GMAT - Reading Comprehension

1,11
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@
Although the number of journals has never been greater and the flyers announcing
new conferences, colloquia, and societies never as ambitious, it is no secret t
hat something is wrong with philosophy in the English-speaking world. The advan
ces made by Russell, Whitened, Wittgenstein, and Husserl are now studied by hist
orians, and the boldness which characterised their age, roughly from 1900 to 195
0, has given way to a spirit of caution, qualification, and retreat. This is no
t to say that talented people no longer study philosophy, nor that worthwhile co
ntributions have ceased. Promising work is being done, but too often it is over
whelmed by pettifogging or left to die in obscurity.
Those unaware of what is happening in philosophy today may be surprised to learn
that few academic philosophers address the sort of problems one studied in coll
ege: death, the existence of God, the cardinal virtues, the external world, or t
he prospects for happiness. Instead, if one walks into a classroom or lecture h
all, one is likely to find brief discussions dealing with an odd assortment of i
ssues about such things as time machines, adverbs, pains, possible worlds, sexua
l perversion. Even the language has changed. In many cases, English prose has
been replaced by codes, symbols, and dialects incomprehensible to those outside
the profession and not much better known to some of those inside.
It is not altogether surprising that philosophy has fallen on hard times. Throu
ghout much of this century, people believed that philosophical questions were th
e result of logical or linguistic confusions. The task of philosophy was to eli
minate them and thereby do away with itself.
The problem is that philosophy is unique among academic disciplines in that the
philosopher is forever plagued by the question of what his discipline is about.
A beginning student is usually told that philosophy does not deal with facts but
with the analysis of concepts. But this characterisation is inadequate because
it seems to suggest that the distinction between the factual and the conceptual
is absolute and that concepts can be analysed entirely on their own. The philo
sopher, in other words, need not bother with what is, has been, or is likely to
be the case.
What emerges is a conception of philosophy that retains its purity by making a r
adical distinction between itself and virtually every other form of knowledge. C
. D. Broad once described philosophy at Cambridge as "almost completely out of t
ouch with general history, with political theory and sociology, and with jurispr
udence." Few eyebrows would have been raised if he had thrown in a dozen other d
epartments and perhaps three or four additional disciplines as well. As for how
it is possible to do, say, ethics in such an environment, Broad and his cohorts
had a ready answer: the moral philosopher must be distinguished from the morali
st. The latter takes a stand on important ethical questions and can be refuted
should his evidence prove insufficient. For him to be ignorant of history, poli
tical theory, and jurisprudence is to run the risk of being wrong. The moral ph
ilosopher, however, only reflects on the language employed by the moralist. Sin
ce the philosopher is not in the business of recommending or criticising courses
of action, he can comfortably ignore the lessons the moralist has to learn.
This conception of philosophy prevailed in the English-speaking world for about
forty years until it fell into disrepute during the turmoil of the sixties. The
n sticky questions began to be asked: To whom was such analysis addressed and f
or what purpose? If the moral philosopher had studied the great ethical systems
of the past, why should he not bring his knowledge to bear on the controversial
issues of the present? Recently a number of articles have sprung up in the philo
sophical journals dealing with abortion, homosexuality, recombinant DNA research
, intelligence testing, and other issues once thought to be beyond the scope of
philosophical inquiry. Their presence raises the obvious question: What unique
subject or set of problems distinguishes philosophical inquiry from everything e
lse?
One difficulty is that while other disciplines investigate a specific range of p
henomena, philosophy, particularly in the hodgepodge conception of it, investiga
tes all of existence. Worse, while the natural sciences seem to get better as t
hey get older, philosophy does not. Without a body of accepted beliefs to build
on, philosophers can make interesting points, but not step-by-step progress. A
researcher in physics does not have to make a new beginning each time he walks
into his lab; he can assume that there is a consensus on a large number of issue
s and thus can direct his efforts to a few highly restricted problems.
~
Which of the following titles best exemplifies the passage?
#
Declines and Falls
Nationalism and Philosophy
Contemporary American Literature
@The State of Contemporary Philosophy
The Study of Philosophy
~
According to the passage, philosophers are concerned today with the subject of
#
Political theory
@Philosophical inquiry
Outdated works
Abstract versions of social theory
Public affairs
~
The author states that the philosopher is constantly
#
Out of touch with general history
@Defining his discipline
Determining objectives
Investigating specific phenomena
Providing radical alternatives
~
The moral philosopher does not have to
#
Be in touch with general history
@Recommend a course of action
Account to his colleagues
Study linguistics
Be in touch with reality
~
Many philosophers feel that the study of philosophy should become more
#
@Technical
Popular
Cautious
Moralistic
Dialectic
~
Which of the following subjects is not generally studied by academic philosopher
s?
#
Time machines
@Possible worlds
External worlds
Linguistics
Moral issues
~
Recently, the field of philosophy has included I. intelligence testing II. Langu
age training III. Pure research
#
@I only
II only
I and II only
II and III only
I, II, and III
~
Which of the following statements best exemplifies the author's feelings?
#
Philosophy is in moral decay
Talented people no longer study philosophy
Historians have replaced philosophers
Few academic philosophers are left
@Philosophers are too cautious
~
A criticism of philosophy is its lack of
#
@Models and constructs
Concepts
Scientific logic
Purity
Thematic perception
|
@
One of the most rapidly expanding sectors in American life since World War II ha
s been the government. Local, state, and national government expenditures for g
oods and services rose from 13% of the gross national product in 1950 to 23% in
1970, reflecting a six fold absolute increase in government spending. The expan
sion was not limited to traditional domains, such as defence and welfare. New t
arget areas of government spending include the physical sciences, social science
s, and the arts. Federal outlays for research in the physical sciences rose fro
m $0.6 billion in fiscal 1956 to $2.9 billion in 1963 and $3.8 billion in 1973.
Federal support of social science research, which stood at $30 million in 1956,
reached $412 million in 1973 (National Science Foundation, 1970: 243; 1974a: 14
9). Expenditures by the National Endowment for the Arts (1973: 111-112) evidenc
ed a similar trend: initially appropriated $3 million during its first year of o
peration in 1966, the National Endowment's budget reached $15 million in 1971 an
d 61 million by 1974.
The institutions engaged in artistic or scientific activity are centrally concer
ned with the maintenance and extension of cultural systems (Parsons, 1961; Peter
son, 1976). The growth of government patronage for these areas suggests that th
e facilitation and production of culture has become a major state activity in th
e United States. The objectives underlying this state intervention are not well
understood. The central purpose of this paper is to evaluate the relative stre
ngths of several alternative explanations for the government's involvement in th
e production of culture. A second purpose is to suggest the likely impact of go
vernment patronage on the physical sciences, social sciences, and arts in Americ
a.
Four distinct models for explaining the state's growing interest in the producti
on of culture can be identified. One model emphasises the value of patronage fo
r the maintenance of the cultural institutions in question. A second model stre
sses the utility of the investment for capital accumulation. A third model poin
ts toward the value of supporting science and art for the administration of gove
rnment programs. The fourth model identifies the ideological potential of scien
ce and art as a primary reason for government patronage.
Science and art for their own sake. The first model of government patronage is
predicated on the structural-functionalism assumption that the government is a r
elatively neutral instrument for the articulation and pursuit of collective goal
s in a society with relatively autonomous subsystems (Parsons, 1969). Pure scie
nce and art are vital societal subsystems, and the government moves to protect a
nd develop these areas to ensure the continued production of culture for the ben
efit of all members of society. Thus, the government intervenes directly as the
final patron of public goods that would otherwise be unavailable. Increasingly,
the paradigms (Kuhn, 1970: 175) in science and art dictate expenditures that in
creasingly outstrip the resources of the institutions themselves. Equipment, st
aff, and data-processing costs of physical science research far exceed the comme
rcial potential of most scientific projects; the cost of conducting systematic a
nd reliable social scientific investigations can no longer be met through produc
t marketing or private foundations; what is more, artistic organisations are inc
reasingly incapable of underwriting all production costs through income and cont
ributions. Under these conditions, government patronage is introduced to ensure
the flow of cultural goods to society.
Two important corollaries follow from this formulation, which make it empiricall
y testable. First, the timing of government intervention should primarily be re
lated to economic crises faced by the arts and science themselves, not to crises
in the political system, economy, or elsewhere. Second, government interventio
n should generally take the form of protecting the paradigm of the arts and scie
nces. Specifically, federal funding should be allocated to the most creative ar
tists and organisations, as defined by the relevant artistic community. Similar
ly, funding should be preferentially bestowed on scientists whose research is ma
king the greatest contribution to the advance of the scientific discipline, rega
rdless of its relevance for outside problems or crises.
~
According to the passage, the growth in federal support was greatest for
#
Goods and services
Social science research
Defence and welfare
@Endowment for the arts
Physical sciences
~
The major objective of the passage is to
#
Increase appreciation for the arts
Provide an ideological basis for artistic funding
@explain why government supports cultural activities
Argue for more government support of the arts and sciences
Demonstrate cultural activities in the United States
~
Which of the models discussed in the passage represents the statement: "Funding
should be provided to the best artists and scientists"?
#
@Science and art for their own sake
Science and art for business application
Science and art for government programs
Science and art for ideological control
All models for government investment
~
A corollary of the science and art for government programs is
#
Funding should be provided by government only as a last resort
@Funding will be geared to projects of value to the government
Funding is to be provided only to nongovernmental employees
Funding by the government is self-defeating
Funding by the government is inflationary
~
A conclusion reached by the author of the passage is that
#
@The arts and sciences have been funded by the government for different reasons
Government is a neutral observer of the arts and sciences
Government intervention in the arts and sciences is declining
The arts and sciences are not dependent on government funding
Politics and science go together
~
Government intervention in the arts and sciences should coincide with
#
Government's ability to pay
Fluctuations in the business cycle
Political needs
@Economic needs of the arts and sciences community
The number of needy scientists
~
The idea that government should support the arts and science only when the marke
t does not provide enough funds belongs to which school ?
#
@"Their own sake"
"Business application"
"Government programs"
"Ideological control"
All of the above
~
The idea that cultural goods can no longer be provided solely by the market syst
em is given by
#
The author of the passage
@The first model of government patronage
The second model of government patronage
The third model of government patronage
The fourth model of government patronage
|
@
Unemployment is an important index of economic slack and lost output, but it is
much more than that. For the unemployed person, it is often a damaging affront
to human dignity and sometimes a catastrophic blow to family life. Nor is this
cost distributed in proportion to ability to bear it. It falls most heavily on
the young, the semiskilled and unskilled, the black person, the older worker, an
d the underemployed person in a low income rural area who is denied the option o
f securing more rewarding urban employment.
The concentrated incidence of unemployment among specific groups in the populati
on means far greater costs to society than can be measured simply in hours of in
voluntary idleness or dollars of income lost. The extra costs include disruptio
n of the careers of young people, increased juvenile delinquency, and perpetuati
on of conditions which breed racial discrimination in employment and otherwise d
eny equality of opportunity.
There is another and more subtle cost. The social and economic strains of prolo
nged underutilization create strong pressures for cost-increasing solutions. On
the side of labour, prolonged high unemployment leads to "share-the-work" pressu
res for shorter hours, intensifies resistance to technological change and to rat
ionalisation of work rules, and, in general, increases incentives for restrictiv
e and inefficient measures to protect existing jobs. On the side of business, t
he weakness of markets leads to attempts to raise prices to cover high average o
verhead costs and to pressures for protection against foreign and domestic compe
tition. On the side of agriculture, higher prices are necessary to achieve inco
me objectives when urban and industrial demand for foods and fibres is depressed
and lack of opportunities for jobs and higher incomes in industry keep people o
n the farm. In all these cases, the problems are real and the claims understand
able. But the solutions suggested raise costs and promote inefficiency. By no
means the least of the advantages of full utilisation will be a diminution of th
ese pressures. They will be weaker, and they can be more firmly resisted in goo
d conscience, when markets are generally strong and job opportunities are plenti
ful.
The demand for labour is derived from the demand for the goods and services whic
h labour participates in producing. Thus, unemployment will be reduced to 4 per
cent of the labour force only when the demand for the myriad of goods and servic
es-automobiles, clothing, food, haircuts, electric generators, highways, and so
on-is sufficiently great in total to require the productive efforts of 96 percen
t of the civilian labour force.
Although many goods are initially produced as materials or components to meet de
mands related to the further production of other goods, all goods (and services)
are ultimately destined to satisfy demands that can, for convenience, be classi
fied into four categories: consumer demand, business demand for new plants and m
achinery and for additions to inventories, net export demand of foreign buyers,
and demand of government units. Federal, state, and local. Thus gross national
product (GNP), our total output, is the sum of four major components of expendit
ure; personal consumption expenditures, gross private domestic investment, net e
xports, and government purchases of goods and services.
