of such differenc
between groups ..." (p. 18). Reviewing studies on a variety of variables,
such as temperament and personality disorders, Zuckerman (1990) c
cluded that the "scientific premises for looking for statistical differenc
between groups designated as races (on somewhat arbitrary grounds) a
questionable" (p. 1297). Extensive research by Stevenson and Lee (19
p. 4) found "no evidence that Chinese and Japanese children are mo
intelligent than American children."
The myth of race, as indisputedly evidenced by genetics for many d
ades (Yee, 1983, 1991), serves stereotyping when used to account for th
achievement of Asians. Since many confuse race with other issues, whic
in itself reflects how powerful the race schema is in the U.S. (Horn, 198
this author should say that he does not dispute nature/nurture concern
Human behavior varies in complex interactions between biological and
vironmental factors. Inasmuch as geneticists say that race is a pseudo-
entific concept, its application to IQ differences and to explain human

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110 Yee

behavior as a single factor, such as Asian strengths and weaknesses, should


be regarded as invalid. The trouble with explanations based on race is their
easy, simplex approach ("mesmerizing" according to Horn, 1988) using sur
face distinctions (e.g., skin color, to group peoples) which, however, do not
relate inherently to behavior and potentials. After all, skin color and other
race distinctions are genetically similar across the groups, unlike blood
types (Yee, 1983, p. 16). Yet no one would argue that blood type has any
thing to do with behavior and potential. Having covered this ground, what
about inherited cognitive abilities and skills?
Advantages in Cognitive Abilities. In order to compare the cognitive
abilities and reading/math achievement of American, Chinese, and Japa
nese children in grades 1 and 5, Stevenson et al. (1985) devised ten cog
nitive tasks: coding, spatial relations, perceptual speed, auditory memory,
serial memory for words, serial memory for numbers, verbal-spatial rep
resentation, verbal memory, vocabulary, and general information. They
also incorporated tests for mathematics and native-language reading
achievement. Results showed no real differences in the total score for the
ten cognitive tests (i.e., total scores of American, Chinese, and Japanese
Ss were nearly identical). However, results showed the Chinese children
were significantly superior to the Japanese in text reading and compre
hension, and that both Chinese and Japanese children were highly supe
rior to American pupils in math. In an important statement, Stevenson et
al. (1985, p. 734) concluded that "the data do not support an explanation
of cultural differences in achievement in school in terms of more general
differences in achievement in level of cognitive functioning among chil
dren in these three cultures." Later, after completing their research, Ste
venson and Lee (1990) concluded: "Positing differences in cognitive
functioning to explain the superior academic achievement of Chinese and
Japanese children may be appealing, but these data and similar findings
reported by Lynn and Hampton (1986) fail to provide any support for
such a hypothesis" (p. 5).
Reviewing research on the cognitive processes of the Chinese, Liu
(1986, p. 104) concluded: "If the Chinese think differently from Westerners,
the difference is superficial . . . and the available evidence does not war
rant the common belief that the Chinese are affected at the level of cog
nitive functioning by the script they use." Stevenson (1988, p. 148) also
concluded that reading achievement rates are not "closely linked to differ
ent writing systems."
I will now focus more closely on the math achievement of the Chi
nese. Since 1971, Julian C. Stanley of Johns Hopkins has studied mathe
matically gifted youth and has conducted a national search for children
younger than 13 years of age who can score 700 or better on the math

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Asian Students 111

half of the SAT. A score of 700 (out of 800 maximum) would be 1.6 SD
above the average male 12th-grader taking the same test. These childr
would have exceeded the scores of at least 94% of the high-school seni
and would have gone very far beyond math expectations for sixth-grade
Stanley estimates (personal communication, 1987) that no more than abo
1 in 10,000 12-year-olds can score 700+ on the SAT-M.
Moore and Stanley (1988) reported that they had identified 292 suc
700+ children across the U.S. Of those 292, 68 were AA, which is high
disproportionate to the AA share of the nation's population, i.e., 23%
about an expected 2-3%. The 68 include, with rounded percent figures,
Chinese (62%), 14 Koreans (20%), eight Asian Indians (12%), two Ja
nese (3%), and two Filipinos (3%). With about 1 million or 0.42% of the
U.S. population of 240 million, the number of Chinese 700+s is remark
able. Instead of the 42 found, there should have been fewer than two, which
in probability terms by chi-square is possible by chance about 1 time
200,000. Therefore, besides the question of why AAs are so overrep
sented among the 700+s SAT-M group, one must wonder why the Chine
were found to excel at such a high rate. One possible explanation is th
the research included unexplained sampling bias. That most of the Chin
700+ students were immigrants also suggests sociocultural influence, wh
will be dealt with in the next section.
It is this writer's observation that the Chinese value and stress indi
vidual cultural attainment instead of standing on innate qualities, such as
race. In fact, they tend to deprecate their shortcomings and successes (e.g.,
Bo, 1985). Asians take special interest in math acuity as a mark of intelli
gence and are well-schooled in math. Numbers also play a large symbolic
role in their language and customs. Miura and Kim (1987) claim that Asian
languages facilitate math achievement by their direct use of Base 10 and
other numerical concepts. For example, compared to "fifteen" in English,
Asians use "ten-five," and "one hundred ten thousand" for "one million"
with one-syllable words for 10, 5, 100, and 10,000.
The genetic deficit hypothesis has detoured many educational psy
chologists and others into dead ends, which this review is intended to help
correct. As Sue and Okazaki (1991) replied to Lynn (1991), problems are
"inherent in drawing conclusions concerning genetic-racial differences in
intelligence" and include "controversies regarding the nature of intelli
gence, the meaning of IQ tests, equivalence of cognitive measures across
different cultures, comparable and representative samples of the various
racial groups, [and] definition of 'race' ..." (p. 879). In light of the nu
merous related problems involved, those who assert that Asian students
excel because of greater IQ and cognitive abilities must consider sociocul
tural factors. In sum, I do not find much justification to support the notion

