Journal of Feminist Family Therapy

ISSN: 0895-2833 (Print) 1540-4099 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wfft20

Experiences of Women Coping With Catcalling

Experiences in New York City: A Pilot Study

Olivia Farmer & Sara Smock Jordan

To cite this article: Olivia Farmer & Sara Smock Jordan (2017) Experiences of Women Coping
With Catcalling Experiences in New York City: A Pilot Study, Journal of Feminist Family Therapy,
29:4, 205-225, DOI: 10.1080/08952833.2017.1373577

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08952833.2017.1373577

Published online: 12 Oct 2017.

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JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY
2017, VOL. 29, NO. 4, 205–225
https://doi.org/10.1080/08952833.2017.1373577

Experiences of Women Coping With Catcalling Experiences

in New York City: A Pilot Study
Olivia Farmer and Sara Smock Jordan
Marriage & Family Therapy ProgramTexas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Awareness of sexual harassment in various forms continues to catcalling; sexual
harassment; street
increase. However, literature on street harassment, such as catcal- harassment
ling, is less explored. A constructivist grounded theory and narra-
tive approach was used to better understand the experiences of
catcalled women by analyzing a publicly available online blog. This
study included 11 female participants who journaled for 2 weeks
about their catcalling experiences, which included feeling unsafe,
blaming themselves, and questioning the legitimacy of the
encounter. A preliminary model was developed illustrating the
participants’ experiences, reactions, and coping behaviors to
being catcalled. Our model included four sequential stages: (1)
Preparation for Potential Catcall; (2) Catcalling Experience; (3)
Response; and (4) Coping Efforts. Clinical interventions for
women who have experienced being catcalled are discussed.

Sexual harassment of women has occurred in various forms throughout

history. Stranger harassment, sexual harassment by strangers, is one of the
most common forms of sexual harassment. More specifically, catcalling
involves men using verbal and non-verbal cues to comment on a women’s
physical appearance in a way that objectifies women. These behaviors can
include unwanted whistling, staring, flashing, and/or persistence in request
for a name or phone number (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008).
Catcalling has been normalized to the point that it is often viewed as a tolerated
and expected type of sexual harassment (Perry, 2007). Thus, women’s experiences
are silenced. Women are left to develop their own ways of avoiding or minimizing
a negative experience by altering their behaviors (Stanko, 1985). Given the accep-
tance of being catcalled as a normal female experience, as well as a lack of
experiences from those who have experienced catcalling in the literature, further
inquiry is needed on how to respond and cope with this type of stranger
harassment.
The purpose of this study was to explore and discover how women respond to
and cope with catcalling experiences. We used narrative and constructivist
grounded theory approaches because it allowed the researcher to understand

CONTACT Olivia Farmer olivia.hamlin@ttu.edu Texas Tech University, 1301 Akron Lubbock, TX 79409,
USA.
© 2017 Taylor & Francis
206 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

how the meanings and actions of each participant were constructed and con-
nected. A constructivist grounded theory approach is used to co-construct theory
through both the data and the researchers’ interpretation of the data (Charmaz,
2014). As a result, we developed a preliminary model to illustrate how women
prepare for, respond to, and cope with catcalling, or the potential for being
catcalled.

Stranger harassment
Stanger harassment is a type of sexual harassment that occurs in a public setting
when the harasser is unknown to the recipient of harassment (Fairchild &
Rudman, 2008). In the poll, Violence Against Women Survey (VAWS), various
forms of sexual victimization were studied. Results found that 85% of the women
experience stranger harassment (MacMillan, Nierobisz, & Welsh, 2000). This was
one of the first studies to document the high frequency of stranger harassment and
how it impacts women’s perceptions of safety.

Experience of stranger harassment

Research has shown that demographic factors such as sex, age, marital status,
familiarity status, and job status of the catcaller impact a woman’s experience
of being harassed (Fairchild, 2010). In addition to this, other researchers have
found that how the woman perceives the catcaller’s attractiveness plays a
role. For instance, if a catcaller is perceived as attractive by the woman, then
the harassing behavior is viewed as less threatening (Golden, Johnson, &
Lopez, 2001; LaRocca & Kromrey, 1999).
Societal factors also impact a woman’s experience of stranger harassment. The
societal normalization of sexual violence on women, labeled rape culture (Escove,
1998), assumes that men have desires that are uncontrollable. These urges, or
sexually violent behaviors, can manifest from trying to maintain one’s social status
when the harasser’s status is threatened (Berdahl, 2007). These societal assump-
tions are then applied to a woman’s experience and can result in the minimization
of the unwanted attention or harassment (Osman, 2007). This minimization
results in challenging the recipient to view the attention as a compliment instead
of the sexual harassment (Sampselle et al., 1992).
Others view the experience of stranger harassment in terms of system justifica-
tion theory (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Saunders, Scaturro, Guarino, & Kelly, 2016). This
theory suggests that disenfranchised populations, such as women, tend to make
sense of their experience by justifying the system. For example, women who
viewed gender relations in society as fair tended to not blame themselves but
dismiss the catcalling experience. On the other hand, for women who see gender
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 207

differences as unfair, they tended to blame themselves. Saunders and colleagues

found that a woman’s coping reaction to stranger harassment in part reflected the
degree to which the woman viewed the current state of gender relations as fair or
unfair.