The primary line of attack on the problem of unemployment must be through measur
es which will expand one or more of these components of demand. Once a satisfac
tory level of employment has been achieved in a growing economy, economic stabil
ity requires the maintenance of a continuing balance between growing productive
capacity and growing demand. Action to expand demand is called for not only whe
n demand actually declines and recession appears but even when the rate of growt
h of demand falls short of the rate of growth of capacity.
~
According to the passage, unemployment is an index of
#
Overutilization of capacity
@Economic slack and lost output
Diminished resources
The employment rate
Undercapacity
~
While unemployment is damaging to many, it falls most heavily upon all except th
e
#
Black
Semiskilled
Unskilled
Underemployed
@White middle class
~
The cost to society of unemployment can be measured by all except
#
Lost incomes
Idleness
Juvenile delinquency
Disruption of careers
@The death rate
~
Serious unemployment leads labour groups to demand
#
@More jobs by having everyone work shorter nouns
Higher wages to those employed
"No fire" policies
Cost-cutting solutions
Higher social security payments
~
According to the passage, a typical business reaction to a recession is to press
for
#
Higher unemployment insurance
@Protection against imports
Government action
Restrictive business practices
Restraint against union activity
~
The demand for labour is
#
@A derived demand
Declining
About 4 percent of the total work force
Underutilized
Dependent upon technology
~
Gross national product (GNP) is a measure of
#
Personal consumption
Net exports
Domestic investment
Government purchases of goods and services
@Our total output
~
According to the passage, a satisfactory level of unemployment is
#
85 percent of the civilian work force
90 Percent of the civilian work force
@4 percent unemployment
2 percent unemployment
no unemployment
|
@
These huge waves wreak terrific damage when they crash on the shores of distant
lands or continents. Under a perfectly sunny sky and from an apparently calm se
a, a wall of water may break twenty or thirty feet high over beaches and waterfr
onts, crushing houses and drowning unsuspecting residents and bathers in its pat
h.
How are these waves formed? When a submarine earthquake occurs, it is likely to
set up a tremendous amount of shock, disturbing the quiet waters of the deep oce
an. This disturbance travels to the surface and forms a huge swell in the ocean
many miles across. It rolls outward in all directions, and the water lowers in
the centre as another swell looms up. Thus, a series of concentric swells are
formed similar to those made when a coin or small pebble is dropped into a basin
of water. The big difference is in the size. Each of the concentric rings of
basin water travelling out toward the edge is only about an inch across and less
than a quarter of an inch high. The swells in the ocean are sometimes nearly a
mile wide and rise to several multiples of ten feet in height.
Many of us have heard about these waves, often referred to by their Japanese nam
e of "tsunami." For ages they have been dreaded in the Pacific, as no shore has
been free from them. An underwater earthquake in the Aleutian Islands could st
art a swell that would break along the shores and cause severe damage in the sou
thern part of Chile in South America. These waves travel hundreds of miles an h
our, and one can understand how they would crash as violent breakers when caused
to drag in the shallow waters of a coast.
Nothing was done about tsunamis until after World War II. In 1947 a particularl
y bad submarine earthquake took place south of the Aleutian Islands. A few hour
s later, people bathing in the sun along the quiet shores of Hawaii were dashed
to death and shore-line property became a mass of shambles because a series of m
onstrous, breaking swells crashed along the shore and drove far inland. Hundred
s of lives were lost in this catastrophe, and millions upon millions of dollar's
worth of damage was done.
Hawaii (at that time a territory) and other Pacific areas then asked the U.S. Co
ast and Geodetic Survey to attempt to forecast these killer waves. With the ble
ssing of the government, the Coast and Geodetic Survey initiated a program in 19
48 known as the Seismic Seawave Warning System, using the earthquake-monitoring
facilities of the agency, together with the world seismological data centre, to
locate submarine earthquakes as soon as they might occur. With this information
they could then tell how severe a submarine earthquake was and could set up a t
racking chart, with the centre over the area of the earthquake, which would show
by concentric time belts the rate of travel of the resulting wave. This system
would indicate when and where, along the shores of the Pacific, the swells caus
ed by the submarine earthquakes would strike.
~
One surprising aspect of the waves discussed in the passage is the fact that the
y
#
Are formed in concentric patterns
@Often strike during clear weather
Arise under conditions of cold temperature
Are produced by deep swells
May be forecast scientifically
~
The waves discussed in the passage often strike
#
Along the coasts of the Aleutian Islands
In regions outside the area monitored by the Coast and Geodetic Survey
@At great distance from their place of origin
At the same time as the occurrence of earthquakes
In areas outside the Pacific region
~
It is believed that the waves are caused by
#
Seismic changes
Concentric time belts
Atmospheric conditions
@Underwater earthquakes
Storms
~
The normal maximum width of the waves is approximately
#
Five feet
Ten feet
@One mile
Five miles
thirty miles
~
The U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey set up a program to I. Prevent submarine ear
thquakes II. Locate submarine earthquakes III. Determine the severity of subma
rine earthquakes
#
I Only
III only
I and II only
@II and III only
I II, and III
~
Nothing was done about the waves until
#
Deaths occurred
The outbreak of World War II
A solution was found
@Millions of dollars worth of damage was incurred in Hawaii
Large areas in Chile were devastated
~
The movement of the waves has been measured at a speed of
#
30 miles an hour
40 miles an hour
50 miles an hour
100 miles an hour
@More than a hundred miles an hour
~
According to the passage, the waves occur most frequently in the area of
#
The Eastern U.S. Seaboard
@The Pacific
Argentina
Western Europe
Asia
~
Given present wave-tracking systems, scientists can forecast all of the followin
g except
#
The severity of underwater earthquakes
The wave's rate of travel
When a wave will strike
Where a wave will strike
@The height of the wave
|
@
The United States economy made progress in reducing unemployment and moderating
inflation. On the international side, this year was much calmer than last. Nev
ertheless, continuing imbalances in the pattern of world trade contributed to in
termittent strains in the foreign exchange markets. These strains intensified t
o crisis proportions, precipitating a further devaluation of the dollar.
The domestic economy expanded in a remarkably vigorous and steady fashion. The r
esurgence in consumer confidence was reflected in the higher proportion of incom
es spent for goods and services and the marked increase in consumer willingness
to take on instalment debt. A parallel strengthening in business psychology was
manifested in a stepped-up rate of plant and equipment spending and a gradual p
ickup in outlays for inventory. Confidence in the economy was also reflected in
the strength of the stock market and in the stability of the bond market. For t
he year as a whole, consumer and business sentiment benefited from rising public
expectations that a resolution of the conflict in Vietnam was in prospect and t
hat East-West tensions were easing.
The underpinnings of the business expansion were to be found in part in the stim
ulative monetary and fiscal policies that had been pursued. Moreover, the resto
ration of sounder liquidity positions and tighter management control of producti
on efficiency had also helped lay the groundwork for a strong expansion. In add
ition, the economic policy moves made by the President had served to renew optim
ism on the business outlook while boosting hopes that inflation would be brought
under more effective control. Finally, of course, the economy was able to grow
as vigorously as it did because sufficient leeway existed in terms of idle men
and machines.
The United States balance of payments deficit declined sharply. Nevertheless, b
y any other test, the deficit remained very large, and there was actually a subs
tantial deterioration in our trade account to a sizeable deficit, almost two thi
rds of which was with Japan...... While the overall trade performance proved dis
appointing, there are still good reasons for expecting the delayed impact of dev
aluation to produce in time a significant strengthening in our trade picture. G
iven the size of the Japanese component of our trade deficit, however, the outco
me will depend importantly on the extent of the corrective measures undertaken b
y Japan. Also important will be our own efforts in the United States to fashion
internal policies consistent with an improvement in our external balance.
The underlying task of public policy for the year ahead-and indeed for the longe
r run-remained a familiar one: to strike the right balance between encouraging h
ealthy economic growth and avoiding inflationary pressures. With the economy sh
owing sustained and vigorous growth, and with the currency crisis highlighting t
he need to improve our competitive posture internationally, the emphasis seemed
to be shifting to the problem of inflation. The Phase Three program of wage and
price restraint can contribute to dampening inflation. Unless productivity gro
wth is unexpectedly large, however, the expansion of real output must eventually
begin to slow down to the economy's larger run growth potential if generalised
demand pressures on prices are to be avoided. Indeed, while the unemployment ra
tes of a bit over five percent were still too high, it seems doubtful whether th
e much lower rates of four percent and below often cited as appropriate definiti
ons of full employment do in fact represent feasible goals for the United States
economy-unless there are improvements in the structure of labour and product ma
rkets and public policies influencing their operation. There is little doubt th
at overall unemployment rates can be brought down to four percent or less, for a
time at least, by sufficient stimulation of aggregate demand. However, the res
ultant inflationary pressures have in the past proved exceedingly difficult to c
ontain.
~
The passage was most likely published in a
#
Popular magazine
General newspaper
Science journal
@Financial journal
Textbook
~
Confidence in the economy was expressed by all of the following except
#
A strong stock market
A stable bond market
Increased instalment debt
Increased plant equipment expenditures
@Rising interest rates
~
According to the author, business expansion for the period under review was caus
ed largely by
#
@Stimulative monetary and fiscal policies
Rising interest rates
Increased foreign trade
Price and wage controls
Implementation of the Phase Three program
~
Most of the trade deficit in the balance of payments was attributed to trade wit
h which country ?
#
United Kingdom
@Japan
Germany
France
Saudi Arabia
~
Part of the public policy task as outlined in the passage, is to
#
Cut consumer spending
Prevent balance of payments deficits
Devalue the dollar
@Avoid inflationary pressures
Increase the balance of trade
~
The Phase Three program contained
#
Higher income taxes
Reduced government spending
Devaluation of the dollar
Productivity measures
@Wage and price controls
~
The passage states that the unemployment rate at the time the article was writte
n was
#
6 percent
@A little over 5 percent
5 percent
A little over 4 percent
4 percent
|
@
Literature is at once the most intimate and the most articulate of the arts. It
cannot impart its effect through the senses or the nerves as the other arts can
; it is beautiful only through the intelligence; it is the mind speaking to the
mind; until it has been put into absolute terms, of an invariable significance,
it does not exist at all. It cannot awaken this emotion in one, and that in ano
ther; if it fails to express precisely the meaning of the author, if it does not
say him, it says nothing, and is nothing. So that when a poet has put his heart
, much or little, into a poem, and sold it to a magazine, the scandal is greater
than when a painter has sold a picture to a patron, or a sculptor has modelled
a statue to order. These are artists less articulate and less intimate than the
poet; they are more exterior to their work; they are less personally in it; the
y part with less of themselves in the dicker. It does not change the nature of
the case to say that Tennyson and Longfellow and Emerson sold the poems in which
they couched the most mystical messages their genius was charged to bear mankin
d. They submitted to the conditions which none can escape; but that does not ju
stify the conditions, which are none the less the conditions of hucksters becaus
e they are imposed upon poets. If it will serve to make my meaning a little cle
arer, we will suppose that a poet has been crossed in love, or has suffered some
real sorrow, like the loss of a wife or child. He pours out his broken heart i
n verse that shall bring tears of sacred sympathy from his readers, and an edito
r pays him a hundred dollars for the right of bringing his verse to their notice
. It is perfectly true that the poem was not written for these dollars, but it
is perfectly true that it was sold for them. The poet must use his emotions to
pay his provision bills; he has no other means; society does not propose to pay
his bills for him. Yet, and at the end of the ends, the unsophisticated witness
finds the transaction ridiculous, finds it repulsive, finds it shabby. Somehow
he knows that if our huckstering civilization did not a every moment violate th
e eternal fitness of things, the poet's song would have been given to the world,
and the poet would have been cared for by the whole human brotherhood, as any m
an should be who does the duty that every man owes it.
The instinctive sense of the dishonour which money-purchase does to art is so st
rong that sometimes a man of letters who can pay his way otherwise refuses pay f
or his work, as Lord Byron did, for a while, from a noble pride, and as Count To
lstoy has tried to do, from a noble conscience. But Byron's publisher profited
by a generosity which did not reach his readers; and the Countess Tolstoy collec
ts the copyright which her husband foregoes; so that these two eminent instance
of protest against business in literature may be said not to have shaken its mon
ey basis. I know of no others; but there may be many that I am culpably ignoran
t of. Still, I doubt if there are enough to affect the fact that Literature is
Business as well as Art, and almost as soon. At present business is the only hu
man solidarity; we are all bound together with that chain, whatever interests an
d tastes and principles separate us.
~
The author implies that writers are
#
Incompetent businessmen
Not sufficiently paid for their work
Greedy
Hucksters
@Profiting against their will
~
A possible title that best expresses the meaning of the passage would be
#
@The Man of Letters as a Man of Business
Literature and the Arts
Progress in Literature
Poets and Writers
The State of the Arts
~
The author laments the fact that Tennyson, Longfellow, and Emerson
#
Wrote mystical poems
@Had to sell their poetry
Were not appreciated in their time
Were prolific poets
Wrote emotional poetry
~
The passage states that authors such as Tennyson "submitted to the conditions wh
ich none can escape." What conditions is the author of the passage referring to
?