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112 Yee

that Asians possess inherited IQ and cognitive advantages. Should there


be such advantages, environmental factors must trigger and develop them.
Educators and psychologists must raise their sights to nature/nurture inter
actions to identify and maximize positive environmental determinants and
minimize negative ones.

Do Asians Benefit Academically Through Extraordinary Family


Encouragement and Social Support?

If inherited cognitive and IQ differences do not explain the phenome


non of AA academic achievement, then one should turn to sociocultural
factors. Parental concern and work ethic characteristics among Asians have
been highly credited by the media and national leaders, but their sociocul
tural connections with AA achievement have not been examined at any
depth. For example, a popular text (Zinn and Eitzen, 1990) on family struc
ture and diversity only repeated the model minority characteristics of AAs.
Because social class has been strongly related to achievement in the
West (e.g., Milner, 1951), psychologists need to consider its Asian features
and how it affects the progress of Asian students. Moore and Stanley
(1988) provide some clues. Their studies of math-precocious Asians found
that parents of 700+ students were typically well-educated, 71% of the
fathers having completed doctorates and nearly half of the mothers having
had postgraduate degrees, 46% of whom were M.D.s. Not only were the
parents well-educated and mostly immigrants, they consistently devoted
much positive support, encouragement, and assistance to their children's
studies. Schoolwork was a major everyday routine at home, and parents
constantly reinforced a sense of learning and progress. Moore and Stanley
made much of these family characteristics in explaining their results.
Parental concern and involvement form one factor considered in re
search by Stevenson et al. (1986). One of their important findings showed
that this factor accounted for most of the difference between the math
achievement of American, Chinese, and Japanese grades 1 and 5 pupils,
the results favoring the Chinese again. Also significant was parents' and
pupils' satisfaction with their schools and parents' expectation for their
children's progress. In sharp contrast with American mothers, who were
most satisfied with the schools and maintained no homework regimen for
their children, Asian mothers were often critical of the schools. Results
obtained by Stigler et al. (1987) found differences in math instruction in
Japan, Taiwan, and America which paralleled the differences in math pro
ficiency. Compared to their U.S. counterparts, Japanese and Taiwan
teachers exhibited greater competence and effort, concentrated more fully

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Asian Students 113

on math concepts, and required greater pupil attention span and applica
tion to studies.
Asian parental concern has been related to traditional values that em
phasize educational attainment and that place the young in subservient,
respectful posture to parents and teachers (Gibson, 1987; Lin, 1984). Ac
cording to Liu (1986,1991), the traditional rules that Chinese children have
learned are: (a) obey superiors, (b) memorize lessons, and (c) practice
skills. Such acculturation clearly enhances serious application to learning
and receptivity to instruction. Interestingly, much of the research, such as
that by Stevenson and his associates (1985, 1986, 1990), has made use of
Chinese Ss in China and Taiwan, where family and school relations remain
fairly traditional.

A Telling Exception

Studies of East Asian education (e.g., Rohlen, 1983; Shields, 1989;


Yee, 1989a) support the hypothesis that sociocultural factors are positively
related to educational achievement. Hong Kong, as an exception, also pro
vides evidence for this hypothesis. Unlike China, Japan, Singapore, or Tai
wan, where traditional educational values and practices are still to be found,
Hong Kong (HK) presents contrasting sociocultural values and practices
in education: a colonial educational system, an all-consuming materialistic
ethos, uncommitted and untrained teachers in the main, and a predomi
nance of working mothers who typically leave the young unattended (Yee,
1989a,b). One main cause for social upheaval is the fateful return of Hong
Kong to Communist China in 1997.
According to a leading HK sociologist (Lau, 1981), the typical HK's
family differs greatly from traditional Asian families. Instead of valuing
"symbolic and cultural rewards from society," which are nonmaterial, Lau
wrote that the HK family mentality considers society as "largely insignifi
cant, and that the goal of the family is to 'exploit' society for its own utili
tarian purposes" (p. 202). Chan's (1979) research on the effects of
parent-child interaction on verbal and other cognitive abilities also verifies
the corrupt sociocultural climate of Hong Kong, one that fosters school
achievement contradicting the Asian student stereotype.
Calling primary and secondary education in Hong Kong "a serious
problem," Scott (1989, p. 160) described the "shifts, rote instruction and
poor facilities" of HK schools as better than nothing for the poor. Although
they are little known in other Asian societies, crime and sexual deviancy,
such as teenage pregnancies, triad gangsterism, and shoplifting, reflect the
counterproductive effects of HK family and community background (Rowe,