Effects of stranger harassment

Negative effects from stranger harassment often get ignored or overlooked
(Fairchild & Rudman, 2008) due to its normalization. Previous research on
stranger harassment suggests that the psychological effects, such as the
increased fear of rape, can lead to self-objectification (Bastian & Haslam,
2010; Cole, Davidson, & Gervais, 2013), decreased psychological well-being
(Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Miles-McLean
et al., 2015), and limiting one’s exposure to public areas. Given the mini-
mization of stranger harassment, and the vast negative effects it has on those
experiencing harassment, more research is needed.

Street harassment
Street harassment is a specific form of stranger harassment that includes the
use of verbal harassment, as well as gestures and eye contact, in public venues
(O’Leary, 2016). While street harassment is a type of stranger harassment, it
differs in several ways. Leonardo (1981) stated that in street harassment, the
harasser is trying to gain the attention of a female through glances, words, or
physical contact that denotes the sexual objectification of a woman. In street
harassment, it is difficult to take legal action against harassers (Davis, 1994)
because the harasser’s name and information in unknown. Due to the
anonymity of the harasser, it is quite easy to harass strangers in public venues
(O’Leary) without consequence.
The prevalence of street harassment is included by several factors. First,
due to the lack of criminalization, street harassment occurs frequently (Davis,
1994). Strangers are more likely to harass women since the threat of getting
caught or facing criminal punishment is low. This also contributes a second
factor, harassers’ behaviors in public settings. Communication in a public
setting relies more on one’s physical appearance (Gardner, 1995) than per-
sonal exchanges through dialogue. Thus, a woman’s attractiveness and
appearance is the basis for reactions among men. Many blame women for
street harassment due to the context that interacting with strangers is
appearance based. A woman’s reaction is another contributing factor to the
prevalence of street harassment. Some women respond to stranger harass-
ment by saying thank you, creating a dialogue that can escalate the interac-
tion into abuse (Davis, 1994; Gardner, 1980). Finally, in public arenas, the
possibility for bystanders to intervene is low (Darley & Latané, 1968). Given
208 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

all of these factors, the prevalence of street harassment is high and is

considered by some to be a “universalizing experience—one that virtually
all women share” (Bowman, 1993, p. 534).

Effects of street harassment

Physical responses, physical safety, emotional reactions, and psychological
symptoms are the effects of street harassment. Physical effects can also be
discussed in terms of the physical safety of a woman. Recipients of harass-
ment describe physical symptoms as muscle tension, having trouble breath-
ing, dizziness, and nausea (Tran, 2015). In addition, women who experience
street harassment have increased fear related to physical harm, including rape
or sexual assault (MacMillan et al., 2000).
Emotional and psychological effects of street harassment can occur regard-
less of the severity or regularity of the event(s). Internalizing feelings of
invasion, disempowerment, humiliation, and the fear associated with harass-
ment experiences are effects of street harassment that can lead to repressed
anger and depression (Chhun, 2011). In addition, the negative emotional and
psychological symptoms can lead to sexual objectification (Fairchild &
Rudman, 2008), and one’s culture can impact the severity of these effects
(Wasti & Cortina, 2002). Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) found that the
result of sexual objectification is when women begin to see themselves as sex
objects. This in turn can lead to negative self-evaluations resulting in depres-
sion and anxiety, creating a vicious cycle.
The physical, emotional, and psychological effects of street harassment can
all result in withdrawing from public places. This hinders mobility and can
result in women avoiding common public places for fear of being harmed.
Thus, the effects of street harassment range from physical to psychological,
resulting in behavior changes and intrapsychic discord (Bowman, 1993).