#
An unappreciative audience
A materialistic society
@The fact that writers had to sell their work to survive
Authors wrote for an esoteric audience
Authors wrote what the public wanted
~
According to the author, Lord Byron
#
@Refused payment for his work
Combined business with literature
Did not copyright his work
Was well known in the business community
Founded a school for aspiring writers
~
The author of the passage implies that
#
@Society should subsidise artists and writers
Writers should rebel against the business system
More writers should follow the example set by Lord Byron
Writers should only accept remuneration that will provide them with a basic stan
dard of living
Writers should not attempt to change society
~
The author of the passage proposes that writers and artists
#
@Make the best out of a bad situation
Attempt to induce society to change its values
Withhold their work until they gain recognition
Adopt the principles of commercialism
Adopt the value system of society
~
By accepting payment for works of literature or art, its creators are I. writing
and painting solely for monetary gain II. Justifying the practice of art III. e
xchanging their work for remuneration
#
I only
@III only
I and II only
II and III only
I, II and III
|
@
The main burden of assuring that the resources of the federal government are wel
l managed falls on relatively few of the five million men and women whom it empl
oys. Under the department and agency heads there are 8,600 political, career, m
ilitary, and foreign service executives-the top managers and professionals-who e
xert major influence on the manner in which the rest are directed and utilised.
Below their level there are other thousands with assignments of some managerial
significance, but we believe that the line of demarcation selected is the best
available for our purposes in this attainment.
In addition to Presidential appointees in responsible posts, the 8,600 include t
he three highest grades under the Classification Act; the three highest grades i
n the postal field service; comparable grades in the foreign service; general of
ficers in the military service; and similar classes in other special services an
d in agencies or positions excepted from the Classification Act.
There is no complete inventory of positions or people in federal service at this
level. The lack may be explained by separate agency statutes and personnel sys
tems, diffusion among so many special services, and absence of any central point
(short of the President himself) with jurisdiction over all upper-level personn
el of the government.
This Committee considers establishment and maintenance of a central inventory of
these key people and positions to be an elementary necessity, a first step in i
mproved management throughout the Executive Branch.
Top Presidential appointees, about 500 of them, bear the brunt of translating th
e philosophy and aims of the current administration into practical programs. Th
is group includes the secretaries and assistant secretaries of cabinet departmen
ts, agency heads and their deputies, heads and members of boards and commissions
with fixed terms, and chiefs and directors of major bureaus, divisions, and ser
vices. Appointments to many of these politically sensitive positions are made o
n recommendation by department or agency heads, but all are presumably responsib
le to Presidential leadership.
One qualification for office at this level is that there be no basic disagreemen
t with Presidential political philosophy, at least so far as administrative judg
ements and actions are concerned. Apart from the bi-partisan boards and commiss
ions, these men are normally identified with the political party of the Presiden
t, or are sympathetic to it, although there are exceptions.
There are four distinguishable kinds of top Presidential appointees, including:
Those whom the President selects at the outset to establish immediate and effect
ive control over the government (e.g., Cabinet secretaries, agency heads, his ow
n White House staff and Executive Office Personnel).
Those selected by department and agency heads in order to establish control with
in their respective organisations (e.g.-assistant secretaries, deputies, assista
nts to, and major line posts in some bureaus and divisions).
-High-level appointees who-though often requiring clearance through political or
interest group channels, or both-must have known scientific or technical compet
ence (e.g.-the Surgeon General, the Commissioner of Education).
-Those named to residual positions traditionally filled on a partisan patronage
basis.
These appointees are primarily regarded as policy makers and overseers of policy
execution. In practice, however, they usually have substantial responsibilitie
s in line management, often requiring a thorough knowledge of substantive agency
programs.
~
According to the passage, about how many top managerial professionals work for t
he federal government ?
#
Five million
Two million
Twenty thousand
@Nine thousand
Five hundred
~
No complete inventory exists of positions in the three highest levels of governm
ent service because
#
No one has bothered to count them
Computers cannot handle all the data
@Separate agency personnel systems are used
The President has never requested such information
The Classification Act prohibits such a census
~
Top Presidential appointees have as their central responsibility the
#
Prevention of politically motivated interference with the actions of their agenc
ies
Monitoring of government actions on behalf of the President's own political part
y
@Translation of the aims of the administration into practical programs
Investigation of charges of corruption within the government
Maintenance of adequate controls over the rate of government spending
~
One exception to the general rule that top Presidential appointees must be in ag
reement with the President's political philosophy may be found in
#
Most cabinet-level officers
Members of the White House staff
@Bi-partisan boards and commissions
Those offices filled on a patronage basis
Offices requiring scientific or technical expertise
~
Applicants for Presidential appointments are usually identified with or are memb
ers of
#
Large corporations
The foreign service
Government bureaus
Academic circles
@The President's political party
~
Appointees that are selected directly by the President include
#
U.S. Marshals and attorneys
Military officers
@Agency heads
Assistant secretaries
Congressional committee members
~
Appointees usually have to possess expertise in
#
@Line management
Military affairs
Foreign affairs
Strategic planning
Constitutional law
~
According to the passage, Presidential appointees are regarded primarily as
#
Political spokesmen
@Policy makers
Staff managers
Scientific or technical experts
Business executives
~
Appointees selected by department and agency heads include
#
Military men
Cabinet secretaries
@Deputy secretaries
Diplomats
Residual position holders
|
@
The first and decisive step in the expansion of Europe overseas was the conquest
of the Atlantic Ocean. That the nation to achieve this should be Portugal was
the logical outcome of her geographical position and her history. Placed on the
extreme margin of the old, classical Mediterranean world and facing the untrave
rsed ocean, Portugal could adapt and develop the knowledge and experience of the
past to meet the challenge of the unknown. Some centuries of navigating the co
astal waters of Western Europe and Northern Africa had prepared Portuguese seame
n to appreciate the problems which the Ocean Presented and to apply and develop
the methods necessary to overcome them. From the seamen of the Mediterranean, p
articularly those of Genoa and Venice, they had learned the organisation and con
duct of a mercantile marine, and form Jewish astronomers and Catalan mapmakers t
he rudiments of navigation. Largely excluded from a share in Mediterranean comm
erce at a time when her increasing and vigorous population was making heavy dema
nds on her resources, Portugal turned southwards and westwards for opportunities
of trade and commerce. At this moment of national destiny it was fortunate for
her that in men of the calibre of Prince Henry, known as the Navigator, and Kin
g John II she found resolute and dedicated leaders.
The problems to be faced were new and complex. The conditions for navigation an
d commerce in the Mediterranean were relatively simple, compared with those in t
he western seas. The landlocked Mediterranean, tideless and with a climatic reg
ime of regular and well-defined seasons, presented few obstacles to sailors who
were the heirs of a great body of sea lore garnered from the experiences of many
centuries. What hazards there were, in the form of sudden storms or dangerous
coasts, were known and could be usually anticipated. Similarly the Mediterranea
n coasts, though they might be for long periods in the hands of dangerous rivals
, were described in sailing directions or laid down on the Portland charts drawn
by Venetian, Genoese and Catalan cartographers. Problems of determining positi
ons at sea, which confronted the Portuguese, did not arise. Though the Mediterr
anean seamen by no means restricted themselves to coastal sailing, the latitudin
al extent of the Mediterranean was not great, and voyages could be conducted fro
m point to point on compass bearings; the ships were never so far from land as t
o make it necessary to fix their positions in latitude by astronomical observati
ons. Having made a landfall on a bearing, they could determine their precise po
sition from prominent landmarks, soundings or the nature of the sea bed, after r
eference to the sailing directions or charts.
By contrast, the pioneers of ocean navigation faced much greater difficulties.
The western ocean which extended, according to the speculations of the cosmograp
hers, through many degrees of latitude and longitude, was an unknown quantity, b
ut certainly subjected to wide variations of weather and without known bounds.
Those who first ventured out over its waters did so without benefit of sailing d
irections or traditional lore. As the Portuguese sailed southwards, they left b
ehind them the familiar constellations in the heavens by which they could determ
ine direction and the hours of the night, and particularly the pole-star from wh
ich by a simple operation they could determine their latitude. Along the unknow
n coasts they were threatened by shallows, hidden banks, rocks and contrary wind
s and currents, with no knowledge of convenient shelter to ride out storms or of
very necessary watering places. It is little wonder that these pioneers dreade
d the thought of being forced on to a lee shore or of having to choose between t
hese inshore dangers and the unrecorded perils of the open sea.
~
Before the expansion of Europe overseas could take place
#
Vast sums of money had to be raised
An army had to be recruited
@The Atlantic Ocean had to be conquered
Ships had to be built
Seamen had to be trained
~
One of Portugal's leaders, known as the Navigator, was in reality
#
Christopher Columbus
King John II
A Venetian
@Prince Henry
Prince Paul
~
Portugal was adept at exploring unknown waters because she possessed all of the
following except
#
A navy
Past experience
Experienced navigators
Experienced mapmakers
@Extensive trade routes
~
In addition to possessing the necessary resources for exploration, Portugal was
the logical country for this task because of her
#
Wealth
Navigational experience
@Geographical position
Prominence
Ability
~
The Portuguese learned navigational methods and procedures from all of the follo
wing except
#
Jews
Catalans
Genoese
Venetians
@Aegeans
~
Mediterranean seamen generally kept close to shore because
#
They were afraid of pirates
They feared being forced to a lee shore
They lacked navigational ability
They feared running into storms
@The latitudinal extent of the Mediterranean was not great
~
Hazards such as sudden storms and dangerous coasts were
#
@Predictable risks
Unknown risks
Unknown to the area
A major threat to exploration
No threat to navigation
~
Sailing close to the coast enabled seamen to
#
Reach their destination faster
Navigate without sailing directions
@Determine their positions from landmarks
Determine their longitude and latitude
Avoid dangerous shoals
|
@
I decided to begin the term's work with the short story since that form would be
the easiest for [the police officers], not only because most of their reading u
p to then had probably been in that genre, but also because a study of the react
ion of people to various situations was something they relied on in their daily
work. For instance, they had to be able to predict how others would react to th
eir directives and interventions before deciding on their own form of action; th
ey had to be able to take in the details of a situation quickly and correctly be
fore intervening. No matter how factual and sparse police reports may seem to u
s, they must make use of a selection of vital detail, similar to that which a wr
iter of a short story has to make.
This was taught to me by one of my students, a captain, at the end of the term.
I had begun the study of the short story by stressing the differences between a
factual report, such as a scientist's or a policeman's report, and the presenta
tion of a creative writer. While a selection of necessary details is involved i
n both, the officer must remain neutral and clearly try to present a picture of
the facts, while the artist usually begins with a preconceived message or attitu
de which is then transmitted through the use of carefully selected details of ac
tion described in words intended to provoke associations and emotional reactions
in the reader. Only at the end of the term did the captain point out to me tha
t he and his men also try to evaluate the events they describe and that their de
scription of a sequence of events must of necessity be structured and coloured b
y their understanding of what has taken place.
The policemen's reactions to events and characters in the stories were surprisin
gly unprejudiced...... They did not object to writers whose stories had to do wi
th their protagonist's rebellion against society's accepted values. Nor did sto
ries in which the strong father becomes the villain and in which our usual ideal
s of manhood are turned around offend them. The many hunters among my students r
eadily granted the message in those hunting tales in which sensitivity triumphs
over male aggressiveness, stories that show the boy becoming a man because he fa
ils to shoot the deer, goose, or catbird. The only characters they did object t
o were those they thought unrealistic. As the previous class had done, this one
also excelled in interpreting the ways in which characters reveal themselves, s
ubtly manipulate and influence each other; they, too, understood how the story u
sually saves its insight, its revelation, for the end.
This almost instinctive grasp of the writing of fiction was revealed when the po
licemen volunteered to write their own short stories.....They not only took grea
t pains with plot and character, but with style and language. The stories were
surprisingly well written, revealing an understanding of what a solid short stor
y must contain; the revelation of character, the use of background description a
nd language to create atmosphere and mood, the need to sustain suspense and yet
make each event as it occurs seem natural, the insight achieved either by the ch
aracters in the story or the reader or both. They tended to favour surprise end
ings. Some stories were sheer fantasies, or derived from previous reading, film
s, or television shows. Most wrote stories, obviously based on their own experi
ences, that revealed the amazing distance they must put between their personal l
ives and their work, which is part of the training for being a good cop. These
stories, as well as their discussions of them, showed how coolly they judged the
ir own weaknesses as well as the humour with which they accepted some of the dif
ficulties or injustices of existence. Despite their authors' unmistakable sense
of irony and awareness of corruption, these stories demonstrated how clearly, a
lmost naively, these policemen wanted to continue to believe in some of the so-c
alled American virtues-that courage is worth the effort and will be admired; tha
t hard work will be rewarded; that life is somehow good; and that, despite the w
eariness, boredom, and occasional ugliness and danger, despite all their dislike
of most of their routine and despite their own occasional grousing and complain
ts, they somehow did like being cops; that life, even in a chaotic and violent w
orld, is worth it after all.