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114 Yec

1966; Yee, 1989a,b). With such sociocultural contrasts, HK provides shock


ing reverse effects in educational achievement and attitudes. The difference
between educational achievement in the colony as compared to other Asian
societies can be seen in results of the cross-cultural study on science by
the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achieve
ment (IEA). IEA researchers found that HK native 10-year-olds ranked
13th out of 15 major Asian, European, and North American countries and
that 14-year-olds ranked 16th out of 17 (last place being the Philippines)
in the natural sciences (Holbrook, 1989, 1990).
On the other hand, a comprehensive study of Japanese education by
the U.S. Department of Education (Dorfman, 1987) lends much support
to those crediting the positive concern and encouragement of Asian parents
upon their children's academic achievement. Japanese mother-child rela
tions are reported to be "especially close," which the report said was remi
niscent of the "Jewish mother." In regard to Japan's educational system,
with which the conservative Ministry of Education steadfastly refuses to
tamper (Duke, 1986), the Dorfman report made the following important
observation:

Much of a mother's sense of personal accomplishment is tied to the educational


achievements of her children, and she expends great effort helping them. In addi
tion, there is considerable peer pressure on the mother. The community's percep
tion of a woman's success as a mother depends in large part on how well her
children do in school (p. 21).

Japanese socialization involves "intense maternal involvement in chil


dren's educational achievement" (Shimahara, 1986, p. 20). One major strat
egy to promote achievement motivation is "mother masochism," which De
Vos (1973, pp. 143-150) described as Japanese mothers assuming respon
sibility and enduring self-reproach for their children's behavior. The mother
extends her child's sense of guilt beyond herself and her quiet suffering to
the family and community.
Stevenson et al. (1986) found much lower achievement scores in the
U.S. than in Japan and Taiwan; parents in the U.S. were typically uncon
cerned with their children having homework and did not review studies
with them on a regular basis. In contrast, Taiwan pupils "were assisted
by some family member an average of 27 min a day, and the Japanese
children, 19 min a day" (Stevenson et al., 1986, p. 696). Parental social
support, therefore, does form a positive factor in Asian student achieve
ment but arises from traditional values and family practices reinforced by
the community. As the Hong Kong example indicates, high achievement
cannot be attributed uniformly and automatically to all Asians as the
Asian student stereotype professes. I will address this topic again after
the next section.

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Asian Students 115

Do Asians Exert Greater Work Ethic and Drive for Educational Status?

Westerns have long perceived Asians as unusually hard-working


ple. Historian Reischauer (1977, pp. 14-15) wrote:
. . . the people (of Japan, China, and Korea) are noted for their hard work and
unflagging energy. Simple necessity at first, reinforced over the centuries by well
established custom and insistent moral precept, seems to have produced among the
Japanese and their neighbors in East Asia what may be the most deeply ingrained
work ethic in the whole world ....

Reischauer also observed that the Japanese are "often quite unrealisticall
ambitious" and remarked that this drive to achieve and succeed has broug
the Japanese Americans, despite discrimination, language, and other cu
tural handicaps, "within two or three generations ... to levels of educa
tion, income, and status that are at or near the top of all ethnic group
including WASPs and Jews" (p. 155). On the other hand, as hypothesize
earlier, the achievement motivation of Asians has been viewed negativel
by others, particularly by working-class peoples (Fredrickson, 1981; Rena
1986); that is, AAs are seen to be tough competitors who make it hard
for others. Greene (1987) and Takaki (1989, p. 479) reported negative at
titudes against Asians as "grade-busters" and curve-raising "nerds" to b
common on U.S. campuses.
Today as well as in the 19th century, Westerners misperceive the cu
tural work ethic of Asians. They judge the efforts of Asians to provide f
their families and to be loyal to employers through their own societie
perspectives. Unlike the West, most Asians have not enjoyed nor sough
social welfare; until recent times, Asian governments cared little about their
people's social condition (Yee, 1989a). Also, mandatory retirement come
early in Asia (e.g., at 55 in Japan) which induces employees to earn and
save while they can. Visitors can see that workers in modern Japan, Si
gapore, Taiwan, South Korea, and Hong Kong operate with work-driven
ferocity seldom seen outside of Asia. A Psychology Today survey on str
found that "Hong Kong is gaining a reputation among psychiatrists as o
of the most stressful places in the world, exceeded only by cities at w
like Beirut" (James, 1988, p. 1). A world study of 52 cities in 1988 by th
Union Bank of Switzerland (Chan, 1988) found that Asians work the lo
est per day and annually. Working an average 9.16 hours per day and 26
hours per year, Hong Kong's workers topped the list. Tokyo's average hou
worked a year were 2103 as compared to New York's 1867. According t
the Education Commission of the States, the school year in the U.S. is 18
days per year as compared to 243 days in Japan (Allis, 1991).
Japan, however, is becoming more conscious of the mental and phys
cal health problems of unrelenting stress and work. Karoshi or "death fro

