FOLKLORE FORUM:

CHILDBIRTH AND CHILDHOOD CUSTOMS

OF THE GERMANS FROM RUSSIA

Timothy J. Kloberdanz

Some of the richest and most colorful folklore of the Germans from Russia relates to the initial phase of
an individual's life cycle. These early years were important for many reasons, chief of which was the tre
mendous social and psychological influence exerted upon a small child by parents, family members, neigh
bors, peers, church, and the colony at large. Even before a child was born, various precautions were taken
to insure that the birth would be uncomplicated and that both mother and infant would be safe from ab
normal occurrences. Most Germans living in Russia settled in areas where doctors and modem medicines
were undreamed-of rarities. Thus, anxiety was often experienced by pregnant women who worried about
their own physical health and the lives of their unborn. Stories were told in practically every German colony
in Russia of mothers who died in childbirth or of babies who never lived long enough to know the joys
and pains of village life. The infant mortality rate in many German villages, according to Russian-bornin
formants, was relatively high before the turn of the century. In those colonies where a small bell was used
to signal the death of a child, the kleine Glocke seemed to sound its mournful peal daily.
Much of the folklore surrounding pregnancy and childbirth among the Germans from Russia may strike
the modern reader as overly superstitious and even comical. But the fact remains that many Germans from
Russia resorted to various supernatural practices when faced with potential dangers and uncertainties. These
folkways ranged from the frantic recitation of ancient incantations to more simple rituals such as pinning a
bright red ribbon to an infant's garment to ward off evil spirits,.
Like other peoples throughout the world, the German colonists in Russia cherished their children and
delighted them with lullabies, dandling verses, rhymes, ditties, and games. Much of this childhood folklore
served not only to entertain but to teach, and the colonists took special pridein the realization that these
oral traditions were the legacy of innumerable generations.
The following articles and contributions are only a representative sampling of the numerous beliefs
and customs which relate to childbirth and childhood among the Germans from Russia. Nothing on the
printed page, however, can capture the soothing sound of a young mother softly singing herchild to sleep
or the unforgettable sight of a white-haired grandfather bouncing a laughing grandchild on hisknee to the
rhythmic tune of "Tross, Tross, Trillia."
Miraculous Letters and Malicious Changelings:
Childbirth among Catholic Volga Germans in Old Russia^
Midwives are important in all of the Volga German colonies since they are the only individuals readily
available at the time of birth. These older women often form small, informal groups in each of the colonies
and recruit other women when necessary. Ideally, midwives possess some medical training given them by
visiting Russian doctors and local priests. Most of their knowledge, however, is based on folk wisdom arid
years of experience. As a rule, their fee is relatively small while their services are in high demand by the vil
lagers.
Shortly before birth, a midwife (called Altmotter or Umfrau) is summoned and is usually assisted by the
pregnant woman's mother or mother-in-law. If complications develop, another midwife or expenence
woman is called for advice. The midwife often advises the family to open the doors of the house in OJ"
to facilitate the birth. Other rites of sympathetic magic may be performed, depending on the nature o e
delivery. Much of the midwife's knowledge is shrouded in secrecy and varies considerably throughou e
colonies:
The Russian German midwives employ many customs belonging to the folk med^icine of the
German villages. For instance, they will not allow the mother to go to sleep, nor will they give er
cold water to drink. They wash the newborn child's eyes with milk and place a cloth wet with
whisky on its head.^
Charms are sometimes used by the Volga Germans to aid adifficult case ofparturRion. An example of one
such charm is the Himmelsbrief or "Letter from Heaven" that is sometimes found in the Geman colonies
along the Volga. The Himmelsbrief (or Wunderbrief) is considered a valuable document because of its
miraculous nature. Original copies of the Himmelsbrief are believed to have been earned to Russia rom
Germany in the 1760's.3 Other handwritten copies were soon made, sometimes in vanant versions, the
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main purpose of the "Letter from Heaven," however, remains basically the same: to insure bodily protec
tion against lightning, fire, bullets, and other dangers. During a difficult delivery, a copy of the Himmels-
brief may be placed in the hand of the woman giving birth. It is believed that the child will soon be born
without further complication and will even be blessed with good fortune.'^
After the infant is bom, it is carefully inspected by the midwife and grandmother. Rather than simply
count the fingers and toes of the child, the women are more apt to concern themselves with other matters.
The infant's mouth is opened and the women search for the Zabbe ("uvula"). If it is intact, the child will be
able to cry and speak properly in later life. If the Zabbe is absent, the child is considered abnormal and
the new mother held responsible for carelessness. (Volga Germans also believe that an adult can temporarily
lose his Zabbe if he suddenly becomes excited, thus losing the power to speak. The only way in which the
Zabbe can be recovered is by plucking a certain hair from the crown of the head. Volga Germans jokingly
assert that bald people who swallow their Zabbe are forever at a loss for words.)
The infant's umbilical cord is severed by the midwife and sometimes given to the grandmother. On the
seventh day after the child's birth the dried cord is thrown backwards into water to assure the child's future
welfare.® The umbilical cord may also be placed in a small piece of cloth and preserved to promote harmony
between the child's siblings.® More often, the dried cord is simply disposed of by privately burning it in
fire or burying it in deep soil near the family's main dwelling.
Even if the newborn child appears healthy, the mother is cautioned that her anxiety is not at an end.
The first days of infancy are especially dangerous in the life of a child since it is susceptible to witchcraft
and other supernatural evils. The mother is reminded that the baby is a nameless heathen, unprotected by
the sacrament of baptism. The administration of this sacrament is encouraged as soon as possible, and few
Volga German parents neglect to have their babies baptized within three days after birth. Sometimes the
child is baptized the day following its delivery.
Other children in the household who are inquisitive about the new arrival are told by the midwife or
grandmother that the baby was "fished out of a deep well."^ As the children gaze at their new brother
or sister for the first time, the grandmother may say as she plays with the infant's tiny fingers:
Der ist in Brunnen g'falle He fell in the well
Der holt en raus He's fetched out
Der tragt en heim He's carried home
Der legt'n ins Bettche He's laid in a little bed
Der babbelt alles.® He babbles it all.