~
Compared to the artist, the policeman is
#
A man of action, not words
Factual and not fanciful
@Neutral and not prejudiced
Stoic and not emotional
Aggressive and not passive
~
Policemen reacted to story events and characters
#
@Like most other people
According to a policemen's stereotyped image
Like dilettantes
Unrealistically
Without emotion
~
To which sort of characters did policemen object? I. Unrealistic , II. Emotional
, III. Sordid
#
@I only
II only
I and II only
II and III only
I , II , and III
~
According to the passage , a short story should contain
#
Elegant prose
@Suspense
Objectivity
Real -life experiences
Irony
~
The instructor chose the short story because I. It was easy for the students ,
II. Students had experience with it , III. Students would enjoy it
#
I only
II only
@ I and II only
II and III only
I , II , III
~
Like writers , policemen must
#
@Analyze situations
Behave coolly
Have an artistic bent
Intervene quickly
Attend college
~
According to the passage , most policemen wrote stories about
#
Films
Previous readings
American history
@Their work
Politics
~
According to the author , policemen view their profession as
#
Full of corruption
@Worth the effort
Full of routine
Poorly paid
Dangerous but adventuresome
|
@
In the past , American colleges and universities were created to serve a dual pu
rpose -- to advance learning and to offer a chance to become familiar with bodie
s of knowledge already discovered to those who wished it. To create and to impar
t, these were the hallmarks of American higher education prior to the most recen
t, tumultuous decades of the twentieth century. The successful institution of le
arning had never been one whose mission could be defined in terms of providing v
ocational skills or as strategy for resolving societal problems. In a soluble wa
y Americans believed postsecondary education to be useful , but not necessarily
of immediate use. What the student obtained in college became beneficial in late
r life -- residually, without direct application in the period after graduation
.
Another purpose has now been assigned to the mission of American colleges and u
niversities. Institutions of higher learning -- public or private -- commonly fa
ce the challenge of defining their programmes in such a way as to contribute to
the service of the community.
This service role has various applications. Most common are programs to meet the
demands of regional employment markets , to provide opportunities for upward so
cial and economic mobility, to achieve racial , ethnic , or social integration ,
or more generally to produce " productive " as compared to " educated " graduat
es. Regardless of its precise definition, the idea of a service -- university ha
s won acceptance within the academic community.
One need only be reminded of the change in language describing the two -year col
lege to appreciate the new value currently being attached to the concept of a se
rvice - related university. The traditional two - years college has shed its pej
orative " junior " college label and is generally called a " community " college
, a clearly value - laden expression representing the latest commitment in high
er education . Even the doctoral degree , long recognized as a required " union
card " in the academic world , has come under severe criticism as the pursuit of
learning for its sake and the accumulation of knowledge without immediate appl
ication to a professor's class room duties. The idea of college or university th
at performs a triple function --- communicating knowledge to students expanding
the content of various disciplines, and interacting in a direct relationship wit
h society has been the most important change in higher education in recent years
.
This novel development is often overlooked . Educators have always been familiar
with those parts of the two - year college curriculum that have a '' service "
or vocational orientation. Knowing this, otherwise perceptive commentaries on Am
erican postsecondary education underplay the impact of the attempt of colleges a
nd universities to relate to , if not resolve , the problems of society . Whethe
r the subject under review is student unrest , faculty tenure , the nature of th
e curriculum , the onset of collective bargaining, or the growth of collegiate b
ureaucracies, in each instance the thrust of these discussions obscures the larg
er meaning of emergence of the service - university in American higher education
. Even the highly regarded critique of Clark Kerr, currently head of the Carnegi
e Foundation, which set the parameters of academic debate around the evolution s
o - called '" multiversity " , failed to take account of this phenomenon and the
manner in which its fulfilment changed the scope of higher education. To the ex
tent that the idea of " multiversity " centred on matters of scale --- how big i
s too big ? how complex is too complex? ---- it obscured the fundamental questio
n posed by the service --- university: what is higher education supposed to do ?
Unless the commitment to what Samuel Gourd has properly called the " communiver
sity " is clearly articulated, the success of any college or university in achie
ving its service - education functions will be effectively impaired.
The most reliable report about the progress of Open Admissions became available
at the end of August , 1974. What the document showed was that the dropout rate
for all freshmen admitted in September , 1970, after seven semesters, was about
48 percent , a figure that corresponds closely to national averages at similar c
olleges and universities. The discrepancy between the performance of " regular "
students ( those who would have been admitted into the four - year colleges wit
h 80% high school averages and into the two - year units with 75% ) and Open Adm
issions freshmen provides a better indication of how the program worked. Taken
together the attrition rate ( from known and unknown causes ) was 48 percent , b
ut the figure for regular students was 36 percent while for Open Admissions cate
gories it was 56 percent. Surprisingly, the statistics indicated that the four -
year colleges retained or graduated more of the Open Admissions students than t
he two - year colleges, a finding that did not reflect experience elsewhere. Not
surprisingly, perhaps , the figures indicated a close relationship between acad
emic success defined as retention or graduation and high school averages. Simila
rly , it took longer for the Open Admissions students to generate college credit
s and graduate than regular students, a pattern similar to national averages. Th
e most important statistics, however , relate to the findings regarding Open Adm
issions students, and these indicated as a projection that perhaps as many as 70
percent would not graduate from a unit of the city university.
~
The dropout rate among regular students in Open Admission was approximately
#
@35%
45%
55%
65%
75%
~
According to the passage , in the past it was not to the purpose of American hig
her education to
#
Advance learning
@Solve societal problems
Impart knowledge
Trainworkers
Prepare future managers
~
One of the recent, important changes in higher education relates to
#
Student representation on college boards
Faculty tenure requirements
Curriculum updates
@Service-education concepts
Cost constraints
~
It was estimated that what percentage of Open Admissions students would fail to
graduate from City university?
#
40%
50%
60%
@70%
80%
~
According to the passage , the two - year college may be described as I. A jun
ior college , II. Service - oriented , III. A community college
#
I only
II only
I and II only
@II and III only
I , II , and III
~
The service role of colleges aims to
#
Improve services
Gain acceptance among educators
Serve the community
Provide skills for future use
@Make graduates employable
~
The attrition rate for Open Admission students was greater than the rest for reg
ular students by what
#
10%
@20%
36%
40%
46%
~
Clark Kerr failed to take account of
#
The '" communiversity "
Collegiate bureaucracies
Faculty tenure
@The service - university
Open Admissions
~
The average attrition rate for regular and Open Admissions students was
#
36%
@46%
56%
75%
92%
|
@
"The United States seems totally indifferent to our problems," charges French Fo
reign Minister Claude Cheysson, defending his Government's decision to defy Pres
ident Reagan and proceed with construction of the Soviet gas pipeline. West Ger
man Chancellor Helmut Schmidt endorsed the French action and sounded a similar n
ote. Washington's handling of the pipeline, he said, has "cast a shadow over re
lations" between Europe and the United States, "damaging confidence as regards f
uture agreements."
But it's not just the pipeline that has made a mockery of Versailles. Charges o
f unfair trade practices and threats of retaliation in a half-dozen industries a
re flying back and forth over the Atlantic-and the Pacific, too-in a worrisome
crescendo. Businessmen, dismayed by the long siege of sluggish economic growth
that has left some 30 million people in the West unemployed, are doing what come
s naturally: pressuring politicians to restrain imports, subsidize exports, or b
oth. Steelmakers in Bonn and Pittsburgh want help; so do auto makers in London
and Detroit, textile, apparel and shoe manufacturers throughout the West and far
mers virtually everywhere.
Democratic governments, the targets of such pressure, are worried about their ow
n political fortunes and embarrassed by their failure to generate strong growth
and lower unemployment. The temptation is strong to take the path of least resi
stance and tighten up on trade-even for a Government as devoted to the free mark
et as Ronald Reagan's. In the past 18 months, Washington, beset by domestic pro
ducers, has raised new barriers against imports in autos, textiles and sugar. S
teel is likely to be next. Nor is the United States alone. European countries,
to varying degrees, have also sought to defend domestic markets or to promote e
xports through generous subsidies...... The upcoming meeting, to consider trade
policy for the 1980s is surely well timed. "It has been suggested often that wou
ld trade policy is 'at a cross roads'- but such a characterisation of the early
1980s may be reasonably accurate," says C. Fred Bergsten, a former Treasury offi
cial in the Carter Administration now director of a new Washington think tank, t
he Institute international economics. The most urgent question before the leader
s of the industrial world is whether they can change the fractious atmosphere of
this summer before stronger protective measures are accurately put in place, so
far, Mr Bergsten says, words have outweighed deeds. The trade picture is dismal
. World trade reached some $2 trillion a year in 1980 and hasn't bridged since.
In the first half of this year, Mr Berhsten suspects that trade probably fell as
the world economy stayed flat. But, according to his studies, increased protect
ionism is not the culprit for the slowdown in trade-at least not yet. The culpri
t instead is slow growth and recession, and the resulting slump in demand for im
ports.... But there are fresh problems today that could be severely damaging. Th
ough tariffs and outright. Quotas are low after three rounds of intense internat
ional trade negotiating in the past two decades-new trade restrains, often bound
up in voluntary agreements between countries to limit particular imports have s
prouted in recent years like mushrooms in a wet wood. Though the new protection
ism is more subtle than the old-fashioned variety, it is no less damaging to eco
nomic efficiency and, ultimately to prospects for world economic growth. A drink
ing feature is that the new protectionism has focused on the same limited sector
s in most of the major industrial countries-textiles, steel. electronics ,footwe
ar, shipbuilding and autos. Similarly, it has concentrated on supply from Japan
and the newly industrialised countries. When several countries try to protect th
e same industries the dealing become difficult. Take steel. Since 1977, the Euro
pean Economic community has been following a plan to eliminate. Excess of steel
capacity, using bilateral import quotas along the way to soften the blow to the
steel workers. The united states, responding to similar pressure at home and to
the same problems of a world over supplied with steel, introduced a "voluntary"
quota system in 1969, and, after a brief period of no restraint, developed a com
plex trigger price mechanism in 1978,
~
According to the passage, a "new protectionism" is evidence by
#
@bilateral import quotas
political suasion
lower than marked prices
abrogating agreements
increased product standards
~
Increased protectionism has been caused by
#
the "cold war"
United States economic policy
@increased unemployment
a breakdown in international law
a growth in cartels
~
a slowdown in world trade has been caused by
#
protectionism
slower population growth
less trade with communists countries
@economic recession
increased oil prices
~
The U.S. government has increased barriers to the import of
#
@autos, textiles and sugar
autos, textiles and steel
autos, electronics and sugar
shoes, textiles and sugar
shoes, textiles and steel
~
The best possible for the passage would be
#
"Reagan Administration's economic policies"
"international trade agreement in the 1960's"
"Tokyo Round of trade negotiations"
@"A perilous time for world trade"
"problems and prospects for world exports"
~
In recent trade between nations has been constrained by
#
@voluntary agreements limiting has been constrained by
rhetoric expressed by labour leaders
misalignment among world currencies
the free international exchange of goods
restrictive monetary and fiscal policies
~
A means to decrease steel capacity in the European economic community has been t
he use of
#
voluntary quotas
@bilateral quotas
voluntary and bilateral quotas
trigger prices
restrains
|
@
With the maintenance of sufficiency clean water, therefore, are primarily produc
tion costs. Purely :environmental" costs seem to be in this respect only costs c
onnected with the safeguarding of cultural, recreational and sports functions wh
ich the water courses and reservoirs fulfil both in nature and in human settleme
nt. The pollution problems of the atmosphere resemble those of the water only pa
rtly. So far, the supply of air has not been deficient as was the case with wate
r, and the dimensions of the air-shed are so vast that a number of people still
hold the option that air need not be economised. However, scientific forecast ha
ve shown that the time may be already approaching when clear and biologically va
luable air will become problem No.1. Air being ubiquitous, people are particular
ly sensitive about any reduction in the quality of the atmosphere, the increased
content of dust and gaseous exhalations, and particularly about the presence of
odours. The demand for purity of atmosphere, therefore, enumerates much more f
rom the population itself than from the specific sectors of the national economy
affected by a polluted or even biologically aggressive atmosphere The household
share in atmospheric pollution is far bigger than that of industry which, in tu
rn, further complicates the economic problems of purity. Some counties have alre
ady collective positive experience with have already collected positive experien
ce with the reconstruction of whole urban sectors on the basis of new heating ap
pliances based on the economic consequences of such measures have also been put
forward. In contrast of water, where the maintenance of purity would seem primar
ily to be related to the costs of production and transport, a far higher proport
ion of the costs of maintaining the purity of the atmosphere derives from enviro
nmental considerations. Industrial sources of gaseous and dust emissions are wel
l known and classified; their location can be accurately identified, which makes
them controllable. With the exception , perhaps of he elimination of sulphur d
ioxide, technical means and technological process exist which can be used for th
e elimination of all excessive impurities of the air from the various emission.