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116 Yee

overwork" is under study by the Japanese Labour Ministry. Sony and other
corporations are mandating that workers take vacations instead of skipping
them. Karoshi hotlines field hundreds of calls daily, many from widows of
deceased workers (New York Times News Service, 1990b). Facts such as
these illustrate what work means in Asian societies; Asians generally work
harder but work for fewer years than most Americans because of differ
ences in social norms. Yet despite Karoshi, the Japanese enjoy the world's
highest life expectancy rates with men averaging 74 years and women 83
years.
Harrell (1985) concluded that the work habits of the Chinese people
arise from a cultural ethic. Examining conditions when the Chinese will
and will not work, Harrell wrote: "Chinese will work hard when they see
possible long-term benefits, in terms of improved material conditions
and/or security, for a group with which they identify" (p. 217). Advance
ment through education surely fits Harrell's conditions.
Applying the Work Ethic to Education and Learners. Americans tend
to believe that math is esoteric and that one's innate or natural ability in
math is crucial to performance (Stevenson and Lee, 1990), If one dislikes
or does not do well in math or other studies, the rationalization is that
one is untalented in it. Reflecting socialization that promotes individualistic
and permissive attitudes, Americans typically sympathize with children's
poor showing. For Asians originating from Confucian societies, however,
excuses are not tolerated by traditions which hold effort, discipline, and
concentration in education to be the keys to success.
In separate, exhaustive reviews of empirical studies of achievement
motivation in Chinese subjects, often including American and other over
seas Chinese, Ho (1986) and Yang (1986) found a strong "collectivist ori
entation" (concern for the welfare of others) rooted in the drive of Chinese
to excel. In other words, the Chinese are socialized to feel that the success
of significant others depends on their achievement. Studies with personality
inventories, such as Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (EPPS) and the
California Psychological Inventory (CPI) found that Chinese Ss in America,
Southeast Asia, and Taiwan were highly similar.
Stevenson et al. (1986) found that the motivation attitudes of the
Japanese fall between the polar extremes of natural ability (American) and
diligent effort (Chinese), through a perceived balance of both. On the other
hand, what Matute-Bianchi (1986, p. 247) found with Japanese American
(JA) high schoolers differs from Stevenson et al.'s elementary pupils in Ja
pan. Her findings place the JAs at the extreme effort pole along with the
Chinese: "Belief in diligence, persistence, and hard work—as opposed to
inherent ability—as the keys to academic success is the single most com
monly shared perception among the Japanese."

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Asian Students 117

Asians apply their work ethic to education in a daily, business-like


routine. Whereas American first-graders spend an average of 14 min daily
on homework, Japanese first-graders spend more than twice that with 37
min and Chinese more than five times that or 77 min (Lee et al., 1987).
For fifth-graders, he found the following: U.S., 46 min; Japan, 57 min; an
Chinese in Taiwan, 114 min. Asian pupils reported that they enjoyed hom
work and craved more. In striking contrast to their Asian counterparts,
American teachers rated homework as fifteenth out of 16 different school
activities, the sixteenth being physical punishment (Chen and Stevenson,
1989). Such findings have provoked American educators, who struggle with
"at-risk" concerns, to rethink their premises regarding student work atti
tudes (e.g., Fisher, 1989). Educational psychologists should take the lead
in studying the Asian work ethic to ascertain its key motivational behaviors
and to see whether they are applicable to non-Asian students.
Since the chief characteristic of Asian educational practices is the tak
ing of rigorous, gate-keeping examinations at key stages, Asian students
and families look to major exams, such as for university admissions, as cru
cial to career opportunities. To understand how Asian students typically
apply themselves, one should observe their response to tests, preparation
for which begins many months ahead (Buruma, 1988; Rohlen, 1983). Fami
lies of almost half of Japan's secondary-school students afford out-of-school
tutoring at juku cram or coaching schools for their children. Taking juku
for an average of 5 hours weekly on top of long school hours and heavy
homework and self-study, Japanese students greatly surpass the academic
knowledge of their American age equivalents. As a Fulbright scholar in
Japan and later as a university faculty member in Hong Kong and Singa
pore, I was often amazed with the effort Asian students applied to their
studies. Unfortunately, however, their study strategy was typically rote
memorization which their exams rewarded.
Social Expectations. Among their arguments against the genetic deficit
hypothesis, Bodmer and Cavalli-Sforza (1970, p. 29) wrote that Black "ex
pectancy of failure usually leads to failure," which emphasizes that envi
ronmental effects, such as social deprivation, cannot be dismissed. In the
West, social class is recognized as a powerful determinant of achievement
motivation (e.g., Rosen, 1956). Asian traditions, however, differ; their
achievement motivation in education transcends social class.
In fact, education has been regarded as the best way for a bright but
poor person in Confucian societies to achieve social status. Whereas the
rich can send their youth abroad or provide private schooling at home, the
poor must compete for scarce openings at national universities. In contrast
to stratified differences in motivation in the West, Asians of all classes look
upon educational opportunities with hopeful expectancy of success through