In the event that a mother dies during childbirth, the people believe her soul will go straight to heaven,
regardless of what kind of life she has led. If only the infant survives, it is believed that the mother will
periodically return to her child as a spirit. The dead mother is able to rock the child and even nurse it
when the infant is hungry. In such a case, the child will often smack its lips as if being breast-fed and
smile. The spirit of the dead mother departs only after it is assured the infant can survive without further
aid from a real mother.
Women who suffer the misfortune of losing their first child during birth are advised to give away all
their baby clothes. By so doing, the survival chances of future children are increased. It is better, the
older women of the village claim, to have no baby clothes for the next child rather than to accumulate
clothes for an infant that may never wear them—except in death.
A mother and her child are in supernatural danger immediately following birth. Both are considered
weak and relatively defenseless during this time unless certain precautions are taken. The mother remains
in bed for ten days; on the ninth day it is believed that the "Blessed Motherbrings her bonestogether" and
"the womb goes back into place." The child remains in a cradle beside the mother's bed but is tended to
by the midwife, grandmother, or other female help in the household. If the mother is unable to breast-feed
herchild, a woman who isable to do so is quickly summoned. Volga Germans, like other European peoples,
highly value the natural power of theMuttermilch. During her confinement, the new mother is cautioned
not to raise her arms above her head or the milk will run up into them and be lost or spoiled.
An infant that has not been baptized is a likely victim of theAlp (orAlpdriicker). TheAlp is a malicious
supernatural being that sometimes acts as a changeling. It always enters the home through the keyhole of
a closed door—the only place it can successfully enter and later depart. Once inside the home, the Alp
assumes the guise of an animal, usually a cat.® Many colonists believe that a powerful Alp can carry away
a sleeping infant and then secretly take its place. The Alp presents a threat to the mother as well, for it