Atmospheric pollution caused by the private property of individuals is difficult
to control. Some sources such as motor vehicles are thus capable of polluting
vast territories. In this particular case, the cost of anti-pollution measures w
ill have to be borne, to a considerable extent, by individuals in the form of ta
xes, dues, surcharges etc. The problem of noise is a typical example of an envir
onmental problem which cannot be solved only passively i.e. merely by protective
measures, but will require the adoption of active measures, i.e. direct inventi
ons at the source. The costs of complete protection against noise are so economi
cally most developed countries. At the same time it would not seem feasible, eit
her economically or politically, to force the population to carry the coasts of
individual protection against noise, for example, reinforcing the sound insulati
on of their homes. A solution of this problem probably cannot be found in the ne
ar future.
~
According to the passage, the population at large
#
is unconcerned about air pollution controls
@is especially aware of problems concerning air quality and purity
regards water pollution as more serious than air pollution
has failed to recognise the economic consequences of pollution
is unwilling to make the sacrifices needed to ensure clean air.
~
Scientific forecasts have shown that clear and biologically valuable air
#
is likely to remain abundant for some time
creates fewer economic difficulties than does water pollution
@may soon be dangerous lacking
may be beyond the capacity of out technology to protect
has already become difficult to obtain
~
According to the passage, which of the following contributes most to atmospheric
pollution?
#
industry
production
@house hold
mining
waste disposal
~
The cost involved in the maintenance of pure water are determined primarily by?
I production costs II transport costs III research costs
#
I only
III only
@I and II only
II and III only
I, II, and III only
~
According to the passage, atmospheric pollution caused by private property is
#
easy to control
impossible to control
@difficult to control
decreasing
negligible
~
According to the passage, the problem of noise can be solved through I active me
asures II passive measures III tax levies
#
I only
III only
@I and II only
II and III only
I, II, and III only
~
According to the passage, the costs of some antipollution measures will have to
be borne by individuals because
#
@individuals contribute to the creation of pollution
governments do not have adequate resources
industry is not willing to bear its share
individuals are more easily taxed than producers
individuals demand production, which causes pollution.
~
Complete protection against noise
#
may be forthcoming in the near future
is impossible to, achieve
@may have prohibitive costs
is possible only in developed countries
has been achieved in some countries.
|
@
Elaborated in his large and abstruse work as capital. Starting as a non-violent
revolutionists, he ended life as a non-violent revolutionists, he ended life as
a manor non-violent revolutionists, he ended life as a major theorists more or l
ess sympathetic with violent revolutionists, is such became necessary in order t
o change the social system which he believed to be frankly predatory upon the ma
sses. On the theoretical side, Marx set up the doctrine of surplus value as the
chief element in capitalists explanation. According to this theory, the ruling c
lasses no ,longer employed military force primarily as a means to establishing
his social rights. The revolution might be peacefully consummated by parliamenta
ry procedures if the people prepared themselves for political action by masterin
g the materialistic interpretation of history and by organising politically to t
he final event. It was his belief that the aggregations of the capitalists take
over eventually destroy the middle class and take over all their sources of inco
me by a process of capitalistic absorption of industry-a process which has faile
d to occur in most countries with minor exceptions, Marx's social philosophy is
now generally accepted by left-wing labour movements in many countries, but reje
cting united centrists labour groups, especially the in the United States. In Ru
ssia and other eastern European countries, however, socialists leaders adopted t
he methods of violent revolution because of the opposition of the ruling classes
. Yet many now hold that the present communists regime in Russia and her satelli
te countries, however socialist leader adopted the opposition of the ruling clas
ses. Yet many now hold that the present communists regime in Russia and her sate
llite countries is no longer a proletarian movement based on Marxist social and
political theory, but a camouflaged imperialistic effort to dominate the world i
n the interest of a new ruling class. It is important however that those who wis
h to approach Marx as a teacher should not be "buffaloed" by his philosophic a
pproach. They are very likely to in these days, because those most interested in
propagating the ideas of Marx, the Russian Bolsheviks, have swallowed down his
Hegelian philosophy along with his science of revolutionary engineering, and the
y look upon us irrelevant peoples who presume to medicate social and even revolu
tionary problem without making our obeisance barbarians. They are wrong ins cori
ng our distaste for having practical programs presented in the form for having
practical physiology. In that we simply represent a more progressive intellectua
l culture than that in which Marx receiving his education-a culture farther emer
ged from the dominance of religious attitude.
~
According to the passage, the chief element in Marx's analysis exploitation was
the doctrine of
#
just wages
the price system
@surplus value
predatory production
subsistence work
~
Das capital differs from the communists manifesto in that it
#
was written with the help of Frederick Engels
retreated from Marx's earlier revolutionary stance
@expressed a more fully developed form of Marxist theory
denounced the predatory nature of the capitalists system
expressed sympathy for the plight of the middle class
~
According to the passage, Marx ended his life I a believer in non-violent revolu
tion II accepting violent revolution III a major social theorists
#
I Only
III Only
I and III Only
@II and III Only
Neither I, II or III Only
~
The author suggests that the communists regime in Russia may best be categorised
as an
#
proletarian movement
social government
@imperialistic state
revolutionary government
social democracy
~
Marx's social physiology is now generally accepted by
#
centrists labour groups
most labour unions
@left-wing labour unions
only those in communist countries
only those in Russia
~
It can be concluded that the author of the passage is
#
sympathetic to Marx's ideas
@unsympathetic to Marx's ideas
uncritical of Marx's interpretation of history
a believer in Hegelian philosophy
a Leninist-Marxist
~
Which of the following classes did Marx believe should control the economy?
#
@the working class
the upper class
the middle class
the lower class
the capitalists class
~
According to Marx a social and economic revolution could take place through I p
arliamentary procedures II political action III violent revolution
#
I Only
II Only
III Only
II and III Only
@I, II, or III Only
|
@
The basic character of our governmental and political institutions conditions th
e federal budgetary system. The working relationships between branch are intrica
te, subtle and in continuous charge-affected by partisan politics, personalitie
s, social forces, and public opinion. A few landmark stages in the evolution of
the present system provide perspective. In 1989 Alexander Hamilton as the first
secretary of the treasury, affirmed and successfully established a position of s
trong executive leadership in matters of public finance. His proposals on revenu
es, banking, and the assumption of prior debts of both national and state gover
nments were based on his philosophy that federal fiscal should be designed to en
courage economic growth. However, Hamilton's successors and the president under
whom they served did not follow his concept of executive responsibility for "pla
ns of finance" Partly through default, congress took charge of all phases of fis
cal policy. At the outset, each chamber was so small that coherent initiative wa
s possible. Spending estimates, considered in committee of the whole in 1789, we
re later referred to the committee on ways and means. In 1865 expenditures were
assigned to a new appropriations committee so that appropriations bills came to
be handled by numerous committees each dealing directly with the departments. Th
e presidential role was minimal. By the turn of the century there was a clean ne
ed for reform in financial management. At all labels of government, officials sp
ent money on activities "as authorisation by law" and in line with :appropriatio
ns: made by legislative bodies-usually after committee consideration. Other offi
cials collected taxes and fees under various unrelated statues. Such system or l
ack of system worked within reason as long as government had to do. But as gover
nment activities grew, becoming more technical and closely irrelated, this lack-
of-system bogged down. Several factors played a part in eventual breakthrough. I
n the first decade of the twentieth century, an "executive budget" came into suc
cessful use by some cities and states. President Taft's commission on efficiency
and economy prepared an illustrative federal budget which-while rejected by con
gress commanded broad public support. The more advanced methods developed by Eur
opean government came to American attention. World war I precipitated accounting
 chaos, with an aftermath of scandal. The need for new and better methods was es
tablished beyond dispute. The budget and accounting act of 1921 placed direct re
sponsibility for preparation and execution of the federal budget upon the presid
ent, making a unified federal budget upon the president budget possible for the
first time. The act set up two new organisation units, the general accounting of
fice(GAO) and the bureau of the budget. GAO is headed by the Comptroller Genera
l appointed by the president with senate approval for 15 year term, and is regar
ded as primarily a congressional rather than an executing resource. The bureau w
ithout senate confirmation ands serving at his pleasure, has from its inception
and related matters.
~
Alexander Hamilton's philosophy was that federal fiscal policies should
#
be expansionary
@encourage by congress
be determined by congress
encourage a balanced budget
be determined by the president
~
Hamilton's successor I followed his economic philosophy of "plants of finance II
followed his social philosophy III did not follow philosophy of strong executiv
e leadership
#
I only
@III only
I and II only
II and III only
I, II, and III only
~
At the end of the nineteenth century, there was a need for
#
more restrained executive leadership
a new finance commission
@more congressional interest in finance
overall reform of financial management
creation of a new appropriations committee
~
The "executive budget" was first used
#
by Alexander Hamilton
in the 19th century
@in the first decade of the 20th century
by president Eisenshower
by president Truman
~
President Taft's federal budget was
#
based on procedures used by some European government
enthusiastically accepted by congress
a partial cause of accounting chaos during world war I
@rejected by congress
vilified by the public
~
In 1921, the responsibility for preparation and execution of the federal budget
fell upon the
#
@president
congress
Bureau of the budget
house of representatives
senate
~
All of the following are true about the Bureau of the Budget except
#
its director is appointed by the president
it assist the [resident in budgetary matters
its director need not be approved by the senate
it was established in 1921
@its director serves for as 15-year term
|
@
For others are difficult to discern. The basic physical similarity of the Indian
s from Alaska to Patagonia is explained by the fact they all came originally fro
m Asia by way of the Bering strait and the Aleutian Asia into Alaska and then so
uthward. They came in different waves, the earliest around 25,000 years ago, the
latest probably not long before America was discovered by Europeans. Because th
ese people all came from Asia and were therefore drawn from the same pool of Asi
atic people, they tended to look alike. But since the various waves of migration
crossed into Alaska at widely separated times, there were differences among the
m in their physical characteristics. There were also differences in cultural equ
ipment. The earliest arrival are known to science only through their limited tec
hnical equipment, some of the New Mexico Indians were very successful big game h
unters. Twenty five thousand years ago they were hunting the woolly mammoth, the
giant bison, the ground sloth and the camel, all characteristic animals of the
closing phases of the last ice age. After their arrival from Asia in various wav
es across the Bering Strait, the early peoples in the Americans slowly spread so
uthward into the vast empty spaces of the two countries. A group of people movin
g slowly down the Mackenzie river valley east of the Rockies into the general re
gion of Southern Alberta, than eastward across the northern prairies reaching th
e wooden the wooden country around the Mississippi and the western great lakes t
hen in the southern eastwards movement following the Mississippi valley until so
me final settlement was reached in the Gulf states, would encounter a wide varie
ty of physical environments. At various stages of such wanderings they would hav
e to evolve methods of coping with the cold barren tundra country of northern Ca
nada; the prairies, cold treeless but well stocked with large game; then later t
he completely different flora and fauna of the Minnesota-Wisconsin-Illinois area
, thickly forested and well watered and provided an abundance of small game and
wild vegetable foods, then the semi-tropical character of the lower Mississippi
country as they neared the gulf of Mexico. Since centuries, the modification of
whatever basic culture they had on their arrival from Asia would be very slow. Y
et the end result would be completely different from their original culture. It
closely allied group who became separated from them early in their wanderings an
d whose movements led them into different from the final culture of a closely al
lied group who became separated from them early in their wanderings and whose mo
vements led them, the culture of this second group except perhaps a continuing r
esemblance in language and in physical type.
~
According to the passage, Indians who migrated to What is now the United States
originated in
#
@Asia
Africa
South America
Alaska
Patagonia
~
Physical differences among Indians who migrated to Alaska can be accounted for b
y the fact that
#
from different places
from different tribes
@at different times
from different races
to different places
~
It is estimated that Indians first came to what is now the United States
#
5,000 years ago
10,000 years ago
@15,000 years ago
25,000 years ago
50,000 years ago
~
The author is most interested in discussing the Indians
#
cultural background
eating habits
technical abilities
@migration patterns
physical characteristics
~
According to the passage, the southernmost area reached by the earliest Indians
was the
#
northern prairies
upper Mississippi
Great Lakes
Makenzie River valley
@Gulf states
~
What characteristics of Indian culture remained fairly stable despite the Indian
migrations? I language II physical type III technical abilities
#
I only
II only
I and II only
@II and III only
I, II, and III
~
Which animals were hunted by the Indians when they first migrated to the America
ns I Bison II Woolly mammoth III Camel
#
I only
II only
I and II only
II and III only
@I, II, and III
|
@
Woodrow Wilson is usually ranking among the country's try's great president in s
pite of his failures to win Senate approval of the League of Nations. Wilson ha
d yearned for a political career all his life; he won office in 1910 when he was
elected governor of New Jersey. Two years later he was elected president in one
of the most rapid political rises in our history. For a while Wilson had pract
ised law but found it both boring and unprofitable ; then he became law but foun
d scientist of great renown and finally president of Princeton university. He di
d an outstanding job at Princeton but lost out in a battle with Dean Andrew West
for control of the graduate school. When he was asked by the Democratic boss of
New Jersey, Jim Smith to run for governor, Wilson readily accepted because his
position at Princeton was becoming untenable.