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118 Yee

effort. Matute-Bianchi (1986, p. 246) made this clear in a study that con
trasted Japanese and Mexican students and families in rural California. Ac
cording to her results, Japanese American students receive more support
from their extended families. She said successful Japanese and Mexican
students differed most in the former having "more detailed and intimate
knowledge of adult occupations and opportunities . . . [and] detailed
knowledge of the high school curriculum and its link to [higher education]."
In traditional Confucian society, learning and achievement as merited
by civil service exam success were the highest personal hallmarks. Such an
cient values related to modern Asian meritocracy beliefs and to the social
psychological complex Yee (1989a) has defined as the Chinese
stepping-stone syndrome which involves, in part, a powerful drive for ad
vancement and status through education. With little equivalency in the
West, these values toward educational achievement and status transcend
socioeconomic status. As Reischauer (1977, p. 167) put it: "Formal educa
tion and examinations have taken the place of class and birth in determin
ing which organizations and career patterns one qualifies for—in other
words, one's function and status in Japan's modern meritocracy."
Asian academic achievement matches what the Coleman report
(1966) found to be the most vital factors in determining academic achieve
ment, even more crucial than social class: the student's sense of self-di
rected competence and the conviction that one is in command of his or
her fate. Analyses of the Coleman achievement scores of 1324 AA 12th
graders (Boardman et al., 1978) found that the better achieving AA seniors:
(a) believed that they were able to determine their own destiny, (b) enrolled
in a college preparatory program, (c) viewed the process and opportunities
of education in a mature, logical way that took into account academic self
concept based on past performance, teachers' evaluations of their potential,
and parental expectations and attitudes, and (d) were taught by inexperi
enced female teachers with high verbal aptitude. Should the data had in
cluded it, one could have expected AA seniors' causal attributions (Weiner,
1985) in regard to education to have been internal, stable, and controllable,
most likely to further success as well as overachievement.
Mental Health and Other Costs. As Asian students apply dedicated
drive to studies, what are the consequences of such painstaking effort be
sides achievement? What is known about adverse effects? Sue and Mor
ishima (1982) found that AA university students face many more academic
and socio-emotional problems than do non-Asian students. They argued
that the problems of AA students outweigh the successes of those who do
advance. Sue and Zane (1985) found significant differences between Chi
nese UCLA students who were either (a) recent immigrants, (b) born in
America, or (c) were immigrants in the U.S. for 6 or more years. These

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Asian Students 119

three groups had respective SAT-verbal percentile scores of 18.0, 68.7, 47


and SAT-math scores of 81.2, 77.7, and 72. The GPA's, however, were
equivalent at about 3.0. Although they majored in quantitative subjects,
such as math and computer science, and took reduced course loads, the
new immigrants exerted greater effort, studying an average of almost 5
hours more than the more acculturated Chinese (who studied an average
of about 1 or 2 hours more than did non-Asians). Personality measures
indicated that the new immigrants, as would be expected, were significantly
more anxious than both the Chinese who were in the U.S. 6 or more years
and those who were U.S.-born.

Japan's increasing affluence and college-age population have placed


even greater pressures on students. To control student conformity, seco
dary schools have demanded discipline through draconian school codes th
specify hair length, correct number of steps to cross the hall, number o
skirt pleats, how to raise one's hand in class, and so forth. Against the
rising pressures placed upon students to cope with all that is expected
them, bullying behavior, ijime, leading victims to suicide and violence, u
heard of previously, has been on the rise among Japanese adolescents (B
ruma, 1988; Cummings, 1980; New York Times News Service, 1990a). Oht
(1986) blames these problems on "aimless frustration" resulting from a
fluence that leaves young people with nothing but academic pursuits am
increased pressures to excel while life goals are unclear and meaningless
for them. According to Ohta, without a sense of purpose, inner stability
or drive, many Japanese students are "inclined to seek relief from pain b
impulsively wreaking frustration on weaker people—friends, mother,
teachers who all appear to have less strength . . . and to feel pleasur
rather than a sense of guilt" (p. 27). Such problems have been a sour
of great debate in Japan (e.g., Duke, 1986; Nagai, 1975). Japanese an
other Asian students face severe expectations to be among the top 10%.
For Japan's present large youth population, the pressure to excel and win
admission to a prestigious university is even greater than ever. No wond
many students suffer psychological problems and display aggression or d
pression.
Reviewing studies on the effects of achievement pressures on Chinese
students, Cheung (1986) found that anxiety among secondary students in
Hong Kong and Taiwan was much higher than in the U.S. Also, "The high
value that Chinese parents have placed on education, coupled with the in
tense competition for the limited number of places in higher education,
have been cited as reasons for school phobia, psychosomatic disorders, and
neurotic disorders" (p. 197).
Asian students exert themselves to extremes, often with counterpro
ductive psychological costs. That there may be a mental health crisis among

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120 Yee

Asian students is borne out by the records of the Asian Community Health
Services in Oakland, California which provides clinical and counseling serv
ices to a large AA population. According to Chen (1987) and Ng (1991b),
depression and suicide are far greater problems for AAs in general and
Asian students in particular than for non-Asians. Others have found that
Hong Kong students have serious emotional problems due to achievement
and adjustment pressures (Mickle and Chan, 1986; Singer, 1985).