Catcalling
Catcalling possesses characteristics of both stranger and street harassment
and is “use of crude language, verbal expression, and nonverbal expression
that takes place in public areas such as streets, sidewalks, or bus stops”
(Chhun, 2011, p. 276). Whistling, lude comments about a woman’s appear-
ance, and gawking are additional examples of catcalling behavior. Catcalling
is a common, sometimes daily experience that women face in public places.
One study found that 60% of women reported being catcalled on a daily basis
(Nielson, 2000). However, due to the normalization and lack of legal con-
sequences for stranger and street harassment, catcalling continues to occur at
a rampant rate.
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 209

Women assess their surroundings, restrict choices of clothing, wear head-

phones, choose to exercise inside, and even avoid certain neighborhoods or routes
as proactive measures according to the literature (Kearl, 2009). Women do these
behaviors to reduce the chance of being catcalled. Adjusting one’s appearance to
reduce the chance of a catcall, and in some cases avoiding unwanted contact is
another tactic to avoid being catcalled. In a study completed by Fairchild and
Rudman (2008), the researchers found that stranger harassment may have indirect
effects on fear of rape (through self-objectification) and restriction of movement
due to the fear of rape. This was supported by a more recent study done by
Livingston (2015), where stranger harassment was linked to objectification with
indirect consequences that decrease the quality of women’s lives. The decrease in
quality of life is contributed to avoidant behaviors that women engage in such as
altering their transportation route, avoiding particular cities or areas, avoiding
going out, and changing socialization patterns (Escove, 1998).
The women in this study described elaborate techniques and strategies that
were used to avoid potentially risky situations. These strategies would allow them
to feel less vulnerable to victimization (i.e., wearing sunglasses, a jacket hood,
dressing “down” or making oneself less attractive). This also included posturing
techniques and attempts to look mean, such as set shoulders or a scowled mouth.
While studies exist on stranger and street harassment, very few studies have
examined the effects of catcalling on women. O’Leary (2016) conducted a study on
catcalling and found that most, but not all, women described catcalling as rude or
offensive. Fairchild and Rudman (2008) found that women who viewed “harass-
ment behavior(s)” as benign or complimentary were less likely to fear rape and
restrict their movement, however, these women were also more likely to experi-
ence self-objectification.
Factors such as past experiences with harassment play a role in women’s
conceptualization of being catcalled. Emotional responses in O’Leary’s study
ranged from anger, being annoyed, embarrassed, and feeling uncomfortable
and/or nervous. Women’s responses to being catcalled found that most women
ignored or avoided the catcaller, with few reacting with a verbal response. While
O’Leary’s study provided detailed experiences of being catcalled, how women cope
with their experiences was not investigated.
Most women use non-assertive behaviors such as avoiding eye contact or
completely ignoring the perpetrator when they are catcalled (Fairchild &
Rudman, 2008; Folkman, Lazarus, Gruen, & DeLongis, 1986; Magley, 2002),
which can lead to self-blaming behaviors like body shame, body surveillance,
and self-objectification (Calogero & Jost, 2011; Fairchild & Rudman). Escove
(1998) found that passive or less direct methods, such as ignoring the attention,
giving nonverbal responses (i.e., “dirty looks), and shifting of body direction, were
the most common behaviors used to respond to their harassers.
Our study developed a preliminary model utilizing grounded theory tech-
niques to illustrate how women prepare for, respond to, and cope with
210 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

catcalling. Using a constructivist grounded theory approach, the following

research questions were explored: (1) What behaviors do women engage in
before the catcalling interaction? (2) How do women in public areas of New
York City respond to their catcallers? and (3) What is the process in which
women cope with catcalling experience?

Methodology
Constructivist grounded theory and narrative approaches were used to analyze the
data in this study. A constructivist epistemological stance recognizes that knowl-
edge is gained through interaction between human beings and their world and
then developed and transmitted within a social context (Crotty, 2004). In addition,
narrative inquiries take into account cultural and social views while honoring a
person’s experience. Using a constructivist grounded theory and narrative
approach is different from a traditional grounded theory method; we only utilized
the grounded theory coding concepts to guide us in analyzing the participant’s
narratives. De Vries and Valadez (2008) used a similar methodology to study
domestic violence where they co-constructed narratives grounded in their data.
We chose the integration of constructivist grounded theory and narrative
approaches to better understand the lived experience of the participants while
honoring cultural and social views. In addition, a preliminary model of coping
with the experience of being catcalled was developed to better understand how the
meanings and actions of each participant’s narratives were constructed and con-
nected. A constructivist grounded theory approach guided the researcher to do
constant comparisons among the participants to construct a data-driven preli-
minary model. This method also acknowledges the researcher’s interpretation of
the data, such as the researcher’s values and priorities, and its influence in the
analysis (Charmaz, 2014).