Until 1910, Wilson seemed to be a conservative democratic in the grower Clevelan
d tradition. He had democratic candidate who supported gold. In fact, when the d
emocratic machine first pushed Wilson's nomination in 1912, the young New Jersey
progressive wanted no part of him. Wilson later assured them that he would cham
pion the progressive cause, and so they decided to work for his election. It is
easy to accuse Wilson of political expediency, but it is entirely possible that
by 1912 he had changed his views as had countless other Americans. While governo
r of New Jersey, he carried out his elections pledges by enacting an impressive
list of reforms.
Wilson secured the democratic nomination of the forty-sixth ballot after a fierc
e with Champ Clark of Missouri and Oscar W. Underwood of Alabama. Clark actually
had a majority of votes but was emerged as in the middle of the road candidate-
between the conservative William H. Taft and the more radical Theodore Roosevelt
. Wilson called his program the New Freedom, which he said was the restoration o
f free competition as it had existed before the growth the respiration of free c
ompetition as it had existed before the growth of the trusts. In contrasts, Theo
dore Roosevelt was advocating a New Nationalism, which seemed to call for massiv
e federal intervention in the economic life of the nation. Wilson felt that the
trusts should be destroyed, but he made a distinction between a trust and legiti
mately successful big business. Theodore Roosevelt, on the other hand, accepted
the trusts as inevitable but said that the government should regulate them by es
tablishing a new regulatory agency. The former president also felt that a distin
ction should be made between the "good" trusts and the "bad" trusts.
~
The author's main purpose in writing this passage
#
argue that Wilson is one of the great U.S. president
Survey the different between Wilson, Taft and Roosevelt
explains Wilson's concept of the new freedom
@Discuss some major events of Wilson's career
Suggest reason that Wilson's presidency may have started world war I
~
The author implies which of the following about the New Jersey progressive?
#
They did not support Wilson after he was governor
@They were not conservative Democrats
They were not more interested in political expediency than in political causes o
r reforms
Along with Wilson, they were supporters of Bryan in 1896
They particularly admired Wilson's experience as president of Princeton universi
ty
~
In the statement "Wilson readily accepted because his position at Princeton was
becoming untenable" the meaning of "untenable" is probably which of the followin
g?
#
unlikely to last for years
filled with considerably less tension
@Difficult to maintain or continue
Filled with achievements that would appeal to voters
Something he did not have a tenacious desire to continue
|
@
The railroads played a key role in the settlement of the west. They provided eas
y access to the region for the first time, and they also actively recruited farm
ers to, settle there Railroad, for example brought 10,000 German Mennonite to Ka
nsas. The railroads are criticised for their part in settling the west too rapi
dly, with its resultant economic unrest. Of course there were abuses connected w
ith building and operating the railroads, but it must be pointed out that they p
erformed a useful service in extending frontier and helping to achieve national
unity.
The real tragedy of the rapid settlement of the great plains was the shameful wa
y in which the Americans Indians were treated. Threatened with the destruction
of their whole mode of love, the Indians fought back savagely against the white
man's final life, thrust. Justice was almost entirely on the Indian's side. The
land was clearly theirs; frequently their title was legally certified by a treat
y negotiated with the federal government. The Indians' however lacked the milita
ry force and the political power to protect this rights. Not only did white men
encroach upon the Indian's hunting grounds but they rapidly destroyed the Indian
's principle means of subsistence-the buffalo. It has been estimated that some 1
5 million buffalo roamed the plain in the 1860s. By 1869, the railroads had cut
the herd in half, and by 1875 the southern herd was all but eliminated. By the m
iddle of 1880s the northern herd was also a thing of the past. Particularly gall
ing to the Indian was the fact that the white man frequently killed the buffalo
merely for spot, leaving the valuable Caracas to rot in the sun.
The plains Indians were considered different from the Indians encountered by the
English colonies on the Atlantic coast. Mounted on horses descanted from those
brought by the Spanish to Mexico many years before, typical plains Indians were
fierce warriors who could shoot arrows with surprising accuracy while galloping
at top speed. Although they quickly adapted themselves to the use of the rifle,
the Indians were not equal to the firepower of the united states army and typhus
were doomed to defeat.
Theoretically at least the government tried to be fair to the Indians, but all t
oo often the Indians agents were either too indifferent, but all too often the I
ndians agents were either indifferent or corrupt to carry out the government's p
romises conscientiously. The army frequently ignored the Indian Bureau and faile
d to co-ordinate its politics with the civilians were nominally in charge of Ind
ian affairs. The settlers heated and feared the Indians and wanted them extermin
ated. The barbaric attitude is certainly not excusable, but it is understandable
in the context of the times.
~
The author's attitude towards the treatment of American Indians by whites is one
of
#
qualified regret
violent anger
@strong disapproval
objective indifference
unfair bias
~
The author implied which of the following about the forces at work during the se
ttlement of the great plains?
#
The federal government represented the moral use of law.
@Justice was overcome by military firepower
Attempts by the government to be fair was offset by the Indians' attempts at kin
dness
The settlers hatred and fear was offset by the Indians attempts at kindness.
The Indians and the white settlers shared a sporting interest in the hunting of
buffalo.
~
Which of the following is concrete evidence that the white settlers did not need
for their own subsistence, as did the Indians?
#
more than half of the great buffalo herd had disappeared by 1869
Nearly fifteen million buffalo herd had disappeared years.
@Buffalo carcasses were left rotting in the sun whites
The railroad brought necessary food and supplies to the white settlers from the
east.
The white settlers had their own hunting grounds separate from the Indians.
~
What is the point of the comparison between plains Indians and the Indians encou
ntered on the Atlantic coast?
#
The Atlantic coast Indians were not as abused by white settlers.
Because they were considered better warriors than the Atlantic coast Indians, th
e plains Indians were a match for the United States military.
If Indians such as those on the Atlantic coast had populated the plains, there w
ould have been no bloodshed of the white settlement.
@The Indians encountered by English colonist posed no violent threat to the colo
nies.
The Atlantic coast Indians were unfamiliar with horses.
~
The author of the passage would most likely disagree that
#
@the United states government's policies towards the American Indians were shame
ful
the land that the Indians fought to retain belonged to them.
numerous abuses were among the results of the railroads rapid spread west wards
.
some Americans Indian tribes used sophisticated weapons brought by settlers.
the United States army could not be considered a friend of the American Indian.
~
It can be inferred from the passage that the purpose of the Indian Bureau was to
#
try Indian who violated the laws of the new territory
establish reservation where the peaceful American Indian would live
@assist with Indian affairs and policies of the government regarding the Americ
an Indian.
bring to justice white settlers who treated the Indian in a savage or unlawful m
anner
assist the Indians in learning a new method of procuring food to rely less on bu
ffalo meat.
~
All of the following are present as overt enemies of the Indians EXCEPT the
#
@railroads
white hunters
army
Indian agents
Western settlers
|
@
When the new disciple of social psychology was born at the beginning of this cen
tury, its first experiments were essentially adaptations of the suggestion demon
strated. The techniques generally followed a simple plan. The subjects, usually
college students were asked to give their opinion or preferences concerning vari
ous matters; some time later they were also informed of the opinions held by the
ir authorities or large groups of their peers on the same matters. Most of these
studies had substantially the same result: conformed with openings contrary to
their own, many subjects apparently shifted their judgements in the direction of
the view of the majorities or the experts. The late psychologists Edward L. Tho
rndike reported that he had succeeded in modifying the aesthetic preferences of
adults by this procedure. Other psychologists reported that people's evaluated o
f the merit of a literary passage could be raised or lowered by ascribing the pa
ssage or authority sufficed to change options, even when no arguments for the o
ptions themselves were provided.
Now the very ease of succeed in these experiment arouses suspicion. Did the subj
ect actually change their options, or were common sense, one must question wheth
er options are generally as watery as these studies indicate. There is some reas
on to wonder whether it was not the investigator who, in their enthusiasm for a
theory, were suggestible and whether the ostensibly gullible subjects were not p
roviding answers which though good subjects were expected to give.
The investigations were guided by certain underlying assumptions, which today ar
e common currency and account for much that is thought and said about the operat
ion of propaganda and public options. The assumptions are that people submit unc
ritically and painlessly to external manipulation by suggestion or prestige, and
that any given idea or value can be "sold" or "unsold" without reference of its
merit. We should be sceptical, however of the supposition that the power of soc
ial pressure necessarily implies uncritical submission to it; independence and t
he capacity to rise above group passion are also open to human beings. Further o
ne may question on psychological grounds whether it is possible as a rule to cha
nge a person's judgement of a situation or an object without first changing his
or her knowledge or assumptions about it.
~
The first experiments in social psychology appeared to demonstrate all of the fo
llowing EXCEPT that
#
many people will agree with what they believe to be the opinion held by the majo
rity of their peers
many people will agree with what they believe to be the opinion of experts
@many people change their opinion given good arguments for doing so
an individual 's evaluation of a literary work can be altered by ascribing the w
ork to a different writer
college student's opinion can be changed.
~
In the second paragraph of the passage, which of the following words or phrases
most clearly suggests that author's scepticism about the early experiment?
#
"success"
"experimental victories"
"common sense"
@"ostensibly gullible"
"answers"
~
The author cites the work of Edward L.Thornlike as an example of? I an alleged i
nstance of the selling of an idea II. a pioneering social psychology study confi
rmed by the work of contemporary research III. the studies that demonstrated the
willingness of subjects to change their views on matters of aesthetic preferenc
e.
#
II only
I and II only
@I and III only
II and III only
I, II and III only
~
The author implies that persons who altered their opinion on a controversial top
ic have most likely done so because they
#
have been influenced most likely done so because they
have been influenced by covert external manipulation
@have learned more about the topic
have learned how experts judge the topic
are incapable of independent thought
~
The main point of the passage is to
#
@question assumptions about the influence of social pressure
shows that a judgement cannot change without a change in the knowledge of the si
tuation
demonstrated the gullibility of psychological investigators and their subjects
question the notion that any idea can be "sold" or :unsold"
support investigations into ideas of propaganda
~
With which of the following ideas would the author be more likely to agree?
#
Human being can be programmed like machines
woman are more likely to agree with men than with other woman.
Woman are more likely to agree with other woman than with men.
@like woman, men are capable of independent thought.
like man, women submit uncritically to external manipulation.
~
Which of the following best describes how the passage is organised?
#
@the ideas of the first paragraph are supported in the second and third paragrap
hs.
the ideas of the first paragraph are questioned in the second and third paragrap
h
the specific details of the first and second paragraphs are generalised in the t
hird paragraph.
the specific details is concrete, while the second and third paragraphs are abst
ract.
only the first paragraphs uses figurative language.
|
@
In economics, demand implies something slightly different from the common meanin
g of the term. The layperson uses the term to mean the amount that is demanded
of an item. Thus, if the price were to decrease and the individuals wanted more
of an item, it is commonly said that demand increases. To an economists, demand
is relationship between a series at these prices. If one reads the previous sent
ence is often the quantity demanded and demand. This distinction is often a poin
t demand, Demand is a relationship between price and quantities, and therefore s
uggests the effect of one on the other. Therefore, knowledge of the demand for a
product enables one to predict how much more of a good will be purchased if pri
ce decreases. But the increase in quantity demanded does not mean demand has inc
reased, since the relationship between price and quantity demanded has not chang
ed. Demand shifts when there is a change in income, expectations, taste, etc., s
uch that a different quantity of the good is demanded at the same price.
In almost all cases, a consumer wants more of an item if the price decreases Thi
s relationship between price and quantity demanded is so strong that it is refer
red to as the "law of demand". This "law" can be explained by the income and sub
stitution effects. The law can be explained by the income and substitution effec
ts. The income effect occurs because price increases reduce the purchasing power
of the individual and , thus the quantity demanded of goods must decrease. The
substitution effect reflect the consumer's desire to get the "best buy". Accordi
ngly if the price of good A increases, the individual will tend to substitute an
other good and purchase less of good A. The negative correlation between price a
nd quantity demanded is also explained by the law of diminishing marginal utilit
y. According to this law, the additional utility the consumer gains from consumi
ng a good decreases as successfully more units of the goods are consumed. Becaus
e the additional units yield less utility or satisfaction, the consumer is willi
ng to purchase more only if the price of the good decreases.