Family and Work Pressures: The Good and the Bad

Examining how the factors of parental concern and work ethic inter
relate and function for Asian students, one begins to realize that the Asian
student stereotype ignores an undetermined but real degree of negative
effects. In a study of overachieving students in Hong Kong, Korea, Japan,
Taiwan, and Singapore, Lin (1984) defined a sociocultural process that he
termed the narrow gate syndrome. According to Lin, the syndrome operates
as follows: Constantly pressing their children to excel academically, Chinese
parents sacrifice whatever is necessary to further their children's educa
tional opportunities and to infuse the young with the drive to excel, which
is typically overly ambitious and unrealistic. Teachers also play a strong
role in children's intense competition during entrance examinations.
Lin further asserts that the syndrome produces mindless, rote learning
rather than problem-solving, creativity, or original thinking. The syndrome,
therefore, epitomizes how a worthy sociocultural factor, such as work ethic,
can be overdone with possible mind-stifling side effects. Gow et al. (1989)
also showed how overloaded-curriculum demands and anxiety produce
counterproductive results among higher education students in Hong Kong.
Despite the criticism given its educational system, America provides abun
dant avenues for advancement, and rewards dedicated students. For immi
grants, and for those who are native-born of Asian descent, the educational
system in America reinforces their traditional approach to learning and
school achievement. Distinguishing between "voluntary" and "involuntary
immigrant" differences, Ogbu (1987, 1990a,b) accords motivating factors
to the former and defensiveness and hinderance to the latter. Immigrants
voluntarily coming to a new society, such as Asians and Jews coming to
America, would be adaptive minorities; whereas those who were introduced
into a society through slavery or other involuntary force, such as through
imperialism and warfare, differ greatly in cultural adaptation. "Cultural in
version" (i.e., resistance to dominant cultural behaviors, symbols, etc.)
strongly influences the involuntary-type minorities. In this light, the excep
tion of Hong Kong to the positive stereotype of Asian students becomes

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Asian Students 121

clearer when one recalls HK's Opium War annexation and 150-year colo
nial heritage which will end in 1997 when HK is returned to China (Yee,
1989a).
Ogbu (1990b) and Gibson (1987) made it clear that parents play the
leading role in developing their children's attitudes toward education and
achievement. With voluntary immigrants from China, for example, family
attitudes lean heavily toward educational achievement and cultural adapt
ability. Cultural parallels help explain differences between the academic
achievement rates of America's many voluntary immigrant groups. As vol
untary immigrants, Chinese and Japanese, as well as Jews, find that their
cultural emphases upon and trust in education as a key mechanism for
advancement are highly compatible with American cultural values. They
also find an educational system that satisfies individual goals and needs,
such as overcoming language deficiencies. Reinforced by cultural parallels,
the Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans (as voluntary immigrants) find an edu
cational system that rewards dedicated effort. Educational psychologists
with interest in the social psychology of education might take note.
It is interesting to observe Hong Kong Chinese who harbor resent
ment toward English as the language of their colonial masters, yet com
pletely reverse their attitude once they immigrate to Canada or the U.S.A.
Perhaps it is the difference between British English in the colony and Ca
nadian or American English in their new home. Whereas American tradi
tions reward competitive sports, Asian traditions stress academic
achievement. I also believe that AAs continue to display adaptive behaviors
because they, unlike other voluntary immigrants, remain "racially" visible
and are often perceived by others, themselves, and family members as such
(i.e., perennial immigrants). This would, of course, reinforce family and
community social support through identity cohesiveness.
Although Asian students typically express strong, family-reinforced
work ethic and drive, the Asian student stereotype does not consider other
consequences: socio-emotional stress and mental health problems, counter
productive effects on learning and intellectual values, and rote learning
styles. The excessive expectations of Asian parents, as discussed, often place
unreasonable demands on youth. This is especially hard on youth from
lower-class families where parents cannot provide assistance with studies
but will punish their children when they do not excel. It is common knowl
edge among Asians that their parents will chastise and, in many cases, pun
ish children for one "B" in an otherwise straight "A" record. In Hong Kong,
university students told me of their intense test phobia that came from
beatings their parents gave them as youngsters for getting less than top
scores.

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122 Yee

Therefore, the Asian student stereotype: (a) superficially and falsely


assumes that working hard is tantamount to academic and intellectual suc
cess and produces problem-solving and creativity, (b) neglects concern for
excessive exertion and prolonged anxiety which can lead to psychological
disorders, (c) equates the nature of Asian and non-Asian achievement mo
tivation and goals, and (d) intimates that all Asian students can and do
work and achieve effectively and that they progress on to bright careers.