Participants
Our sample included 11 women who contributed to an open access blog on
catcalling called Catcalled.org, which is dedicated to heightening the voices of
women who experienced street harassment in New York City. Women living in
New York journaled about their daily experiences for a 2-week span including
details related to street harassment, family, and work reflections. Participants
ranged from 23 to 30 years of age with a mean age of 25.5. Six of the participants
identified as straight, four identified as queer, and one stated that she was bisexual.
Four participants identified as Latina, four as Caucasian, one as Korean-American,
and two identified as belonging to more than one racial group. The participants
self-identified their age, race, and sexual orientation. Only one participant identi-
fied her religion, which was listed as Jewish. Participants also listed their districts,
including Manhattan, Bronx, Brooklyn, and Queens.
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 211

Data analysis
In this study, a grounded theory approach was used to give voice to the
narratives provided. While saturation was not the aim, elements of satura-
tions occurred within the themes that emerged due to the thick descriptions
provided by the participants. The journal entries were obtained through a
website called Catcalled.org. The blog on this website was created for the
women of New York City to journal about their catcalling experiences. Since
only 11 women over the age of 18 participated, I decided to include all of the
entries in the blog. As the primary researcher, I ensured that all women
journaled over a consecutive 2-week time frame stated on the website. For
qualitative methods, the Internet provides diverse opportunities for research-
ers. Robinson (2001) supports using internet data because they tend to be
detailed in contrast to interviews where a verbal narrative is provided. In
addition, the internet allows for women to remain anonymous.
I (first author) accessed all entries from Catcalled.org by copying all of the
participants’ journal entries into one document on my computer in
Microsoft Word, allowing for a researcher’s notes to be recorded using the
comment feature. I initially read through all of the journal entries to become
familiar with the participants’ experiences before beginning my analysis. I
continued to read through the journal entries to confirm my understanding
and to accurately capture what the data represented.
The participants’ experiences captured within their journal entries were the
integral component of this analysis. I utilized four grounded theory-coding
methods to achieve this data analysis: initial coding, focused coding, axial coding,
and theoretical coding. This is required to complete a complete grounded theory
analysis, as these coding processes allow the researcher to integrate the details of
the data into the final theory that emerges (Charmaz, 2014).

Initial coding
I began the initial coding by reading each entry and labeling sections of the
data by providing a concise summary of what the participant stated. I used
line-by-line coding and focused on gerunds (i.e., action words) to help me
learn more about their catcalling experiences. This method of coding allows
the researcher to begin actively interacting with the data and discover direc-
tions that need later exploration (Charmaz, 2014). This method of coding
also requires the researcher to focus on what is happening within the data,
compared to just focusing on the participants. Charmaz suggests that initial
coding acknowledges that the data are multi-dimensional and allows for
potential of what the data may further represent.
Once all initial line-by-line codes were completed, I made comparisons
within the codes of the 11 participants. This step highlighted not only the
212 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

amount of similarities in the data but also the differences within their catcalling
experiences. This allowed me, as the researcher, to interact with the data and
ask questions for a further understanding of what occurred. Throughout this
process, I also wrote memos about thoughts or ideas that potentially could be
used and referenced during a later stage in the data analysis. During this step of
the coding, I was curious and questioned the elements of the experience that
were not mentioned. This process of the analysis requires the researcher to be
critical of the data and gain further insights into what the data represents. The
aim is to illuminate the meanings, actions, and context in which the participants
describe (Fossey, Harvey, McDermott, & Davidson, 2002). This step also
further informs how the model is developed as it contributes to making sense
of the processes that are present.

Focused coding
Once all initial codes were complete, I began focusing on coding the journal
entries. At this stage of the analysis, I focused on the initial codes, which
provide detail into the participants’ experience (Charmaz, 2014). In this step,
the language chosen was significant as the codes should reflect exactly what
the data display. I was also able to reference memos recorded in the initial
stages of coding by comparing them to the focused codes. This helped to
ensure the consistency of the ideas emerging throughout the data. Focused
coding requires the researcher to be thoughtful, choosing language and codes
that truly encompass the details of the experience.
I continued to refine the codes that emerged through the constant com-
parison process. A constant comparative method of analysis is the foundation
of constructivist grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2014). This process
can be described as formulating analytic distinctions that generate major
concepts and constructs. Constant comparative methods provide an oppor-
tunity for the researcher to discover similarities and differences within the
data. For example, codes such as “vulnerable,” “defend,” and “self-preserva-
tion” all relate to safety. This code was later refined and contributed to the
theme “Preparation for Potential Catcall” in the model.

Axial coding
Axial coding requires a researcher to define the properties and dimensions of
a specific category (Charmaz, 2014). In this phase, I created memos to
address the specific details of the participants’ catcalling experiences. The
memos included my thoughts on how to connect what the participants did
and felt in response to their catcalling experiences. I was also able to create
connections and comparisons among various categories. Through this pro-
cess, concrete concepts from the data began to emerge. These concepts
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 213

included details about the environment, safety rituals, emotional reflections,

societal pressures, and family influences. Further, I was able to begin apply-
ing an analytic structure to the data (Charmaz, 2014). In addition, I was able
to link the aforementioned concepts together in a way that provided an
emergent framework that I would later use to finalize the model.