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can rob her of the Muttermilch and the child will go hungry or become ill. This unusual phenomenon
resembles the much-feared Russian kikimora, or nightmare spirit.^" Medieval German chronicles suggest
that the origin and character of XhtAlp is indeed very ancient. Volga German Catholics attempt to counter
the power of the Alp with holy water or blessed medals. Crosses drawn with blessed coal on the doors and
windows of the home during Holy Week are thought to protect the home from the Alp and other evil
spirits. A common symbol that is used by the Volga Germans is the Alpfuss {"Alp foot") or pentagram.
This five-pointed star is usually drawn with chalk and is made over the doorway of the family home. When
the child is thought to be in special danger, an Alpfuss is carefully drawn on the cradle and also on the
doors of the room in which the infant sleeps.^ ^ Often a special verse is recited by one of the parents or
another adult to ward off the power of the A/p."
Alp, Dralp, iiber dem Rhein Alp, Dralp, go over the Rhein
Sollst heint nacht welter sein. You should this night be faraway.
Sollst alle Wasser baden, You should swim all the waters
AUe Baume blahten. And climb (?) all the trees.
Alp, Dralp, fiber dem Rhein Alp, Dralp, go over the Rhein
Sollst heint nacht weiter sein. You should this night be faraway.
Vater, Sohn, und Heiliger Geist.^^ Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.
In the home of an unbaptized infant, a blessed candle is often lighted. The candle is not extinguished
until after the child's baptism. To protect herself from hostile spirits, the mother often slips a hymnal
or prayerbook under her pillow. As an added means of protection, a copy of the New Testament, a rosary,
or a similar religious object is placed beneath the infant's pillow in the cradle.^^

Notes

1. This is a combined and slightly revised version of two sections on childbirth from Chapter 2 of "The Volga German
Catholic Life Cycle; An Ethnographic Reconstruction," by Timothy J.Kloberdanz, unpublished Master's Thesis, Colorado
State University (1974), pp. 23-29. This piece is written in the "ethnographic present"—a standard anthropological
hterary device—which describes events as though they were happening before the reader's eyes. Actually, the beliefs and
customs mentioned were prevalent in the years 1890-1914.
2. Hattie Plum Williams, A Social Study of the Russian German, University of Nebraska Studies 16, Lincoln, Nebraska
(1916), p. 65.
3. Peter Sinner, "Der 'Wunderbrief in den Wolgakolonien," HessischeBlatterfiir VoBcskunde 23 (1924), pp. 116-118.^
4. An English translation of a Volga German "Himmelsbrief appears in Flora D. Henkelmann's unpublished sociology
paper, "Folklore ofthe German-Russians," University ofNebraska, Lincoln (1927), pp. 23-24.
5. This practice was also known among some Black Sea Germans and is briefly mentioned by Adolph Schock in his volume,
In Quest ofFree Land, San Jose StateCollege, San Jose, California (1965), p. 62.
6. This custom also was practiced by certain Black Sea Germans. See Gerda Stumpp's "Volksmedizin und Volksglaube bei
den Schwarzmeerdeutschen,"//e/mfl/h«c/i derDeutschen ausRussland 1956, p. 119.
7. This folk belief is mentioned in Eduard Seib's "Der Wolgadeutsche im Spiegel seines Bnuchtums," Heimatbuch der
Deutschen aus Russland 1967168, p. 146, and also in Alfred Cammann's "Georg Sanger aus Leichtling m der Wolga
als Trager der Volkstiimlichen Oberliefemng seines Dorfes," Jahrbuch fur Ostdeutsche Volkskunde 12 (1969), p. 208.
8. Dr. Iris Barbara Graefe collected this finger rhyme in central Argentina and included it on p. 113 ofher study, Zur
Volkskunde der Russlandeutschen in Argentinien, Verlag A. Schendl, Vienna (1971). Asimilar rhyme was recited for me
by Mrs. Eugene (Florence EngrafQ Rizzolo of Sterling, Colorado (January 16, 1976), who traces her Volga German
ancestry to the Catholic colonies of Husaren and Volmar:
Der is in Brunne g'falle
Der hot in ruf g'holt
Der hot in ins Bett g'legt
Der hot in zu g'deckt
Der hot in uf g'weckt.
9. For amore general but equally chilling discussion of the Alp as achangeling see the classic study by Ernest Jones, On the
Wfehfmare, Grove Press,NewYork (1959), p. 70. . „ - d j .4 m »
10. The Russian kikimora is briefly described in W. R. S. Ralston's The Songs ofthe Russian People, As Illustrative of
Slavonic Mythology and Russian Social Life, Ellis and Green, London (1872), p. 133.
11. Seib,p.207.
12. Ibid.
13. Seib, p. 146.

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