CONCLUSIONS

Attitudes toward Asians exhibit perceptual homogeneity and dua


positive/negative attitude-behavior inconsistency. I hypothesize that
sic American stereotype of Asians and related attitudes toward As
volve around assessments of them as aliens and competitors and as l
in heterogeneity. In studying ethnic relations and intergroup tension
Rowan, 1991), assimilation-type ("melting pot") theories (e.g., G
1964) have not proven useful, especially for the unmeltable, colore
norities (Novak, 1972). This is an age-old world problem (e.g., Field,
yet America's pluralistic, democratic values should have a greater inf
than they do. For Asians, competition theory (e.g., Olzak, 1986; Por
Manning, 1986) seems a more feasible approach. Besides accounting
ingroup and outgroup stereotyping, competition theory relates re
variables of achievement motivation, social interaction, and education
other key cultural values. The above analyses of the historical and p
logical background for the Asian student stereotype clearly fit the
work of competition theory but not assimilation theory.
If proven valid, this review's hypothesis, as stated earlier, shoul
to counteracting programs in the media, school texts, and social st
though such efforts alone could prove insufficient if not promoted for
Greater knowledge and appreciation of peoples cross-culturally are
tial to intergroup relations and international affairs, such as amelio
U.S./Japan trade tensions. How all of this can be brought about m
fully remains an open question and goes beyond the scope of educa
psychology.
An offshoot of the Asian stereotype cluster, the Asian student s
type is based on perceptions of mental, family-interaction, work-eth
social-expectation characteristics. Congruent with model minority
typing (i.e., the positive manifestation of the basic Asian stereo
American students of Asian descent have been popularized as "whiz
and as hardworking competitors. As a preliminary analysis of what
lies behaviors that prompt such perceptions, this review probed ar

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Asian Students 123

strength typically accorded Asian students. Analyzing the professed advan


tages of the Asian student stereotype (i.e., superior intelligence and cog
nitive abilities, family encouragement and support, cultural work ethic, an
ambition for educational status), it seems that only the first advantage is
invalid. Though the other three can be considered benefits to Asian aca
demic achievement, whether in the U.S. or elsewhere, they can be imple
mented with deleterious effects when they are applied excessively o
without consistency. Also, understanding how they are implemented reveal
more workhorse than whiz-kid characteristics.
Much more research is needed to better understand Asian students.
The first step is to classify the great diversity of Asians into more specific
categories of ethnicity (Greeley, 1971; Yee, 1983). Though diverse in so
ciocultural background, they are treated stereotypically as a homogeneous
minority. Asians are highly diverse peoples which the federal "race" classi
fication of "Asian/Pacific Islander American" complicates further by mixing
Polynesians and Asians together. According to Carter et al. (1987-1988, p.
101), there are at least 60 subgroups of Asians. The 1990 annua] report of
the American Council on Education showed AA's diversity and their con
tinued impressive gains in college enrollment (Ohnuma, 1991). From 1986
to 1988, enrollments for Asian and Pacific Americans rose 10.9% compared
to 4.3% for all groups. However, Thais, Laotians, and Hmong still lagged
behind the Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and Vietnamese in enrollment rates.
Asian Americans are becoming increasingly concerned about the
model minority stereotype and are speaking out to say the stereotype is
more harmful to them than helpful (New York Times News Service, 1990b;
Time, 1990). Many Asians do not achieve well in education and fail eco
nomically and socially. In Singapore's educational system, for instance, Ma
laysians are underachievers in comparison to the Chinese and Asian
Indians. The Government, in fact, provides incentives to promote the edu
cational attainment of Malaysians. Placing the blame mainly on poor Eng
lish preparation, the Malaysian Government has had to admit that
Malaysian students do not achieve well in American and British higher edu
cation (Hassan, 1990).
When hard work and dedicated concentration are applied with little
relief from youth to adulthood, it is not surprising that an unknown but
significant number of Asian students suffer mental health difficulties. Yet
little attention is given to their problems, especially when they are viewed
as whiz kids who somehow achieve with ease. The positive side of AA aca
demic achievement has been overstated and oversimplified; research should
assess the extent to which Asian students suffer mental health problems
and have unmet counseling needs. On the other hand, to the degree that
Asian students are successful, research should ascertain what behaviors en

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124 Yee

hance their achievement and whether findings might be generalizable to


others. For example, AA females do as well as males in math and science;
Westinghouse science awards and other marks of achievement indicate lit
tle gender gap for AAs. In the 50th Westinghouse Science Talent Search
of 1991, results were typical: female AAs were well-represented among the
11 (out of 40 finalists) AAs taking awards, and four AAs were in the top
ten (Ng, 1991a). Referring to Campbell et al. (1984), Hsia (1988, p. 83)
credits the lack of gender difference among AAs to "parents' expectations
(being) the same for boys and girls—very high."
Research must go beyond macro demographics and delve into more
micro behaviors that affect AA achievement and well-being. Social science
surveys which continue to recycle the same broad factors analyzed above
(e.g., work ethic) do not extend knowledge much beyond the media (Go
leman, 1990). I see much work for educational psychologists and others
who would be interested in Asian students and in what might be general
ized to others from their study. Asian test profiles deserve attention to
ascertain the influence of test bias. As Jensen (1980, p. 587) observed,
Test bias has not been studied in Asian Americans, probably because overall they
have shown little consistent or appreciable differences from majority whites in scores
on most standardized tests. This of course does not necessarily mean that tests are
unbiased for Asian-Americans but only that tests have not been an important con
cern to this minority group.