Theoretical coding
The final stage of coding was theoretical coding. This provided clarity and
precision to the initial analytic categories. Through this stage, I built a
narrative that detailed what the catcalling experiences were like for these
women. The purpose of this was to utilize the categories developed by the
previous coding methods to construct a coherent theoretical framework
(Charmaz, 2014). This stage of the analysis allowed me to address the
different relationships among the categories and develop the story the data
represented. For example, distinguishing between accessories and presenta-
tion adjustment was necessary to develop a concise model. While these two
components of the model have similarities related to appearance, they are
different because they give voice to two distinct ways in which women
prepare for potential catcalling experiences.
I was aware of how my own biases and experiences with street harassment
may have impacted my data analysis. Researcher bias was addressed through
my use of memo writing. This is consistent with a constructivist grounded
theory approach because it acknowledges the social construction of meaning
and the researcher’s involvement in interpreting the data (Charmaz, 2014).

Results
After utilizing grounded theory methods to analyze the narratives of catcalled
women, a preliminary model of how women cope with stranger harassment was
developed (see Figure 1). The themes developed in this preliminary model
display elements of saturation from the thick descriptions the participants
provided about their catcalling experiences. The participants’ journal entries in
this study depicted how feelings of unsafety resulted in behaviors of protection.
Once the catcaller acted, women in the study responded in ways (e.g., ignoring
or staring) that would not further jeopardize an already precarious situation.
Participants coped with catcalling by blaming themselves or society. Some
participants even questioned whether the interaction was harassment. Based
on journal entries from catcalled women, four sequential stages emerged: (1)
Preparation for Potential Catcall; (2) Catcalling Experience; (3) Response; and
(4) Coping Efforts (see Figure 1). Below is a detailed guide of each stage,
including categories and sub categories.
214 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

Preparation Catcalling Response Coping Efforts

for Potential Experience
Catcall Non-Assertive
Verbal Response 1. Societal
Gestures Influences
1. Distraction staring back
with Personal 2. Self-Blaming
Belongings avoiding eye
contact 3. Questioning
Their Experience
2. Avoidance ignoring as Harassment
catcaller

3. Presentation Unwanted
Adjustments Physical
Contact

Figure 1. Coping model for stranger harassment.

Preparation for potential catcall

In the first stage women described how they prepared themselves for potential
street harassment behavior. The participants in the study described various ways in
which they protected themselves from potential male catcallers.

Distraction with personal belongings

Participants in the study were in the preparation for potential catcall stage
when they distracted themselves with their cell phone, purse, and/or head-
phones. Participants reported feeling safer if they were on their phone or had
headphones in their ears. Participant 5 reported:

It’s that general feeling of unease, when I’m doing absolutely nothing except sitting
on a subway train. I have to always be on guard. So many of my behaviors on the
subway are defensive—I put on headphones; I don’t make eye contact; I read; I
avoid touching anything; I keep my personal belongings very close.

In addition, participant 6 stated, “I make an extra effort to look away—at a

shop, at the cars and the ground sometimes I’ll turn my bag around and rifle
through it.” Both of these accounts illustrate how accessories can help women
feel safer when the threat of being catcalled or harassed exists in public.
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 215

Avoidance
Another way that women were in preparation for the potential catcall stage
was by avoiding eye contact with strangers. Women displayed this behavior
in an attempt to be less susceptible to catcalling. In particular, participant 5
reported:
I accidently made eye contact, which is always an admission of defeat to the street
harasser, because it means they have done what they are trying to do, which is get
your attention, and make you acknowledge their gaze.

This quote displays some of the thought processes occurring when women
are trying to avoid being catcalled. This quote also displays how women may
think about themselves if they fail to use a protective mechanism like
avoiding eye contact. Participant 4 reported that she protects herself by
“avoiding the faces of anyone else around.” Avoiding eye contact with men
was described as a useful practice to reduce the occurrence of a catcall.
Participant 8 stated, “I caught myself looking at something random so I
don’t have to make eye contact with people on the street.”

Presentation adjustments
Another part of the preparation for potential catcall stage included making
adjustments to one’s appearance. This included making changes to their
clothing or striving to appear more masculine (e.g., changing their clothes
before getting on the subway or leaving work, purposively wearing gender
neutral clothing, etc.). These alterations were done to increase feelings of
safety in the midst of potential danger. Participant 7 reported:
I would just put on a hoodie, pull it up over my head and hunch my shoulders,
pretend to be a tough guy. I’d make a pretty little guy, though, I guess. Especially
when I was so little.

Even though participants felt more protected by altering their appearance,

an uneasiness of being a woman in public still exists. This feeling of dis-
comfort can occur whether potential danger is close or further away. For
example, participant 3 reported:
I was wearing sunglasses and pants today, which actually made me feel safer; I feel
more exposed in front of them if I’m wearing a skirt or dress. My walk in front of
them happens every day, so it’s pretty average for me to feel their eyes burning
holes into my clothes from a few feet away.