Economists distinguish between individual and market demand. As the term implies
, individual demand concerns the individual consumer and illustrates the quantit
ies that individuals demand at different prices. Market demand is found by summi
ng the quantities demanded by all individuals at the various prices.
~
Assume that as economists use the term, the demand for houses increases. Which o
f the following would likely cause such a shift?
#
prices are reduced on homes because of overbidding
the government predicts a large increase in the extent of unemployment
@a new government program provides jobs for a large number of workers
a low-priced type of mobile home which is a good substitute for houses is announ
ced
the cost of lumber increases.
~
According to the passage, a change in demand, as economists use the term would o
ccur in which of the following situation?
#
@the gasoline price increases, resulting in the increased sale of compact cars
the gasoline price increases, resulting in the increased scale of compact cars
the gasoline price decreases on the same day that a new 43-mpg car enters the ma
rket.
a federal order impose a price ceiling on gasoline
a federal order lifts price regulations on gasoline
~
For eleven months, the Acme food chopper led all others in sales. Though the pri
ce and the product have remained unchanged and no competitive product has been i
ntroduced, sallied have fallen sharply. Economists describe this phenomenon as
#
an increase effect
the income effect
the substitution effect
@the law of diminishing marginal utility
individual demand
~
According to the passage, a group of individuals will
#
derive increasingly less satisfaction from a product
exert individual demand under appropriate condition.
employ the boycott to lower prices
@constitute a market
emphasize supply over demand.
~
The purpose of the passage is to
#
@introduce several important definitions
outline the theory of supply on demand
correct the layperson's economic misapprehensions about prices
introduce a student to a theory of marketing
question a popular misunderstanding of "demand"
|
@
Many people seem to think that science fiction is typified by the covers of some
of the old pulp magazines; the Bug-Eyed Monster, embodying every trait and feat
ure that most people find repulsive, is about to grab and presumably ravish, a s
weet, blonde, curvaceous, scantily-clad Earth girl. This is unfortunate because
it demeans and degrades a worthwhile and even important literary endeavour. In c
ontrast to this unwarranted stereotyped, science fiction rarely emphasise sex, a
nd when it does, it is more discreet than other contemporary fiction. Instead, t
he basic interest of science fiction is a literature of change and a literature,
of future, and while it would be foolish to claim that science fiction is a maj
or literary genre at this time, the aspects of human life that it considers make
it well worth reading and studying-for no other literary from does quite the sa
me things.
What is science fiction? To begin, the following definition should be helpful: s
cience fiction is a literary sub-genre which postulates a change from condition
s as we know them and follows the implication of these changes to a conclusions.
 Although this definition will necessarily be modified and expanded, it covers m
uch of the basic groundwork and provides a point of departure.
The first point-that science fiction is a literary sub-genre is a very important
one, but one which is often overlooked or ignored in most discussion of science
fiction. Specifically science fiction is either a short story or a novel. There
are only a few dramas which could be called science fiction with Capek's RUR be
ing the only one that is well known; the body of poetry that might be labelled s
cience fiction is only slightly larger. To say that science fiction is only slig
htly larger. To say that science fiction is a sub-genre of prose fiction is to s
ay that it has all the basic characteristics serves the same basic functions in
much the same way as prose fiction in general-that is, it shares a great deal wi
th all other novels and short stories.
Everything that can be said prose fiction. In general applies to science fiction
. Every piece of science fiction, whether short story or novel, must have narrat
or, a story, a plot, a setting, characters languages and theme. And look any pro
se the themes of science fiction are concentrated with interpreting man's nature
and experience in relation to the world around him. Themes in science fiction a
re constructed and presented in exactly the same ways that themes are dealt with
in any other kind of fiction. They are the result of particular combination of
narrator, story, plot, character, setting and language. In short, the reason for
reading and enjoying science fiction and the ways of studying and analysing it,
are basically the same as they would be for other story or novel.
~
Although few examples of science fictions written before 1900 exist, we can infe
r that it has been most popular in the twentieth century because
#
with the growth of literacy, the size of the reading public has increased
competition from television and film has created a demand for more exciting fict
ion
science is easier to understand than other kinds of fiction
@the increased importance technology in our lives has given science fiction an i
ncreased relevance.
other media have captured the large audience that erased novels in the 19th cent
ury.
~
According to the definition in them passage, a fictional work that places human
beings in a prehistoric world inhabited by dinosaurs
#
cannot properly be called scientific fiction because it does not deal with the f
uture.
cannot properly be called scientific fiction because it does not deal with the t
echnology.
can properly be called science fiction because it is prose fiction
@can properly be called science fiction because it places people in an environme
nt different from the one we know
can properly be called science fiction because it deals with man's relation to t
he world around him.
~
Science fiction is called a literary sub-genre because
#
it is not important enough to be a literary genre
it cannot be made into dramatic presentation
it has its limit
@it shares characteristic with other types of prose fiction
to call it a "genre" would subject it to literary jargon.
~
From the passage, we can infer that science fiction films based upon ideas that
have originally appeared in other media are chiefly adaptations of
#
short stories
plays
@novels
poems
folk tales
~
The author believes that, when compared to other literary genres, science fictio
n is
#
deficient in its use of narrators
unable to be adapted to drama
@a minor but worthwhile kind of fiction
more concerned with plot than with theme
is need of a unique literary approach
~
The emphasis on theme in the final paragraph off the passage suggests that the a
uthor regards which of the following as an especially important reason for readi
ng science fiction?
#
@the discovery of meaning
the display of character
the beauty of language
the psychological complexity
the interest of setting
~
An appropriate title for this passage would be
#
on the inaccuracies of pulp would be
man and the universe
@towards a definition of science fiction
a type of prose fiction
beyond the Bug-Eyed monster
|
@
Let us take terms "subjective" and objective" and see if we can make up our mind
s what we mean that in some such statement as this "philosophers and artists are
subjective; scientists, objective." First of all we must point out that the two
terms make up a semantic pair. The one has no meaning without the other. We may
define each by antonym with the other. We may define them by synonym by transla
ting the last syllable and say that object. By operation analysis we may say tha
t subjects perceive or conceive objects in the process of knowing. The word "kno
wing" reminds us that we are talking about central nervous system and should was
te no time in examining our terms for their sensory. affective, and logical comp
onents. It is easy to see from the following discussion that no particular senso
ry mechanism is necessarily considerable emotional content, it is used here enti
rely without them is a basic logical relation that establishes whatever meaning
they have? what goes it differ from what goes on when a poet is being subjective
, and how does it differ from what goes on when a scientist is being objective?
When the poet sings "Drink to me only with thin eyes," he is responding immediat
ely or in resorting to an object, his beloved, sensations and emotions which tha
t object stimulates in him; and whether the object justifies his praise in the o
ptions of others, or indeed whether there actually is such an object, is quite i
rrelevant to his purpose, which is the weaving of a beautiful pattern loveliness
. This it is to be subjective.
Now the scientist is primarily concerned with the identity and continuity of the
external object that stimulates his response. Scientist characteristically have
been rather unphilosophic about these objects that they observe objectively, an
d philosophers have been characteristically unscientific about them. It need not
seem absurd to locate the Eiffel Towel, or Everest, or the grains canyon, for t
hat matter, in the mind because it is so perfectly obvious that they exist as th
e Eiffel Tower, Everest, or the grand canyon nowhere else. Perhaps we can take s
teps towards clarification of this puzzling state of affairs and move a little c
loser to our definition of this "objective: by suggesting a distinction between
an object and thing. Let us define object as the external cause of a thing. Whet
her objects "exist" is obviously not discussible, for the word "object" as used
here must necessarily stand for a thing but for a hypothesis. There is, for exam
ple no way of telling whether objects are singular or plural , whether we should
say the stimulus of the Eiffel Tower experience or the stimuli of the Eiffel To
wer experience. If, then it is impossible even for the scientist to escape the e
ssential subjectivity of hid sensations, generalisations, and deductions what do
we mean by calling him objective?
~
The sentence examined by the author in the first paragraph would have an effecti
ve component if
#
"artist" were changed to "painter"
"philosophers" were changed to "logical positivists"
the physical characteristic of [philosophers, artists and scientist were vividly
described
"subjective" and "objective" were changed respectively to "irrational" and "rati
onal"
@"subjective" and "objective" were changed respectively to "lunatic" and "trustw
orthy"
~
Which of the following is not a semantic pair?
#
chaos/order
fact/fiction
@sitting/standing
light/darkness
virtue/vice
~
Which of the following pairs best exemplifies the subjective objective oppositio
n as defined by the passage?
#
Art/philosophy
@Knower/known
object/thing
stimulus/stimuli
emotion/sensation
~
The passage refers to "drink to me only with thin eyes" primarily in order to
#
suggests the affective powers of sound and imagery
exemplify the objective
@exemplify the subjective
demonstrate how art can convey universal significance on an object
illustrate the difference between literal and metaphorical language.
~
Given the content of the first and second paragraphs, the reader excepts that th
e third paragraph will
#
@explain how the scientist is objective
define the identity and conformity of external objects
analyse what it is to be subjective
discriminate between an object and a thing
explore the implications of objectivity
~
According to the passage "objectivity" depends on the assumption that
#
@discrete objects exist external to the mind
one's vocation in love should be logical
subjectivity is a cognitive weakness
science is a viable discipline
the Eiffel Tower is a singular stimulus, not a diffuse experience
~
Faced with this statement , "What you see is just in your head," the author of t
he passage would be likely to
#
strongly disagree
agree that the statement is probably true
@argue against the appropriateness of the word "just"
assume that the person making the statement is not a scientist
argue that what is seen cannot be located outside of or inside the mind.
~
According to he definitions of the third paragraph, which of the following are t
rue of an object I. The reality of an object is hypothetical. II. Whether object
s are plural or singular is uncertain III. An object is the external cause of a
thing.
#
III Only
I and II Only
I and III Only
II and III Only
@I, II, and III Only
|
@
Each method of counting bacteria has advantages and disadvantages; none is 100 p
ercent accurate. Cell counts may be made with a counting chamber, a slide marked
with a grid to facilitate counting of cells and to determine the volume of liqu
id in the area counted. Counts are made under a microscope and calculations made
to determine the number of cells per Ml of the original culture. Electronic cel
ls counters can be used to count cells suspended in a liquid medium which passes
through a hole small enough to allow the passage of only one bacterial cell at
a time. The counter actually measures the rise in electric resistance of the liq
uid each time a cell passes through the hole. Smear counts are similar to cell c
ounts: a known volume of culture is spread over a known area ( 1 cm²) of a slide a
nd then stained. Counts are made from several microscope a known volume of as
culture is passed through a filter, which is then examined microscopically and m
embrane filter counts is that they are quickly accomplished with little complica
ted equipment; however, both living and dead cells are counted.
The serial dilution method involves serial dilution's, usually by a factor of 10
into a nutrient medium. The highest dilution producing growth gives a rough ind
ication of the population of the original culture; for example if the highest di
lution to produce growth is the 1:100 dilution, the original culture had between
100 and 1000 cells per ml.
Plate counts are made by making serial dilution of the original culture. Samples
of known volume of dilution's are transferred to petri dishes and mixed with nu
trient agar. After a suitable incubation period the colonies on the plates betwe
en 30 and 300 colonies are counted. Because each colony is assumed to have arise
n from a single cell. Calculation can be made to determine the original dead cel
ls, and they can be used when the population is also low as to make other method
s impractical, but they require more time than direct counts, and they detect on
ly those organisms that can grow from more than one cell is also a source of err
or. In connection with this technique a modification of the membrane filter coun
t can be used. After filtration the filter is placed on a pad soaked in nutrient
media and allowed to incubate; resulting colonies are counted and appropriate c
alculations made.
A calorimeter or spectrometer is used in turbidimetric methods; the instrument m
easures the amount of light transmitted by test tubes with and without cultures;
the difference represents the light absorbed or scattered by the bacterial cell
s and gives an indication of their concentration.
The total cell volume in a sample be determined by centrifuging the sample in a
calibrated centrifugal tube. From the known volume of a single cell and volume o
f the sample cells, the original population size can be calculated.
~
The author's primary purpose in this passage is to
#
argue for the development of a fully accurate counting method.
discuss the advantages if several methods of counting cells.
show that new counting methods have suppressed those used in the past
give instruction in the performance of cell counts
@describes a variety of methods of counting bacteria
~
We can infer that no method of bacteria counting is wholly accurate because I. t
he number of calls is likely to be so large II. the cells are microscopic in siz
e III. both living and dead cells are counted.