Studies of family cohesion, designed with classifications of immigrant


(Ogbu, 1987, 1990a,b) and U.S.-born status, should produce interesting re
sults using children's academic achievement as dependent variables. Chil
dren in divorced families number about 40% in America today. Their poor
adjustment and school problems are well-documented, but research on how
such conditions affect them in micro terms has been neglected (Cherlin et
al, 1991). With low divorce rates, Asian families provide a contrast for
close study. Also, the social interaction of Asian parents with their children
regarding education and day-to-day activities should be given deliberate
study to ascertain how their relations promote (harm) student achievement
and mental health (e.g., De Vos, 1973). Although IQ and cognitive skills
do not differentiate Asians, as analyzed above, interesting ethnic/biological
differences are evident in other areas and are being studied (Holden, 1991).
The incidence of Type A behavior among Asians should be investi
gated to ascertain possible counseling needs (Hecker et al, 1988; Thoresen
et al, 1985). Epstein's (1978, pp. 14-15) point on outsiders' and insiders'
views of stereotypes in ethnic identity deserves consideration, especially on
how Asian students may be stereotyping themselves. Also, other aspects of
the Asian stereotype should be examined, such as the "high-tech coolie"
or the stereotype of AAs as technical, scientific drones who cannot handle

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Asian Students 125

managerial, executive positions (Levine, 1988; Takaki, 1989, p. 476).


Though this review is targeted at American perceptions of Asians, it is ob
vious that Asian stereotypes of Americans and of other Westerners also
deserve study (e.g., Fields, 1986; Lee and Ottati, in press). Including Asian
samples, comparative studies that focus upon the effects of education and
ethnicity on value orientations would probably produce notable results, pe
haps similar to or more distinct than Taylor (1981) found for Jews.
Research at the secondary level should be conducted to extend Ste
venson et al.'s (1990) provocative work with American, Chinese, and Japa
nese elementary students. Secondary education differs so greatly from
elementary schooling within the same society as well as between societies
that it is not possible to generalize much of Stevenson's results to the sec
ondary level. Because of the stability of intelligence test performance (An
astasi, 1982, pp. 324-326; Bloom, 1964), however, it may be reasonable to
generalize the findings of no significant IQ differences between cultura
groups for secondary and university students. Extending the elementary r
search, secondary results would provide much more than a doubling of
knowledge. Because of the pyramiding of student achievement and abilities
that is so prevalent in East Asia, sampling at the secondary level will be
more complex than at the elementary level. With experience in Hong Kong
preparing researchers responsible for national testing in China, a nation
with a population of 1.3 billion, I know, that if done properly, as in Brime
and Griffin (1985) and Holbrook (1989, 1990), sampling can be about the
most challenging but satisfying part of the research.
Other topics for research are the perceptions and counteracting be
haviors of institutions and educators in response to Asians. Intriguing is
the finding, for example, as mentioned earlier by Boardman et al. (1978),
that AA students did best when taught by new, inexperienced female teach
ers with high verbal aptitude. Did those teachers exert more effort and
lead their teaching methods with more verbal emphases than did older
teachers? Were such teachers themselves beyond the norm in being more
intellectually-inclined and demanding of interaction from typically passive
conforming Asian students? How do their students compare in achievement
with those of experienced teachers? What are Asian students' attitudes
about teachers? and parents' expectations? The literature shows a lack of
attention to Asian students as "whole" people. As suggested by Sue and
Okazaki (1990), relative functionalism, as an approach to understanding
AA educational achievement makes sense, especially as it helps to explain
differences in immigrant and acculturated AA achievement and choice of
academic majors. Finally, how do educators at all levels assess and compare
Asian students? Do they hopefully go beyond the Asian student stereotype
What about the assessment of professors who teach many Asian students,

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126 Yee

especially those who teach in AA activist environments such as UCLA and


UC, Berkeley? How do such universities address the counseling and mental
health needs of Asian students?
Looking ahead to the twenty-first century, Henry (1990) projected
that America should see that "racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. will
outnumber whites for the first time." The risks and challenges facing Amer
ica, such as the "fearful aspects of the national soul," racism, ethnic ten
sions, and know-nothingism as opposed to America's traditional thriving
on change, re-definition of basic values, assimilation, and excellence, have
been ever-present. Now is the time to confront them, not in the next cen
tury. Research on AAs would produce insights into bigotry as well as open
mindedness and pluralism (i.e., reveal the American dream or mirage).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Professor Harold W. Stevenson of the University of Michig


tiqued the near-final draft of this work and gave helpful sugges
encouragement for which he deserves warm gratitude. Thanks al
fessor Nathaniel L. Gage of Stanford University for suggesting a
to track down the Anastasi (1937) reference and Professors G
Fredrickson of Stanford, Julian C. Stanley of Johns Hopkins, a
Wolcott of Oregon for critiquing earlier drafts. Finally, I wish t
ledge Professor Stephen L. Benton's diligent assistance as editor
However, any shortcomings in this work are the responsibility of th

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