Catcalling experience
The second stage in our model was the catcalling experience. Up to this point,
women made precautions to avoid catcalling. However, despite their best efforts,
catcalling encounters still occurred. In this stage, women describe their experiences
216 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

of being catcalled. The interactions women experienced ranged from explicit

verbal gestures to unwanted physical contact. Participant 3 wrote:
Yes. As I was walking down into the 8th Street subway station, a man who was
leaning above the stairs, yelled down at me. And his tone was mocking, brassy; it
definitely didn’t have the flavor of a genuine comment, but instead something said
to single me out, embarrass me. It happened very quickly. I barely even saw him,
and I wouldn’t have even looked up if he hadn’t yelled at me.

In addition, participant 8 described her experience as the following:

They kept following me, honking their horn and trying to get my attention. This
continued for approximately two blocks. When they noticed that I wouldn’t reply,
they yelled “Fuck you” and sped away.

Women described the catcalling behavior in detail and in various ways. One
participant (1) wrote about her experience as the following: “Men whistling
at me, grabbing my arm or stomach in the middle of the street, telling me
how sweet my pussy must smell.” Another woman (participant 4), described
her experience as:
I always got hollered at, things like “What’s up, doll?” (Seriously, doll?) or more
common things like, “Hey, mama.” These were both in Brooklyn, the first in Park
Slope in the early afternoon by two white guys sitting on a stoop smoking and the
second was by a black guy in Crown Heights around 8 pm.

While women reported different specifics of being catcalled, common themes

of their experience ranged from eye gazes to intense and vulgar yelling to
physical contact.

Immediate responding behavior

When catcalling occurs, women respond in various ways. The third stage in
our model was response. Responses to catcalling in this study varied greatly
depending on how safe and protected women felt.
The specific responses that were listed in the journal entries of these women
included staring back, avoiding eye contact, ignoring the catcaller, and occasion-
ally adjusting their physical posture. For example, participant 10 reported how her
immediate response resulted in feeling “less like the victim” in the situation:
When I’m arrogant, it becomes more of a challenge. I meet their eyes, I stare them
down, I make them know I’m not flattered and I’m not interested. This rarely, if
ever, works. It feels good sometimes, but it doesn’t make them stop, doesn’t make
the persistent ones go away. It just makes me feel less victimized.

This example shows that, in the moment, doing these actions do assist
women in feeling as if they have advocated for themselves. Another woman
(participant 8) even reported that this response, in many instances, is the safest
way to respond. She stated “Engaging that type of man (a catcaller) is never
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 217

productive. That type of coherent, intellectual conversation about sexual har-

assment has not gone well for me.” Participant 4 stated that her immediate
choice to ignore the catcaller is a response that is reflective of societal influences:
We second-guess our instincts in order to maintain polite, nonjudgmental demea-
nor. We allow ourselves to be uncomfortable for the sake of the people around us,
or because we’re afraid that to say something or do something would go against
what society has taught is me about being feminine.

Further, participant 2 reported adjusting her posture in hopes that the catcaller
would go away. She stated “I immediately kind of bunched inward, receding into
myself trying to make myself small, in order to prevent it from happening again.”
This displays another way women in this study immediately responded to their
catcallers.

Coping efforts
Women entered the coping efforts stage of our model once they had
responded to their catcaller. In this stage, short- and long-term coping occurs
following the catcalling event. Feelings of hopelessness are common.
Participant 4 states, “It’s just such a huge issue and a huge cultural change
that if I think about the big picture, I feel hopeless. Small actions are all I can
focus on.” While women cope in different ways, they often return to their
protective behaviors in order to make small changes towards a larger societal
issue. By making these small changes, women feel as if they can regain some
of the control they have lost through the catcalling exchange.
In this study, journal entries displayed coping with catcalling in the
following categories: reflecting on societal influences, blaming themselves,
or questioning the certainty of the interaction altogether. In this section, each
of these coping mechanisms will be described in more detail.

Societal influences
Many participants described how societal influences impacted their coping
behaviors after being catcalled. For example, participant 1 stated:
Our victim-blaming, slut-shaming culture is obviously what’s broken, but what can we
do when the culture is slow to change and our day-to-day experiences are still
threatening?

This statement shows how making sense of the harassment through

societal and contextual factors is part of coping with the event itself.
Further, participant 5 reported: “I’ve been socialized to think (or let’s be
real, because of my own issues, believe for some reason) that their desire is
218 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

more important than mine.” This quote highlights how societal messages are
internalized. This internalization can be a way in which women cope but it
can also lead to self-blaming.

Self-blaming
Self-blaming includes taking responsibility for an act. In the case of catcal-
ling, women may self-blame even though they are not responsible for the
unwanted harassment. Women in this study reflected in their journals about
how they could have contributed to being catcalled. For example, participant
9 described a childhood experience that resurfaced after being catcalled:
When I was much younger, I used to think that what I wore had something to do
with men watching me; I still, stubbornly, believe that, though I have chosen “not
to care” about what men on the street might think, which is of course, itself, a form
of caring. Nevertheless whenever I get a comment, my first thought, invariably, is:
shit, what am I wearing? Do I look rape-able? Worthy of assault? Or rather,
inviting assault?