#
II only
@I and II only
I and III only
II and III only
I, II, and III only
~
If we know the total bacteria cell volume in a sample, to determine the bacteria
cell count we must also know I. the volume of a single cell II. the volume of a
nutrient culture III. the volume of a calibrated centrifugal tube
#
@I only
II only
III only
I and II only
II and III only
~
If the serial dilution method is used and the highest dilution to produce growth
is the 1:10,000 dilution, the original culture contained
#
exactly 1000 cells per ml
between 100 and 1000 cells per ml
between 1000 and 10,000 cells per ml
@between 10,000 and 100,000 cells per ml
between 100,000 and 1,000,000 cells per ml
~
One method of counting bacteria that does not suffer from a major disadvantages
is a
#
@plate count
smear count
counting chamber count
serial dilution count
membrane filter count
~
Which of the following best describes the audience to which this passage is prob
ably addresses?
#
advantage students in microbiology
casual readers of a scientist magazine
elementary school students
@introductory college biology students
high school mathematics students
|
@
If you make a marked increase in the amount of light falling upon the normal eye
, you observe immediate adjustment of the iris to reduce the size of the pupil.
This is called as unconditional response, and the increased light is called an u
nconditional stimulus. Now if you make numerous trials taking care to sound a is
to say, conditional to reduce the pupil at the sound of the buzzer the sound of
the buzzer, a conditional stimulus.
Now symbols are our most important conditioned stimuli, and successful communic
ation depends upon complementary condition or complementary experience. Just as
we find ourselves shouting at listeners who do not speak our language, so by a
similar irrational impulse we assume that those we attempt to communicate are eq
uipped with complementary sets of conditioned response to our own common stock
of symbols. It is easy to see the stupidity of expecting one who does not speak
English to converse with you in English. It is not so easy to realize that one w
ho does speak English may not have been conditioned to operate with the same set
of sense for the familiar terms common to your vocabulary and his.
Let us consider hypothetical pair of communications, utter and interpreter, from
the operation point of view. We shall assume that our utter has six hats: red,
blue, yellow, grey and white. If the rods and cones of the retina of his eyes ar
e not defective, he will be able to see that the six hats will differ even thoug
h they same shape and material. If we reduce the light so that he can barely see
, the white and the yellow will seem to be the same. But as the light grows stro
nger he will be able to see that the red, blue, and yellow affect him differentl
y from black, grey and white. He now has sufficient experience to conceive of co
lour and yellow hats, the yellow from the blue and red and so forth. He is thus
ready for the concepts red, blue and yellow if, for example, we provide him with
red feather, a blue feather, and a yellow feather. Indeed, he may have the huma
n impulse to decorate the hat with the corresponding feather. And if the feather
seem to have more in common with the white hat than the other hats have in comm
on with the white hat than the other hats have in common with the white hat, he
can see that his concept of shade will determine the difference between the two
reds, the two blues, or the two yellows, and he will have need of concepts of li
ght and dark. And as we increase the number of shades he will require relation c
oncepts like those expressed in the "suffixes -er and -est. By repeating the con
ventional symbols "hat" and "red" with the red hat, he conditions the sound of t
he words to the sight of the hat. If he sees that the relation of each feather
to its hat is simulate to the other two, he has need of the concept relation lik
e the one expressed by the preposition "in", and he is thus prepared to say to h
imself "light red feather in dark red hat." Now in the dark he is not able total
one hat or one feather from another; but in the middle of a moonless night he i
s able to think "red feather in red hat" simply by impulse the appropriate symbo
ls to himself.
~
The primary purpose of the passage is to
#
@define an aspect of a topic
reconcile differing theories
propose a topic for investigation
solve a puzzle
analyse a phenomenon
~
Which of the following may be best described as an unconditioned stimulus?
#
An unanswered telephone ringing in an empty office
A whistle that blows at five O'clock week day
A shoelace that breaks in two
@A match that burns the finger of a careless pipe smoker
An alarm clock that rings at midnight
~
Applying information from the passage, we may conclude that a child who begins h
ungry as the school lunch bell rings each day be exhibiting
#
an awareness of time
a complementary structure
@a conditioned response
an unconditioned stimulus
a conditioned appetite
~
The passage suggest that a person who speaks English attempting to communicate w
ith a person who does not speak English is
#
bound to fail completely
@still dependent upon complementary response to common symbols
likely to be more successful if he raises his voice
likely to be able to communicate where there are familiar words common to both s
peaker's vocabularies
subject to the limitations of third party translations
~
If the last paragraph of the passage, by discussing the different effects of red
uced and increased light, the author is I. pointing to a limitation in the depen
dence of perception by sight II. preparing to discuss the concepts of light and
dark III. Laying the ground for the distinction between what can be seen and wha
t can be thought
#
III only
I and II only
@I and III only
II and III only
I, II, and III only
~
Of the following, the most plausible criticism that could be directed at the "ha
ts" example is that it is
#
too difficult to follow
irrelevant
@too hypothetical
too dependent on the esoteric language
unreasonable
~
According to the passage, the acquisition of symbols allows us not only to commu
nicate, but also to
#
argue logically
@imagine
respond to unconditioned stimuli
respond to conditioned stimuli
decorate hats
~
The passage is most relevant to which of the following areas of study?
#
Aesthetics and logic
Literature and history
Sociology
@Linguistics and psychology
anthropology
|
@
Because sharks are such ancient life forms, for many years scientists considered
them primitive. But a growing body of research on sharks and their relatives po
rtrays these creatures as behaving in ways for more sophisticated and complex th
an was though possible. Scientists are documenting elaborate social behaviours a
mong these fish, including never-before-witnessed mating rituals that seem to be
based on electrical signals.
Compared to other fishes, sharks, have huge brains. Their brain-to-bodyweight ra
tio is more comparable to that found in birds and mammals than to other fishes.
But because sharks are so difficult to study-they are dangerous far-ranging, and
usually inhabit to study water-scientists nobly recently have accumulated enoug
h data to even hint at their behavioural and sensory complexity. In one of the m
ost surprising findings, a researchers discovered a new sense organ, located on
top of certain shark's heads. The organ is a sort of, light-gathering "third eye
" known in some prehistoric fishes, the lantern fishes and at least one ,living
reptile, the tuatara of New Zealand. Its precise function in the six-gilled shac
k is still uncertain, though sensing light at the deep depths to which they dive
is most likely.
Sharks are literally covered in sense organs. Over the last two decades research
es have found chemical receptor cells embedded inside sharks teeth in their thro
ats, around the heads and in pore-like openings on the skin. With no fewer than
four separate sensory systems to detect chemicals in the water, sharks are able
to detect amino acids in concentrations as low as one part per billion. Past res
earches have directional hearing, and although they cannot hear notes much above
middle C, they can hear sounds below the threshold of human hearing.
But perhaps the most astounding possessed by shares is their ability to sense el
ectric fields. Sharks, Skates and rays a group of closely related fishes collect
ively known as elasmobranchs-can detect fields so weak they cannot be measured b
y standard laboratory equipment. All live organisms immersed in water, have a we
ak bioelectric filed, a current generated between biological membranes and the s
urrounding water. Elasmobranch fishes use skates, and rays sensing and interpret
ing the much larger voltage potentials created by salt-water currents moving thr
ough the earth's magnetic field, use this information to navigate.
Now it appears that electro reception may also play a key role in the mating sys
tems of sharks and the one thousand other fishes in the same taxonomic group. Th
e females use electro reception for some sort of social cues. Receptive females
may be advertising their availability by congregating in large, highly visible u
nburied piles; but unreceptive females, perhaps, already pregnant, may use elect
ro reception to locate other buried females to hide from amorous males in buried
aggregation. Sharks and rays might purposely send different messages to one ano
ther. Field strength intensified when the fishes open their mouths. Literally, "
having breathing" could enhance a female's attraction.
~
The author refers to the shark's reputation as a primitive animal in order to
#
stress the evolutionary progress of the modern shark
@question this opinion in the light of modern research
support an argument for the increased funding of scientific study of the shark
introduce the thesis of the passage
indirectly support the conclusion of earlier shark researchers
~
The complexity of the shark has been underestimated for which of the following r
easons? I. sharks are a very ancient life form II. sharks are dangerous III shar
ks rarely live in clear waters
#
II only
I and II only
I and III only
@II and III only
I, II, and III only
~
The passage compares the shark to all of the following EXCEPT
#
skates
a reptile
birds
rays
@a dolphin
~
The passage implies that, compared to other fishes, sharks are more
#
voracious
prolific
sensitive to sound
@intelligent
able to endure lower depths
~
It can be inferred from the passage that female sharks hiding in groups form mal
e sharks
#
could not be found if they were buried in the sand
could be discovered by a male using his "third eye"
would emit no bioelectrical signals
@would be easier to detect by electroreception than a female shark hiding alone.
would open their mouths as often as possible.
~
According to the passage, sharks may use their electroreception ability for all
the following EXCEPT to
#
locate prey
navigate
@gather light
locate other sharks
locate breeding partners
~
The author of the passage employs all of the following EXCEPT
#
@personal opinion
questioning prior opinion
generalisation
double meaning
comparison
|
@
Economic growth involves both benefits and costs. The desirability of increasing
production has frequency been challenged in recent years, and some have even ma
intained that economic growth is merely a quantitative enlargement that has in h
uman meaning or value. However economic growth is an increase in the capacity to
produce goods and services that people want. Since the product of economic grow
th can be measured by its value to someone, it is important to ask whose standar
d of valuation counts.
In the United States, the value of a product is what purchasers pay for it. This
is determined by the purchasers' preferences combined with conditions of supply
, which in turn reflect various other factors, such as natural and technological
circumstances at any given time and the preferences of those who supply capital
and labour. the value by which we measure a product synthesises all these facto
rs. Gross national product(GNP) is the market value of the nation's total output
of goods and services.
Gross national product is not a perfect measure of all the activities involved i
n economic output. It does not account for deterioration's or improvements in en
vironment, even when they are incidental results of the production process. On t
he other hand it does not count as "product" many benefits provided as side effe
cts of the economic process; it does not include productive but unpaid work and
it does not reckon with such other factors as the burdensomeness of work, the le
ngth of the work week, and so forth.
Nonetheless, the GNP concept makes an important contribution to our understandin
g of how the economy is working. While it is not a complete measure of economic
productivity and even less so of "welfare,: the level and rate of increase of t
he GNP are clearly and positively associated with what most people throughout th
e world see as an improvement in the quality of life.
Although there has been much soul-searching about the role of increasing materia
l affluence in the good life, it seems quite certain consequences. This does not
mean that most Americans prefer a rapidly growing GNP and its consequences. Thi
s does not mean that growth of the GNP is an absolute that must be furthered at
all costs. Growth of the GNP has its costs, and beyond a certain point they are
not worth paying. Moreover, people want things that are measured in the GNP stil
l, while human values and conditions of life change, and might conceivably make
the social cost of a rising GNP seem too high, it is likely that we would still
be considered about the growth of our nation's GNP. In any case, since there is
little evidence of a decline n the value assigned to economic output as a whole,
the factors that influence our capacity to produce remain of great importance.
In the long run, the same factors result in a growing GNP and in other social be
nefits: size and competence of population, state of knowledge, amount of cap
ital, and the effectiveness with which these are combined and utilised.
~
The main purpose of the passage is to
#
define the limitation of using GNP to measure the nation's well-being
contrast the Americans and the European GNP
argue for the value of increased economic output
@explain the disadvantages of measuring the quality of life using a scale of mat
erial affluence
define gross national product
~
Those who decide the value of a product are
#
GNP
economic theorists
outs advertisers
@its patent holders
its purchasers
~
The rhetorical purpose of the third paragraph of the passage is to anticipate ob
jections to what the GNP fails to take into account II. cite examples of product
s the GNP ought to include III. develop the definition of paragraph two with spe
cific details
#
@I Only
II Only
III Only
I and II Only
I, II, and III Only
~
We can infer from passage that of the following, the factor that does not influe
nce the growth of the GNP is
#
the condition of the population
@a dependence on spiritual values
a capital availability in the country
knowledge related to production of goods and services
the efficiency of the production process
~
A critic of the limitations of the measurements of the GNP might cite its failur
e to consider a;; of the following EXCEPT
#
the steady increase in American worker's leisure time
co-operative baby-sitting projects among parents with young children
the widespread existence of chemicals in American rivers
@the value of the time a salaried stock broker spends on research
the valuation of family household management
~
As it is used in the fourth paragraph of the passage, the word "welfare" can be
best defined as
#
a measure of economic productivity
@the quality of life of the public as a whole
government-supported payments to the indigent
public payments for unpaid production work such as child care
state-supported income supplements
~
We might assume that the author favours the containing growth of the GNP because
#
@although he mentions that the GNP has its costs, he does not examine those cost
s carefully
it does not include such factors as the burdensomeness of work
he wishes to represent a minority opinion
he does not believe in perfect measures of economic growth
he believes that human values and the conditions of life are subject to change.
!