This reveals how women take self-blaming attitudes when an unwanted

catcall is experienced. Unfortunately, self-blaming can also perpetuate the
minimization of their experience. Participant 5 said:
I just wanted to feel like I belonged here and they were making me feel like an
outsider. Why does everything I do have to be totally wrong? I kept thinking. Am I
not walking right? Am I not wearing the right things? Am I not projecting the right
attitude?

This self-blaming behavior sometimes, but not always, lead to questioning

whether harassment had actually occurred.

Questioning their experience as harassment

Many reasons exist why women question their harassment experience. Some
women think that since the interaction did not produce immediate, or any
physical harm, harassment did not occur. Minimizing the impact of being cat-
called is a common occurrence. Participant 5 stated “It was in so many ways
harmless (if it even happened) but why should my appearance be in anyway
involved in me getting coffee.” Participant 4 thought that catcalling was not sexual
violence and reported, “I think most male catcallers are harmless and that the
underlying insinuation of sexual violence is largely in my head.” Further, partici-
pant 9 attempted to sort out the difference between a compliment and a catcall due
to her catcaller’s occupation. This woman stated:
This isn’t catcalling exactly, and I wonder to what extent his position as a security
guard allows him to flirt with women all day. I honestly can’t decide if his job
makes what he did more or less acceptable, more or less disturbing.
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 219

This shows how the contextual factors mentioned earlier play a role in how women
view and advocate for themselves when experiencing street harassment. These
factors can also play a role in determining if harassment occurred at all.

Discussion
This study examined the narratives of catcalled women living in New York
City through a constructivist grounded theory approach. A model was
created to illustrate the sequence of behaviors that occur when women are
catcalled, or anticipate being catcalled. The four components of our model
include: (1) Preparation for Potential Catcall; (2) Catcalling Experience; (3)
Response; and (4) Coping Efforts.

Preparation for potential catcall

Women in our study used personal belongings, such as headphones, a purse,
or a cell phone, as a distraction to reduce the chance of being catcalled. These
distractions occurred often as women in public places anticipated being
catcalled. Our study also found that women use evading behaviors, such as
avoiding eye contact, keeping a low profile, wearing a jacket or hood to cover
themselves, and/or finding alternate transportation routes, to reduce the
potential for harassment. Our model begins with these protective behaviors
because we believe that a potential catcall is always a possibility. While
previous literature acknowledges these avoiding behaviors (Escove, 1998;
Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Livingston, 2015), our model includes these
strategies as part of the process.

Catcalling experience
The catcalling experience in this study included unwanted verbal and non-
verbal behaviors that were offensive to women. These behaviors included
whistles, stares, physical touch, and/or actual comments. Most of the litera-
ture on catcalling combines the experience itself with a woman’s response.
Given the saturation found in our themes, the catcalling experience is a
separate piece from one’s response in our model.

Response
Responses from women in this study were mostly passive, including ignoring
and/or avoiding one’s catcaller. While previous literature supports our find-
ings (Escove, 1998; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Folkman et al., 1986; Magley,
2002), it also combines the catcall with a woman’s response, including
coping. The model developed in our study separates response from coping.
220 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

This distinction was made to address what happens long after the catcall
occurred, not just one’s immediate “response.” For example, women in our
study passively responded to their catcaller and later reported ruminating on
feelings of anger and rage for being objectified. These internalized feelings
often lead into a cycle of self-blame leading to self-objectification (Fairchild
& Rudman, 2008), a manner for coping with one’s catcalling experience. The
effects of catcalling can be described in more detail by separating one’s
immediate response from the longer term coping behaviors.

Coping efforts
Coping behaviors in our study were defined as: (1) societal reflection; (2)
blame of self; and (3) questioning of harassment experience. These behaviors
occurred after women experienced the catcall. The participants had time to
process these efforts through journaling, which was done throughout a 2-
week time frame. Our study used the system justification theory to explain
differences in how women coped with catcalling behavior (Jost & Banaji,
1994), based on recent research by Saunders et al. (2016). The data from our
study fit within this framework because women tended to blame themselves
for being catcalled.

Blame of self
Women in our study described the following self-blaming behaviors and
thoughts after being catcalled: “maybe I dressed too provocatively”, “I was
showing a lot of skin”, or “Maybe I shouldn’t have smiled at him”. While
women often cope by employing self-blame when encountering stranger
harassment as a result of internalized beliefs developed by societal norms
(Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Saunders et al., 2016), our data found that self-
blame was a lasting behavior that differed from one’s immediate response.
In addition, women who self-blame are likely to experience distressing
symptoms in the form of body shame, body surveillance, and self-objectifica-
tion (Calogero & Jost, 2011; Fairchild & Rudman, 2008). Women in our
study reported self-objectifying behaviors as a result of blaming themselves
such as critiquing their clothing or behavior in public places and comparing
themselves to those in their immediate surroundings. Self-objectifying can
lead to body shaming and the critical monitoring of one’s own body. This is
especially true for women with trauma histories, as these objectification
effects can also induce higher levels of trauma symptoms (Miles-McLean
et al., 2015).
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 221

Questioning of their harassment experience

Women in our study also coped by questioning if the harassment experience
had occurred at all. Previous literature supports that, when harassment
behaviors are not threatening, the perception of the behavior being charac-
terized as harassment is weaker (Osman, 2007). For example, in our study
physical touch was seen as more severe than a verbal comment. Thus, those
who were touched were more likely to consider the catcall as harassment.
In addition to the perceived severity of the catcall, the catcaller’s attrac-
tiveness also plays a role in whether the behavior is considered to be harass-
ment. Women in our study did comment on the physical characteristics of
the catcaller. For example, in our study the participants described the race
and height of the catcaller as well if they looked threatening or innocent.
Fairchild (2010) also found that when a catcaller is seen as attractive his
behavior is seen as less threatening and as a result women reported feeling
less threatened.

Clinical implications
Any type of gender-related harassment, including catcalling, can have a
negative impact on mental health (Miles-McLean et al., 2015). The conse-
quences of continuous sexual objectification have an immense impact on
women and can include depression, self-objectification, eating disorders,
body shaming, anxiety, and a loss of self (Escove, 1998; Fairchild &
Rudman, 2008; Fitzgerald, 1993; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Saunders
et al., 2016). In this section, we will provide some tips and interventions
for helping women cope with the negative effects of catcalling.
When working with women who experience self-blame and self-objectifi-
cation, it is important to acknowledge the client’s contextual factors. Race,
socio-economic status, and sexual orientation are a few factors that will
impact a client’s experience related to stranger harassment. Narrative therapy
using a Feminist Family Therapy framework is ideal for addressing these
contextual factors.
Narrative Therapy, using a Feminist framework, allows the client to
externalize the negative effects of catcalling while empowering the client for
future encounters. White and Epston (1990) defined externalization as a way
to encourage clients to objectify or personify any challenges that are oppres-
sive. Through the process of externalization, a detached entity is created in an
attempt to separate the client from their problem. This intervention is helpful
when working with catcalled women because it separates gender-related
discrimination from their true self.
In addition, Narrative therapy aids in creating unique outcomes of the
client’s catcalling experience. Unique outcomes encourage the client to recall
222 O. FARMER AND S. SMOCK JORDAN

facts or events that contradict the effects of the problem in their lives and in
their relationships. This assists in developing a new meaning and relationship
with the problem. Unique outcomes also bring awareness to ways the client
has resisted the effects of the problem in the past (White & Epston, 1990).
For example, clients may be asked about times when they were able to
separate themselves from gender-related discrimination while being catcalled
or harassed. By describing times when the client possesses a new story of
their experience, unique outcomes create a new meaning to gender related
narratives.

Limitations
The main limitation of this study was the method of data collection. This study was
completed by utilizing a particular type of Internet-based research, passive analysis
(Eysenbach & Till, 2001). This analysis allowed the researchers to gather informa-
tion without involving themselves or obtaining informed consent. Further, since
the journal entries were completed anonymously, the participants were not
accessible in any way for further inquiry.
An additional limitation was that there was a sole analyzer of the data. I (first
author) dealt with this limitation through the use of memo writing, which is a
common way to handle one analyzer (Charmaz, 2014). Memo writing is used to
capture the connections and comparisons made throughout the analysis process to
reduce analysis bias. This task provided space to process the many thoughts and
reflections I (first author) had about what emerged from the data. Additionally, as
the sole analyzer, this limitation was also handled by verifying the data by what is
also supported in the literature and reviewing findings with the co-author.
Lastly, the complexity of catcalling or street harassment is layered and encom-
passes many factors. While this study provides some context surrounding the
effects of catcalling, there are many areas that warrant additional attention. For
example, having the male catcaller’s perspective of the experience would provide
more information on catcalling behaviors. Another important factor to examine in
future studies is how ethnic, sexual, and religious minority groups experience
catcalling and other forms of harassment.

Conclusion
The aim of this study was to develop a model of catcalling from a woman’s
perspective. Our model is unique because it distinguishes the difference between
one’s immediate response to the event and the longer-term coping behaviors.
While stranger harassment against women has gained recent attention in the
literature, how women cope with catcalling behaviors needs further inquiry.
 JOURNAL OF FEMINIST FAMILY THERAPY 223

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